A40503	----	A relation of a voyage made in the years 1695, 1696, 1697, on the coasts of Africa, Streights of Magellan, Brasil, Cayenna, and the Antilles, by a squadron of French men of war, under the command of M. de Gennes by the Sieur Froger ... ; illustrated with divers strange figures, drawn to the life. Relation d'un voyage fait en 1695, 1696, & 1697, aux côtes d'Afrique, d'etroit de Magellan, Brezil, Cayenne, & Isles Antilles, par une escadre des vaisseaux du roi, commandée par m. de Gennes. English Froger, François, b. 1676. 1698 Approx. 225 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 111 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A40503 Wing F2233 ESTC R38897 18186762 ocm 18186762 106963 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40503) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106963) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1123:33) A relation of a voyage made in the years 1695, 1696, 1697, on the coasts of Africa, Streights of Magellan, Brasil, Cayenna, and the Antilles, by a squadron of French men of war, under the command of M. de Gennes by the Sieur Froger ... ; illustrated with divers strange figures, drawn to the life. Relation d'un voyage fait en 1695, 1696, & 1697, aux côtes d'Afrique, d'etroit de Magellan, Brezil, Cayenne, & Isles Antilles, par une escadre des vaisseaux du roi, commandée par m. de Gennes. English Froger, François, b. 1676. [9], 173 [i.e. 170], [3] p., [19] leaves of plates : ill., maps. Printed for M. Gillyflower ...; W. Freeman, M. Wotton ...; J. Walthoe ...; and R. Parker ..., London : 1698. Translated from the French-cf. NUC pre-1956 imprints. Frontispiece engraved with title: A iournal of a late voyage of Mr. de Gennes to the Straits of Magellan. Running title: A relation of the voyage of M. de Gennes. Numbers 92-95 not used in pagination. Includes marginal notes. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Voyages and travels. South America -- Description and travel. 2006-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Celeste Ng Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Celeste Ng Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A RELATION OF A VOYAGE Made in the Years 1695 , 1696 , 1697. on the Coasts of Africa , Streights of Magellan , Brasil , Cayenna , and the Antilles , by a Squadron of French Men of War , under the Command of M. de Gennes . By the Sieur Froger , Voluntier-Engineer on board the English Falcon. Illustrated with divers strange Figures , drawn to the Life . LONDON , Printed for M. Gillyflower in Westminster-Hall ; W. Freeman , M. Wotton in Fleet-street ; J. Walthoe in the Temple ; and R. Parker in Cornhill . 1698. A IOURNAL of a late Voyage of M r. de Gennes To the Straits of MAGELLAN By le S r. Froger TO THE Right Honourable THE Lord Phelippeaux , Count of Maurepas , Secretary of State , Superintendant-General of Maritime Affairs , &c. My Lord , THE glorious Post You are in possession of , and whereunto the judicious Choice of the Greatest and Wisest of Kings , as well as a most ripen'd Capacity , hath advanced ▪ You to , doth so naturally appropriate this Relation unto Your Self , that I cou'd not forbear , how shapeless soever the same may be , to present it to Your Honour : I had no other Design in the first Undertaking , than to compile it for my own particular Instruction : But the Silence of all those who made the Voyage with me , constrained me to expose it to publick View . Your Lordship can find nothing here , which the Extent of Your Knowledge hath not already anticipated ; for what can such a Minister be ignorant of , who for the Revolution of so many Years , and in such hazardous Times , hath sustain'd the Weight of Publick Affairs in the most potent Monarchy of the World , and whose Extraction is from a Family wherein Science and Illustrious Qualities are as Hereditary as Nobleness of Birth , and Integrity of Life ? Wherefore , My Lord , I have been so far from thinking to offer any thing New to Your Honour upon this Occasion , that I have had no no other Intention , than barely to make known the ardent Desire I have to be in a Condition to merit Your Protection by a continual Application of my self to my Duty , and an Inviolable Adherence to Your Lordship's Will , who am with profoundest Respect , My Lord , Your most Humble , and most Obedient Servant , T. Froger . THE PREFACE . AS I have always had a passionate Desire to see Foreign Countries , I was no sooner Master of my own Inclinations , but I made it my Business , in the prosecution of my Design , to attain to whatever might contribute to the Imployment of an honest Man , and to distinguish my self from those Travellers , who run over the World for the sole delight they have of seeing different Objects , without ever putting themselves in a Condition to be useful to their Country : Wherefore being thus inclin'd , and assisted by the Advice of my Friends , I took to the Study of the Mathematicks , and at length , by reading the Relations of others , made my self familiarly acquainted with the History of the different Nations of the World. The Noise which Monsieur de Gennes his Expedition made in 1695 , determin'd my Resolutions of taking that Opportunity to go abroad , as believing I could not do better than to lay hold of the Conveniency of so brave a Voyage ; and therefore without any more ado , I abandon'd the little Experience that an Age of Nineteen Years cou'd supply me with , to the Course of my Fortune , came quickly to make use of the Lessons I had learnt ( as well as the chief Officers of the Mariners ) under one of the greatest Masters of the Age ; and began now to come to the practick Part of what I knew before but in the Theory . The general Idea I had formed with my self of the Voyage , and the frequent Conversations I had with our Pilots , gave me the Advantage of taking notice of all the Circumstances I thought necessary to Sailing ; And I am not to omit , that the long abode I have made in divers Parts , giving me a real Taste of the Pleasure there is in seeing Foreign Countries ; I have with all imaginable Exactness enquir'd into the Commerce of the Place , the particular Interests of each Colony , the Strength , Situation , and Advantages of the Ports ; the Manners , Customs , and Religion of the People ; and lastly , the Nature of those Fruits , Plants , Birds , Fishes , and the Animals that seem'd to have any thing extraordinary in or peculiar to them , and these I have set out in the best manner I cou'd , by a great many Copper-Cuts , all of them respectively fixed in their proper Places . But I have more particularly apply'd my self to make Charts of the Entrances of Harbours and Rivers , either of my self , as I have had Leasure for it , as may be seen in those I have given of Gambia , Rio-Janeiro , and All-Saints-Bay , as by reforming the Charts or Memoirs that have been taken of the Streight of Magellan , of the disemboguings of the Isles of Antilles , and of the Government of Cayenne , that hath not yet appear'd in the World , under the Name of Aequinoctial France , in that Extent , and with those Limits I have set it forth by . I hope this Relation will meet with so much the more favourable Reception , seeing I have retrencht it of those tedious Particulars wherewith others of this kind are usually stuffed , and have made use of all the Exactness and Simplicity that a Work requires that has no other than Truth for its End , and wherein the Reader will have the pleasure either of seeing new Descriptions , or his Judgment regulated in respect of those he has already seen elsewhere ; and lastly , an orderly View given of all the unfortunate Disappointments of so noble an Undertaking , that had been made , during the War we were engag'd in , and of which you have the Subject at large in p. 80 , 85 , &c. and so onwards . A RELATION OF A VOYAGE Made in the Years 1695 , 1696 , 1697. to the Coasts of Africa , the Streights of Magellan , Brasil , Cayana , and the Antilles or Caribby Islands . VVE set out from Rochel on the 3d. of June , A. D. 1695. to navigate the Southern Sea , with six Vessels , viz. The English Falcon , furnished with 46 Pieces of Cannon , and 260 Men , under the command of Monsieur de Gennes Captain : The Sun of Africa , carrying 32 Pieces , and 220 Men , comcommanded by M. du Pare , Captain of the Light Frigat : The Seditious , a light Frigat of 26 Guns , and 140 Men , M. de la Roque Commander : The Corvette-Felicity of 8 Pieces of Ordnance , and 40 Men : The Glutton-Pink of 10 Guns , and 40 Men : And the Fruitful-Pink , of 4 Guns , and 20 Men : These two Pinks carry'd two Mortars and 600 Bombs , with all sorts of Provisions and Ammunition necessary for a long Voyage . We set sail about three a-clock in the Morning , with a fair North-East Wind , pass'd the Pertuis or Straight of Antioch , and before Noon , entirely lost the sight of Land. On the 7th . Instant at Eleven of the Clock , we discover'd at the distance of three or four Leagues under the Wind , two Vessels , which the Felicity went to view : They came from St. Domingo , and were steering their Course for Rochel . On the 9th . we had sight of another Vessel , which the Seditious and the Felicity gave chase to , during four Hours : The latter , which came very near her , inform'd us , that she seem'd to be a Sally-Man , and might carry about 30 Pieces of Cannon . On the 10th . at Noon , we made 15 Leagues a-cross Cape Finisterre . On the 11th . at Break of day , we were separated from the Seditious , and the Fruitful , as also from another Vessel , which follow'd us from Rochel . On the 15th . at four a-Clock in the Afternoon , we espy'd a very large Ship , which came up to view us within three Cannon-shot , and afterward tack'd about again ; whereupon we gave her Chace , till the darkness of the Night caus'd us to lose the sight of her . On the 21th . at Sun-Rising , we discover'd the Island of Madera , from whence we judg'd our selves to be distant about 20 Leagues . On the 22th . at 11 a-clock at Night , we lost the Shallop with Decks , which M. de Gennes had caus'd to be built , on purpose to throw out the Bombs : For as she was tacking about , whilst the Sea ran very high , her Cable broke , and she was driven out of her Course . On the 26th . at three a-clock in the Morning , we pass'd the Tropick of Cancer ; at Break of day , we discover'd the Land of Praya ; and in the Afternoon perform'd the Ceremonies of the Tropical Baptism or Ducking , which are commonly us'd by the Mariners in those Places . On the 1st . day of July , at three a-clock in the Morning , the Corvette let off a Gun , to give us notice that she was near Land ; whereupon we sail'd beyond that Vessel without discerning her , by reason that she was very low built , and the Night was dark . On the 3d. we discover'd Cape Verd , or Green Head , and cast Anchor at 11 a-clock at Night , within two Leagues of the Island of Gorea : The next Day we likewise rode at Anchor within a Cannon-shot of the Place . The Governour of that Island immediately sent to compliment M. de Gennes , with a Present of an Ox , and two Dozen of Pullets . The Person who brought this Present told us , That the Vessels of the East-India Company pass'd by a little while ago , and that an English Deserter had inform'd them , That almost the whole Garrison of Gambia was fall'n sick , and wanted Provisions ; which piece of News was so well confirm'd to M. de Gennes , even by the Relation of the Governour himself ; that if the Seditious and the Fruitful had come up with us , we should have set sail the very next day , in order to besiege the Fort , before the English could have had any notice of our Arrival . In the mean while , waiting till those Ships appear'd , we diverted our selves , some in Hunting , and others in Fishing ; nay we met with sufficient variety of Divertisements , not very expensive , without leaving the Villages . The Negroes came continually on board with their * Vessels full of Fish , which they gave us in exchange for Knives , Sheets of Paper , little pieces of Iron , and other Toys of the like nature : We also pierc'd some Barrels of Wine , and setting aside the Heat of the Weather , which was excessive , the Sports and Pastimes abated a great deal of the Impatience that we had to go to Gambia . On the fifth Instant , M. de Gennes , M. du Parc , and the Governour of Gorea , went to give a Visit to the Alcaty or Governour of a Village call'd The Gap , situate on the Sea-shore , near a small Marsh , being the only place where fresh Water can be taken in ; upon which account the Alcaty suffers none to do it , till an Agreement be made beforehand , to give him a Bottle of Brandy for every Shallop . He receiv'd these Gentlemen very courteously , and granted their Requests upon good Terms . The next Day M. de Gennes invited to Dinner the Governour of Gorea , the aforesaid Alcaty of Gap , and another Alcaty of a neighbouring Village , who was the Brother of a Favourite of the King of Houmel , and otherwise in great esteem for his Magnanimity , and for being one of the most robust and well-set Men of the Country . The Alcaty of Rufisca was also present , by chance , with a Negro Lady , the Widow of a certain Portuguese , who had one of the chief Places in the Kingdom : This Lady had excellent Features , was endow'd with a generous Disposition , and of a very obliging Deportment ; being of a middle-siz'd Stature , and cloath'd after the Portuguese Fashion . M. du Gennes treated them all magnificently , and made them some small Presents : He was also desirous to divert them with a Volly of Cannon and Musket-shot : But Dinner was scarce ended , when they earnestly importun'd to be dismiss'd . The cause of their sudden Departure being unknown to us , we were not a little surpriz'd , in regard that they had no reason to be tir'd with the Company ; till the Governour of Gorea told us , That apparently they had occasion to ease themselves , and that a Superstitious Custom prevail'd among 'em , never to do it at Sea. On the 9th . Instant , our Shallop being fitted out to take in fresh Water , a Storm of Wind arose , which threw her on the Coast : She suffer'd little Dammage , by reason that the Shock happen'd on the Sand : Nevertheless this Accident was like to have occasion'd a great Contest with the Negroes , who gave it out , That one Moiety of the Vessels that run a-ground on their Coasts , ought to be appropriated to their Use : And even the Governour of Gorea himself acknowledg'd , that they had a Right to such a Claim : But forasmuch as this Law was made only in reference to Merchant-Ships , we speedily set some of our Men on Shore , to stand upon their Guard ; and for farther Security , retain'd seven or eight Negroes , who were come on board to trade with Fish : In the mean while , our Carpenters wrought during the whole Night ; and the next Day in the Afternoon our Shallop return'd laden with Water , and as sound as before . On the 13th . at two a-clock , two Vessels appear'd , whilst our Corvette was sailing to the Village of Rusisca ; whereupon we discharg'd a Cannon to cause her to return , and to recal all the Mariners on board : We likewise made Signals to the other Ships , which were answer'd by them . They were the Seditious and the Fruitful Pinks , which came to join with us again , after having waited for our Arrival eleven Days at Madera : They cast Anchor at two a-clock , and the next Day our Corvette set out a second time for Rufisca , to get some Provisions , that were necessary for our departure in good earnest . Before we leave Gorea , it may not be improper to give some account , how the French settled in that Island , and to relate what I have seen and heard concerning the Nature of the Coast , and the Traffick and Manners of the Inhabitants . The Island of Gorea is distant only one League from the Continent , four from Cape Verd , and may be about half a League in Compass . The Hollanders first fix'd a Colony therein , and built the Forts of St. Francis and St. Michael , which are still to be seen : Afterward the Count d' Etrées made himself Master of the Place A. D. 1678 : The English took it from the French in 1692. and demolish'd the Forts which were erected by the Hollanders : At last the Senegal Company , having re-taken it in 1693 , rebuilt St. Michael's Fort : And there are at present in this Island about 100 Frenchmen , with some Families of Lapto's or free Negro's , who are hir'd by the Company to trade from one Coast to another . The Sea-Coast is flat , sandy , and in many places very barren : The Soil brings forth Millet , Rice , Tobacco , and some Fruits , which are all generally very insipid : The Country is every where beset with a sort of wild Apple or Crab-Trees , that grow as thick as Broom in a Heath or Warren : There are also certain small Shrubs , which are very common ; their Fruit , call'd Mandanaza by the Negro's , being no bigger than a small Nut , exactly resembles an Apricock in Shape and Colour : It is of a very grateful Taste , but very unwholsom : Its Leaf is like that of Ivy , but of a somewhat lighter Green. I have seen there a sort of Trees not unlike our Plum-Trees , the Fruit of which has the Colour , Bigness , and almost Taste of our Cherries ; 'T is call'd Cahoüar ; and I have caus'd the Figure of it to be drawn , because it appear'd to me to be very remarkable . The Negro's made a Present to us , as a choice Banquet , of certain large Fruits that resemble small Gourds , but under the Skin , is only a kind of Substance like dress'd Flax : They cause them to be roasted under Embers , and afterward chew them to suck out the Juice , which is as yellow as Saffron : This Fruit has a Stone as large as an Egg , and as hard as Iron . In the Country there is a great number of Palm-Trees , out of which the Negro's extract a sort of white Liquor , that we call Palm-Wine , and which is thus prepar'd : They make an Incision in the Trunk , and apply to it a Gourd-Bottle , into which the Liquor runs by the means of a Pipe : 'T is very pleasant to drink when one is hot ; but at the end of two or three Days , it is spoil'd , and easily inebriates . P : 10. An unknown Bird kill'd on y e Coaste of Affrica . A Storke of y e Coaste of Affrica . M. Vander Gucht Scul : The People of these Coasts from the River Senegal , are entirely black , robust , and well-set . They all go stark naked , both Men and Women , except their Privy Parts , that are cover'd with a sort of Cotton-Stuff , which they call Pagnes : They are very slothful , and always hold a Pipe in their Mouth : They feed upon nothing but Millet and Fish , and very seldom eat any Flesh : They were surpriz'd to see us eat Herbs , and said that we were like Horses in that particular . Their Trade consists in Slaves , Gold , Morphil or Ivory , and Wax ; which Commodities they usually exchange for Iron , Hatchets , Fusees , Coral , Glasses , Knives , Paper , red Stuffs , and more especially Brandy ; in which they take so great delight , that the Son , when 't is in his power , often sells his Father to procure it . map of the River of Gambia Pag. 15. A CHART of the River of Gambia with the Coasts adjacent A Scale of 2 Leagues The most part of the Negroes are destitute of Religion , and live in the Woods , of the Booty that they get from Travellers . Those who have any kind of Belief , follow the Mahometan Sect , very much corrupted : They wear about their Neck , Arms , and Legs , and even bind about their Horses , little Leathern Bags , which they call Grisgris , in which are enclosed certain Passages of the Alcoran , which were given by the Marabous , to secure them from venemous Beasts , and from all sorts of Wounds ; an abominable Superstition , which they equally observe in reference to their manag'd War-Horses . They circumcise their Children , but not till they have attained to the Age of Twelve or Thirteen Years . Their Sabbath is kept on Monday , during which they forbear working , and make but one Meal . They have no considerable Festival but that of Tabaské , which happens in the Month of June ; and for the celebration of which , they prepare themselves a Month before , by continual Fasting and abstaining from correspondence with their Wives : Then they meet together in a large Plain , to say their Prayers , and to be reconcil'd with their Enemies , every one bringing a Goat , a Calf , or some other Animal of the like nature , which the Marabous , cloath'd with a kind of Surplice made of white Pagnes , or Cotton-Stuff , sacrifice to Mahomet . After ●he celebration of the Festival , which continues till Evening , every one carries away his Victim to make a solemn Banquet of it , with his Family ; which Custom seems to have much relation to the Jewish Passover . When one of the principal Elders dies , the Marabous embalm his Body , and expose it to publick View in a Hut , where the Women of the Neighbourhood are assembled to lament his Death during several Days . At last when these Lamentations , which continue more or less , according to the Quality of the deceased Person , are ended , the Marabous wrap up the Corps in a Pagnes or Cotton-Shrowd , and bury it ; whilst his intimate Friends take a pride in stabbing themselves , to shew the sincerity of their Affection ; which barbarous Custom they blindly observe , even contrary to the Prohibitions of their own Religion and Laws . This is all that I have seen , or could get Information of , concerning those Coasts , with any manner of probability . On the 19th . we set sail for the River of Gambia , having for our Guides two Negroes , and the English Deserter , of whom we have already made mention . We sail'd along the Coasts four or five Leagues in length , and twenty the next day . At 6 a-clock in the Evening we cast Anchor within three Leagues and a half of the Mouth of the River , and immediately sent out our Shallops to sound the depth of it , but they met with a great deal of foul Weather during the whole Night , and were not able to return till the next Day at Noon . On the 22d . Instant , at eight a-clock in the Morning , we all enter'd the River , with English Colours , and at Eleven we saluted with three Cannon-shot , a thick and very high Tree , which serves instead of a Pavilion to the King of Bar , and which the English are likewise wont to salute , as often as they come into , or go out of the River . At Noon we ran a-ground before the Isle of Dogs , on a Shelf of Mud , where we stuck above two Hours , and could not get off without some difficulty . At last at Five a-clock in the Evening , we cast Anchor within a small League of the Fort , which we immediately invested , with the Corvette and the Shallops , to hinder the Importation of Provisions , or of any manner of Succours . We also began to unmast the Fruitful Pink , to turn it into a Bomb-Galley . The same Evening M. de Gennes sent our two Negro Agents to a Village called Gilofriée , situated on the River-side , to carry a Letter to a certain ancient Portuguese , nam'd Don Cardos , whom the Governour of Gorea had assur'd us to be well-affected to the French. And indeed , this Portuguese having receiv'd the Letter , came to salute M. de Gennes , to whom he afterwards gave an exact Account of the Condition of the Fort , and insinuated at the same time , that forasmuch as the English were not well belov'd by the King of Bar , it would be no difficult matter , by the means of some Present , to bring him over to their Party . The Chevalier de Fontenay , our second Captain , went at two a-clock in the Morning , to compliment Don Cardos , and to entreat him to permit us to land a Body of Men ; to hinder the English from taking in fresh Water and Provisions : But the King had told him that he wou'd not be concern'd in our Quarrels , lest if we could not take the Fort , it might give an occasion of Hatred to the English , who might afterwards resent the Affront ; and that therefore he would not suffer any one to land , but that he would readily supply us with all Things that were in his Power . On the 23d . Instant M. de la Roque went to summon the Fort to surrender , and upon his Approach , a Canoo appear'd to enquire of him what were his Demands : He answer'd , That he was desirous to speak with the Governour : Whereupon he was conducted blind-fold to the Governour 's House , and was receiv'd in his Absence by the King's Lieutenant , whom he made acquainted with the occasion of our Arrival , and that he was come to summon the Place before we proceeded to any Acts of Hostility . M. de la Roque was nobly treated , and the Healths of the Kings of England and France were drank several times , with Volleys of Cannon-shot . After the Collation , M. de la Roque return'd on board , with three English Officers , whom M. de Gennes entertain'd with the like Magnificence . They desir'd some Days of Truce to consult about the Affair , but no longer time was granted to make their positive Answer , than till six a-clock the next Morning ; so that they were reconducted to their Fort very much dissatisfy'd with these Proceedings , and wrote the following Letter to M. de Gennes . A Letter written by the English Officers to M. de Gennes . From St. James's Fort , July 23. 1695 . SIR , YOU have allow'd us so little time to consider about your Summons , made ( as you say ) by the Order of the French King , that we are resolv'd to wait for your Attacks , and to defend our selves to the last Extremity , rather than to Surrender ; not doubting but to meet with a generous Enemy . We are , Sir , &c. The next Night 23 or 24 of our Shallops took a Brigantine and several Canoos , laden with Provisions for the Fort ; whilst the Sun of Africa gave Chace to another Canoo , in which the Governour was passing over thither , who perceiving their close Pursuit , threw himself into the Sea , and made his Escape to the Woods , from whence he found means to retire the same Night , without being discover'd . At break of Day , we set out two of our Shallops , and sail'd three Leagues up a small River , which takes its Name from the Village of Block , where a certain Prince resides , who assumes the Title of Emperor , and who is almost continually engag'd in War against the King of Bar. We burnt two small Vessels , which the English were refitting there , and laded our Shallops with two Pieces of Cannon , and divers cast Paterero's that were taken out of them . In passing down the River , we landed at the Village of Barifet , where a Petty King keeps his Court , who is tributary to the other of Block . This Prince sent us word , That it was customary for Strangers to make him some Present , and that he desir'd us to furnish him with a Scarlet-Cloak : We contented him with some Bottles of Brandy , which were more acceptable to him than the finest Cloak in the World. On the 24th . Instant , at Eight a-clock in the Morning , the Fruitful Pink discharg'd two Bombs , which did not come near the Fort ; therefore M. de Gennes forbad the letting off any more , and determin'd to wait for the Tide of Flood , in order to level the Shot within reach of the Place . In the mean while , the Governour having sent a Canoo with a White Flag , to desire to Capitulate , two Officers were detain'd as Hostages , and M. de la Roque and the Chevalier de Fontenay were sent to the Fort , to draw up the Articles , which were sign'd the same Day , by all the English Officers , and the next Day , by all the Captains of the Squadron . Articles of Capitulation granted to the Officers of the Garrison of St. James's Fort in the River of Gambia on the Coasts of Africa . I. THat the Salaries due to them from the Company shall be paid . II. That every Man shall be permitted to carry along with him his Arms , Baggage , Chests , Attire , Ammunition and Money , with Drums beating , and Match lighted ; and that every Officer shall be attended with a young Negro . III. That every marry'd Man , or Inhabitant of the Country , shall have liberty to continue therein . IV. That the Commissioners for Trade shall enjoy the same Privilege , in repairing thither , and making the French a Return of what they have traded for . V. That the Sieur Charles Daval , a French Man settled in England for the Space of 16 Years , shall enjoy the same Privilege as the Governour himself . VI. That two Days shall be allow'd them , to make up their Accounts ; that is to say , that the Fort shall be deliver'd up on Tuesday Morning at Six of the Clock . VII . That Twelve free Negroes who are employ'd in the Company 's Service , shall be permitted to go wheresoever they shall think fit . VIII . That a Vessel with three Masts shall be given them , with Artillery , Ammunition , and Provisions to return to England , without detaining any thing whatever ; and that their Departure shall be within thirty Days at the farthest . IX . That they shall have a good Pass-port to go in safety ; and that the English Governour shall in like manner grant an effectual Pass-port to the French Captain , who is to be their Convoy back again , that his Cargo may not be impair'd . X. The above-mention'd Articles being granted , it was declar'd , That these Goods belong'd to the Royal Company of England , viz. 500 Quintals of Morphil , 300 Quintals of Wax , 130 Male Negroes , 40 Female in the Island , 50 at Gilofriée , and above 80000 Crowns of Merchandizes at the usual Rates of the Country , as also 72 large Cannons mounted , 30 dismounted , and a considerable Quantity of Warlike Ammunition ; and that they shou'd have a Truce till the Commander in Chief return'd an Answer . Sign'd JOHN HAMBURY . DE LA ROQUE . The Chevalier DE FONTENAY . On the 27th . at break of Day , M. de la Perriere , Major of the Squadron ▪ gave notice to the Governour to prepare for his Departure , the Term which was granted him being expir'd : At Six a-clock the Shallops and Canoos ready fitted up , attended on the Commander , and then cast Anchor in a Line , within Pistol-shot of the Fort. M. de Fontenay , who was chosen for Governour , first came on Shore , where the English Governour gave him the Keys , and embark'd the same time to go on board the Felicity . Afterwards all the Forces landed ; Sentinels were set in all the necessary Posts ; the French Standard was set up ; Te Deum was sung by the Almoners of the Squadron , and 37 Cannons were discharg'd . This Fort was square , with four Bastions , lined with good Brick-Work , having in the Out-Works three pieces of Fortification call'd Horse-Shooes , and several Batteries along the Pallisado's : It was furnished with a prodigious quantity Arms , and the Magazines of Powder were well stor'd ; insomuch that 't is certain that if the Governour , being a young Man , ( who was more intent upon his Pleasures than on the putting of his Fort in a good Condition ) had taken care to keep therein a sufficient quantity of Provisions and of fresh Water , it might have held out for a long time . The Situation of this Fort was very advantageous , and there wanted only a Magazine of Powder , and a Cistern Bomb-proof , to render it impregnable . On the 28th . Instant M. de la Roque went to desire the King of Bar to give us leave to take possession of the Slaves and Oxen , which the English had in his Dominions : Whereupon the King reply'd , That the Fort being surrender'd , every thing that was left on the Land ▪ of very good right belonged to him : M. de la Roque told him , that we would not be so satisfy'd , and that if he refus'd to grant our Demands willingly , we wou'd certainly do our selves Justice by force of Arms. And indeed a Council was held about that Answer ; and forasmuch as it was well known , that in the beginning of the War , he had seiz'd on Merchandizes to the value of above 40000 Crowns , belonging to the French who traded on that River ; it was determin'd to make a Descent upon the Country , to take the King Prisoner , and as many Negroes as cou'd be catched ; and to burn all their Hutts . This Decree was ready to be put in execution , when an Alcaty came to pass a Compliment upon M. de Gennes , and to assure him , that the King was unwilling to engage in a War against him ; on the contrary , that he was very desirous to keep an amicable Correspondence with him ; and that he might freely take whatever he should think fit . The next Day , M. de Gennes went to give a Visit to the King ; the principal Officers walk'd before him to his Canoo , and conducted him to the Place where the Interview was to be made . The King appear'd a little while after , without any regular Train , in the midst of a great number of Negroes , and attended with some Drummers : He was of a very advantageous Stature , and was cloath'd with a red Doublet beset with the Tails of Wild Beasts , and little Bells . He had on his Head an Osier-Cap , adorn'd with divers Rows of Coral , and two Ox-Horns . Here we may observe by the way , that Circumcised Persons in those Parts , have the liberty to wear such a Cap , during eight Days immediately after their Circumcision , by vertue of which , they are authoriz'd to commit all manner of Crimes imaginable , with impunity , and none durst complain of their outragious Villainies . The King in this pompous Equipage , holding a Pipe in his Mouth , walk'd with a Majestick Gate under a stately Tree , where he usually gives Audience to the Ambassadors of the neighbouring Princes . M. de Gennes went thither to salute him , and made him a Present of 20 Bars of Iron , a Barrel of Brandy , a Pair of Pistols , and a Burning-Glass , with the Effects of which he was extremely surpriz'd . The Interpreter being a Frenchman who dwelt on the River above ten Years , spoke the Language of the Country very fluently ; by which means their Conversation was continu'd for a considerable time ; and among other things , this poor King often enquir'd whether he was much talk'd of in France ? After a great deal of Discourse of the like nature , they parted ; but the King caused M. de Gennes to be reconducted by forty Men of his own Guards , and several Drummers , and presented him with some of the finest Oxen that could be found in the Village . On the 30th . Instant , a Council was held to determine , whether the Fort should be kept or slighted : The latter Advice was follow'd for divers Reasons , and therefore we drew near , to take all the Merchandizes that were to be exported in our Vessels : They consisted in several Pieces of Ordnance , a great quantity of Arms , Morphil , Wax , Vessels of Tin and Copper , &c. Woollen and Linen-Cloth , printed Calico's , Coral , Glasses , and other Commodities , in which a great Trade is carryed on in that Country . On the 5th . Day of August A. D. 1695. the Sun of Africa pass'd down the River , to transport certain Merchandizes and Ammunition to Gorea ; but that Voyage was undertaken to no purpose , because the Governour would not furnish himself with them , without the Consent of the Company . On the 14th . Instant , a Free-booter of St. Domingo , which parted from thence a Year ago , came to cast Anchor before us , and having saluted us with three Cannon-shot , we answer'd her with one . This Vessel met with the Sun of Africa at Gorea , by whom she was informed of the taking of St. James's Fort ; and that since it was determined to demolish it , some Advantage might be got by divers Provisions that were left , as being of no use to us . The same Day , we suffered a considerable Loss upon this Occasion : Forasmuch as the Fruitful Pink was appointed to convey the English Officers into France , and was obliged to pass by Cayenna to leave some of our Negroes there ; 150 of them were shut up in the Hold , lest they shou'd attempt to make their Escape : But these miserable Wretches , scarce having room to breathe in , threw themselves one upon another , as it were in despair , so that 34 of them were found stifled . On the 16th . the Fruitful Pink being ready to sail for Cayenna , saluted us with her whole Artillery , and we answer'd her with a Cannon-shot . The 17th , 18th , 19th . and 20th . Days of this Month were spent in breaking the Cannons at St. John's Fort , and undermining the Walls , from whence we remov'd on the 21st . to avoid the ill Accidents that might happen upon the blowing up of the Place : On the 22d . the Mines sprang , and took very good effect ; except two , which miscarry'd , and were sprung the same Evening . The King of Bar immediately sent to search among the Ruines for such things as might turn to his Advantage ; and the Portuguese , who had several Colonies on the River , told us , that they durst not go thither till after that the King and his Officers had caus'd every thing to be carry'd away , which might be serviceable to them . The English spent several Years in building this Fort , which was situated in the middle of a fine River , where the Traffick is very considerable ; and the Revenues which they receiv'd from thence are computed to amount to a Million ; so that the Loss of the Place cannot be easily repair'd . This River is navigable even so as to bear large Barks , 200 Leagues up the Country , where it is join'd with that of Senegal , in that place where the Niger forms its famous Arms : Its Sides are flat , and cut with many Channels , to which the Sea runs up ; and the Soil along its Banks is fertil in Millet , Rice , Tobacco , and divers sorts of Fruits ; affording also good Pasture for the feeding of numerous Herds of Oxen. The principal Fruits that we observ'd in those Parts , are the Banana , the Tabakomba , and the Plougue . The Banana is a long Fruit cover'd with a yellow and tender Skin ; the Pulp of it being soft like Cotton , and of a very good taste : It grows on a tender Stalk , about two or three Fathoms high ; its Leaves are a Fathom long , and of a proportionate breadth . This Stalk bears only one single Bunch or Cluster , round which there may be forty or fifty Banana's ; and when the Bunch is gathered , the Stalk is to be cut , by reason that otherwise it cou'd not bring forth any more Fruit. The Tabakomba is almost of the same Shape as a Bon-Chretien Pear ; its Peel or Rind is like that of a Pomegranate , and opens when the Fruit is ripe : It contains five or six small Fruits of a Rose-Colour , the Pulp of which is insipid , and the Stone very large . The Plougues or Medicinal-Nuts contain three small Kernels , that are call'd Indian Pine-Apple Kernels , and which are us'd by the Apothecaries in the composition of their Medicines . P : 32. Ptougues or Indian Pine. apple kernels Cahouar Taba Komba M. Vander Gucht Scul . P : 33. How Monkeys carry Infants up Trees The Habit of the Circumcised ▪ A Negro playing on ye Balafo The Apes are larger and more mischievous than in any part of Africa ; The Negroes dread them , and cannot travel alone in the Country without running the hazard of being attack'd by these Animals , who often present them with a Stick , and force them to fight . I have heard the Portugueses say , that they have often seen them hoist up young Girles about seven or eight Years old , into Trees , and that they could not be wrested from them without a great deal of difficulty . The most part of the Negroes imagine them to be a Foreign Nation come to inhabit their Country , and that they do not speak for fear of being compell'd to work . The Air about this River is very unwholsom , by reason of the Rains that continually fall during six Months in the Year ; that is to say , from June till November ; insomuch that Strangers can scarce avoid its malign Influence ; for this Air causes lingring Feavers , by which Men are extremely wasted before they die . We experimentally felt these direful Effects , departing from thence with about 250 sick Persons , of whom above two third parts dy'd a little while after . These Rains sometimes come with terrible Blasts of Wind ; which are so much the more formidable , in regard that a Vessel may be suddenly surpriz'd and over-set with them . P : 35. The Balafo an Instrument of the Negroes . The Sticks A Brasil Cherry The great Trade which is manag'd in that River , has render'd the People much more polite and civiliz'd than those of Gorea : They are better Mahometans , and have a greater Veneration for their Commanders , whom they never accost , but with one Knee on the Ground , and throwing Sand over their Heads , as a mark of their Submission . Their Hutts are neat , and well built , being made of a fat binding Earth , which soon hardens : They are cover'd with Palm-Tree Leaves , so well fitted , that they cannot be penetrated either by the Rain , or the Heat of the Sun. They are of a round Figure , and cannot be better compar'd than to our Ice-Houses . The most part of the Negroes divert themselves therein , with discoursing about the Alcoran , or with playing on a certain Musical Instrument , which they call Balafo , whilst their Wives are employ'd in tilling the Ground . The Balafo is nothing else but several Pipes of very hard Wood set in order , which diminish by little and little in length , and are ty'd together with Thongs of very thin Leather . These Thongs are twisted about small round Wands , which are put between every one of those Pipes , to leave a small Space : This Instrument very much resembles one of ours in that particular ; but that of the Negroes is compos'd of many more parts , in regard that they fasten underneath ten or twelve Gourds , the different Sizes of which perform the same effect as our Organ-Pipes : They usually play upon it with Sticks , the Ends of which are cover'd with Leather , to render the Sound less harsh . The Portugueses told us , that the Negroes who live further up the Country , with whom they have but small Dealings , are altogether Savage ; boast of being great Sorcerers , and have little Religion : That when a King , or one of the principal Commanders , dies , they lay them in a new Hut , kill his best belov'd Wife , with a certain number of Slaves to serve him in the other World ; and lastly , having said particular Prayers , and put Provisions and Tobacco sufficient to last a long time into the Hutt , they cover it with Earth . On the 24th . Instant at Noon we passed down the River , and the next Day about 8 a-clock in the Morning , we prepar'd to set sail . The Free-booter passing by us , saluted us with five Guns , and we answer'd her with one . We were stearing our Course for Brasil , and that Pickeroon for the Red-Sea . We gave the Ship 's Crew two Pieces of Ordnance , with Powder , Ball , and some Oxen , on condition that in the Passage they shou'd set the Negro Prince of Assiny a-shore in his own Territories . M. de Gennes had the charge of him , but cou'd not perform it , without interrupting the Voyage he had undertaken . On the 26th . and 27th . we had a great Calm , and on the 28th . a Barrel of Brandy took Fire in the Hold , but it was soon put out , by the care that was taken in applying a great quantity of wet Clothes . The Number of our sick Men increasing every Day , and the most part of them dying for want of necessary Refreshment , a Council was held on the 30th . to know whether it were most expedient to continue our Course to Brasil , or to stand in for some Port : The latter Advice was follow'd , and it was determin'd that we shou'd go in quest of the Islands of Cape Verd , where the Air is much more healthful than on the Coast of Guinee . On the 3d. Day of September , we had boisterous Winds , which being contrary wou'd have driven us off from the Islands , and perhaps wou'd have hinder'd us from making them : Wherefore we steer'd our Course for Gorea , to take in fresh Provisions , waiting for a more favourable Wind to return to the Island of Cape Verd. On the 5th . at break of Day , we discover'd Land , and at six a-clock in the Evening we cast Anchor before Gorea , where we took in 15 Oxen , and loaded some of our Shallops with Water : Then we set sail again on the 9th . Instant , with a favourable Gale of Wind. On the 12th . 13th . and 14th . we had a great Calm ; and on the 15th . at 8 a-clock in the Morning we discover'd the Island of May , from whence we steer'd our Course for that of St. Vincent . On the 17th . we came within sight of an Island , the Coasts of which appear'd to be very high and foggy . And indeed , by its height we judg'd it to be that of St. Nicholas . On the 18th . and 19th . the Winds were contrary ; but on the 19th . and 20th . at Night they favour'd us ; and at two a-clock in the Morning we discover'd Land by the Light of the Moon : We continu'd the rest of the Night about the Cape ; and at break of Day we perceiv'd it to be the Island of St. Lucia . At two a-clock in the Afternoon we enter'd the Channel , which separates the Island of St. Vincent from that of St. Antony ; and when we were arriv'd within Musket-shot of a great Rock which lay in form of a Sugar-Loaf in the middle of that Channel , at the Entrance of St. Vincent's Bay , where our Ship was to cast Anchor ; we were becalm'd , and oblig'd to tow it up with our Shallops against the Current that carry'd us above the Place . We spent the Night in a perpetual Hurry ; for the Wind continu'd so little in the same Point , and veer'd so often , that we durst not fall into the Bay till break of Day . On the 22d . we set up Tents on the Land , for our sick Mariners , who were very numerous ; for many of them were seiz'd with the Scurvy , besides the Feavers of Gambia ; and of 260 Men belonging to our Ship 's Crew , we had only 80 left who were in a Condition to Work. The Island of St. Vincent is inhabited , but it is barren , and beset with very high Mountains : It affords little fresh Water ; Wood is also scarce there , and it is customary to cast Anchor before it , only by reason of the Safety of its Harbour . We met with 20 Portugueses of St. Nicholas's Island , who were employ'd there during two Years , in dressing Goat-Skins , with which this Island abounds : These Animals were taken with Dogs so well inur'd to the Game , that each of them was wont to bring twelve or fifteen every Night . There is also abundance of Tortoises in that Island , of which there are different kinds , and some that weigh three or four hundred Pounds . These Animals make to Land to lay their Eggs , hide them in the Sand , and return without sitting on them : They are not hatch'd till the end of 17 Days , and continue during nine of them without being able to pass to the bottom of the Water , insomuch that three quarters of them are usually destroy'd by the Birds . On the 23d . Instant , we Mann'd out our Boat for St. Antony's Island , to trade for some Provisions ; and our Mariners , conducted by two Portugueses of St. Vincent , went to certain Cottages , where they were kindly entertain'd by the Inhabitants , who gave us some Pullets , and a great quantity of the Fruits of the Country , viz. Figs , Raisins , Banana's , Oranges , Lemmons , and Water-Melons ; telling them at the same time , that if we sent Word thither in three Days , they wou'd give notice to the Village , where we might be supply'd with Oxen , Hoggs , Pullets , Ducks , Fruit , and every thing we cou'd desire . This Village is situated in the middle of many high Mountains , which render its Access difficult : There are above 500 Inhabitants capable of bearing Arms , and a great number of Negro-Slaves . The Fathers Cordeliers have a Church there . The Portugueses of this Island , as all the other of the Islands of Cape Verd , are of a swarthy Complexion , but they are ingenious People , and very sociable : They feed on a kind of Bread made of Millet and Banana's . They have numerous Herds of Oxen , Asses , Goats , and Hogs , with variety of Fowl ; Their Wine is also good , and their Fruits excellent ; insomuch that this Island , where the Air is healthful , and always temperate , may well pass for a very delightful Place . On the 26th . at two a-clock in the Morning , a Merchant-Man of Nantes , that came to salt Tortoises for Martinica , cast Anchor by us . If their Ship 's Crew had known that they shou'd have met with so good Company , they wou'd not have enter'd so boldly ; but they were not aware of us till it was too late to retreat ; and if they had prov'd Englishmen , they might have paid dear enough for their Curiosity . These Men inform'd us of the loss of Namur , and told us , that they pass'd by the Island of St. Nicolas , where the Inhabitants ingag'd them to bring back their Countrymen , of whom they had heard no News since they went to St. Vincent . They kept their Word ; so that the Portugueses convey'd the Vessel under the Wind into a Creek , where there is greater abundance of Tortoises than in any other place : They often assisted 'em in Fishing , and were afterwards carry'd back to St. Nicolas . Bourse asort of Fish taken in y e Road of y e Island of S. t Vincent at Cape Verd P : 43. M Vander Gucht Sculp : Amongst the Fish that were caught by us , we met with one of an extraordinary beauty in respect of the Rayes about the Eyes , a great number of Spots and Hexagonal Marks of a very lively blue Colour : This Fish is commonly called a Bourse . On the 4th . Day , at Eight of the Clock , we set sail with a North-East Wind , steering our Course again to Rio-Janeiro , or the River of January on the Coasts of Brasil . On the 5th . at Night , we pass'd between the Islands of St. Jago and Fuogo . The former is the first of all the Islands of Cape Verd , and the See of a Bishop : The other is only a large Mountain , that continually burns , where we saw Fire on the top of it during the whole Night ; and in the Day it only appear'd to be Smoke . The Portugueses have often endeavour'd to fix settl'd Habitations therein , but could never accomplish their Design , as being perhaps too much disturb'd by the Cinders , Sulphureous Matter , and even Stones that are thrown out of this burning Mountain . On the 6th . and 7th . we had strong blasts of Wind , with Thunder and Rain ; and on the 10th . we saw two Blowers , being a sort of small Whales , which spout up Water very high , and with a great Noise . We likewise discover'd vast Shoales of Porpoises , that follow'd us above two Hours : They are of the size of a Hogg , swim in Rank and File as it were so many Companies of Infantry , and sometimes reach above two Miles in length . On the 11th . 12th . 13th . and 14th . the Rains were continual , and the Winds very unconstant , so that our Pilots were very much surpriz'd ; for in drawing near the Coasts of Africa , they expected to meet with the Trade-Winds , which are very common in those Parts that lie between the Tropicks . In the mean while , our Water diminish'd , half of our Men were fallen sick , and our Negroes perish'd daily . On the 30th . at Night we pass'd the Equinoctial-Line within a Degree , or thereabouts , of the first Meridian ; and the same Night we observ'd a Comet , which continu'd till the 19th . of November . Indeed we were not sensible of the excessive Heats , and tedious Calms , with which all the Relations of Voyages threaten those who cross the Torrid Zone ; for we always had some fresh Gales of Wind , and the Nights were very cool . On the 4th . Day of November , we saw abundance of flying Fish , and Fregats . These flying Fish are almost as big as a Herring , but their Head is more square ; and their Wings are nothing else , but two very long Fins , that support them above the Water as long as they retain never so little Moisture . The Gold-Fish and the Bonite continually make War with them in the Water , and the Birds assault them in the Air. The Frigate is a large Bird , of a Grey Colour , having short Legs , Feet like a Goose , a forked Tail , and the Wings sometimes seven or eight Foot in compass : These Birds fly with a great deal of swiftness , and are to be seen for 300 Leagues . On the 13th . we gave Orders to the Felicity to spread her Sails , because she stood in need of being careen'd ; and at the same time , to search for Store-Houses , where at our Arrival we might unlade our Gambia Merchandizes . On the 17th . we saw a great Flock of Birds ; and on the next Day we discover'd the Island of the Ascension , which is distant above 150 Leagues from the Coasts of Brasil ; it is of a small compass , and very steep . On the 22d . a very remarkable thing hapned in reference to a Sow with young that we took at St. Antony's Island . This Sow pigg'd , and the first of her young was a Monster , which had the Body of a Pig , the Ears and Snout of an Elephant ; and above that Snout which was in the middle of the Forehead , an Eye with two Apples . This Monster might have been kept for a Rarity if it had liv'd ; but the Sea kill'd it immediately after it was brought forth . On the 24th . at four a-clock in the Afternoon , we discover'd Land ; but the Winds and Currents being contrary to us , we were not able to cast Anchor till the 26th . Instant , which we then did before the Island of St. Ann , on the side of the Continent , from which they are distant two small Leagues : They formerly serv'd as a place of Retreat for the Hollanders , when they attempted the Conquest of Brasil . They are three in number , and the greatest of them lies in the middle , being about a League and half in compass , and having a convenient sandy Creek , where good fresh Water may be taken in . There are also some wild Fruits , as Purslain and small channell'd Cherries , which are almost of the same Taste as ours . In the Woods , with which these Islands are beset , one may hear a melodious Harmony , made by a great number of small Birds , with fine Feathers : Among others , there are Perroquets , Cardinals , and Colibries . The Cardinal is a kind of small Sparrow , the Wings and Tail of which are black , and the rest of the Body of a very lively Scarlet . The Colibrie is a small Bird no bigger than a May-Bugg , with green Feathers : It has a Bill somewhat long , and feeds on the Juice of Flowers like our Bees : Its Nest is as large as an Egg , and is so much the more curious , in regard that it is made of fine Cotton , and hung up with very small Threads . On the Sea-Coasts there are Dotterils in so great abundance , that our Mariners sometimes kill'd five or six of them with a Stick at one blow . These Birds are as big as Ducks , and commonly fly about the Islands and the Rocks that are not extended far in the Sea. The two other Islands are much less , and form with the greater , to the North and South , certain Channels , which one may pass through , as occasion serves . The Northern on the side of the Continent , has a Creek very convenient for the careening of Vessels ; but the Southern is only a huge round Rock . map of the mouth of the River Ianeiro Pag : 49 The Mouth of the River Ianeiro on the Coast of Brasil . A Scale of one League On the 27th . we took in fresh Water , and the next Day set sail for the River of Janeiro . On the 29th . we doubl'd Cape Frie , and on the 30th . at eight a-clock in the Morning , supposing that we had almost made the River , we let off a Gun , to give notice that we stood in need of a Pilot ; but having tack'd about on all sides till three a-clock in the Afternoon , without hearing any News , and without being able to discover the Mouth ; We cast Anchor within three Leagues of the Land , and sent our Boat along the Coast , to search it out . The Portugueses of St. Ann had told us , that there was at the Entrance , a huge Rock in form of a Sugar-Loaf ; but instead of one , we discern'd two , at a great distance one from another ; so that we were much perplex'd , not knowing how to steer our Course . Our Boat lay at Anchor during the Night , at the Mouth of the River , under the Cannon of the Forts , which caus'd it to be stop'd . At break of Day the Officer , who was in the Boat , went to meet the Governour of the Place , and return'd at six a-clock in the Evenning , to inform us that the Inhabitants scrupl'd to permit us to enter , by reason ( as they gave it out ) of the great number of our Sick Men : But it is more probable , that not being accustom'd to see any other Ships than those of their own Nation , and fearing lest we might be engag'd in a War against them , they were so extremely terrify'd at our Arrival , that as soon as our Corvette ( which enter'd eight Days before us ) appear'd , all the Women retir'd to the Country , with the best Effects of the Town . At six a-clock in the Morning , we prepar'd to draw near , and at nine an Officer came , who caus'd us to cast Anchor within half a Cannon-shot of the Forts , which are built on both sides of that River . Afterwards he went to make a Report to the Governour , and promis'd us that he wou'd use his utmost Endeavours to get an Order for the sending of a Pilot. In the mean while , there arose a strong Blast of Wind , which oblig'd us to hoist up Sail , by reason that our Ship got loose from Anchor , and ran upon a Shelf of Rocks which is in the middle of the River : But the Commanders of the Forts , who had Orders to stop our Course , and who , without having any regard to the apparent Danger we were in of perishing at that instant , imagin'd that we design'd to enter without their leave , discharg'd twelve or fifteen Cannon-Balls a-cross our Masts , to oblige us to cast Anchor : Thus they made a Bravado , insulting over us , because they knew that we stood in need of their Assistance , and durst not resent their Affronts . Therefore we made haste to cast Anchor ; and about a quarter of an Hour after , an Officer came on board , who left us a Pilot , and a Physician to visit our sick Men : He told us that we might weigh Anchor , and that he was going to the Fort to know the Governour 's Pleasure : But as we were under sail , before he arriv'd there , we receiv'd ten Cannon-shot more , which shatter'd our Flag , dismounted one of the Port-Holes in the Gunner's Room , and pass'd between the Shrouds , without hurting any one of our Crew . Then we went to cast Anchor with the Seditious Pink , within a small League of the Town ; neither wou'd the Governour suffer the Sun of Africa , nor the Glutton Frigate , to enter , by reason that he had Orders ( as he pretended ) from the King of Portugal , not to admit above three Foreign Men of War into the Harbour . The next Night , at two or three a-clock , the Sun of Africa , which continu'd still at the Mouth of the River , got loose from Anchor ; and forasmuch as the Current drove her on the abovemention'd Shelf of Rocks , so that she could not be stay'd by any of the Anchors , she discharg'd several Cannon-shot , and made Fires upon all the Masts , as a Signal to get Succour : Whereupon we sent our Shallop , which got her off from that place , where she would have been inevitably lost without their Assistance . This Ship set sail the same Day for La Isla Grande , which is twenty Leagues distant from thence ; and the Pink cast Anchor in a small Bay at the Mouth of the River , where she waited till the Corvette came up to enter . M. de Gennes made a Complaint to the Governour , of the Insult that was offer'd us at our Entrance , and that the King's Ships were basely left in danger : He excus'd himself upon account that the People were ready to make an Insurrection ; that it was none of his Fault that we did not enter at first ; and that for the future he wou'd serve us as far as it lay in his power . On the 4th . Instant , we set our sick Men a-shore in a small Village that fronts the Town on the other side the River . On the 5th . The Governour sent us a Pilot , who caus'd us to cast Anchor within a quarter of a League of the Town ; which we did not salute , because they refus'd to return us an equal number of Shot . On the 15th . a Vessel enter'd which came from the Bay of All-Saints . On the 17th . and 18th . two other Vessels arriv'd that came from the Coast of Angola , loaden with Negroes . On the 20th . we paid our Ship. On the 22d . the Felicity set out for La Isla Grande , and the Glutton Pink enter'd in its place , to take in some Quintals of Bisket , made of Meal that we brought out of Europe . She likewise took in some Salt-meats , Meal of Manioc or Yuca , with Cassave , Rice , Mayz , Guildive , and other Provisions , which we purchas'd with Gambia Merchandizes , upon which we lost a great deal in the exchange , by reason that the Governour having prohibited the Inhabitants to trade with us , and taking upon him to be the sole Seller and Buyer , we were oblig'd to afford our Commodities at a cheaper rate than they bear in Europe ; which sufficiently shews the sinister Practices of that Nation , of whom three quarters are originally Jews . We likewise sold our Negroes , but retain'd the most robust of them , to recruit part of our Fleet , which the Sickness of Gambia had much impair'd ; our single Ship having already lost above 50 Men. We continu'd till the 27th . Instant in this River , which may without doubt pass for one of the safest and most convenient in America . Before it falls into the Sea , it forms a large Bay , where Vessels ride as it were in a private Port. The bottom of it is firm , and the Winds are broken by the means of the high Lands , with which it is encompass'd : The Shelf of Rocks that lies at its Mouth , and by which one cannot pass without coming within half a Cannon-shot of the Forts that command it , contributes much to the security of the Harbour . At the distance of two Leagues from the Mouth of the River , stands the City of St. Sebastian , which is an Episcopal See , the usual Place of Residence of the Governour of the Province . 'T is situated on the Western side of the River , and in a fine Plain , surrounded with high Mountains : 'T is large and well built , and the Streets are Streight , so that the magnificent Structures of the Jesuits and Benedictins that terminate them on both sides , each on a small Ascent , render the Prospect very delightful : It has no Fortification on that side towards the Country ; and 't is defended only by a small Fort on the Sea-shore below the Jesuite's College . The Inhabitants are polite , and endow'd with a Gravity customary to their Nation : They are Rich , take much delight in Trading , and keep a great number of Negro-Slaves , besides divers entire Families of Indians , whom they maintain in their Sugar-Plantations , and whose Liberty they are not willing to retrench , as being the Natives of the Country . Their Slaves for the most part manage all their Houshold-Affairs , which renders them so dissolute and esfeminate , that they will not vouchsafe to stoop to take up a Pin themselves , for which they have occasion . Luxury is so predominant among them , that not only the Burghers , but even the Monks may have to do with common Harlots , without fearing the Censures or Reproaches of the People , who have a very great Respect for them . Uncleanness is not the only Vice peculiar to these lewd Monks : They live in gross Ignorance , so that very few of them understand the Latin Tongue ; and it is to be fear'd , that as they strive even to out-vie the Sodomites in their Debaucheries , they may one Day partake of the like Punishment . There are vast Multitudes of Cordeliers , Carmelites , and Benedictin Monks every where in the Territories of Brasil ; but they take little Care of the Conversion of an infinite number of poor Indians , who stand in need of being instructed in the Mysteries of the Gospel ; and there are only eight or ten Reverend Capuchin Fathers of the French Nation , and some Jesuits , throughout that vast Continent , who take Pains in performing the Functions of their Mission with an extraordinary Zeal . I cannot forbear relating a small Adventure which happen'd to a young Man of our Squadron , who fell out with one of the Inhabitants , and was oblig'd to draw his Sword in his own Defence ; but perceiving himself alone , and press'd with a great number of Portugueses , he thought fit to retire , and seeing the Door of the Carmelite's Monastery open'd , he made bold to enter , not doubting but to meet with a sure Sanctuary in that Place ; but he soon found the contrary , for one of these charitable Monks immediately struck him on the Head with a Hanger , the Marks of which Wound will always appear during his whole Life-time : Then many others rush'd in , and beat him with Cudgels , and at last put him again into the Hands of the Inhabitants , who had Compassion on him , and detested the barbarous Proceedings of the Monks . The Reflections I have made on these counterfeit Monks , ought not to give Offence to those who make a Conscience of discharging their Duty ; since the Invectives made against such Libertines ▪ serve only to augment the Respect that ought to be had for those who seek for an occasion to shew the effects of a true Zeal , and use all possible means for the propagating the Christian Religion , even to the apparent hazard of their Lives . The Country lying about this River affords good Pasture , bringing forth abundance of Tobacco and Canes , of which the finest Sugar is made ; and also a kind of very strong Brandy , which we call Guildive . The latter comes of Slips , are full of Knots , that put forth Leaves like those of Reeds , and grow on Ridges as Corn : These Canes when gather'd , are carry'd to the Mill to be ground , and the Juice that they yield runs through several Pipes into the Cauldrons , where the Sugar is made and refin'd , almost after the same manner as Salt-Petre . The Soil is likewise very fruitful in Rice , Mayz , and Manioc , which are Roots that put forth a small Shrub four or five Foot high , and are propagated of Slips : The Fields in which they are planted , and where they are left standing two or three Years , are like those of our Hemp-Closes : These Roots , which serve instead of Bread in a great part of America ; are as thick and long as Carrots : They are usually grated with Rasps made for that purpose , and Meal is made of 'em after having squeez'd out all their Juice , which is the rankest Poyson in the World , and which they take care to drain off into Places under-ground , lest the Cattle shou'd drink it . The most part of the Portugueses feed on this Meal , such as it is ; and others make of it a kind of small Cakes , which they bake on Iron-Plates appropriated to that use . There is abundance of Fruit and Pulse in those parts : Cabbiges , Onions , Lettuces , Purcelain , Melons , Water-Melons , Goads , Grapes , and many other Fruits that we have in Europe , thrive there , and come to perfection : But the peculiar Fruits of the Country are Oranges , Banana's , Ananas's , Potato's , Ighname's , Coco's , Goyaves , and many others , of which they make very good Confections . The Ananas grows like an Artichoak , and resembles a large Pine-Apple : Its Leaves are long , thick , and arm'd with small Prickles . It bears a Crown of the same Leaves , and may be esteemed as the best Fruit in the whole Continent of America . The Potato and Ighname , are Roots very like the Toupinambous ; The former is of the taste of a Chesnut , and is usually eaten broil'd or roasted in Embers . The Ighname is somewhat insipid , but much more wholsome and larger than the Potato , but both these sorts of Roots are of singular use to make very savory Pottage . The Coco grows upon a Tree which is much like a Palm-Tree : This Fruit is very large , and has nothing but what may be apply'd to some Use : It is cover'd with a kind of Tow , which may serve to caulk Vessels , better than Hemp : This Tow being taken off , we meet with a large hard Nut , of an Oval Figure ; of which Cups and other Toys of the like nature are usually made , that bear the Name of Coco's . This Nut contains a white Kernel , of the Taste of a Hazel Nut , lying round about of the thickness of one's Finger : Lastly , the Middle is fill'd with a cool Liquor resembling thin Milk , about the Quantity of a large Glass-full ; insomuch that this Fruit alone may serve for a Man's Sustenance : And indeed the most part of the Indians do not trouble themselves about providing any Victuals , when they know that they shall meet with Coco-Trees in the places through which they are to pass . The Goyave is somewhat bigger than a Nut : Its Pulp is red , very stony , and of the Taste of a Peach . The Tree that bears this Fruit resembles our Plum-Trees . There are also numerous Herds of Oxen , Hogs , and Sheep , with variety of Game , and several sorts of Fowl , but every thing is sold ●t an excessive dear Rate . The Fleet that arrives there every Year from Portugal , brings Wine , Meal , Oil , Cheese ; Linnen and Woollen Cloth , and all other necessary Merchandizes ; and returns laden with Sugar , Leather , and Train-Oil ; from whence arises a considerable Revenue to the King of Portugal . Formerly they had great Quantities of Tobacco , but at present the Sale of it is forbidden , as one of the greatest Obstacles to the Trade of the Bay of All Saints : 'T is also prohibited to deal in Corn and Wine , to prevent the interrupting of the European Commerce , of which the Inhabitants may make considerable Advantage , as well as those of St. Paul , in the Territories of St. Vincent , whose Political Government is so Remarkable , that it may not be amiss to give some Account of it by the way . This Town , which is situated Ten Leagues up the Country , derives its Original from an Association of Robbers of all Nations , who by little and little , form'd a great Town , and a kind of Common-Wealth , where they made a Law , not to admit a Governour . They are surrounded with high Mountains ; so that one cannot enter , or go out , but thro' a Defilé or narrow Passage , where they keep a strong Guard , for fear of being surpriz'd by the Indians , with whom they almost continually make War , and lest their Slaves should find Means to escape . These Paulists usually march 40 or 50 in a Body , arm'd with Bows and Arrows , which they use more dexterously than any Nation in the World : They traverse the whole Continent of Brasil , passing as far as the River of Plata , or to that of the Amazons , and return at the End of four or five Months , sometimes with above 300 Slaves , whom they drive as Herds of Oxen ; and having tamed a little , they dispose of them in the Country to till the Ground , or employ them in fishing for Gold , which they find in so great quantity , that the King of Portugal , to whom they carefully send a fifth Part , receives every Year above 8 or 900 Marks : They pay him this Tribute not out of a motive of Fear , for they are more potent than he , but to follow the Custom of their Ancestors , who not being at first well settled in their Retreat , endeavoured to withdraw themselves from Subjection to their Governours , under pretence of managing the King's Affairs , to whom they own themselves at present , to be Tributaries , but not Subjects , that they may shake off the Yoke on the first Opportunity . On the 25th . instant , we set our sick Men on board again , who , except five or six , were very hearty . The Commander of the Place where they lodg'd , was a generous old Gentleman , of great Integrity , and was not at all tainted with the sordid Principles of his Countrymen ; For he entertain'd our sick Mariners with a Paternal Charity , supplying them with Eggs , Confits , Wine , and generally with every thing that was necessary for them , at his own proper Costs and Charges ; nay he offer'd to retain the weakest of them in his own House till our Return . On the 27th . we set sail , and pass'd between the Forts , with our Cannons mounted , and Matches lighted , being all ready to answer them if they shou'd attempt to disturb us about the Salute at parting , or shou'd make us wait for the Governour 's Orders . We no longer stood in need of them , of which they were also very sensible : They all appear'd in Ranks on their Parapets , and seem'd to be overjoy'd at our departure , by reason that they were tir'd with the continual Guards that they kept during the time of our Abode among them . The Governour thought himself so little secure , that he summon'd all the Inhabitants within four Leagues round about . We were no sooner gone , but he caus'd a Fort , furnish'd with some Pieces of Ordnance , to be built below the Town on a small Island , which commands the Road , and where the French settl'd when this River was first discover'd . An unknown fruit found in y e Great Island at Brasil , p : 65 A Mapou Pear Found in y e great Island at Brasil , La Isla Grande or the Great Island , being about 18 Leagues in compass , lies high , and is beset with Woods of a prodigious thickness , insomuch that one cannot walk in them 100 Paces together : But there are entire Plains of Orange-Trees and Lemmon-Trees , with much variety of wild Fruits ; and among others the Pear of Mapou , which bears a sort of Red Cotton , and of which Quilts are made , that are so extremely durable , that they can scarce be worn out ; for by exposing them to the Sun from time to time , the Cotton swells again of it self , and the Quilt becomes as it were new . We met with another sort of Fruit , which is as big as a small Nut , and seems to have the crown'd Head of a Clove . There are also many of those Animals that we call Tatous , and the Scales of which serve to adorn Apothecaries Shops : Their Flesh is firm , and has the taste of fresh Pork . On the Coast over-again●● this Creek , stands a large Town belonging to the Portugueses , where there are about four or five hundred Inhabitants , and two Convents , viz. one of Carmelites , and the other of the Cordeliers . We there bought some Provisions , viz. Oxen , Fowl , dry'd Fish , and four Pyrogues , which cost us from forty to eighty Crowns : These are large Canoos , very long , and made of one single Tree hollow'd : They are light , fit for Descents , and capable of holding 60 Men. The Governour of Rio-Janeiro sent on purpose to forbid the Inhabitants to sell us any sorts of Commodities whatever ; but they had not much regard to his Prohibition , for they furnish'd us with every thing we desir'd . They have all Habitations in the Mountains , and affect to be as free as the Paulists . On the 5th . Day of January A. D. 1696. after having taken in fresh Water and Wood , we set sail for the Streights of Magellan . map of the strait of Magellan Pag. 66. THE STRAIGHT OF MAGELLAN A Scale of Leagues On the 21st . and 22d . at Night , as we were sailing a-cross Cape St. Antony , we lost sight of the Felicity , altho' the Moon shone bright , the Sea was calm , and the Wind moderate ; neither could the Fault be attributed to any thing , but the Negligence of those Mariners who were then upon the Watch , and who relying too much on the calmness of the Weather , fell asleep . We discharg'd divers Cannon-shot , and all steer'd different Courses , in quest of that Ship , but it was to no purpose . On the 23d . we saw a great many Sea-Wolves lying asleep on their Backs , upon the Surface of the Water . On the 26th . and 27th . we had a dreadful Storm of Thunder , and much Rain . On the 29th . we saw some Whales , Sea-Pies , and prodigious Flocks of other Birds , that follow'd us as it were so many Ducks . On the 30th . we saw abundance of Sea-Weeds , which made us conjecture we were near Land ; but having sounded , it appear'd that we were still distant from it above forty Leagues . On the 31st . the Sea was all over cover'd with small Cray-Fish , insomuch that it might well be call'd the Red-Sea ; We took up above 10000 of them in Baskets . On the 1st . and 2d . of February , the Winds were boisterous , and the Sea ran high . On the 4th . at Noon , we discover'd the Cape of St. Ynes de las-Bareras : The Lands thereabouts are low , and as far as we cou'd discern , very barren : We discern'd a very thick Smoke , which induc'd us to believe that there were some Inhabitants . The most part of Navigators who have sail'd on those Coasts , and who have publish'd Relations of their Voyages , affirm , that when the Savages discover the Arrival of any Vessels , they usually make great Fires , and offer Sacrifices to the Devil , to conjure him to raise Storms to destroy them . On the 5th . and 6th . the Winds were very variable , and the Weather hazy . On the 7th . at three a-clock in the Morning , the Pink let off a Gun , to give us notice that she descry'd Land , whereupon we cast Anchor , because it was very requisite for us to discover it ; and at break of Day we discern'd a Cape , which our Pilot , and two of our Officers , who had before pass'd the Streights of Magellan , assur'd us to be that of The Virgins . The Winds veer'd , and became contrary , so that we were not able to cast Anchor , to make any Discovery . On the 8th . the Winds still continu'd contrary to us ; and at two a-clock in the Afternoon blew with so great impetuosity , that our Cable broke ; neither could we hoise up our Sails , which were taken in , to give less Advantage to the Wind ; forasmuch as there was no probability of being able to carry any Sail , we suffer'd our selves to lie by , at the mercy of the Waves , till the next Day at four a-clock in the Morning , when the Fury of the Wind being somewhat abated , we drew near the Land , and at Noon cast Anchor at the Mouth of the River of Sancta Cruz , there to wait for a favourable Gale , to rejoyn our Vessels . We scarce let fall Anchor , but the Storm was appeas'd , the Sea became calm , and we made as much Sail as we could that Day . We doubl'd the Cape at Night , and at break of Day came up with our Fleet , and steer'd our Course to the above-mention'd Promontory , which we suppos'd to be that of the Virgins ; choosing rather to follow the Directions of the Navigators who had already cruis'd about those Coasts , than that of the Sea-Charts , which are often mistaken in places that are so little frequented : However we insensibly drove upon a Shelf , from whence it would have been very difficult to get off , if we had not timely discover'd our Error by sounding : Therefore we immediately chang'd our Course , and lengthen'd the Coast , bearing but little Sail. On the 11th . Instant , we discover'd another Cape , very like the former , and altho' we had scarce reason to doubt it to be that of the Virgins , yet we could not be well satisfy'd till we found it by experience . We tack'd about for some time , till the Foggs were dispers'd , and at Noon we enter'd the Straight , where we cast Anchor at four a-clock in the Afternoon , at the Entrance of the Bay of Possession , with a favourable Wind and Current . On the 12th . at break of Day , we prepar'd to set sail , but there was so little Wind , that we were not able to make three Leagues during the whole Day . On the 13th . at break of Day , we set out again , and made as much sail as the Tides wou'd permit us . At four a-clock in the Afternoon we doubled the Cape Entrana , and cast Anchor at the Entrance of the Bay of Boucaut . We there saw several Whales , and a great number of Porpoises all over white except their Head and Tail. On the 14th . we weigh'd Anchor , and tack'd about till Noon , when the Tide being contrary to us , we were oblig'd to cast Anchor within two Leagues of the Land , in the middle of Boucaut Bay. The Coast is flat , barren , and destitute both of fresh Water and Wood. We there met with Snipes , and many Flocks of Sea-Pies ; and some of our Mariners told us , that a League up the Land , they had seen Buffles and Goats . There is also ( as everywhere throughout the Streights ) a prodigious quantity of Cockles and Muscles , which are not at all inferiour to those of Charonne . We found some , the Shells of which were of an admirable Beauty , and weigh'd half a pound . On the 16th . we weather'd Cape Gregory , and at Noon cast Anchor within a small League of St. George's Island , to which we could not come nearer , by reason that we were becalm'd , and the Tides began to run contrary . This Island being about a League in Compass , is high and barren , yet we found there some Mushrooms , many Sea-Pies , and several Hutts of Savages abandon'd . We also took some Penguins , from which the Island derives its Name , which was impos'd by the English , by reason of a great quantity of this sort of Birds which they found therein : They are somewhat larger than Geese , have short Legs , with Grey and very thick Feathers ; Their Wings are bare without any Feathers , and serve only instead of Finns : They live for the most part in the Water , retire to Land to sleep , and make Holes in the Ground like Foxes . The most part of our Company spent the Night there , to have the pleasure of viewing the Sea-Wolves : These Animals climb up steep Rocks , sit on their Tails like Monkeys , and make a dreadful noise to call their Mates : When they bring forth Young , they carry them into the Woods , supply them with Fish , and tend them as carefully as an indulgent Mother does her Children . On the 18th . a blustering Wind arose , which oblig'd us to stand in again for Boucaut-Bay , where we cast Anchor in the Evening , under shelter of Cape Gregory : The Pink follow'd us , and the other Vessels were not long in coming up . On the 19th , and 20th . it was excessive cold , and the Winds grew more boisterous . We saw great Fires on the Island of Fuogo , and the Savages seem'd to be desirous to converse with us , but the Sea ran so high , th●● we could not come near them . On the 21th . we set sail again , doubled Cape Gregory , and having cross'd St. George's Island , along which we coasted with Plummet in hand , we suddenly found our selves fallen upon the Point of a Shelf : We cast Anchor to sound , and continu'd our Course again an hour after . At 5 a-Clock in the Evening , we cast Anchor within six Leagues of St. George's Island , in a Creek , where the Coast arises delightfully , and begins to be beset with Woods : There are divers small Rivers , where very good Water may be taken in , and on the Banks of which we met with Salery , Gooseberries , Foxes , Bustards , Thrushes , Ducks , and Cormorants , and abundance of other Sea-Fowl . On the 22th , and 23th . the Winds were contrary . P. 74 Mountaines Coverd with Snow dureing y e whole year . the Hutts of y e Savages Peng●●●●s M. Vander Gucht Scul : These Savages are robust , and of a tall Stature , their Complexion being of an Olive-Colour : Their Hair is black , long , and cut above their Head in form of a Crown . They usually paint their Faces , Arms , and several other parts of their Body , with a white Tincture . Notwithstanding the excessive Cold , they always go naked ; except that their Shoulders are cover'd with the Skins of Sea-Dogs and Sea-Wolves . They are destitute of Religion , and free from all manner of Care. They have no settled Habitation , but rove up and down , sometimes in one place , sometimes in another . Their Hutts are made only of a Semi-Circle of Branches , which they set up , and let one into another , to shelter themselves from the Wind. These are the famous Patagons whom some Authors avouch to be eight or ten Foot high , and of whom they tell so many strange Tales , even making them swallow whole Pails full of Wine : However they appear'd to us to be very sober ; and the tallest among them was not above six Foot high . On the 25th . we prepar'd to set Sail , but had scarce pass'd Cape Froward , when we found the Winds variable and contrary ; insomuch that not being able to cast Anchor , we were oblig'd to pass the Cape in the Night . map The French Bay with the Mouth of the River Gennes in the Straight of Magellan Pag. 77 On the 3d. of March we put out to Sea , with a favourable Gale ; but we had scarce doubl'd Cape Froward , when the Winds veer'd after their usual manner , with Blasts that came by Fits , and fell foul on our Vessel when we were least aware of it . We pass'd the Cape in the Night , the Winds blew f●●h , and we were oblig'd to stand in two Leagues above the French Bay , which we were not able to make . On the 5th . we discover'd Famine-Bay , so call'd , because the Inhabitants of a new Colony of Spaniards were there miserably starv'd to death , which Colony was settl'd by Philip II. King of Spain , who endeavour'd by that means to hinder the Passage of Foreigners to the Southern Sea. This Bay is large , having a firm bottom , so that 40 Ships may conveniently ride at Anchor therein . There are spacious Plains round about , which may be sown with divers sorts of Grains . There is also great plenty of Game ; and 't is probable that the Spaniards might find more in those Parts , if it were not destroy'd by the Savages . On the 6th . we weigh'd Anchor , and doubl'd the Capes Froward and Holland , where we felt , as at other times , very furious Blasts of Wind ; but the next Day at Noon , we cast Anchor two Leagues below Port Gallant . On the 8th . a high Wind arose , which drove the Sun of Africa from her Anchor , and forc'd her to stand in for the French Bay● On the 9th . at Noon , the Winds were as favourable as could be wish'd for ; yet we could not take the Advantage , by reason that we were oblig'd to wait for the Sun of Africa , which did not appear till the next Morning at break of Day : Then we prepar'd to set Sail , but the Winds immediately veer'd , and became contrary , with a great deal of Hail and Rains so that we were oblig'd to cast Anchor a League below Port Gallant . The Winds continu'd contrary to us , till the 20th . Instant , being very sharp , and there fell abundance of Rain , Hail , and Snow , with which the Mountains are cover'd during the whole Year . We took in fresh Water and Wood , and saw a great number of Whales . On the 20th . we set sail with a favourable Wind , but it soon return'd to its wonted Career , and we could only make the Road of Port Galant , where we continu'd fifteen Days longer , with cold Winds , a great deal of Rain and Snow . This Road is large , and shelter'd from the Eastern Winds . The Situation of the Harbour is pleasant and very commodious , two small Rivers falling into it . There are also to be seen the finest Shells in the World , with variety of Fowl , viz. Larks , Thrushes , Ducks , and abundance of Sea-Pies . We often heard the Cries of the Savages in the Mountains , but could not see them . Forasmuch as our Provisions began to fail , the Season being already very far advanc'd , and there was no longer any hopes to meet with favourable Winds to convey us into the Southern Sea ; we held a Council on the 3d. Day of April , and it was determin'd that if the Wind did not change within the space of two Days , we should return to La Isla Grande , to take in Provisions , in order to seek our Fortunes elsewhere . It may be easily imagin'd in so lamentable a Conjuncture , how great a Mortification this Disappointment was to Persons , who hoped to make their Fortune by so noble an Enterprize . There was not one Mariner of the whole Squadron who did not choose rather to perish with hunger , than to be diverted from the right Course ; And indeed they were already accustom'd to eat Rats , and paid fifteen Pence a-piece for them . Altho' we were not so happy as to see those fortunate Coasts of Peru , from whence we are supply'd with what is generally esteem'd , most precious ; nevertheless I am apt to believe , that a particular Account of the Occasion of our Undertaking this Voyage , may not be altogether unacceptable to the Reader . In the Year 1686. certain Free-booters of St. Domingo , who are well known to be Enemies to Peace , after having for many Years infested the Coast of Carack , New-Spain , and Cuba , without being able to get any considerable Prize , took a Resolution to pass to those of the Southern-Sea , which they know to be much more Rich , and less fortify'd . There were two Passages which lay open into those Parts , viz. one along the Coast , and the other by the Streight of Magellan : The former , as the shortest , was taken by some other Rovers ; but there were two great Difficulties , one of being attack'd by the Indians during their Course , who have sometimes War and sometimes Peace with the Spaniards : And the other Difficulty is to find in that Sea , Vessels convenient for the performing of such a Voyage . The Passage thro' the Streight of Magellan appearing to these Free-booters to be the safest , they set Sail , being 80 Men in number , for the Southern-Sea , where they soon became formidable by the frequent Descents they made in several Places , and by the great number of Ships richly laden , which they took : However , notwithstanding these Prizes , they made but little Booty , as well by reason of the irregular Conduct of their ill-disciplin'd Company , as in regard that the Merchandizes were too combersome to be manag'd by Persons who had no settled place of Retreat : Therefore they contented themselves only with putting them to Ransome ; and when they could take a sufficient quantity of Provisions for five or six Months , they retir'd to some Island , where they spent their time in Hunting and Fishing ; and after having consum'd their whole Stock , they return'd to the Coast . Thus our Free-booters liv'd wretchedly for the space of seven Years , till some of them , mov'd with a Desire to return to their Native Country , took a Resolution to sail back to the Northern Sea , and to that purpose met together in the Island Fernand , where they divided their Booty , and every one of them had the Summ of eight or nine thousand Livres for his Share . However twenty three of them having lost by Gaming what they were so long in getting , continu'd on that Island with a * Pirogue , in which they cross'd over to Peru , resolving either to perish , or at least to repair their Losses . Some time after , they took five rich Ships , among which they chose that which they judg'd to be most convenient for the making an end of their Voyage : They loaded it with cast Metal , divers Indian Merchandizes and Provisions , and at last would have return'd with a much richer Cargo than the others , if they had not had the ill Fortune to lose their Ship in the Streight of Magellan , where they spent ten whole Months in building a Bark , as well as they could , and with all the Application requisite in so great an Exigence : They laded their Bark with what they could save out of the Wreck of their Ship , and pass'd Cayenna . All the Free-Booters being come back to the Northern Sea , thought fit to retire with their small Cargo ; so that some of them settled at Brasil , and others went to Cayenna , St. Domingo , and the other Islands of America ; but there were about four or five , who being unwilling any longer to undergo the Hardships of so mean a Condition , took a Resolution to make a Second Voyage , and to that purpose , they pass'd over into France , with good Memoires concerning their Adventures . One of them nam'd Macerty , made Application to Mousieur de Gennes , whom he knew to be a Man very fit for the Management of great Undertakings , insomuch that the latter approv'd his Design , and went to Paris , to represent to the Court the Advantages that might arise from such a Voyage , proffering his Service to carry on so noble an Enterprize . The Proposals made by M. de Gennes were receiv'd with all the approbation , that could be wish'd for ; the King supply'd him with Ships at his own choice , and the Project was so well approv'd of , upon account of its Novelty , that divers Persons of the highest Quality readily contributed to the equipping of our Fleet. A great number of Young Men , who were equally excited by Curiosity to see such fine Countries ; and by the hopes of getting an opportunity to make their Fortune , earnestly desir'd to be admitted into the Company : However it seems , we did not go on successfully in all Points , since our Design at last prov'd abortive : But 't is to be hop'd , that the Court will not discourage an Undertaking of so great Importance , which failed only by reason of the small Experience we then had of the Season of the Winds . 'T is well known , that the Spaniards are not in a Condition to make War with us ; that by the means of the vast Treasures which they gather daily out of New-Spain and Peru , they have actually made themselves Masters of those Countries , by spilling the Blood of a vast multitude of poor Indians , who only sought for an amicable Correspondence with those haughty Invaders , who to strike a greater Terror into their Minds , gave it out , that they were descended of the Gods. Besides all the Tortures which they could devise for the destroying of those miserable Wretches , they carried on their Cruelty so far , as to assassinate and sell them for the Slaughter , for the Maintenance of their Attendants . And indeed , there are many Frenchmen who can testifie , that the Coasts of Peru are still cover'd with the Skeletons of those unfortunate Victims , whose Blood cries to Heaven for Vengeance , and for the Liberty of their native Country ; insomuch that nothing can prevent the Destruction of those Enemies of God and Nature , who under the Name of Christians , revive Idolatry , and live in the midst of their Treasure , in a Luxury that even surpasses that of brute Beasts . I might enlarge on this Subject , but that 't is more expedient to resume our former Discourse , and to give a farther Account of our Misfortunes . On the 5th . Instant , the Winds being still contrary , we prepar'd to return to the Northern Sea , as it was determin'd two Days before . But we were scarce under sail , when the Winds chang'd as it were on purpose to deceive us , and induc'd us to make another Attempt , which was not only fruitless , but wou'd have certainly proved our Ruine , if we had not been apparently protected by Divine Providence in a very extraordinary manner . We had not made a League , when these favourable Winds terminated in a great Calm , and the Tides ( the Course of which we cou'd not discern from Cape Froward ) drove us on the Coasts , insomuch that four Shallops were not able to get us clear of the Shore . We let fall a large Anchor , which very much abated the force of the Current , but could not hinder us from running a-float , by reason that the bottom not being firm , cou'd not hold it . We might have leapt off from the Poop ashore , and judg'd the Danger to be unavoidable , when a gentle Breeze happily blew fresh from the North , and set us at Liberty ; whereas if any other Wind had arose , we had certainly perish'd . In the mean while , the Sun of Africa and the Glutton Frigate were very near running the same Hazard . We lay before the Cape during the whole Night , and at break of Day , we set sail again , but the Winds being contrary , we were forc'd to spend the next Night in the like manner , before Cape Froward . On the 7th . at break of Day , the Winds blowing fresh again from the North-East , we made our last Effort , and doubl'd Cape Froward , but to no purpose . However we did not forbear to put out to Sea , and on the 11th . at six a-clock in the Evening , having pass'd between Terra de Fuogo and the Shelves that lie at the Mouth of the Streight , we re-enter'd the Northern Sea , and steer'd our Course directly for La Isla Grande . On the 16th . at break of Day , we were separated from the Sun of Africa and the Seditious Frigat , by the means of a great Fog , which hinder'd 'em from hearing the Signals that we gave to tack about . On the 17th . and 18th . we had foul Weather , and the Sea ran very high . On the 26th . the Weather was very foggy , and the Winds were so boisterous , that we were oblig'd to take down the Mizzen-Mast : The Waves swell'd extremely , and we were beset on all sides as it were with Mountains of foaming Billows ; insomuch that in the Evening we lost one of our Mariners , who fell into the Sea , as he was coming down from the Top-Mast . On the 27th . our Pilots sail'd a-cross the River de la Plata , at the distance of 60 Leagues from the Land , and on the 29th . we had a great deal of foul Weather . The Winds were very favourable to us , till the 9th . of the next Month ; but we did not take a provident Care to sail along the Coasts , which we could not discover till within 20 Leagues to the North of the Islands of St. Ann. On the 12th . we cast Anchor in a Road very full of Fish , where we took a great quantity of fine ones , and among others , divers Sea-Porcupines , so called , because they are actually armed with sharp-pointed Bristles , as the Porcupine or Hedg-hog , which they prick up when pursued by other Fishes . On the 13th . at nine a-clock in the Evening , we made ready to set Sail ; but on the 14th . and 15th . the Winds were very variable . P. 88 A Sea Porcupine taken on the Coast of Brasil ▪ On the 16th . we discover'd Cape Frie , but were not able to double it , because there was very little Wind stirring . About eight a-clock in the Evening , the Sky being very serene , we discern'd the Moon to be in an Eclipse , that continu'd almost for the space of two Hours , and which indeed was not foreseen by us , in regard that we did not meet with any Almanacks in the Straight of Magellan , where the Inhabitants , although great Star-gazers , do not reap the Fruits of their Observations . About two a-clock in the Morning , we descry'd a Vessel under the Wind , and some gave it out that there were two : Whereupon we prepar'd our Batteries , and kept the Weather-gage during the whole Night . At break of Day , we perceiv'd it to be a Portuguese Bark , which a Storm had driven from the Mouth of the River Janëiro : The Mariners belonging to this . Vessel inform'd us , that the Fleet was arriv'd , and that the Governor was chang'd , but that he heard no News of our Ships . We freely bestow'd on them two Barrels of Water , of which they were destitute two Days , and were not able to make Land , to take in any . On the 19th . we doubl'd Cape Frie , and on the 20th . we cast Anchor within seven Leagues of Rio-Janeiro ; but we had not so much as one blast of Wind , and the Currents were contrary . There we saw Two of those Pillars of Water that arise out of the Sea , and which are commonly call'd Spouts : When they draw near , 't is customary to discharge several Cannon-shot , to disperse them , and by that means the danger is often escap'd . On the 21st . we put out to Sea , and the next Day we cast Anchor , within two Leagues of the Coast , before the Mouth of the River , but we determin'd not to enter it , by reason that our Place of Meeting was appointed to be at La Isla Grande . On the 24th . we prepar'd to set Sail again , when the Rocks cut our Cable , and sav'd us the trouble of weighing Anchor ; and so little Wind was stirring in the Night , that at break of Day we found our selves driven by the Currents under Cape Frie , which made us take a Resolution to stand in for the Islands of St. Ann , to wait for a fair Wind , as also to take in fresh Water and Provisions , of which we had a very short Allowance . Thus we cast Anchor on the 26th . Instant at Noon , and found the Island as full of Fowl as at our first Arrival . On the 27th . we sent our Boat ashore to take in Provisions , and to get Information about our Vessels : We purchas'd six Oxen , two Hoggs , and some Pullets , but not without a great deal of Difficulty , by reason that all the Provisions were transported to Rio Janeiro , for the use of the Fleet : We were also inform'd , that our Ships had enter'd that River twenty Days ago . On the 29th . at five a-clock in the Evening , we set Sail with a favourable Wind , and order'd the Pink to carry the Lanthorn : We follow'd her for some time , but forasmuch as she sail'd too near the Coast , and the Night was dark , we left her to continue her Course , and stood somewhat farther out to Sea. On the 30th . at break of Day , we weather'd Cape Frie , and found the Winds and Currents contrary as before . At the same time , we discern'd the Pink four large Leagues to the Windward of us ; nevertheless ( as we were afterwards inform'd ) she continu'd at Sea eight Days longer , before she could find means to enter the River . The rest of that Day , and the next , we had but little Wind , and that too was contrary ; insomuch that after divers fruitless Attempts , Monsieur de Gennes judg'd , that for the future we ought not to be obstinately resolv'd to pursue our intended Course , lest we should be reduc'd to the greatest Extremity ; but that 't was more expedient to stand in for the Bay of All-Saints ; since by sailing thither , we should get so far onward in our Way , and we should certainly meet with plenty of Provisions in that Place . Therefore we cast Anchor June the first , at Four a-clock in the Evening , before the Islands of St. Ann , to get some Recruits , having on board Victuals sufficient only to serve for eight Days at most ; and forasmuch as it was requisite to give notice to our Vessels of the Course that we had determin'd to steer , we sent an Officer a-shore to desire a Pass-port of the Commander of the Town , to go to Rio-Janeiro by Land , to acquaint them with our Design : the Officer who had received Orders to return the same Evening , not appearing by next Day Noon ; Monsieur de Gennes believing some Misfortune had befallen him , sent out a Shallop armed with two small Guns , to get Intelligence , which return'd to us again about Five in the Evening : And the Men reported , That they had seen the Canoe in the River , where there were Dwelling-places ; and that the Officer who appeared on Shoar , came up to the point of Land there , in Order to give them Notice to return , because it was shallow Water , and that he had passed over a Ridge of Rocks where the Surge of the Sea was very frightful ; and that this was the Reason , together with his tarrying for three Beefs they were in quest of for us , that detained our Canoe from returning to us . The Shallop went back next Day , about ten of the Clock , and as she was ready to enter in , the Officer who had sent her back the Day before , gave them a Signal to come to an Anchor , and to wait till the Tide came in . They continued in that Posture till two a Clock in the Afternoon ; when the Officer that commanded , grown quite weary with staying , made use both of his Sails and Oars , and put forwards ; and that in spight of the Advice of the Master , and of all the Signals that could be made from the Shoar to the contrary : But he was no sooner incommoded with the terrible Rocks aforementioned , than that he began to repent ( tho' it was now too late ) of his Rashness . After they had bore divers rude Attacks of the Sea , a Wave brought all their Oars on one side , and this Wave was followed by another , that opened the Shallop in the very middle , and drowned the Commander , with seven Seamen more ; but the Master , together with the Gunner and seven other Mariners , saved themselves , and remained on Shoar to seek out their Comrades Bodies . p. 99 A CAPIVARD or Water Hog at the foot of a Bananier . On the 4th we sung Mass for the dead , and discharged three Pieces of Cannon for the Officer that had been drowned , whose Name was Salior , born at Paris , and a young Gentleman whose Loss deserved to be regretted . This being over , the Canoe was sent to shoar again , to bring back those Seamen that had the Luck to escape drowning ; she returned the same Day , and brought along with her two Beefs more : The Bodies of our drowned Friends could not be found , and the Portuguese informing us that the Place where they were lost were full of Requins , it 's not to be doubted but they were devoured by them . Next Day , which was the sixth , about three in the Morning , we made ready to sail for the Bay of All-Saints , without giving Information of the same to the other Vessels we had with us ; but seeing Monsieur de Gennes had spoken of it before at la Gloutonne , we had some sort of reason to hope that they would rejoin us , at least at Cayenne . On the 7th and 8th we steer'd a wide Course , that we might put by the Abralhes , which are certain Islands and heaps of Rocks that run out five and forty Leagues into the Sea , and on which divers Ships have perished . The Portuguese , who are well acquainted with them , make no great Difficulty of sailing through the midst of them ; and so save a large Compass that others are oblig'd to make , to avoid them . We saw a great Whale the Day following , that went round our Ship several times , and twice under it . We were on the 10th , 11th , and 12th . troubled with excessive Heats , and had but very little Wind ; at what time we catch'd a great Number of Requins , which was a considerable help to lengthen out our Provisions : But tho' this Fish appears to be firm Flesh enough , yet it is so insipid that several of our Men were injured with the eating of it . It 's thick , and five or six Foot long , a great Lover of Man's Flesh , has a large Mouth , and therein five rows of very sharp Teeth : He turns himself upon his back to catch his Prey , and has two or three small Fishes near him that are his Pilots , and never forsake him , but serve to secure him from being surprized by the Whale . There is a sort of Fish which they call Sucet , that is commonly fastened to the Requin , and this has given many Men occasion to believe that he is his Pilot ; but herein they are mistaken , for this small Fish never closes with the other , but when he finds himself pursued ; and then taking half a turn round , he strikes the Requin over the Head , and fixes himself so fast to the other , that it 's impossible for him to make him let go his hold ; insomuch , that this little Fish makes himself to be convoyed with this pretty sort of Guard whithersoever he pleases : On the three following Days , viz. the 13th , 14th , and 15th , we were incommoded with contrary Winds ; but on the 17th we kept about fifteen Leagues off of the Abralhes and sailed on , and next Day passed over the Shallows of St. Antony . We made Land the Nineteenth , which our Pilots computed at above thirty Leagues distance ; and this made us judge , That the Sea Currents moved to the North , as the Portuguese had assured us , who take it for a Maxim , that the Currents on the Coast of Brasil follow the Course of the Sun ; that when the same is in the Northern Hemisphere , they run to the Northward , but when in the Southern , to the Southward . On the Nineteenth at Night , having got within six Leagues of Cape St. Antony , we brought to , and by break of Day , we saw about two Leagues to the Windward of us , a Ship that steered the same Course as we did ; whereupon we slackned our sail to let her come up , and believing it might have been one of our own Fleet , we gave her a Signal whereby to know us , but she returned us no Answer , and proved to be a Portuguese Ship , that was making the best of her way for the Bay of All-Saints as well as we : About Noon we made the Cape of St. Antony , and saw all along the Coast a great Number of Barks , and the Negro's Piperies , as they are called , being no other than three or four pieces of Wood made fast together , whereon two Men go out a fishing to the extent of two Leagues : Some of them we boarded , but we could never bring them to conduct us to the Road , they alledging , they were forbid to do it ; but I believe it was because they would not leave their fishing . But it fortunately happen'd , that we descry'd two sorts of small Tartanes , that were for making the best of their way into the Bay as well as we ; them we waited for , and required them to grant us a Pilot for our Money ; upon which , one of the Masters of these Tartanes , offered himself to conduct us to the Place where we were to Anchor , and this he performed with all imaginable Civility : We drew up in Order , within Cannon Shot of Cape St. Antony , and about five in the Evening cast Anchor within a small League of the Town , that we might not embarrass our selves with the Portuguese Fleet we found there , consisting of between forty and fifty Sail , all laden and ready every minute to sail away . As soon as we were come to an Anchor , there came a Lieutenant from the Admiral , to require us to salute him ; but Monsieur de Gennes made him answer , the King had given him Orders not to salute any , without they received Gun for Gun ; and that he would send his next Captain , to settle that Affair with the Governour : The Lieutenant hereupon , sent to see for his Shallop , in order to assist us ; and after a thousand tenders of his Service to us , he accompanied the Chevalier de Fontenay to wait upon the Governour , with whom he had no long Dispute , for they quickly agreed not to salute one another at all , which made most of the Portuguese to murmur , and concernedly to say , That it was not to be endured , that a Frenchman should pass under their Forts without saluting them , and yet not be called to an Account for it : But 't is well known , they are no otherwise brave than upon their own Dunghills ; and that they had rather , upon Occasion , have Recourse to their Beads than to their Courage . The Morrow being The Feast of God , Monsieur de Gennes , accompanied with several other Officers , went to wait upon the Governour and the Intendant , who shew'd him abundance of Civilities : The Governour 's Name was Don John de Lancastre , one of the Principal Men of the Kingdom , and Vice-Roy of Brasil : Then they went to see the Procession of the Holy Sacrament , which is as remarkable in that Town , for the vast Number of Crosses , Shrines , rich Ornaments , armed Troops , Companies , Fraternities , and Religious Orders ; as 't is ridiculous for the Masquerades , Musical Instruments , and Dancers that attend thereat , and who by their wanton Postures , invert the end of this Holy Ceremony . The Procession was no sooner over , but our Gentlemen went to hear Mass , to the Convent of the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits ; where they were received by some Fathers of the French Nation very kindly , who confirmed unto them the Loss of Namur , and the Hopes there were of a Peace with Savoy ; from them they went to dine with the French Consul , and heard a great deal more News there also . We were also informed by a Friar newly come from Goa , that before he had left that Port , he had seen a French Ship that put in there , after having fought three Arabian Vessels , by whom she had been very rudely handled . When these mischievous Pirates board any Ship , they do , in order to blind their Enemies , make use of a sort of wrought Lime , which being squashed down upon the Bridge they use upon that Occasion , has a most terrible Effect . Here we came to know also of the Loss of the Famous Montauban , of whom the Free-booters made so much Noise at Bourdeaux . He met with a large English Ship on the Coast of Guinea , whom he boarded , and took her by main Force ; but the English Commander being enraged that he should be taken by a Free-booter , he set the Powder on fire , and blew up his own Ship and that of Montauban's ; who with a dozen or fifteen of his own Men , threw himself into the Sea , where they floated upon Masts for five Days and five Nights , and at last got a-shoar half dead in the King of the Negro's Country , where they were kindly received , upon the account of an old Portuguese that Traded upon that Coast , and who took Compassion on those miserable Wretches : When they had been there about five or six Months , a Dutch Ship bound for Jamaica passed by that way , which took Montauban and seven or eight of his Followers , who promised to pay for their Passage , on board him ; while the other six , who could not find the same Favour at the Dutch-man's hands , got a Passage in a Portuguese Flute , that carried Negro's to All-Saints Bay , from whence we gave them free Transportation to Martenico . On the 4th of July , the Admiral with divers Merchant Ships , anchored in the Road ; and on the 8th , the whole Fleet made ready to sail away for Lisbon , consisting in all of 45 Ships , laden with Sugar , Tobacco , Cotton , Fish , Oyl and Skins ; they were almost all of them mounted from twelve to thirty six pieces of Cannon , but the Admiral and Vice-Admiral that were Men of War , and out upon the King's Account , carried one of them sixty Guns , and the other no less than seventy two . We drew nearer to the City on the 9th , having hitherto taken in no Provisions ; for the Portuguese Fleet had made it excessive dear , but now we bought some European Meal , Magniot , and Rice ; and the Intendant was so civil , as to let us have the Use of the King's Magazine , to provide Salt to season our Provision with : And that we might not be wanting in any thing to our selves that was necessary ; we began also to build us a Shallop instead of that which we had lost at St. Anne's . All-Saints may be reckoned for one of the largest , finest , and most convenient Bay of any other in the World , being capable of containing no less than two thousand Ships ; of a very good Depth , and no Winds to be feared there . They take a great Number of Whales therein , build very fine Ships , and they had one then upon the Stocks that would carry sixty pieces of Cannon . As for the City of St. Salvador , that is seated upon this Bay , it 's large , well built , and very populous ; but the Scituation of it is not so advantagious , as could be wished . It 's high and low , and scarce one straight Street therein ; it 's the Capital City of Brasil , an Archiepiscopal See , and the Residence of the Vice-Roy : This place is honoured with a Soveraign Council , and the Privilege to coin Money ; where , in order to quicken Trade , they make such sort of Pieces as are current no-where else , but in Brasil : They have on the one side the Arms of Portugal , and a Cross charged with a Spear on the other , with this Inscription , SVBQ . SIGN . STABO . This City , to the Seaward , is defended with some Forts , and several Batteries mounted with Cannon , and to the Landward , with earthen Bastions ill made . We saw them lay the Foundation of a Fortress , the Governour had ordered to be erected about half a Cannon shot without the Town : The Dutch attempted divers times to make themselves Masters of this Place , but without Success , tho' they have taken away two and twenty Ships from thence at one clap . The Inhabitants , to say nothing of the common People , who are insolent to the highest Degree , are neat , civil , and honest , and withal rich , being lovers of Trade , and for the most part are of a Jewish Extract ; and this is the Reason , that when any one of the Inhabitants is about to make one of his Sons a Divine , he is obliged to prove his Ancestors were Christians , as the Knights of Malta are under an Obligation of making out their Gentility , before they enter into the Order . They love Women extreamly , and spare no Charges for the setting out of their Wives , who in respect to all other things , have Cause enough to complain ; for they are never allowed to see any Body , and go not out of doors at any other time but on Sunday early in the Morning , to go to Church : They are a very jealous People , and 't is a kind of a point of Honour for a Man to stab his Wife , when he can convict her of being unfaithful to his Bed ; tho' for all that , this cannot hinder many of them from finding out a way to impart some of their Favours to us Frenchmen , whose winning and free Conversation they are mightily in love with . As the Town is nothing throughout but up's and downs , and that consequently Carriages are very impracticable there ; their Slaves are forced to perform what Horses should otherwise do , and carry the heaviest sort of Goods from one place unto another : And 't is also for the same Reason , that a thing they call a Palanquin is much in use there ; it 's nothing else but a kind of a Sedan , covered over with a little embroidered Canopy , and carried by two Negro's by the help of a long Pole , whereunto it 's fastned at both ends : Persons of Quality are carried therein to Church , to make their Visits , and also into the Fields . The Houses are high-built , and most of them of Free-stone and Brick ; their Churches are very sumptuous , being finely gilt , full of Silver-plate , Sculptures , and a vast Number of the best Ornaments that are to be met with : And as for the Cathedral-Church there , dedicated to the Cross , the Lamps and Candlesticks are so high , and massy withal , that two Men can scarce carry them . They have several sorts of Religious Orders amongst them ; as Franciscans , Carmelites , Benedictines , Jesuits , and divers others , and all of them , except a little Convent of French and Italian Capuchins , are very rich ; and more particularly , the Jesuits are very potent there , they being no less than 190 in Number , their House of a vast Extent , and their Church large and well beautified : Their Vestry is one of the most Magnificent that ever was seen , it 's about an hundred and fifty Foot long , and of proportionable Breadth : They have three Altars in it , two whereof are placed at the two ends , and the third in the midst of that part that joins to the Church ; and upon which may be seen , every Morning , above twenty Calices , all of them made of Gold , Vermillion , and Silver ; on each side of this last Altar stand two great Tables , that are of that length , that there is room only left for two doors to open , by which they enter into the Church . These two Tables are made of very fine Wood , the whole Surface of them being adorned with Ivory , a sort of Net-work , and a great many fine Water-colour Paintings , that are brought thither from Rome . The fourth side of this Vestry , that stands to the Seaward , is pierced with divers large Crosses from top to bottom , and the Ceiling very curiously painted . The Soyl here is flat or level , watered with fine Rivers , on which the Portuguese inhabit for above fifty Leagues into the Country , whose Dominion the Indians shun , and for that end retire into the Woods ; but they steal their Cattle continually , and eat them themselves when they can catch them : Our Capuchins , who ( as we have already observed ) have a Convent in this City , have travelled four or five Years among these poor People , and expos'd themselves with an Apostolical Zeal , to all sorts of Fatigues , in order to reduce them from their Blindness and Ignorance . The Earth produces Sugar-Canes , Tobacco , Cotton , Magniot-Roots , Rice , Maes , and such good Pasturage , that they breed so great a Number of Cattle , that Meat is sold there under a Penny a Pound ; but the Country is so pestered with Ants , that they are constrained , for the preserving of their Fields of Maes and Magniot , to carry them to feed upon the Roads : And those who are curious in Gardening , must , by the help of several small Channels , form an Island of every Bed , to drown the Ants in their Passage over . They have Pulse and Fruits there in abundance , such as they call the Banane , Ananas , Patatoes , Ighname , Cocoe , and Goyave , of which we have given a Description already . Here they have also Cinamon , Pepper , Ginger , the Oyl of Capahu , Balsom , and several sorts of Roots that have a wonderful Effect ; and amongst the rest , those called Para-ayra-braba , and Hypopecovana . The Cinnamon-tree is about the Height of a small Cherry-tree , bearing long Leaves , and pointed at the end , of a bright green Colour ; the Jesuits were the first that brought them thither out of Ceylan , of which they took great Care : But in some Years they grew very common , because that the Birds who eat the Fruit thereof , sow the Seed up and down every-where , being not able to digest it . The Plant which bears the Pepper , clings round about to other Trees like Ivy , has pretty large Leaves , pointed at the ends , and of a deep green ; and the Fruit it produces are small Grapes , like those growing on the wild Vine . The Capahu-Oyle and the Balsom , come from the Jurisdiction of Spiritu Sancto ; those they draw from certain Trees , where the wild Beasts by rubing against their Bark , cure themselves of their Wounds ; for let them take off never so little of them , these Liquors will gush out , and have so much the more admirable Effect , in that they are not adulterated , as those we have in Europe are . The Para-ayra-braba , is a thick hard Root , which is made use of as an infallible Remedy against all sorts of Poysons : And as for the Hypopecovana it 's a small Root , that in our Armies has sufficiently discovered the Vertues of it against the Bloody-flux , being valued at ten Pistoles a Pound ; but now it 's cheaper , as being more common . Among those that are curious , you shall find very large Oranges , that originally were brought from the Mogul Country ; according to which they have their Names , and some whereof are eight Inches Diameter . They have a sort of Roses growing amongst them , whose Leaves are very like unto those of Guimauva , and the Fruit whereof is very singular , being white from Midnight till Noon , and from Noon to Mid-night again of a red Colour . They have abundance of wild Fowl in that Country , and a great Number of extraordinary Birds , and more especially the finest Parrots in the World ; to which may be added Tygers , Deer , wild Boars , and several other Animals that are unknown to us in Europe : Monsieur de Gennes was presented with a very large Tortoise , that lived without eating and drinking the rest of the Summer , under one of the Carriages of our Cannon ; and these are a sort of Animals that will never die till all their Fat is entirely consumed . We observed two sorts of Monkeys there , which they distinguished by the Names of Sagovins and Macaques ; the former are about the Bigness of a Squirrel , some of them being of a greyish Colour , but others have a fine Coat , and of a Golden Hue ; they are always very merry and lightsome , but so tender that the least Cold kills them : The Macaques are larger , and of a brown Colour , weep continually , and are no otherwise diverting , but that they will imitate every thing they see you do ; and we had one of them that would make some of our Ship-tackle as well as the Seamen themselves . The Portuguese have already found some Silver Mines there , and lately Amethists also ; they have Brass enough from the Coast of Angola , from the Traffick they drive there , upon the account of the Negro's . But to return , on the 17th of July came in a Portuguese Ship , belonging to the Guinea-Company , lately erected amongst them , which carried a white Flag with a Sinople or green Cross in it , and next Day our three Ships , which we did not expect to see till we came to Cayenne , joined us ; the Sun of Africa gave us seven Guns , and we returned her as many ; the Seditious had lost her Fore-round-top , and by them we were informed that a Fleet of eighteen Sail were put out of Rio-Janeiro ; that the Felicity had gone thither , that fifteen Men had deserted them , and that Monsieur de la Roque had two of his Men killed and an Officer wounded , in a Descent they had made against the Portuguese , who detained five or six of our Officers in Prison , upon account of a Quarrel that happened , wherein two of the Inhabitants were left dead upon the spot . On the 22d we heard the good Capuchin Father Francis preach ; this Man had spent five and twenty Years in preaching to the Indians , and told Monsieur de Gennes , That he had several times asked Leave of the General of his Order , to return for some time into Europe , but that he had desired him to continue where he was , and not to forsake that Work he had so happily entered upon ; And that so taking the Desires of his Superiour , as a Command from him , he said he was ready to re-enter upon his Mission , and had no farther Thoughts of his Native Country . Having , by the sixth of August , taken in our Stores of Water and Wood , and laid in Provision for six Months , we prepared for our Departure , and found the Governour very civil , who made a Present to all the Captains of some Amethists , and of all sorts of Refreshments ; and the seventh Day being come , we sailed away , and having doubled the Cape of St. Antony , we kept our Course out at Sea for some Days , that we might shun the Coast , which , by reason of the Banks of Rocks , as well as the Storms that are frequent there , is very dangerous . On the 8 th we descry'd two Barks , that made all the sail they could to come up with us , and we staid for them , as believing they were about to bring us some News , because there was a Ship put in there the Day before . But they proved to be Negro's , who came to desire us to take them away with us , or else they would commit themselves to the mercy of the Waves , sooner than they would return again under the Tyranny of their Masters ; but we sent them back , that we might not give the Portuguese Occasion to complain of us , that we had taken away their Slaves : And in truth , these sort of Wretches are in a very miserable State ; they are born Slaves , and they are scarce able to lift up their hands to their heads , but they make them work at tilling the Ground as Oxen do : Besides they are ill-fed , and bastinado'd for the least Fault : They behold their Children sold before their Faces , and sometimes their Wives : And this does affect the greatest part of those who have been bred up in the Christian Religion , to that Degree , that they run away from their Masters , and chuse rather to go and die in the Woods among the Indians , where they meet with greater Humanity than with the other : But this they must execute with the greatest Precaution , for if their Masters once catch them , they give them no Quarter ; for they hang a great Iron Collar about their Necks on each side whereof there are Hooks , whereunto is fastened a Stake or Branch of a Tree , with which they thrash them at Pleasure ; and this they repeat so often , that they put them almost out of Condition to follow their Work : But if it so happen , that after this sort of Chastisement they relapse again into the same Fault , they without any more ado , cut off one of their Legs , nay , and sometimes hang them for an Example of Terrour unto others ; and tho' all this is bad enough , yet the Spaniards and the English treat them still in a more cruel manner . I knew one living in Martinico , who being of a compassionate Nature , could not find in his heart to cut off his Slave's Leg , who had run away four or five times , but to the end he might not again run the risque of losing him altogether , he bethought himself of fastening a Chain to his Neck , which trailing down backwards , catches up his Leg behind , as may be seen by the Cut : And this , in the space of two or three Years , does so contract the Nerves , that it will be impossible for this Slave to make use of his Leg. And thus , without running the Hazard of this unhappy Wretch's Death , and without doing him any Mischief , he thereby deprived him of the means to make his Escape . P 120 How y e Portuguese Whip their Slaves when they run away A Slave that has his leg cut off for running away An invention of a French Man in Marlinico On the 27th by break of Day , as our Pilots allow'd us to be yet above sixty Leagues from the Shoar , we observ'd the Water to be of a yellowish Colour , and muddy ; and those of the Company , who were so curious as to taste them , told us , they did not want much of being sweet ; and this made us believe that we were come to the Mouth of the famous River of the Amazons , that is so rapid as to preserve the Sweetness of its Waters for near twenty Leagues within the Sea ; we ran upon the Coast till three in the Afternoon , when we discovered a flat , even , and woody Coast , where we anchored about six in the Evening ; and on the 28th and 29th , we followed the said Coast , at three or four Leagues distance from the Shoar , and never found above five or six Fathom Water . On the 30th , about seven in the Morning , we descry'd the Cape of Orange , where we began to see the Foot of the Mountains : About three in the Afternoon , we doubled a great Rock called the Constable , three Leagues out in the Sea , and five from Cayenne ; we drew up , at about half a Cannon shot 's distance , and about six in the Evening came to an Anchor , three Leagues to the North of Cayenne before five little Islands lying near to that place . When next Day was come , Monsieur de Gennes sent an Officer to complement the Governour , and to desire him to send us a Pilot to conduct us to a sase Anchorage ; but our Arrival had already allarm'd the whole Island , and they fired off their Cannon all Night long , to give the Inhabitants Notice to come together ; and they would not trust to our Colours , because the Dutch in their Passage to Surinam and Barbicha , have often cast Anchor within a League of the Town , under white Colours ; and as they had not been used to see four French Ships at one time , they were apprehensive of some Design upon them . Our Shallop could not return before next Day , which happened to be the first of September , the same being oblig'd to take a Course round the Island , for avoiding the Currents , which are very violent on that Coast ; but she brought a Pilot along , tho' the Sea was so shallow that we were forced to tarry where we were till the Day following : And then on the second and third , we made as much use of the Tide as possibly we could , in order to get in , because there was so very little Water , and that we could not make ready before it had half flowed : But about four in the Evening , we cast Anchor under the Cannon of the Town , within Pistol-shot of Land ; there were two Merchants Ships already in Cayenne , that had waited seven or eight Months for their Cargo , besides another Vessel that came in the Day before us , laden with Wine and Brandy . As our Men had , just about this time , received a Month's Pay , and that it was now a long time since they had met with so good an Opportunity , they not only drank up the Ship 's whole Cargo in eight Days time , but also all the Wine they had in the Island . Cayenne is a French Island , scituated on the Coast of Guiana , four Degrees and forty five Minutes North Latitude , and 332 Longitude ; it 's formed by the two Arms of a River , and may be reckoned to be about eighteen Leagues in Circumference ; it stands high , upon the Brink of the Sea , and is so marshy in the middle , that you cannot travel by Land , from one end to the other ; the Fens of it are covered with a sort of large Trees called Mangles , which above all other , have the peculiar Quality of growing in Sea-Water ; these Trees are so thick , and their Roots for the most part springing out of the Earth , rise up , and are so well interlaced one with another , that in some places a Man may walk upon them above fifteen or twenty Leagues together , without setting his Foot upon the Ground ; amongst them also divers Indians retire with their Canoes , and there they make their Carbets . The Town stands on the West-part of the Island , and is very advantageously scituated , Nature and Art having both equally contributed to the fortifying of it : It 's of an irregular Hexagone-Figure , has near sixty pieces of Cannon planted upon Batteries , for the Security of it ; and on the Sea-side , upon an Eminence , there is a Fort built that commands every way : The Garrison of the place consists of two Hundred Regular Troops , but there are above four Hundred Inhabitants living either upon , or round about the Island , that upon the least Alarm are oblig'd to stand to their Arms. Monsieur de Feroles , the Governour , is a Person that has great Insight into the Affairs of a Colony ; the Power of distributing Justice is vested in him , and he is much beloved by the Inhabitants : The Jesuits have a Church in the Town , and a Chappel at the other end of the Island , for the Conveniency of those that live remote . This Island was formerly very unhealthy , as well for the continual Rains that fell there , for nine Months in the Year , as because the Ground was covered with Wood , and withal very marshy ; Diseases were very rife amongst them , and Infants usually died almost as soon as they were born ; but since the Island has been grubbed up , they have begun to grow more healthy , the Women have good Lyings-in , and their Children are lusty . The chief Commodity of the Country , is Sugar and Rocou , but they make no great Quantity , because the Inhabitants want Slaves to work for them , and that is the Reason that Ships wait sometimes for near a Year's time for their lading : Those Negro's which we had sent thither by the Ship called the Fertill , were almost all dead before they got to the Place ; for being taken with a Calm , they wanted both Water and Victuals : But we having still about forty on board , we sold them for five hundred Livres a Man. The Commodities they have from France , are Wine , Brandy , Meal , and powdered Meats ; for Beefs are very rare to be found there , besides they are not allowed to kill any of them without Leave , as being desirous to let them multiply . They carry Iron Tools , and small Wares also thither , for to traffick with the Indians : Four or five Years since , Money was very scarce amongst them ; but the Free-booters who returned from the Southern-Seas , and the meanest of which had at least two or three thousand Crowns for his Share , bought them Habitations here , increased the Colony , and thereby made Money current amongst them . They drive a considerable Trade in Slaves , dry'd Fish , and Amacks , with the Indians living upon the River of the Amazons , and by this Commerce the Colony is very much enriched ; but the Portuguese , who for some Years past have a mind to settle there , have massacred in a most cruel manner those Persons who before went thither unmolested , and in all manner of Security . Monsieur de Feroles hath begun a Road which is to go by Land to this River , and pretends he 'll drive the Portuguese from thence . The same belongs to France , and 't is our Interest to preserve it , not only upon the account of our Traffick , but also because there are Silver Mines there . The Earth , besides Sugar and Rocou ; produces Cotton and Indigo , and is withal very fertil in Maes and Magniot ; besides those Fruits we have seen in Brasil , we find growing here , the Cassia , Papaye , Acajou-Apples , the Vanilla , Peet , and several others . As for the Papaye , it 's a thick Fruit , and tastes somewhat like a Cucumber ; it grows round the stem of a tall but tender Tree that has large Leaves , and cleft as your Vine Leaves are ; the Tree it self is hollow , and grows above fifteen Foot in one Year's time . The Acajou-Apple is thick , long , and of a yellow-red ; has a sharp Taste , and is usually eaten baked . At the end of this Apple you have a little green Nut , that tastes like a Filbert , and in form resembles a Sheeps-kidney : This Fruit grows upon a tall and round sort of a Tree , like unto a Chesnut-tree , whose Leaves are of the same Form and Colour , as those of the Laurel : The Wood of it is very fine , and proper to make Houshold Furniture of , and Pirogues of forty and fifty Foot long ; if a Line , or such a thing , be once spotted with the Juice of this Acajou-Apple , it 's impossible to take away the Stain , till the Season of the Fruit be entirely gone . The Vanilla is a Plant that creeps up along other Trees , in the same manner as Ivy does ; its Leaves being of a bright green Colour , thick , long , strait , and pointed at the ends . About seven Years after it is planted , it begins to hear a sort of Husks that are full of an oyly Matter , and Seed that is smaller than that of Poppy , which they make use of in that Country , to give a good Scent to Tobacco , and Liquors they have amongst them . The Peet is an Herb that can be peeled in the same manner , as Hemp with us , and whose threads are stronger and finer than Silk , the Use whereof it would have long since put out of doors , if so be it would have been allowed to be transported to France . Ebony , of a different sort , Letter-wood ( as they call it ) and that of Violet , with several others , are very common in that Country . To say nothing of the Fish and Fowl that we find there in great abundance , as we do also Tygers , Deer , Pigs , little Porcupines , Camelions , those Beasts they call Agontills and Sapaions , and divers sorts of Animals more . As for the Agontill , it 's a Creature of the same Bigness with an Hare , of a reddish Colour like unto a Deer , sharp Muzzle , small Ears , and short as well as very small Legs ; but the Sapaion is a kind of a little Monkey , of a yellowish Colour , having large Eyes , a white Face and black Chin : It 's of a low Stature , but of a lively and caressing Nature . The Camelion doth somewhat resemble those small Lizards that creep up our Walls , whose Colour cannot be agreed on , because they receive it from every thing they touch : They have here also very large Serpents , but not very venomous , and some of them have been observed to have swallowed a whole Deer at a time . As for Birds , they have very curious Parrots in that Country , that will quickly learn to speak ; from which the Indians pluck Feathers of divers Colours , by the help of the Blood of certain creeping Animals , with which they rub them . They have also other Birds , called Flamands , Ocos , Toucans , and many sorts besides . The first whereof , viz. the Flamands are Sea-birds , about the Bigness of an Hen , which flie in Bands as Ducks , or rather Cranes do ; and whose Feathers being of a scarlet Colour , the Indians make unto themselves Crowns of them : The Ocos are as big as the Indian Poultry , black on the Back , but white breasted , with a short yellow Bill , a fierce Gate , and have small frizled Feathers standing up like a Cop upon their Heads . And for the Toucan , that is a Bird that hath both black , red , and yellow Feathers , being very near as big as a Pidgeon , whose Bill is almost as thick as his Body , and of a very singular make , as being all over nothing but black and white welts or streaks , like Ebony and Ivory interlaid ; neither is his Tongue less admirable , being nought but a plain Feather , and that very streight . We shall say nothing of several Birds , who have nothing remarkable in them besides their Feathers ; and therefore , we shall now proceed to a short Description of the Government of Cayenne , which some , by reason of the Bigness of it , and its Scituation under the Equator , have called Equinoxial France . The Government of Cayenne contains about an hundred Leagues in length , upon the Ocean , wherewith it 's bounded both on the East and North ; as it has to the West the River Marony , which separates the same from Surinam , now in the hands of the States of Holland ; and to the South , the Northern Boundary of the Amazons , where the Portuguese have already built three Forts upon the Rivers of Paron and Macaba : One may see by the Map made of this Government ( which I have taken Care to correct , according to the Memoirs of Monsieur de Feroles , for to send it to Court ) the Road that has been made , in order to drive them from thence : This Road begins at the River of Peira , which falls into that of Paron , and by which they can afterwards go down in Canoes : Here also Observations may be made of the different Nations of the Indians that dwell in those Parts , and who all of them , tho' intermixt one with another , speak different Languages , and are almost always ingaged in War , which is not usually put an end to , until they make forty or fifty of their Enemies Prisoners . We were informed by the Jesuits , That several of these Nations were once entred into a League against one another ; and that they were about a Year's Space in making grand Preparation for War , which after all ended one Night , in their surprizing two or three Carbets , where they might burn perhaps about an hundred Persons , Men , Women and Children , and so returned home as fierce and vaunting , as if they had made a Conquest of the whole Country . These Indians are red , of short Stature , having black , long , and lank Hair ; they go all naked , unless it be their Privy-parts , which they cover with a little Cotton-welt , that hangs down by their Legs : But for the Women , they use a piece of Cloth half a Foot square , which they call Camisa , and which is usually woven after a striped manner , of divers Colours , and especially white , which they prefer above any other ; but some of them there are , who only hang a Carrot-leaf at their Girdle : The Men cut off their Beards , dye their Faces with Rocou , and cover their Arms and Faces with several folds of the forementioned sort of Cloth ; they generally , by way of Ornament , wear Crowns made of Feathers of various Colours , and bore a hole between their Nostrils , where they hang a little piece of Money , or a large knob of green Crystal that is brought from the River of Amazons , and which they mightily value : But there is particularly one whole Nation of these Indians , that make a large hole in the nether Lip , through which they put a piece of Wood , whereunto they fasten this Crystal : And as these are thus singular , all the other Nations have particular marks of Distinction also . These People are very skilful in Bows and Arrows , which they make use of as well in fishing as fowling : They work their Amacks very curiously , and make very pretty Pots and Baskets , which they call Pagara , and are wrought in such a manner , that they go one into another , and cannot be penetrated by Water : They also make use of their Couis or Calabasses , about which they turn their Ornaments , and varnish them with divers Colours , so as that the Waters shall not injure them ; but for all this Skill of theirs , they are very lazy , and continually lain down , taking no Care for the Morrow , no , not for their necessary Subsistence : And there is nothing but Famine that can draw them out of their Amacks . When they are in the Country , or waging War , and chance to hear that the Wife lies in , they return with all speed , bind up their Heads , and , as if themselves were in labour , they lie in their Beds , where their Neighbours come to comfort them under their imaginary Illness : There are several of them live together in one or more large Cottages , which they call Carbets , over each of which there is a Captain constituted . As for their Diet , they feed upon that which they call Cassave , Maes , Fish and Fruits ; the Men they live by fishing , and 't is the Women that till the Ground : They earry but a small matter of Victuals along with them , when they go to War ; for they feast upon the fattest part of their Prisoners Flesh , and for the rest they sell them to the French. They have divers sorts of Feasts amongst them , unto which one Carbet invites another ; and there they appear with Crowns on their Heads , and Feather-girdles , and spend the Day in dancing round , and in feasting , where they make themselves drunk with a strong sort of Liquor , which they call Ovicon , made of Cassave and Fruit , boyled together . These poor People live in miserable Ignorance , for they worship the Stars , and are very much afraid of the Devil , which they call Piaye , and who ( as they say ) comes to Beat and Torment them : Every one of them hath his Wife , which they cannot forsake , ' tho they find them Tardy : Old Men they highly venerate , and when any of them die , they bury them in their Carbets , without any other Ceremony than to make themselves soundly drunk : But as soon as they think the Corps is almost rotten , they dig up the bones , and burning the same to ashes , they put it into their Ovicon , and this they esteem excellent chear ; the Jesuits take a deal of Pains in Instructing these poor People , who with much Docility give ear to the Mysteries of the Christian Faith. On the 16th a Fire broke out in the House of one of the Officers , which was a great loss not only to the Owners , but also to several of the Inhabitants round the Town , who had their Moveables there . All these Houses are built of Wood , and thatched over , which is the reason that Fire takes them so fast that nothing can be saved . On the 25th we made ready for a cruise upon the Coast of Barbadoes , which Island is under the Dominion of the English , who send thither above six hundred Ships every Year : It 's well Peopled , and they reckon no less than six thousand Negro-Slaves to be in it , so that without Contradiction it may be esteemed the most Powerful Colony of all the American Islands . Monsieur de Gennes had some thoughts of going to attack Surinam , and for furthering of his design , Monsieur de Feroles made him an offer to go thither in Person with part of his Garrison ; but certain Indians who do nothing else but go backwards and forwards to give an Account of what is done both on the one and the other side , informed us there were two large Dutch Ships there carrying 70 Pieces of Cannon , that were ready to put out forthwith , and that so we should have to deal with the Fort and these two Ships at a time ; which made us alter our resolution , and to continue Cruising . On the 14th of October , believing our selves to be in the height of Barbadoes , we sent the Glutton to Martinico , with Orders to lade her self with Sugar , and so to sail away for France : And there we Cruised to the 16th , fifty , forty , and thirty Leagues distance from the Shoar , without seeing any thing , and therefore we thought it advisable to draw near to the Island . The 17th the Weather was very Hazy till five in the Afternoon , when clearing up all of a sudden , we discovered Barbadoes , from which we might be about five Leagues distance : About an Hour after we descryed a Ship ; But as we found she was near the Shoar , and that it was now Night , we thought it more Convenient to bear off than to come up with her . On the 18th the Wind being very slack , we found our selves still to be at the same distance from Shoar , but about Noon we gave chase under English Colours to a Carvet that came to discover what we were , but upon her putting up French Colours , and giving us a Gun as a Signal that she was really such , we hung out ours also , and gave her the same assurance . This was a small Vessel from Martinico called the Malovin , carrying four Guns , and was manned with five and forty Buccaneers , whose Captain came on board us , and gave us an Account of the Death of Monsieur de Blenac , General of the American Islands , adding farther that he had met with our Fleet , and that there were six and twenty Sail of Ships got into Barbadoes about six Weeks before . About five in the Evening we discovered three Ships near the Shoar , which the Malovin told us was a Man of War for a Guard-ship , that carried four and fifty Guns , and two small Frigates of fourteen Guns each , and that they were come out to hinder her to take a Merchant Ship , that she had chased to the very mouth of the Port. On the 19th by Break of Day we discovered the said Guard-ship followed by a Skiff about two Leagues off of us : But as there was but very little Wind stirring , and that she had a great mind to know what we were , she made use of her Oars to get out , and about three in the Afternoon sent her Shallop to see what the Seditious was , which was not above two Cannon-shot off , but about five she recalled her , and an Hour after she sailed off and made a show of getting to the Shoar and recovering land : But we did not think fit to pursue her , because we were apprehensive she might return , and had a design to surprize us : But in short we saw her again at ten at Night within Cannon-shot of us , and she followed us all that Night long almost within Musket-shot , and from time to time fired Rockets as a Signal for the Shallop to come up , that had not yet rejoyned her . At break of Day we came up to her with a good Wind under French Colours , and all our sails loose , but as she had no other design than to see what we were , and not to fight , she gave us no Occasion to desire her to return to Port , which she did very safely , as did also the Skiff and her Shallop , which we discharged some shot at . On the 20th and 21th we bore off to Sea , and next Day about Noon discovered a Ship , about three Leagues to the Windward of us , with which we came very near up , when the Night approached and prevented our taking of her . On the 24th we took a small Fly-boat of forty Tunn , coming from Virginia , laden with Tobacco , Bacon , and Meal for Barbadoes , and was valued at 10000 Livres ; and the Seditious the very same Day gave chase to another small Ship , that made her escape by the favour of the Night . The 25th and 26th we had a great deal of bad Weather , on the last of which , about three in the Afternoon we saw a large Ship two Leagues to the Windward of us , towards which we bare , and all that Night kept a different Course that we might not lose her , but all in vain . On the 28th we found our selves in sight of Barbadoes , from which we computed our selves to be five and twenty Leagues distance ; we were surprized with our mistake , and could attribute the cause of it to nothing but the Currents ; but we took this opportunity to send our Fly-boat to Martinico , towards which she made good sail by the help of the Night , and a favourable Wind. We spent the rest of our time to the fourth of November , to get thirty or forty Leagues out to Sea , because the Winds are always contrary , and that no way can be made but upon a tack ; and on the sixth , seventh , and eighth we had very bad weather , and next Day we were ready to sail back , when we discovered a Ship two Leagues off to the See-ward , which as well as we , was at the Cape , to stay for the weather to prove better ; hereupon we made all the sail we could , and in two Hours time came within Cannon-shot of her ; she put out English Colours , which we Answered with ours , and at the same time gave her some chase Guns ; she kept Fighting , Retreating , and wounded three of the Sun of Africa's Men , which was ready to give her a whole Broadside and to send her to the Deep , when , to prevent it , she presently struck . She was a tight Ship , carrying two and twenty Guns , belonged to New England , and this was her first Voyage : Her lading consisted chiefly in Materials for Shipping , and some Cod ; we put twenty Men on board her , and steered for Martinico , but that Night it blew very hard , and we were separated from the Seditious in the storm ; and on the 11th we had sight of Barbadoes , which we left to the North of us . Next Day early in the Morning , we found our selves at two Leagues distance from St. Lucia , which we had a desire to leave behind us , but the Wind took us short : This Island is high of Scituation , covered all over with Wood , and very remarkable for two Peaks in it like a Sugar-loaf , that may be seen at twenty Leagues distance in clear Weather : We Coasted it all Day , and on the 13th early in the Morning , we found we were three Leagues from the Diamond-Point of Martinico ; we plyed till Evening for to get into the mouth of Sack-Royal , ( as they call it ) where we Anchored at five , within half a League of the Fort , which we saluted with seven Pieces of Cannon , and were answered with as many from thence . Next Day the Captain of the Fort entred us for Careening ; we found four or five Ships there from Rochel and Bourdeaux , and two Danes hired by French Merchants for the Voyage , one of which saluted us with five Guns , which we answered with three : We Anchored about two Spears length from the Mead , where we took out our first Tier , Provision , and Utensils , in order to cleanse our Ship. We understood on the 16th , that the Seditious was come to Fort St. Peter , and that the Glutton , laden with Sugar , was sailed away for France , the same Day we were entred for Careening . The English failed not to send a Packet-boat to fetch away their Prisoners , with a design to discover what state we were in , and the French Prisoners she brought over , told us that the Guard-ship , that had given us Chase , when she understood what we were , not thinking her self safe in that Port , had sailed away for Antegoe to joyn another Ship of sixty Guns that cruised about that Island : The Packet-boat went from Port Royal to Fort St. Peter , where all the English Prisoners that were in the Island , were delivered up to her , and some of whom the very same Night , they were to sail for Barbadoes , took away a small Privateer that was ready to put to Sea , and had but one Man to look after her ; whereupon the English Officers were presently seized , and the Packet-boat sent back to demand Satisfaction for this Seisure , which was contrary to the Law of War. On the first of December , tho' we had not fully embarked all our things that we had to put a Shoar , we left the Careening place , to the end we might put an stop to the desertion of our Men , of whom we had already lost no less than thirty , all of them brave young Fellows , who sought for nothing more than an opportunity to fight for the honour of their Country , in order to make their Fortune , or lose their Lives , and who were enraged at their sufferings now for two Years together without any hopes of attaining their Ends : And what is still more lamentable , there were three or four of them found starved to Death on the Mountains about fifteen Days after . From the third at Night to the fourth we set Sail for St. Peter's Fort , where we anchored at five in the Evening , within Pistol-shot of Land , and continued there to the thirteenth to take in Water . But seeing it is now a long time since we have had any account of the Islands of America ; and that the face of things there is much altered since fifteen or twenty Years , I thought it would not be impertinent to make a short Description of the same , whereon depends all the rest that are in our possession . Martinico was at first Inhabited by some French and English , who took this , as was done by all the other Islands , as a place of refuge , and each of them upon different accounts : They lived there a long time at Peace with the Indians , who gave them a share of the Cassave and Fruits that they Cultivated ; but after the descent Monsieur d' Enambuc made on St. Christopher , in the Year 1625 , those Indians being put in the head by their Wizards , that these new Guests came with an Intention to destroy them , and to take away their Country , they resolved to Massacre them ; but the French discovering the design , took all the Caution imaginable to prevent it . In 1626 there was a Company erected for the American Islands , and then they began to be Peopled , and Ships frequently sailed thither , to Trade for Sugar , for which they paid ready Money ; but after divers petty Wars , there was a general Peace made with the Indians in 1660 , and they had St. Vincent and Domingo assigned them to retire to . They continue there to this Day , and come constantly to Trade with our French-men , between whom and them there is so great an unity , that when they catch the English , whom they know to be our Enemies , they Murder and Eat them , and the French themselves have no power to bring them to give them Quarter : The Jesuits , and other Orders settled in these Parts , do from time to time make small Voyages into their Islands , to Instruct them in the Principles of Religion ; which they hear with a great deal of Joy , but reap little Benefit thereby , as being still very tenacious of their old Superstition . The American Islands Company were of no longer Duration than the Year 1651 , when they sold them to the Knights of Malta , and several particular Persons ; but now the King is Master of them ; where he has erected Forts , and keeps good Garrisons . Martinico is the residence of the General , and Soveraign Courts of Judicature ; whereon depends St. Domingo , Guadalupa , Granada , Mary-Galanda , the Saints , St. Cross , St. Lucia , and Tabago ; of which they have abandoned the last three . This Island is scituated in 14 degrees North Latitude ; and 315 , 25 minutes Longitude , stands high , and is fifty five or sixty Leagues in Circumference . It has the conveniency of three Ports , where you may lade above an hundred Ships every Year ; and their Names are the Cul-de-sac Royal , the Bourg of St. Peter , and the Cul-de-sac de la Trinity . Cul-de-sac Royal is a large Bay to the South of the Island , and at the bottom whereof stands a pretty Town , containing near three hundred Inhabitants , where the General resides , and the Courts of Justice are kept : The Streets of it are straight , the Houses regular , and mostly built of Wood ; and here the Capuchins have a very fine Convent . The Fort which is very advantageously scituated , is built upon a large and long Point of land that runs out into the Sea , and makes the best Careening place in all the Islands : The Fort is no other way accessible to the Sea-ward , but by Layes or Banks of Rocks which do encompass it ; and the Town cannot be otherwise approached to , than by a small but very narrow Clascis , that is flanked with an half Moon , and two Bastions , lined with good Stone-work ; and defended with a Ditch full of Water ; they have eighteen and four and twenty Pounders mounted every way upon it , and six Marine Companies in Garrison . Monsieur de Blenac before his death erected a Magazine of Powder there , and a Cistern Bomb-proof , so that the Fort is now in a Condition to withstand a whole Army . The Town of St. Peter is pretty large , and better peopled than that of Fort Royal ; but to speak the truth of it , it 's no more than one Street , a good quarter of a League in length , full of ascents and descents , and in several Places interrupted with diverse curious Rows of Orange Trees ; to say nothing of a River that runs cross the middle thereof , that has excellent Water ; this River comes down from a great Valley , that stands behind the Town , and where may be seen a great many Sugar Plantations , that are very agreeable to the Eye : At one end of the Town stands the Jesuits House , which is curiously Built ; and at the other the Jacobins Church ; where also there is a small Convent of Vrsulines in the middle , besides an Hospital , over which the Brethren of Charity ( as they are called ) have the super-intendency : Most of the Houses there are built of Wood , but very well , and the Inhabitants are very Civil and Affable . France may be known there by the neatness of the People , and Martinico can boast that her Females are as handsome as the Women of Europe : There had been a Fort at the mouth of the River , which the Hurricans entirely ruined and levelled to the Ground ; they have no more now there , than two Companies of Foot , and two Batteries at both ends of the Town , consisting of eight or ten Pieces of Cannon each ; but they are continually at Work there to raise new Fortifications . The English came thither in 1693 , with sixty Sail of Ships , and made a descent above the Town towards the Preacher's Point , from whence they were vigorously repulsed by the Inhabitants , who killed about fifteen Hundred of them upon the spot , with the disadvantage of no more than twenty Killed and Wounded on their own side ; and Monsieur de Blenac signalized himself very much upon this Occasion : He Marched in one Night from Fort Royal with two hundred Men thither , and so incouraged the Inhabitants , that it may be said , it was almost to him alone that the Success of this Expedition was owing . Cul-de sac de la Trinity , that stands on the other side of the Island , is much smaller , and less frequented than the other Ports ; besides which , there are divers small Places on the Sea-side , where Barks and Canoes take in their Lading ; so that since the taking of St. Christopher's , whose Inhabitants withdrew into other Islands , they reckon Martinico to have three thousand Men bearing Arms , and above fifteen thousand Negro-Slaves . This Island , as has been already noted , is very high and so full of Mountains , that the middle part thereof cannot be inhabited ; but it 's very fruitful in Sugars , where they are now refined , in Cotton , Rocou , Cinnamon , Cocoe , of which they make Chocolate , in Magniot , and the Fruits of the Country , which I have describ'd already . They have very fine sort of Wood there , especially that which they call the Gayac , of which they make Pullies , and such like things , for the King's Men of War. These , and several other Fruits , which are transported thence into France grow in this Country mighty well ; and Sheep , Oxen , and Horses , multiply amongst them apace ; and the Ships that sail thither , whether singly , or in company , to lade Sugar , carry with them Wines , Corn , Salt-meats , and all sorts of Merchandizes they may have occasion for ; so that a Man of an Estate can live there , as well as in France : But yet the high Scituation of the Country makes the Air unwholsome , and there are but a few Ships that go thither , whose Crew does not feel the Effects of it ; and we our selves , lost about a dozen or fifteen Men , who died as it were from one Day to another , without any Symptom of being sick . The Inhabitants , besides the Inconveniency of a bad Air , are much incommoded with Ants , Mousticks , and a kind of an Hand-worm , which they call Chiques , and which fix themselves in the soles of the Feet , and are so much the more troublesome and insupportable , in that they cannot be rooted out from thence , if they have once time given them to lay their Eggs there : Serpents are also very common in this Island , and creep into the very Houses , of which there are se●eral sorts , whose stinging is very dangerous ; but the Negro's find Simples there that cure them presently . We made ready on the 13th to go and take in Wood at St. Lucia , and from thence to return to cruise on the Coast of Barbadoes ; but the Seditious had been ordered away for a Convoy to a Merchant-Ship , bound for Guadalupa , where she received Monsieur de Gennes his Commands , to make the best of her way for France . On the 14th , about Nine in the Morning , we anchored in a great Bank of Sand at St. Lucia , where a very good Port may be made , and convenient Habitations fixed . St. Lucia is of a high Scituation , covered with Wood , and rendred almost uninhabitable , by a vast Number of Serpents that are to be found there ; but for all that , there are two or three Indian Carbets , or Villages , upon the place , and some Frenchmen , who fetch Tortoises from thence for Martinico : You will find upon the Sea-shoar , a great many Macheveliers , which is a Tree that does not grow very tall , whose Wood is very fine , and its Leaves like unto those of a Pear-tree ; it bears small Apples , that are of such a Smell and Colour , as do invite People to eat of them ; but it 's very dangerous to comply with the Temptation ; for there is no Antidote that can secure a Man from a speedy Death , that hath once tasted of them : The very Leaf of it makes an Ulcer upon the place it toucheth , the Dew that falls from them takes away the Skin , and the very Shadow of this Tree makes a Man swell to that degree , that it will infallibly kill him without speedy help . On the 15th , in the Afternoon , we weigh'd Anchor , and kept pretty near the Shoar , that we might be able to get to the Coast of St. Vincent , within two Leagues of which we found our selves next Morning by break of Day : But it was three in the Afternoon before we could draw near , tho' we had a small Gale that was favourable enough ; and this made us suppose that the Currents were against us ; but it blowing at length , at three of the Clock , a fresh Gale , we made a little more sail , and coasted within half a League of the Island , where we saw a very fine Country , and seemingly well cultivated : The same is inhabited , on the Coast by which we passed , with twelve or fifteen hundred Negro's , that fled thither from the Neighbouring Islands , and especially from Barbadoes , from whence they made their Escapes , with a favourable Wind , in their Masters Canoes : But the other side is Peopled with two or three thousand Indians , who have a great Trade with those that dwell upon the River Orenoquo that is on the Continent , whither they pass in their Pirogues , as they do to all the Islands scituate in the Gulph of Mexico ; and that which is very wonderful , is , That they are never overtaken with bad Weather , but that on the contrary , they are always aware of the Day wherein an Hurricane happens , a long time before the same doth come to pass . St. Vincent is also high of Scituation , abounding in Fruits , Fowl , in Goats and Hogs . There is a very fine Port there to Lee-ward , which the English some Years since , would have made themselves Masters of ; but the Indians prevented their making a Descent , with Showers of poison'd Arrows , and the Assistance of the Negro's , who took Vengeance on them for all the ill Usage they had met with at the hands of that Nation . On the 17th we doubled that Place they call the Pomgranates , and next Day saw the Island of Tabago , which the Mareschal d' Estre took from the Dutch in 1678. after two of the sharpest Engagements that have been heard of ; but this Island is now desolate , and serves only for a place of Retreat to Birds . About Noon we steered towards Barbadoes , which we discovered on the one and twentieth ; and having a fair Wind on the 25th and 26th , we made much of our way towards Barbadoes . On the 31th we discovered , by break of Day , a small Vessel to Leeward , and made all the Sail we could to come up with her ; and as she saw we were got near her , and that it was to no purpose to flee , she came to , and staid for us : She was a Vessel of forty Tuns , that had been three Months sailing from Bristol for the Barbadoes , and was laden with Beer , Syder , Herrings , Cheese , Butter , Hats , and several sorts of other Goods , being valued at 20000 Livres . We put eight Men on board her , and sent her away for Martinico . Next Day , which was the first of January , 1697. we discovered also another Vessel , four Leagues to Windward of us , and we bore up towards her till three in the Afternoon , but could not come up with her , which made us give o'er the Chase . On the 6th we had a sight of Barbadoes . As Monsieur de Gennes , who had been sick for fifteen Days , found himself now sicker than ordinary , he thought fit to return to Martinico . We left the Sun of Africa behind us , to cruise , which she did for five or six Days , without purchase ; and we making all the Sail we could , next Day about four in the Evening discovered the Coast of St. Lucia , which we left to Leeward of us ; and on the 8th , about ten in the Morning , entred the Port they call Cul-de-Sac Royal : We were come very near the Fort , and ready to cast Anchor , when we met with a great Rock , that took out three of our Ship 's outer Planks , without doing us any further Damage ; we quickly brought her back , and anchored a good Cannon-shot from the Shoar ; and indeed it 's dangerous to get nearer , and we had good luck to come off so well . We discharged our Prizes , and sold the Goods very well , because the Inhabitants , who were in daily Expectation of the Arrival of Monsieur d' Amblimont's Fleet , wanted Provisions ; and it 's certain they had not twenty Barrels of Meal left in the whole Island . The Free-booters had contributed very much to subsist them for the first Years of the War , by the many Prizes they had taken on the Coast of Barbadoes , St. Christopher , and the other Islands belonging to the English , but now their Merchant-ships sailed together in Fleets ; and there are also some of them , who to avoid the Privateers , go to the Coast of Tabago and la Trinity , and come back again to recover Barbadoes . On the 24th we made ready to sail for the Fort of St. Peter , where we anchored on the 25th , and continued in that place till the fourth of the next Month , to take in Sugar , Cassia , and Cocoe , with which Martinico almost supplies all France : The Cassia grows in Husks about half a Foot long , upon a Tree much like unto our Walnut-tree . The Cocoe grows no where but in moist Places , and such as are but little exposed to the Sun ; the Tree that produces it is but small , the Fruit is long and uneven , like a Cucumber ; when it is ripe they gather it , and leave it for a time to dry in the Sun ; it 's properly nothing else but a rind , like that of the Pomgranate , that contains about five and twenty , or thirty Beans , of which thy make Chocolate . On the 31st . we fitted out a Brigantine , to sail to Barbadoes , to exchange the Prisoners they had made of the Crew of a small Free-booter , that had been taken in sight of Guadalupa . I have a mind , before we go from hence , to relate the Adventure of our Poor Mango , who gave us continually some diversion or other ; this was an old Monkey we had , belonging once to the Governour of Gambie ; who was so prodigiously strong , that he broke his Chain at least once in eight Hours ; and as soon as he got loose , he failed not to make a Ravage : His main Care was to get him a Dinner , and when he had fooled any poor Seaman out of his Mess , it was very pleasant to see him get up to the top of the Masts , and to jump from one Sail unto another with a dish of Rice , or a great Piece of Bacon in his Paws . If any one was so bold as to go about to take away his prey , he threw a Cannon-ball at his Head , or what ever else came in his way ; all which was nothing in comparison of the Wounds of his Teeth , which made such an Impression , that the Marks of them some times remained for the space of two Months and upwards . At last he took upon him to throw into the Sea the Wheels of an Ivory-Clock which Monsieur de Gennes had ordered to be made , and took up two Years time in the doing : But this was no sooner known , than that the poor Devil was condemned to have his head chopped off , and therefore he was carryed a Shoar to have the Sentence Executed upon him ; but he managed his part so well , that after two or three Pistols shot at him , he broke his Cord and took to his feet ; and all that Day we saw the poor Animal , as wounded as he was , run up and down along the Shoar , to seek out an opportunity to return on Board ; and if he was much concerned for losing of us , we were no less to find our selves deprived of his dear Company . From the fourth at Night to the fifth of February , we made ready to sail for Guadalupa . As for our Great Prize which remained at Fort Royal , to dispose of her Wood , and relade with Sugar , we left twenty Men on board of her ; but for the other two Prizes , we sold them , tho' to no great advantage , because they were but small , and the Lading inconsiderable . At the Preacher's Point we met an English Prize , taken by the Merchant-ship , that entred at the same time with us into Cayenne , near St. Christophers ; then we Coasted St. Domingo , and on the sixth anchored very near the Shoar before Guadalupa , even in the midst of the Town , to the South-west of the Island , at the bottom of a very high Sulphurous Cavity , that casts out smoke continually , and oftentimes fire . We got our full Cargoe in less than two Days , and the Inhabitants came to intreat us with great earnestness to take off their Goods , so that we could have laden fifteen Ships in fifteen Days time . This Island is very large , and healthier than Martinico , being divided into two parts by an Arm of the Sea , called the Salt-River , by which Barks may pass up when the Tide is in ; the Land is high , but fruitful in Sugar , Indico , and Cotton : Here also they have Rocou , Cassia , Cocoe , and very good Comfits . Fruits and Fowl are very common there ; and they have a sort of Birds about the forementioned sulphurous Cavity , which they call Diabolins , which are very large , and as good as Pullets ; they live upon nothing else but Fish , which they vomit up to feed their Young withal , and the Inhabitants send out their Negro's to take them ; but whether it be that they are not used to it , or that the Cold , or the Air of the said sulphurous Cavity seizes upon them , they are taken with such a languishment upon it , that they cannot surmount without much Difficulty ; they also find several boyling Fountains in this Island . That part of the Island which stands to the Northward , because of its being larger than the other , is called The Great Land , and hath been inhabited a long time , but at present has not above an hundred Inhabitants . The other , which is known by the Name of Guadalupa , has two Companies of Foot in it , about a thousand Inhabitants fit to bear Arms , and a great Number of Negro-Slaves : The Jesuits , Jacobins , Capuchins and Carmelites , have their Parishes there in distinct Places , as well as in Mary-Galand , and the Island called Saints . The Town where we cast Anchor , is the most considerable and almost the only one of the Island , being divided into two parts by a small River , which runs from behind the sulphurous Cavity we have already mentioned ; it 's large enough , and the greatest part of the Houses in it are built of Stone : There is a Battery of eight pieces of Cannon erected in the middle , and the same commands all the Road ; and at the end thereof , upon the Bank of a swift Torrent , stands a little Fort defended by eight pieces of Cannon , and lined with good Stone-Work . The English made a Descent upon this Place in 1691 , burnt the Town , took away the Battery that stood in the middle of it ; and there was none but this Fort made good by the Inhabitants , till Monsieur d' Vragny , then General of the Islands , came with three or four Men of War , and some Merchant Ships , fitted up in haste to raise the Siege ; when the English re-imbarked with Precipitation ; and left above two hundred Men in the Woods , to the Mercy of the French. Between the tenth at Night , and the eleventh , we weighed Anchor , and at break of Day saw a Brigantine , that bore up towards us , when we on our part did the same in respect to her ; upon which about Noon we fired three Pieces of Cannon , which made her presently alter her Course ; it is likely she might be some small English Privateer , that look'd after some Prey on these Coasts . On the 12th and 13th we were very much becalmed , and on the 15th we discovered the Island of St. Cross , which many of our Crew were confident , to be the Islands called the Virgins ; for indeed at a distance it appeared to be no other than a Number of little Islands separated from one another : Here they have Sugar , Cotton , and Indico , great plenty of Fowl and Swine . And Cows and Horses would have multiplied here apace : But as they were from Day to Day apprehensive of the loss of this Island , they caused the Inhabitants to withdraw to St. Domingo , with all their Effects , and entirely to abandon the Place . On the 16th by break of Day we discovered St. Thomas , that is to Leeward of all the Isles of the Virgins : It 's very remarkable for many Banks , and white Towers that do surround the Port of it : Upon our approach we discovered the Town , and a great Fortress of Stone-work that defends the Entrance of it , without which rode three large Ships . This Island belonged to the Danes ; the Hamburghers have an Agent there , and the Product of the Place is Sugar and Indico , but no very great Quantity of either ; and they would not think it worth their while to mind it , but that this does facilitate the Trade they drive in Negro's with the Spaniards of Portorico , that is about fifteen Leagues off . About Noon we doubled the Island of St. Thomas , and left a great white Rock on the left , that looked at a distance , like a Hoy under-sail : This Euripus , as I may call it , is very commodious for the Merchant-ships that stand in fear of the Corsairs , which they cannot many times escape , when they sail by St. Christophers , Saba , and others of the Enemies Islands . On the seventeenth , eighteenth , nineteenth and twentieth , we had a great deal of Rain and but little Wind ; and on the one and twentieth , we past the Tropick of Cancer . From the twenty third to the twenty eighth we had variable Winds , and very rainy Weather . The second and third of March we had great Winds , Rains , and foggy Weather , and the following Days we were becalmed : We found our selves parallel to the Bermudoes , but an hundred and fifty Leagues distance from it , as being a Place which all the Ships that come from the Islands , take care to shun , seeing they have found by constant Experience , they must meet with bad Weather there ; for the contrary Winds either forces them to draw near it , or to pass to Lee-ward of it . On the 6th , 7th , 8th , and 9th , we had a fair Wind and moderate Weather but from the time of our leaving St. Thomas , till we came parallel with the Azores , we saw Herbs every Day floating upon the Sea , which those who had sailed upon the Coasts of New Spain , told us came from the Channel of Bahama , from whence they were carried into the main Ocean by the rapidity of the Currents , and then dispersed over all this Sea , by the Westerly Winds that continually blow upon the Coasts of Virginia and New-England . On the 10th we had both Winds and Rain , and the Weather was very cold ; we came parallel to the Azores , and kept at an hundred and fifty Leagues distance from the Isle of Corva . On the 11th we had very great Winds , but they blowing of us onward in our way , we were easily brought to acquiesce with them . Very early on the 12th in the Morning , the Winds blew very hard , the Heavens were all over-cast , and the Sea grew very boisterous and terrible , and it was with very great Difficulty that we could carry low Sails : We had a Foot of Water in the Hole , but we could not use our Pumps ; the Waves were as high as our Masts , and came in upon us on all sides : And in this dangerous pickle we continued all the Day : But about ten at Night the Winds began to allay , and on the thirteenth we rejoned the Sun of Africa , which the bad Weather had separated from us the Day before , and whose Gallery had been swept away by a great Wave . On the sixteenth , being come parallel to Cape Finister , we made all the Sail we could to get a sight of it ; and next Day , at five in the Evening , we saw a small Vessel two Leagues to Windward of us , and which we believed was bound for the Bank of New-found-Land : But on this , and the two succeeding Days , we had Hail , Rain , and very cold Winds . On the nineteenth we discovered a pretty large Ship three Leagues to Leeward , whom we chased for four Hours , but could not come up with her . And on the twentieth , by break of Day , we found another within two Cannon-shot of us , which made us put out all our Sails , and give her chase , which continued for seven hours : But as we had but little Wind , we could not come up with her , and so we resumed our Course again . From the two and twentieth to the 27th , the Weather was very hazy ; and for six Days together , we saw neither Sun , Moon , nor Stars , and had but very little Wind. On the 17th we saw three Ships to Windward of us , which we did not think convenient to look after , seeing our Provision was now almost spent , and that it was our Interest to improve our time well ; and this same Night , we beheld a Rain-bow cross the Heavens , which , without receiving any Reflection from the Stars , that were very much over-cast , had a very lively red Colour . The 28th , 29th , and 30th , we had favourable Winds , and fine moderate Weather . But now the first Day of the Month of April being come , the Wind chopp'd about all of a sudden , and came contrary ; at what time we accounted our selves not above fifty Leagues from Cape Finister : Next Day the Winds bare hard upon us , and disabled us to make the Cape . But on the fourth and fifth they began to allay , and proved fair enough ; and next Day , at seven in the Morning , we discovered about a League from us to Leeward , a pretty large Ship , which we chased all Night long , gained much upon her , and had it not been for a Fog that fell for two Hours , by favour of which she sailed away , she had certainly given us either Bullets or Bread , which last we now most wanted , all our Provisions being spent , and the Winds still contrary . On the eighth we saw Pewets , and other Sea-birds , who are never seen very far from the Shoar ; next Day being the ninth , we met with a sort of little Sparrows , who passed over our Sail-yards without resting themselves ; and this was an infallible sign unto us , that we were not far from Land. On the 12th at break of Day , we descry'd two Ships at a League 's distance from us , but we could not come up with them , our Ships being too foul , too full of Herbs and Shell-work , to think of gaining upon Vessels newly careened , as we apprehended these to be . On the 13th we saw several Birds that waited as well as we , for a favourable Wind to put them a-shoar ; next Day the Wind was boisterous , and we had much Rain , Hail and melting Snow : And we lost Company with the Sun of Africa in a Fog , who not observing the Signal , sailed away , while we were setting our Round-tops , that were displaced , in order again . On the 15th the Wind being somewhat allay'd , and the Weather clearing up , about break of Day we saw five Ships , three to the Star-board , and two to the Lar-board ; but we were not in a Condition to go and look after any them . By the sixteenth our Provision was all spent , and we necessitated to use the Sugar and Cocoe of the Merchants , to make Chocolate for the Ships Crew ; which is a Liquor that is of a very nourishing nature , and might serve instead of Victuals ; but our Seamen , who were not accustomed to it , did not like it at all , and said it made their heads giddy . On the 17th at Sun rising , we thought we had the sight of the Tower of Cordovan , but our joy was short-lived , and this Tower was all of a sudden Transformed into a Ship. At last on the 18th , after a traverse of sixty seven Days , we sounded and found a Bottom , and were come parallel to Pertuis de Maumusson , about twenty Leagues distance from the Shoar : On the ninteenth we had but a small Wind. But on the 20th we discovered Rochebonne , which is fifteen Leagues wide of Pertuis d' Antioch ; the Sea , tho' very even , proved now to be broken and violent : About Noon we saw four Ships , and they Steered the same Course with us . Soon after we discovered the Steeple of God's - Island , about five in the the Evening , the Whale-Tower in the Isle of Rhee , and at Night we came to an Anchor , to wait for the Tide . On the 21st we weigh'd , and by break of Day we found our selves within two Cannon-shot of four Ships , which we had seen the Day before , which made us put out French Colours : They did the like , and we sent our Canoe on board them , to know what news from France : They happened to be a Bark of the Isle of Oleron , and three St. Malo Men , half men of War , and half Merchants , who were going to take in Salt in the Isle of Rhee , and from thence to fish on the bank of New-found-Land : They gave us six Baskets of Bread , one Barrel of Bacon , and some Beer , which a little refreshed our men . The St. Malo men passed by Pertuis Breton , and we by that of Antioch , and so on till about Midnight , we cast Anchor before Rochelle , where we found the Sun of Africa , who was got into that Port two Days before us . FINIS . An EXTRACT of the French King's Grant , for the Printing of this Book . BY the King's Grant , made at Paris the 15th of October , 1697. and signed Midy ; the Sieur de Fer , Geographer to the Dauphin , is allowed to Print , Sell , and Dispose of , by the Hands of what Printer or Bookseller he pleases , a Book Intituled , A Relation of a Voyage made on the Coasts of Africa , Brasil , the Streights of Magellan , and Islands of America , for the space of eight Years : And all Persons , of what Quality or Condition soever they be , are forbidden to Print the said Book , without the Consent of the said Sieur de Fer , upon Pain of such Penalty , Confiscation of the Copies , &c. as are held forth in the said Grant. Entred in the Hall-Book of the Company of Stationers and Printers of Paris , the 12th of October , 1697. Signed P. Aubouyn , Syndic . Begun to be Printed the first time , January the 9th , 1698. THE END . BOOKS Printed for M. Gillyflower , W. Freeman , M. Wotton , J. Walthoe , and R. Parker . OF Wisdom , Three Books . Written Originally in French by the Sieur de Charron , with an Account of the Author ; made English ; with some necessary Advertisements . By George Stanhope , D. D. late Fellow of Kings-College in Cambridge , from the best Edition . Corrected and Enlarged by the Author , a little before his Death . The Roman History , from the Building of the City to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar , containing the Space of 727 Years ; Designed as well for the Understanding of the Roman Authors , as the Roman Affairs . By Lawrence Echard , A. M. of Christ's - College in Cambridge . Now in the Press . The Roman History , the Second Part. By Lawrence Echard , A. M. A Compleat Body of Chirurgical Operations ; Containing their Definitions and Causes , from the Structures of the several Parts : The Signs of the Diseases for which the Operations are made : The Preparations for , and the Manual Performance of each : The manner of Cure after every particular Operation : Together with Remarks of the most skilful Practitioners upon each Case ; as also Instructions for Sea-Surgeons , and all concerned in Midwifery . The whole Illustrated-with Copper-Plates , explaining the several Bandages and Instruments . By Monsieur de la Vauguion , M. D. and Intendant o● the Royal Hospitals about Paris . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40503-e570 June 3. 1695. The Island of Madera . July 1. 1695. Cape Verd. The Island of Gorea . * Pirogues . Superstition of the Negro's . The Description of the Island of Gorea . The People . Their Religion . Their Burials . St. James's Fort summon'd . The King of Block styled Emperor . The King of Barifet Tributary . The Bombarding of the Fort. The Fort surrender'd The Description of the Fort. August , 1695. The meeting of a Free-booter . The Fort is blown up . The Description of the River . Hutts . Balafo , a Musical Instrument . Their Departure from the Coast of Brasil . Septemb. 1695. They stand in for Gorea . Their Arrival at the Island of Cape Verd. A Description of St. Vincent's Island . Great Plenty in St. Antony's Island . Bourse . They steer'd their Course again to Brasil . Blowers and Porpoises . They passed the Line . Novemb. 1695. Flying Fish . The Frigate . The Island of the Ascension . A Sow that brought forth a Monster . The Isle of St. Ann. Channell'd Cherries . Cape Frie. The River Jeneiro . A Scruple made to permit them to enter the River . The sick Men set on Shore . They do not salute the Town . The Governour 's unfair Dealing . St. Sebastian . The Manners of the Inhabitants of St. Sebastian . A notable Adventure . Sugar Canes . Manioc . The Town of S. Paul tributary , but not subject to the King of Portugal . The Generosity of a Portuguese . La Isla Grande . What Pyrogues are , Jan. 96. February 1696. The River of Sancta Cruz. Cape 24. taken for that of the Virgins . Cape Entrana . Boucaut . Bay. Cape Gregory . S. George ' s Island . Penguins . Sea Wolves . Cape Froward . March 3. 1696. Famine - Bay. The Rode of Port Gallant . April 1696. The Occasion of our Voyage . The Free-booters enter the Southern Sea thro' the Streight They continu'd there seven Years * A sort of Vessel . They return to the Northern Sea. Apparent Danger . They stand in for the Northern Sea. May 1696 Sea-Porcupines . June 1696 The Shallop lost . The Currents follow the Course of the Sun on the Coast of Brasil . Cape St. Antony . The Procession of the Holy Sacrament . News from Goa . Montauban Shipwreck'd . July , 1696 A Description of All-Saints Bay. Aug. 1696 The miserable Condition of the Negro Slaves . The River of the Amazons . Cape of Orange . Sep. 1696. The Description of Cayenne . The Mangle . Traffick . A Road from Cayenne to the River of Amazons . Fruits . Birds . The Government of Cayenne . The Indians of Cayenne . October , 1696. The taking of an English Fly-boat . Novem. 1696. The taking of another Vessel . December 1696. A Description of Martinico . Cul-de-sac Royal. The Town of St. Peter . Their Departure from Martinico . The Isle of St. Lucia , An English Prize . January , 1697. They return to Martinico . Cocoe . February , 1697. St. Cross . St. Thomas . March , 1697. April , 1697. The Men brought to live upon Chocolate . 
A02826	----	The observations of Sir Richard Havvkins Knight, in his voiage into the South Sea. Anno Domini 1593 Hawkins, Richard, Sir, 1562?-1622. 1622 Approx. 466 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 91 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A02826 STC 12962 ESTC S119816 99855022 99855022 20492 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A02826) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20492) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 321:16) The observations of Sir Richard Havvkins Knight, in his voiage into the South Sea. Anno Domini 1593 Hawkins, Richard, Sir, 1562?-1622. [6], 169, [7] p. Printed by I[ohn] D[awson] for Iohn Iaggard, and are to be sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete, neere the Temple Gate, London : 1622. Printer's name from STC. Running title reads: Sir R: Hawkins his observations. Includes index. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng America -- Discovery and exploration -- English -- Early works to 1800. South America -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE OBSERVATIONS OF S IR RICHARD HAVVKINS KNIGHT , IN HIS VOIAGE INTO THE South Sea. Anno Domini 1593. Per varios Casus , Artem Experientia fecit , Exemplo monstrante viam . — Manil. li. 1. PRINCEPS SVBDITORUM INCOLVMITATEM PROCVRANS . ID printer's or publisher's device LONDON Printed by I.D. for IOHN IAGGARD , and are to be sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete , neere the Temple Gate . 1622. TO THE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS AND MOST EXCELLENT Prince CHARLES , Prince of Wales , DVKE of CORNEWALL , EARLE of CHESTER , &c. AMongst other Neglects preiudiciall to this State , I haue observed , that many the worthy and Heroyque Acts of our Nation , haue beene buried and forgotten : The Actors themselues being desirous to shunne emulation in publishing them , and those which ouerlived them , fearefull to adde , or to dimnish from the Actors worth , Iudgement , and valour ; haue forborne to write them : By which , succeeding ages haue beene deprived of the Fruits , which might haue beene gathered out of their Experience , had they beene committed to Record . To avoyd this Neglect , and for the Good of my Country , I haue thought it my duty to publish the Observations of my South-sea-Voyage ; and for that vnto your Highnesse , you Heires , and Successors , it is most likely to be advantagious , ( hauing brought on me nothing but losse and misery ) I am bold to vse your Name , a protection vnto it , and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your Highnesse approbation , which if it purchase , I haue attained my desire , which shall ever ayme to performe dutie . Your Highnesse humble and devoted servant , RICHARD HAVVKINS ❧ To the Reader . HAd that worthie Knight the Authour lived to haue seene this his Treatise published : he would perhaps himselfe haue giuen the account thereof : For by his owne directions it was put to the Presse , though it pleased God to take him to his mercy during the time of the Impression . His purpose was to haue recommended both it and himselfe vnto our most Excellent Prince CHARLES , and himselfe wrote the Dedication , which being imparted vnto me , I conceited that it stood not with my dutie to suppresse it . Touching the discourse it selfe , as it is out of my element to iudge , so it is out of my purpose to say much of it . This onely I may boldly promise , that you shall heere find an expert Sea man , in his owne Dialect deliver a true relation of an vnfortunat Voyage : which howsoever it proved lamentable and fatall to the Actors , may yet proue pleasing to the Readers : it being an itch in our natures to delight in newnes and varietie , be the subiect never so grievous . This ( if there were no more ) were yet worthy your perusall : and is as much as others haue with good acceptance , afforded in relations of this nature . Howbeit besides the bare series and Context of the storie , you shall heere finde interweaved , sundry exact descriptions of Countries , Townes , Capes , Promontories , Rivers , Creekes , Harbors , and the like , not vnprofitable for Navigators : besides many notable observations , the fruites of a long experience , that may giue light touching Marine accidents , even to the best Captaines and Commaunders : who if they desire to learne by precepts shall here finde store : but if examples prevaile more with them , here are also aliena pericula , if you believe mee not , reade and iudge . Farewell . THE OBSERVATIONS OF S IR RICHARD HAWKINS , KNIGHT , in his VOYAGE into the South SEA. ANNO DOMINI . 1593. SECT . I. WITH the COVNSELS consent , and helpe of my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins , Knight , I resolved a Voyage to be made for the Ilands of Iapan , of the Phillippinas , and Molueas , the Kingdomes of China , and East Indies , by the way of the Straites of Magelan , and the South Sea. The principall end of our Designements , was , to make a perfect Discovery of all those parts , where I should arriue , as well knowne as vnknowne , with their Longitudes and Latitudes ; the lying of their Coasts ; their Head-lands ; their Pons , and Bayes ; their Citties , Townes , and Peoplings ; their manner of Government ; with the Commodities which the Countries yeelded , and of which they haue want , and are in necessitie . For this purpose in the end of Anno 1588. returning from the iourney against the Spanish Armado , I caused a Ship to be builded in the river of Thames , betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes , which was finished in that perfection as could be required For shee was pleasing to the eye , profitable for Stowage , good of Sayle , and well conditioned . The day of her Lanching being appoynted , the Lady Hawkins ( my Mother in Law ) craued the naming of the Ship , which was easily granted her : who knowing what Voyage was pretended to be vndertaken , named her the Repentance : what her thoughts were , was kept secret to her selfe ; And although many times I expostulated with her , to declare the reason for giving her that vncouth name , I could never haue any other satisfaction , then that repentance was the safest Ship we could sayle in , to purchase the haven of Heaven . Well , I know , shee was no Prophetesse , though a religious and most vertuous Lady , and of a very good vnderstanding . Yet too propheticall it fell out by Gods secret Iudgementes , which in his Wisedome was pleased to reveale vnto vs by so vnknowne a way , and was sufficient for the present , to cause me to desist from the Enterprise , and to leaue the Ship to my Father , who willingly tooke her , and paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of her , which I had concorted or paid . And this I did not for any superstition I haue in names , or for that I thinke them able to further or hinder any thing ; for that all immediately dependeth vpon the Providence of Almightie God , and is disposed by him alone . Yet advise I all persons ever ( as neere as they can ) by all meanes , and in all occasions , to presage vnto themselues the good they can , and in giving names to terrestriall Workes ( especially to Ships ) not to giue such as meerly represent the celestiall Character ; for , few haue I knowne , or seene , come to a good end , which haue had such attributes . As was plainely seene in the Revenge , which was ever the vnfortunatest Ship , the late Queenes Maiestie had during her Raigne ; for comming out of Ireland , with Sir Iohn Parrot , shee was like to be cast away vpon the Kentish Coast. After in the Voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins my Father , Anno 1586. shee strucke aground comming into Plimouth , before her going to Sea : Vpon the coast of Spaine , shee left her Fleete , readie to sinke with a great Leake : At her returne into the Harbour of Plimouth , shee beate vpon Winter stone ; and after in the same Voyage , going out of Portsmouth Haven , shee ranne twice a-ground ; and in the latter of them , lay twentie two houres beating vpon the shore , and at length with eight foote of water in hold , shee was forced off , and presently ranne vpon the Oose : and was cause , that shee remained there ( with other three Ships of her Maiesties ) six moneths , till the Spring of the yeare ; When comming about to bee decked , entring the river of Thames , her old Leake breaking vpon her , had like to haue drowned all those which were in her . In Anno 1591. with a storme of wind and weather , riding at her Moorings in the river of Rochester , nothing but her bare Ma●ts over head , shee was turned topse-turvie , her Kele vppermost : And the cost and losse shee wrought , I haue too good cause to remember ; in her last Voyage , in which shee was lost , when shee gaue England and Spaine iust cause to remember her . For the Spaniards themselues confesse , that three of their Ships sunke by her side , and was the death of aboue 1500. of their men , with the losse of a great part of their fleete , by a storme which suddainly tooke them the next day . What English died in her , many liuing , are witnesses : Amongst which was Sir Richard Greenfeild , a noble and valiant Gentleman , Vice-admirall in her of her Maiesties Fleete . So that well considered , shee was even a Ship loaden , and full fraught with ill successe . The like wee might behold in the Thunderbolt of London , who in one Voyage ( as I remember ) had her Mast cleft with a Thunderbolt , vpon the Coast of ●arbary . After in Dartmouth , going for Admirall of the Whaftage , and guard of the Fleete for the River of Bourdieux , had also all her Poope blowne vp with fire sodainly , and vntill this day , never could be knowne the cause , or manner how : And lastly , shee was burned with her whole Companie in the River of Bourdieux , and Master Edward Wilson , Generall in her , slaine by his enemies , having escaped the fire . The successe of the Iesus of Lubecke , in Saint Iohn de Vlua , in the Nona Spania , infamous to the Spaniardes ; with my Repentance in the South Sea , taken by force , hath vtterly impoverished , and overthrowne our house . The Iourney of Spaine pretended for England , Anno 1587. called the Iourney of Revenge , left the principall of their men and Ships on the Rockes of Cape Finister , and the rest made a lamentable end , for the most part in the Groyne . No more for this poynt , but to our purpose . SECT . II. THe REPENTANCE being put in perfection , and riding at Detford , the Queenes Maiestie passing by her , to her Pallace of Greenwych , commanded her Bargemen to Row round about her , and viewing her from Post to Stemme , disliked nothing but her Name , and said , that shee would Christen her a new , and that thenceforth shee should be called the Daintie ; which name shee brooked as well for her proportion and grace , as for the many happie Voyages shee made in her Maiesties services ; Having taken ( for her Maiestie ) a great Bysten , of fiue hundred Tunnes , loaden with Iron , and other Commodities , vnder the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher ; A Caracke bound for the East In●ies , vnder my Fathers charge , and the principall cause of taking the great Caracke , brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow , and the Earle of Cumberlands Shippes , Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages . To vs , shee never brought but cost , trouble , and care . Therefore my Father resolved to sell her , though with some losse , which he imparted with me : and for that I had ever a particular loue vnto her , and a desire shee should continue ours , I offered to case him of the charge and care of her , and to take her , with all her Furniture at the price he had before taken her of me ; with resolution , to put in execution the Voyage , for which shee was first builded ; Although it lay six moneths and more in suspence , partly , vpon the pretended Voyage for Nombrededios and Panama , which then was fresh a foote ; and partly , vpon the Caracke at Dartmouth , in which I was imployed as a Commi●sioner : but this Businesse being ended , and the other pretence waxing colde , the fift of March I resolved , and beganne to goe forward with the iourney , so often talked of , and so much desired . And having made an estimate of the charge of Victualls , Munition , Imprests , Sea-store , and necessaries for the sayd Ship ; consorting another of an hundred Tunnes , which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter , with a Pynace of sixtie Tunnes , all mine owne : And for a competent number of Men for them ; as also of all sorts of Marchandises for trade and traffique in all places where wee should come ; I began to wage men , to buy all manner of victualls and provisions , and to lade her with them , and with all sorts of Commodities ( which I could call to minde ) fitting ; and dispatched order to my servant in Plimouth , to put in a readinesse my Pynace ; as also to take vp certaine Provisions , which are better cheape in those parts then in London , as Beefe , Porke , Bisket , and Sider . And with the diligence I vsed , and my Fathers furtherance , at the end of one Moneth , I was readie to set Sayle for Plimouth , to ioyne with the rest of my Shippes and Provisions . But the expecting of the comming of the Lord high Admirall , Sir Robert Cecill , principall Secretary to her Maiestie , and Sir Walter Rawley , with others , to honour my Shippe and me , with their presence and farewell , detayned me some dayes ; and the rayne and vntemperate weather deprived me of the favour , which I was in hope to haue received at their hands ; Wherevpon , being loath to loose more time , and the Winde serving according to my wish , the eight of Aprill 1593. I caused the Pilot to set Sayle from Blackwall , and to vayle downe to Graues-end , whether that night I purposed to come . Having taken my vnhappy last leaue of my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins , I tooke my Barge , and rowed downe the River , and comming to Barking , wee might see my Ship at an Anchor , in the midst of the Channell , where Ships are not wont to more themselues : this bred in me some alteration . And comming aboord her , one and other began to recant the perill they had past of losse of Ship and goods , which was not little ; for the winde being at East North-east , when they set sayle , and vered out Southerly ; it forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tacke aboard , and looffing vp ; the winde freshing , sodenly the Shipp began to make a little hele ; and for that shee was very deepe loaden , and her ports open , the water began to enter in at them ; which no bodie having regard vnto , thinking themselues safe in the River , it augmented in such maner , as the waight of the water began to presse downe the side , more then the winde : At length when it was seene and the shete flowne , shee could hardly be brought vpright . But God was pleased , that with the diligence and travell of the Company , shee was freed of that danger : which may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of Shipping , even before they set sayle , eyther in River or Harbour , or other part , to haue an eye to their ports , and to see those shut and callked , which may cause danger ; for avoyding the many mishaps , which dayly chance for the neglect thereof , and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs : Experiments in the great Harry , Admirall of England , which was over-set and suncke at Ports-mouth with her Captaine , Carew , and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly Summers day , with a little flawe of winde ; for that her ports were all open , and making a small hele , by them entred their destruction ; where if they had beene shut , no wind could haue hurt her , especially in that place . In the River of Thames , Master Thomas Candish had a small Ship over-set through the same negligence . And one of the Fleete of Syr Francis Drake , in Santo Domingo Harbour , turned her keele vpward likewise , vpon the same occasion ; with many others , which wee never haue knowledge of . And when this commeth to passe , many times negligence is cloaked with the fury of the winde : which is a double fault ; for the truth being knowne , others would bee warned to shun the like neglects ; for it is a very bad Ship , whose Masts crackt not asunder , whose Sayles and tackling flie not in peeces , before shee over-set ; especially if shee be English built . And that which over-setteth the Ship is the waight of the water , that presseth downe the side , which as it entreth more and more , increaseth the waight , and the impossibilitie of the remedie : For the water not entring , with casing of the sheate , or striking the sayles , or putting the Ship before the winde or Sea , or other diligences , as occasion is offered ( and all expert Mariners know ) remedie is easily found . With this mischaunce the Mariners were so daunted , that they would not proceede with the Ship any further , except shee were lighted , which indeede was needelesse , for many reasons which I gaue : but Mariners are like to a stiffe necked Horse , which taking the bridle betwixt his teeth , forceth his Rider to what him list ma●ger his will : so they hauing once concluded , and resolved , are with great difficultie brought to yeelde to the raynes of reason : And to colour their negligence , they added cost , trouble , and delay . In fine , seeing no other remedie , I dispatched that night a servant of mine to giue account to my Father of that which had past , and to bring mee presently some Barke of London to goe along with mee to Plymouth ; which not finding , he brought me a Hoye , in which I loaded some sixe or eight tunns , to giue content to the company ; and so set sayle the 13. of Aprill , and the next day wee put in at Harwich , for that the winde was contrary , and from thence departed the 18. of the sayd Moneth in the morning . When wee were cleere of the Sands , the winde vered to the South-west , and so we were forced to put into Margat Roade , whether came presently after vs a Fleete of Hollanders of aboue an hundreth Sayle , bound for Rochell to loade salt : and in their companie a dozen ships of Warre ; their wasters very good ships and well appointed in all respects . All which came alongst by our ship , and ●●●ured vs , as is the custome of the Sea , some with three , others with fiue , others with more peeces of Ordinance . The next morning the winde vering Easterly , I set sayle , and the Hollanders with me , and they with the flood in hand , went out at the North-sands-head ; and I through the Gulls to shorten my way , and to set my Pilates shore . Comming neere the South-sore-land , the winde began to vere to the South-east and by south , so as we could not double the point of the Land , and being close abourd the shore , and putting our ship to slay , what with the chapping Sea , and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe , shee mist staying , and put vs in some daunger , before wee could flact about ; therefore for doubling the point of any land better is ever a short bourd , then to put all in perill . Being tacked about wee thought to anchor in the Downes , but the sayles set , we made a small bourd , and after casting about againe , doubled the foreland , and ran alongst the Coast till we came to the I le of Wight : where being becalmed wee sent a shore Master Thomson of Harwich our Pilot , not being able before to set him on shore for the perversnes of the winde . Being cleere of the Wight , the winde vered Southerly , and before wee came to Port-land , to the west , South-west , but with the helpe of the ebbe wee recovered Port-land ronde , where we anchored all that night ; and the next morning with the ebbe , wee set sayle againe , the winde at west South-west ; purposing to beare it vp , all the ebbe , and to stop the flood being vnder sayle . SECT . III. THe Fleete of Flemings which had beene in our company before , came towring into the road , which certainly was a thing worth the noti●g , to behold the good order the Masters observed in guard of their fleete . The Admirall headmost the r●st of the men of Warre , spread alongst to wind-ward , all saving the vice-Admirall and her consort , which were lee-most and stern-most of all , and except the Admirall , which was the first , that came to an Anchor ; None of the other men of warre anchored , before all the Fleete was in safetie ; and then they placed themselues round about the Fleete ; the Vice-Admirall Seamost and Leemost ; which we haue taught vnto most Nations , and they obserue it now a dayes better then we , to our shame , that being the Authors and reformers of the best Discipline and Lawes in Sea causes , are become those which doe now worst execute them . And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath growne , except of the neglect of Discipline , or rather in giuing commands for favour to those , which want experience of what is committed to their charge ▪ Or that there hath beene little curiositie in our countrey , in writing of the Discipline of the Sea ; which is not lesse necessary for vs , then that of the Law ; And I am of opinion , that the want of experience is much more tollerable in a Generall by Land , then in a Gouernour by Sea. For in the field the Lieutenant Generall , the Sergeant Maior , and the Coronels supply what is wanting in the Generall , for that they all command ; and ever there is place for Counsell , which in the Sea by many accidents is denied : and the head is he that manageth all , in whom alone if there be defect , all is badly governed ; for , by ignorance how can errors be iudged , or reformed ? And therefore I wish all to take vpon them that , which they vnderstand , and refuse the contrary . As Sir Henry Palmer , a wise and valiant Gentleman , a great commander , and of much experience in Sea causes , being appoynted by the Queenes Maiesties Counsell , to goe for Generall of a Fleete for the coast of Spaine , Anno 1583. submitting himselfe to their Lordships pleasure , excused the charge , saying , that his trayning vp had beene in the narrow Seas ; and that of the other , he had little experience . And therefore was in dutie bound to intreate their Honours , to make choice of some other person , that was better acquainted , and experimented in those Seas ; that her Maiestie , and their Lordships might be the better served . His modestie and discretion is doubtlesse to be had in remembrance , and great estimation ; For the ambition of many which covet the command of Fleetes , and places of government ( not knowing their Compasse , nor how , nor what to command ) doe purchase to themselues shame ; and losse to those that employ them : Being required in a Commander at Sea , a sharpe wit , a good vnderstanding , experience in shipping , practise in mannagement of Sea busines , knowledge in Navigation , and in command : I hold it much better to deserue it , and not to haue it , then to haue it not deserving it . SECT . IV. THe fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake of , to our losse and dishonor . As in the Fleete that went for Burdieux , Anno 1592. which had six Gallant Ships for Wasters . At their going out of Plimouth , the Vice-admirall that should haue beene starnmost of all , was the headmost , and the Admirall the light , and he that did execute the office of the Vice-admirall , lanching off into the Sea , drew after him the greater part of the Fleete , and night comming on , and both bearing lights , caused a separation : so that the head had a quarter of the bodie , and the Fleete three quarters , and he that should goe before , came behinde . Whereof ensued , that the three parts meeting with a few Spanish Men of Warre , wanting their head , were a prey vnto them . For the Vice-admirall , and other Wasters , that should be the Shepheards to guard and keepe their flocke , and to carry them in safetie before them , were headmost , and they the Men who made most hast to flie from the Wolfe . Whereas if they had done as they ought , in place of losse and infamie , they had gained honor and reward . This I haue beene enformed of by the Spanish and English , which were present in the occasion . And a ship of mine , being one of the Starnmost , freed her selfe , for that shee was in warlike manner , with her false Netting , many Pendents and Streamers , and at least 16. or 18. Peeces of Artillery ; the enemie thinking her to be a Waster , or Ship of warre , not one of them durst lay her aboord : and this the Master and company vaunted of at their returne . In the same Voyage , in the river of Burdieux ( as is credibly reported ) if the six Wasters had kept together , they had not onely not received domage , but gotten much Honour and Reputation . For the Admirall of the Spanish Armado , was a Flemish Shippe , of not aboue 130. Tunnes , and the rest Flie-boates and small shipping , for the most part . And although they were 22. Sayle in all , what manner of Ships they were , and how furnished and appoynted , is well knowne , with the difference . In the Fleete of her Maiestie , vnder the charge of my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins , Anno 1590. vpon the coast of Spaine , the Vice-admirall being a head one morning , where his place was to be a Sterne , lost vs the taking of eight men of Warre , loaden with Munition , Victuals , and Provisions , for the supplie of the Souldiers in Britaine : and although they were seaven or eight Leagues from the Shore , when our Vice-admirall began to fight with them , yet for that the rest of our Fleete were some foure , some fiue Leagues , and some more distant from them , when we beganne to giue chase : the Spaniards recovered into the Harbour of Monge , before our Admirall could come vp to giue direction , yet well beaten , with losse of aboue two hundreth men , as they themselues con●essed to me after . And doubtlesse , if the winde had not over-blowne , and that to follow them , I was forced to shut all my lower ports , the ship I vndertooke , doubtles had never endured to come to the Port ; but being doubble Fli-boates , and all good of Sayle , they bare for their liues , and we what we could to follow and fetch them vp . In this poynt , at the I le of Flores , Sir Richard Greenfield got eternall honour and reputation of great valour , and of an experimented Souldier , chusing rather to sacrifice his life , and to passe all danger whatsoeuer , then to sayle in his Obligation , by gathering together those which had remained a shore in that place , though with the hazard of his ship and companie ; And rather we ought to imbrace an honourable death , then to liue with infamie and dishonour , by fayling in dutie ; and I account that he , and his Country , got much honor in that occasion : for one ship , and of the second sort of her Maiesties , sustained the force of all the Fleete of Spaine , and gaue them to vnderstand , that they be impregnible , for having bought deerely the boording of her , divers and sundry times , and with many ioyntly , and with a continuall fight of 14. or 16. houres , at length leaving her without any Mast standing , and like a Logge in the Seas , shee made notwithstanding , a most honourable composition of life and libertie , for aboue two hundreth and sixtie men , as by the Pay-booke appeareth : which her Maiestie of her free grace commanded in recompence of their service , to be given to every one his six moneths wages . All which may worthily be written in our Chronicles in letters of Gold , in memory for all Posterities , some to beware , and others by their example in the like occasions , to imitate the true valour of our Nation in these Ages . In point of Providence , which Captaine Vavisor in the foresight gaue also good proofe of his valour , in casting about vpon the whole Fleete , notwithstanding the greatnesse and multitude of the Spanish Armad● , to yeeld that succour which he was able , Although some doe say , and I consent with them , that the bes● valour is to obey , and to follow the head , seeme that good or bad which is commanded . For God himselfe telleth vs , that obedience is better then sacrifice . Yet in some occasions , where there is difficultie , or impossibilitie to know what is commanded ; many times it is great discretion and obligation , iudiciously to take hold of the occasion , to yeeld succour to his associats , without putting himselfe in manifest dang●r● : But to our Voyage . SECT . V. BEing cleare of the race of Portland , the Wind began to suffle with fogge and misling rayne , and forced vs to a short sayle , which continued with vs three dayes ; the Wind never vering one poynt , nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge , we met with a Barke of Dartmouth , which came from Rochell , and demanding of them , if they had made any land , answered , that they had onely seene the Edie stone that morning , which lyeth thwart of the sound of Plimouth , and that Dartmouth ( as they thought ) bare off vs North North-east : which seemed strange vnto vs ; for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth : within two houres after , the Weather beganne to cleare vp , and we found our selues thwart of the Berry , and might see the small Barke bearing into Torbay , having over-shot her port : which error often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather , and vse not good diligence by sound , by lying off the land , and other circumstances , to search the truth ; and is cause of the losse of many a Ship , and the sweete liues of multitudes of men . That evening , we anchored in the range of Dartmouth , till the floud was spent ; and the ebbe come , wee ●et Sayle againe . And the next morning early , being the 26. of Aprill , wee harboured our selues in Plimouth . My Ship at an Anchor , and I ashore , I presently dispatched a messenger to London , to advise my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins , what had past : which , not onely to him , but to all others , that vnderstood what it was , seemed strange ; That the wind contrary , and the weather such as it had beene , wee could be able to gaine Plimouth ; But doubtlesse , the Daintie was a very good Sea ship , and excellent by the winde ; which with the neap streames , and our diligence to benefit our selues of all advantages , made sezible that , which almost was not to be beleeved . And in this occasion , I found by experience , that one of the principall parts required in a Mariner , that frequenteth our coastes of England , is to cast his Tydes , and to know how they set from poynt to poynt , with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shore . SECT . VI. NOw presently I began to prepare for my Dispatch , and to hasten my Departure ; and finding that my Ship which I expected from the Straites , came not ; and that shee was to goe to London to discharge ; and vncertaine how long shee might stay ; I resolved to take another of mine owne in her place , though lesser , called the Hawke , onely for a Victualler ; purposing in the coast of Brasill , or in the Straites , to take out her men , and Victualls , and to cast her off . SECT . VII . WIth my continuall travell , the helpe of my good friends , and excessiue charge ( which none can easily beleeue , but those which haue prooved it ) towardes the end of May , I was readie to set sayle with my three Ships , drawne out into the sound , and began to gather my Company aboord . The 28. of May ( as I remember ) began a storme of winde Westerly ; the two lesser shippes presently harboured themselues , and I gaue order to the master of the Daintie ( called Hugh Cornish ) one of the most sufficientest men of his coate , to bring her also into Catt-water , which he laboured to doe , but being neere the mouth of the harbour , and doubting least the Anchor being weighed , the Ship might cast the contrary way , and so run on some perill , entertained himselfe a while in laying out a warpe , and in the meane time , the wind freshing , and the ship riding by one Anchor , brake the flooke of it , and so forced them to let fall another : by which , and by the warpe they had layd out , they rydd . The storme was such , as being within hearing of those vpon the shore , we were not able by any meanes to send them succour , and the second day of the storme , desiring much to goe aboord , there ioyned with me Captaine William Anthony , Captaine Iohn Ellis , and master Henry Courton , in a Light-Horsman which I had : all men exercised in charge , and of valour and sufficiencie , and from their youth bred vp in businesse of the Sea : which notwithstanding , and that wee laboured what we could , for the space of two houres against waues and wind , we could finde no possibilitie to accomplish our desire ; which seene ; we went aboord the other Shippes , and put them in the best securitie wee could ; thus busied , we might see come driving by vs the mayne Mast of the Daintie : which made me to feare the worst , and so hasted a-shore , to satisfie my longing . And comming vpon Catt-downe , wee might see the Ship heaue and sett , which manifestly shewed , the losse of the Mast onely , which was well imployed ; for , it saved the ship , men , and goods . For had shee driven a ships length more , shee had ( no doubt ) beene cast away ; and the men in that place could not chuse but run into danger . Comming to my house to shift me ( for that we were all wett to the skinne ) I had not well changed my Clothes , when a servant of mine , who was in the Pynace at my comming ashore , enters almost out of breath , with newes , that shee was beating vpon the Rockes , which though I knew to be remedilesse , I put my selfe in place where I might see her , and in a little time after shee sunke downe right : These losses and mischances troubled and grieved , but nothing daunted me ; for common experience taught me , that all honourable Enterprises , are accompanied with difficulties and daungers ; Si fortuna me tormenta ; Esperanca me contenta ▪ Of hard beginnings , many times come prosperous and happie events . And although , a well-willing friend , wisely foretold me them to be presages of future bad successe , and so disswaded me what lay in him , with effectuall reasons , from my Pretence , yet the hazard of my credite , and danger of disreputation , to take in hand that which I should not prosecute by all meanes possible , was more powerfull to cause me to goe forwardes , then his graue good counsell , to make me desist . And so the storme ceasing , I beganne to get in the Daintie , to Mast her a-new , and to recover the Fancy , my Pynace which with the helpe and furtherance of my Wines Father , who supplyed all my wants , together with my credit ( which I thanke God was vnspotted ) in ten dayes put all in his former estate , or better . And so once againe , in Gods name , I brought my Shippes out into the found , the Wind being Easterly , and beganne to take my l●aue of my friends , and of my dearest friend , my second ●elfe , whose vnfeyned teares had wrought me vnto irresolution , and sent some other in my roome , had I not considered , that he that is in the Daunce , must needs daunce on , though he doe but hopp , except he will be a laughing stocke to all the lookers on : So , remembring that many had their eyes set vpon me , with diverse affections , as als● the hope of good successe , ( my intention being honest and good ) I shut the doore to all impediments , and mine eare to all contrary counsell , and gaue place to voluntary banishment from all that I loued and esteemed in this life , with hope thereby better to serue my God , my Prince and Countrie , then to encrease my Tallent any way . And so began to gather my companie aboord , which occupied my good friends , and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes , and forced vs to search all Lodgings , Tavernes , and Ale-houses . ( For some would ever be taking their leaue and never depart : ) some drinke themselues so drunke , that except they were carried aboord , they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe : others knowing the necessitie of the time , fayned themselues sicke ; others , to be indebted to their Hostes , and forced me to ransome them ; one his Chest ; another , his Sword ; another , his Shirts ; another , his Carde and Instruments for Sea : And others , to benefit themselues of the Imprest given them , absented themselues ; making a lewd liuing in deceiving all , whose money they could lay hold of : which is a scandall too ri●e amongst our Sea-men ; by it they committing three great offences : 1. Robbery of the goods of another person ; 2. Breach of their faith and promise ; 3. and hinderance ( with losse of time ) vnto the Voyage ; all being a common iniury to the owners , victuallers , and company ; which many times hath beene an vtter overthrow , and vndoing to all in generall . An abuse in our Common-wealth necessarily to be reformed ; And , as a person that hath both seene , and felt by experience these inconveniences , I wish it to be remedied ; For , I can but wonder , that the late Lord high Admirall of England ; the late Earle of Cumberland ▪ and the Lord Thomas Howard , now Earle of Suffolke , being of so great authoritie , having to their costs and losse so often made experience of the inconveniences of these lewd proceedings , haue not vnited their Goodnesses and Wisedomes , to redresse this dis-loyall and base absurditie of the Vulgar . Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage , in the sound of Plimmouth , being readie to set Sayle , complained vnto me , that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests , had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds : These Varlets within a few dayes after his departure , I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth , whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence , and without punishment . And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like . Impunit as peccandi illecebra . The like complaint made master George Reymond ; and in what sort they dealt with me , is notorious , and was such , that if I had not beene provident , to haue had a third part more of men , then I had need of , I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned ; or to giue over my Voyage . And many of my company , at Sea vaunted , how they had cosoned the Earle of Cumberland , master Candish , master Reymond , and others , some of fiue poundes , some of ten , some of more , and some of lesse . And truely , I thinke , my Voyage prospered the worse , for theirs and other lewd persons company , which were in my Ship : which , I thinke , might be redressed by some extraordinary , severe , and present Iustice to be executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place , where they should be found . And for finding them , it were good that all Captaines , and Masters of Shippes , at their departure out of the Port , should giue vnto the head Iustice , the names and signes of all their runnawayes , and they presently to dispatch to the ●igher Ports the advise agreeable , where meeting with them , without further delay or processe , to vse Martiall Law vpon them . Without doubt , seeing the Law once put in execution , they and all others would be terrified from such villanies . It might be remedied also by vtter taking away of all Imprests , which is a thing lately crept into our Common-wealth , and in my opinion of much more hurt then good vnto all ; and although my opinion seeme harsh , it being a deed of charitie to helpe the needy , ( which I wish ever to be exercised , and by no meanes will contradict ) yet for that such as goe to the Sea ( for the most part ) consume that money lewdly before they depart , ( as common experience teacheth vs : ) and when they come from Sea , many times come more beggerly home , then when they went forth , having received and spent their portion , before they imbarked themselues , and having neither rent nor maintenance more then their travell , to sustaine themselues , are forced to theeue , to cosen , or to runne away in debt . Besides , many times it is an occasion to some to lye vpon a Voyage a long time ; whereas , if they had not that Imprest , they might perhaps haue gayned more in another imployment , and haue beene at home againe , to serue that which they wait● for . For these , and many more weightie reasons , I am still bold , to maintaine my former Assertions . Those onely vsed in his Maiesties Shippes I comprehend not in this my opinion : neither the Imprests made to married men , which would be given to their Wiues monethly in their absence , for their reliefe . For that is well knowne , that all which goe to the Sea now a-dayes , are provided of foode , and house-roome , and all things necessary , during the time of their Voyage ; and in all long Voyages , of apparell also : so that nothing is to be spent during the Voyage . That money which is wont to be cast away in Imprestes , might be imployed in apparell , and necessaries at the sea , and given to those that haue need , at the price it was bought , to be deducted out of their shares or wages at their returne , which is reasonable and charitable . This course taken , if any would runne away , in Gods name fare him well . Some haue a more colourable kinde of cunning to abuse men , and to sustaine themselues . Such will goe to Sea with all men , and goe never from the shore . For as long as boord-wages last , they are of the Company , but those taking end , or the ship in readinesse , they haue one excuse or other , and thinke themselues no longer bound , but whilst they receiue money , and then plucke their heads out of the coller . An abuse also worthie to be reformed . SECT . VIII . THe greater part of my Companie gathered aboord , I set sayle the 12. of Iune 1593. about three of the Clocke in the afternoone , and made a bourd or two off and in , wayting the returne of my boat , which I had sent a-shore , for dispatch of some businesse : which being come aboord , and all put in Order , I looft neere the shore , to giue my farewell to all the Inhabitants of the Towne , whereof the most part were gathered together vpon the Howe , to shew their gratefull correspondency , to the loue and zeale which I , my Father , and Predecessors , haue ever borne to that place , as to our naturall and mother Towne . And first with my noyse of Trumpets , after with my waytes , and then with my other Musicke , and lastly , with the Artillery of my Shippes , I made the best signification I could , of a kinde farewell . This they answered with the Waytes of the Towne , and the Ordinance on the shore , and with shouting of voyces ; which with the fayre evening and silence of the night , were heard a great distance off . All which taking end , I sent Instructions and Directions to my other Ships . Which is a poynt of speciall importance ; for that I haue seene Commanders of great name and reputation , by neglect and omission of such solemnities , to haue runne into many inconveniences , and thereby haue learnt the necessitie of it . Whereby I cannot but advise all such , as shall haue charge committed vnto them , ever before they depart out of the Port , to giue vnto their whole Fleete , not onely Directions for civill government , but also where , when , and how to meete , if they should chance to loose company , and the signes how to know one another a-far off , with other poynts and circumstances , as the occasions shall minister matter different , at the discretion of the wise Commander . But some one may say vnto me , that in all occasions it is not convenient to giue Directions : for that , if the enemy happen vpon any of the Fleete , or that there be any treacherous person in the company , their Designements may be discovered , and so prevented . To this I answere , that the prudent Governour , by good consideration may avoyde this , by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleete and people ; by all secret instructions , to giue them sealed , and not to be opened , but comming to a place appoynted , ( after the manner of the Turkish direction to the Bashawes , who are their Generalls ; ) and in any eminent perill to cast them by the boord , or otherwise to make away with them . For he that setteth Sayle , not giving directions in writing to his Fleete , knoweth not if the night or day following , he may be separated from his Company , which happeneth sometimes : and then , if a place of meeting be not knowne , he runneth in danger not to ioyne them together againe . And for places of meeting , when seperation happeneth , I am of opinion , to appoynt the place of meeting in such a height , twentie , or thirtie , or fortie Leagues off the Land , or Iland . East , or West , is not so fitting , if the place affoord it , as some sound betwixt Ilands , or some Iland , or Harbour . It may be alledged in contradiction , and with probable reason , that it is not fit for a Fleete to stay in a Harbour for one Ship , nor at an Anchor at an Iland , for being discovered , or for hinderance of their Voyage . Yet it is the best ; for when the want is but for one or two ships , a Pynace or Ship may wayte the time appoynted , and remaine with direction for them . But commonly one Ship , though but a bad Sayler , maketh more hast then a whole Fleete , and is at the meeting place first , if the accident be not very important . The place of meeting , if it might be , would be able to giue , at the least , refreshing of water and wood . SECT . IX . LAnching out into the Channell , the wind being at East and by South , and East South East , which blowing hard , and a flood in hand , caused a chapping Sea , and my Vice-admirall bearing a good Sayle made some water , and shooting off a peece of Ordinance , I edged towardes her , to know the cause ; who answered me , that they had sprung a great Leake , and that of force they must returne into the sound , which seeing to be necessary , I cast about , where Anchoring , and going aboord , presently found , that betwixt Wind and Water , the Calkers had left a seame vncalked , which being filled vp with Pitch onely , the Sea labouring that out , had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space , if it had not beene discovered in time . And truely there is little care vsed now adaies amongst our countrimen in this Profession , in respect of that which was vsed in times past , and is accustomed in France , in Spaine , and in other parts . Which necessitie will cause to be reformed in time , by assigning the portion that every workeman is to Calke ; that if there bee dammage through his default , he may be forced to contribute towards the losse , occasioned through his negligence . And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts , in making an end of calking and pitching the ship , the next tide to fill her with water , which will vndoubtedly discover the defect , for no pitcht place without calking , can suffer the force and peaze of the water . In neglect whereof , I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue . The Arke Royall of his Maiesties , may serue for an example : which put all in daunger at her first going to the Sea , by a trivuell-hole left-open in the post , and covered onely with pitch . In this point no man can be too circumspect , for it is the security of ship , men , and goods . SECT . X. THis being remedied , I set sayle in the morning and ran South-west , till we were cleere of Vsshent ; and then South south-west , till we were some hundred Leagues off , where wee met with a great Hulke , of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes , well appointed , the which my company , ( as is naturall to all Mariners ) presently would make a prize , and loaden with Spaniards goods , and without speaking to her , wished that the Gunner might shoote at her , to cause her to amaine . Which is a bad custome received and vsed of many ignorant persons , presently to gun at all whatsoever they discover , before they speake with them ; being contrary to all discipline , and many times is cause of dissention betwixt friends , and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes ; the death of many , and sometimes losse of Shippes and all , making many obstinate , if not desperate : whereas in vsing common courtesie , they would better bethinke themselues , and so with ordinarie proceeding ( iustified by reason , and the custome of all well disciplined people ) might perhaps many times breede an increase of Amitie , a succour to necessity , and excuse divers inconveniencies and sutes , which haue impoverished many : for it hath chanced by this errour , that two English ships , neither carrying flag for their perticular respects , to change each with other a dozen payre of shott , with hurt to both , being after too late to repent their follie . Yea a person of credit hath told mee , that two English men of Warre in the Night , haue layd each other aboord willingly , with losse of many men , and dammage to both , onely for the fault , of not speaking one to the other ; which might seeme to carrie with it some excuse , if they had beene neere the shore , or that the one had beene a Hull , and the other vnder sayle , in feare shee should haue escaped , not knowing what shee was ( though in the night it is no wisedome to bourd with any ship ) but in the maine Sea , and both desiring to ioyne , was a sufficient declaration , that both were seekers : and therefore by day or night , he that can speake with the Ship hee seeth , is bound , vpon payne to bee reputed voyd of good Governement , to hayle her before hee shoote at her . Some man may say , that in the meane time , shee might gaine the winde : in such causes and many others , necessity giveth exception to all Lawes ; and experience teacheth what is fit to bee done . Master Thomas Hampton once Generall of a Fleete of Wasters , sent to Rochell , Anno 1585. with secret instructions , considering ( and as a man of experience ) wisely vnderstanding his place and affaires , in like case shut his Eare to the instigations and provocations of the common sort , preferring the publique good of both Kingdomes before his owne reputation with the vulgar people : And as another Fabius Maximus , cunctando restituit rem , non ponendo rumores ante salutem . The French Kings Fleete comming where he was , and to winde-ward of him , all his Company were in an vproare ; for that , hee would not shoote presently at them , before they saw their intention : wherein had beene committed three great faults : the first and principall , the breach of Amitie , betwix● the Princes and Kingdomes : the second , the neglect of common curtesie , in shooting before hee had spoken with them : and the third , in shooting first , being to lee-wards of the other . Besides there was no losse of reputation , because the French Kings Fleete was in his owne Sea ; and therfore for it to come to winde-ward , or the other to goe to lee-ward , was but that , which in reason was required , the Kingdomes being in peace and Amitie : For every Prince is to bee acknowledged and respected in his iurisdiction , and where hee pretendeth it to be his . The French Generall , likewise seemed well to vnderstand what hee had in hand , for though he were farre superiour in forces , yet vsed hee the termes which were required ; and comming within speech hayled them , and asked if there were peace or warre betwixt England and France : whereunto answere being made , that they knew of no other but peace ; they saluted each other after the maner of the Sea , and then came to an Anchor all together ; as and friends visited each other in their ships . One thing the French suffered ( vpon what occasion or ground I know not ) that the English alwayes carried their flag displayed ; which in all other partes and Kingdomes is not permitted ; at least in our Seas , if a Stranger Fleete meete with any of his Maiesties ships , the forraigners are bound to take in their flags , or his Maiesties ships to force them to it , though thereof follow the breach of peace or whatsoever discommodity . And whosoever should not be iealous in this point , hee is not worthy to haue the commaund of a Cock-boat committed vnto him : yea no stranger ought to open his flag in any Port of England , where there is any shipp , or Fort of his Maiesties ; vpon penaltie to loose his flagg , and to pay for the powder and shott spend vpon him . Yea , such is the respect to his Maiesties Shippes in all places of his Dominions , that no English Ship displayeth the Flagge in their presence , but runneth the like daunger , except they be in his Maiesties service ; and then they are in predicament of the Kings Ships . Which good discipline in other Kingdomes is not in that regard as it ought , but sometime● through ignorance , sometimes of malice , neglect is made of that dutie and acknowledgement which is required , to the cost and shame of the ignorant and malicious . In Queene Maries Raigne , King Philip of Spaine comming to marry with the Queene , and meeting with the Royall Navie of England , the Lord William Haward ; High Admirall of England , would not consent , that the King in the narrow Seas should carrie his Flagge displayed , vntill he came into the Harbour of Plimouth . I being of tender yeares , there came a Fleete of Spaniards of aboue fiftie sayle of Shippes , bound for Flaunders , to fetch the Queene , Dona Anna de Austria , last wife to Philip the ●econd of Spaine , which entred betwixt the Iland and the Maine , without vayling their Top-sayles , or taking in of their Flags : which my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins , ( Admirall of a Fleete of her Maiesties Shippes , then ryding in Catt-water ) perceiving , commanded his Gunner to shoot at the flagge of the Admirall , that they might thereby see their error : which notwithstanding , they persevered arrogantly to keepe displayed ; wherevpon the Gunner at the next shott , lact the Admirall through and through , whereby the Spaniards finding that the matter beganne to grow to earnest , tooke in their Flags and Top-sayles , and so ranne to an Anchor . The Generall presently sent his Boat , with a principall personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that proceeding ; But my Father would not permit him to come into his Ship , nor to heare his Message : but by another Gentleman commanded him to returne , and to tell his Generall , That in as much as in the Queenes Port and Chamber , he had neglected to doe the acknowledgment and reverence , which all owe vnto her Maiestie , ( especially her Ships being present ) and comming with so great a Navie , he could not but giue suspition by such proceeding of malicious intention , and therefore required him , that within twelue houres he should depart the Port : vpon paine to be held as a common enemy , and to proceed against him with force . Which answere the Generall vnderstanding , presently imbarked himselfe in the same Boat , and came to the Iesus of Lubecke , and craved licence to speake with my Father : which at the first was denyed him , but vpon the second intreatie was admitted to enter the Ship , and to parley . The Spanish Generall began to demand , if there were Warres betwixt England and Spaine ; who was answered , that his arrogant manner of proceeding , vsurping the Queene his Mistresses right , as much as in him lay , had given sufficient cause for breach of the Peace ; And that he purposed presently , to giue notice thereof to the Queene , and her Counsell ; and in the meane time , that he might depart . Wherevnto the Spanish Generall replyed , that he knew not any offence he had committed , and that he would be glad to know , wherein he had mis-behaved himselfe . My Father seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance , beganne to put him in mind of the custome of Spaine and Fraunce , and many other parts , and that he could by no meanes be ignorant of that , which was common Right to all Princes in their Kingdomes ; Demanding , if a Fleete of England should come into any Port of Spaine ( the Kings Maiesties Ships being present ) if the English should carry their Flags in the toppe , whether the Spanish would not shoot them downe ; and if they persevered , if they would not beate them out of their Port. The Spanish Generall confessed his fault , pleaded ignorance , not malice , and submitted himselfe to the penaltie my Father would impose : but intreated , that their Princes ( through them ) might not come to haue any jarre . My Father a while ( as though offended ) made himselfe hard to be intreated , but in the end , all was shut vp , by his acknowledgement , and the auncient amitie renewed , by feasting each other aboord and ashore . The selfe same Fleete at their returne from Flaunders , meeting with her Maiesties Shippes in the Channell , though sent to accompany the aforesaid Queene , was constrained during the time that they were with the English , to vayle their Flagges , and to acknowledge that which all must doe that passe through the English Seas . But to our Voyage . SECT . XI . COmming within the hayling of the Hulke , wee demanded whence shee was ? Whether shee was bound ? and what her loading ? Shee answered , that shee was of Denmarke comming from Spaine , loaden with Salt : we willed her to strike her Top-sayles , which shee did , and shewed vs her Charter-parties , and Dilles of loading , and then saluted vs , as is the manner of the Sea , and so departed . SECT . XII . THe next day the wind became Southerly , and somewhat too much , and my Shipps being all deepe loaden , began to feele the Tempest , so that wee not able to lye by it , neither a hull , nor a try , and so with an easie Sayle bare vp before the Wind , with intent to put into Falmouth ; but God was pleased that comming within tenne leagues of Sylly , the wind vered to the North-east , and so we went on in our Voyage . Thwart of the Flees of Bayon , wee met with a small Ship of Master Waltre of London , called the Elizabeth , which came out of Plimouth some eyght dayes after vs : of whom wee enformed our selues of some particularities , and wrote certaine Letters to our Friends , making Relation of what had past till that day , and so tooke our farewell each of the other . The like we did with a small Carvell of Plimouth , which wee meet in the height of the Rocke in Portingall . From thence wee directed our course to the Ilands of Madera , and about the end of Iune , in the sight of the Ilands , we descryed a Sayle some three leagues to the East-wards , and a league to Wind-ward of vs , which by her manner of working , and making , gaue vs to vnderstand , that shee was one of the Kings Frigarts . For shee was long and snugg , and spread a large Clewe , and standing to the West-wards , and we● to the East-wards to recover her Wake , when we east about , shee beganne to ●eco shete , and to goe away lasking , and within two glasses , i● was plainely seene , that shee went from vs , and so we followed on our course , and shee seeing that , presently stroke her Topsayles , which our Pynace perceiving , and being within shot continued the Chase , till I shot off a Peece and called her away ; which fault many runne into , thinking to get thereby , and sometimes loose themselues by being too bold to venture from their Fleete ; for it was impossible for vs , being to leeward , to take her , or to succour our owne , shee being a Ship of about two hundreth Tunnes . And Pynaces to meddle with Ships , is to buy Repentance at too deare a rate . For their office is , to wayte vpon their Fleete , in calmes ( with their Oares ) to follow a Chase , and in occasions to Anchor neere the shore , when the greater Ships cannot , without perill ; Aboue all , to be readie and obedient at every call . Yet will I not , that any wrest my meaning ; neither say I , that a Pynace , or small Ship armed , may not take a great Ship vnarmed ; for daily experience teacheth vs the contrary . The Madera Ilands are two : the greater , called La madera , and the other Porto Santo ; of great fertilitie , and rich in Sugar , Conserves , Wine , and sweet Wood , whereof they take their name . Other commodities they yeeld , but these are the principall . The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera , well fortified ; they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portingall ; the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portingalles . The third of Iuly , we past along the Ilands of Canaria , which haue the name of a Kingdome , and containe these seaven Ilands , Grand Canaria , Tenerifa , Palma , Gomera , Lancerota , Forteventura , and Fierro . These Ilands haue abundance of Wine , Sugar , Conserues , Orcall Pitch , Iron , and other Commodities , and store of Cattell and Corne , but that a certaine Worme , called Gorgosh● breedeth in it , which eateth out the substance , leaving the huske in manner whole . The head Iland , where the Iustice , which they call Audiencia , is resident , and whither all sutes haue their appealation , and finall sentence , is the Grand Canaria , although the Tenerifa is held for the better , and richer Iland , and to haue the best Sugar : and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best . The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne , and therefore is proper for the higher workes of Shipping . Betwixt Forteventura and Lancerota is a goodly found , fit for a meeting place for any Fleete . Where is good Anchoring , and aboundance of many sorts of Fish. There is water to be had in most of these Ilands , but with great vigilance . For the naturalls of them are venturous and hardie , and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken hills , which seeme impossible , which I would hardly haue beleeved , had I not seene it , and that with the greatest art and agilitie that may be : Their Armes for the most part , are Launces of nine or ten foote , with a head of a foote and halfe long , like vnto Boare-Speares , saue that the head is somewhat more broad . Two things are famous in these Ilands , the Pike of Tenerifa , which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene , and men of credit haue told they haue seene it more then fortie leagues off . It is like vnto a Sugar loafe , and continually covered with Snow , and placed in the middest of a goodly vallie , most fertile , and temperate round about it . Out of which , going vp the pike , the colde is so great , that it is insufferable , and going downe to the Townes of the Iland , the heate seemeth most extreame , till they approach neere the coast . The other is a Tree in the Iland Fierro , which some write and affirme , with the dropping of his leaues , to giue water for the su●tenance of the whole Iland , which I haue not seene , although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland : but those which haue seene it , haue recounted this misterie differently to that which is written , in this maner ; That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley , ever florishing with broad leaues , and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pynes , which over-top it , and as it seemeth were planted by the divine providence , to preserue it from Sunne and Wind. Out of this Valley ordinarily rise every day , great vapours and exhalations , which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation , with the height of the Mountaines towards the South-east , convert themselues into moysture , and so bedewe all the Trees of the Valley , and from those which over-top this Tree , drops downe the dewe vpon his leaues , and so from his leaues into a round Well of Stone , which the Naturals of the land haue made to receiue the water ; of which the people and cattle haue great releife : but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisterns and Tynaxes , which is that they drinke of , and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues . The Citty of the Grand Canaria , and chiefe Port is on the west side of the Iland ; the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa , is towards the south part , and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera , on the East side . In Gomera , some three Leagues south-ward from the Towne , is a great River of water , but all these Ilands are perilous to land in , for the seege caused by the Ocean sea , which alwayes is forcible , and requireth great circumspection ; whosoever hath not vrgent cause , is either to goe to the East-wards , or to the west-wards of all these Ilands , as well to avoyd the calmes , which hinder sometimes eight or ten dayes sayling , as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause , and with it to breede Calenturas , which wee call burning Fevers . These Ilands are sayd to be first discovered by a French-man , called Iohn de Betancourt , about the yeare 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine . SECT . XIII . BEing cleare of the Ilands , wee directed our course for Cape Blauce , and two howres before Sunne set , we had sight of a Carvell some League in the winde of vs , which seemed to come from Gynea , or the Ilands of Cape de Verde , and for that hee , which had the sery-watch , neglected to look out , being too lee-ward of the Ilands , and so out of hope of sight of any shipp , for the little trade and contrariety of the winde , that though a man will , from few places hee can recover the Ilands : comming from the south-wards , wee had the winde of her , and perhaps the possession also , whereof men of Warre are to haue particular care : for in an houre and place vnlookt for , many times chance accidents contrary to the ordinary course and custome , and to haue younkers in the top continually , is most convenient and necessary , not onely for descrying of sayles and land , but also for any sudden gust or occasion that may be offered . Seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe , without some extraordinary accident , I began to set order in my Companie and victuals . And for tha● , to the south-wards of the Canaries , is for the most part an idle Navigation , I devised to keepe my people occupied , as well to continue them in health ( for that too much case in hott Countries is neither profitable nor healthfull ) as also to divert them from remembrance of their home ; and from play , which breedeth many inconveniences , and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenes is cause of ; and so shifting my company , as the custome is , into Starboord and Larboord men , the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept , and take rest ; I limited the three dayes of the weeke , which appertayned to each to be imployed in this manner : the one for the vse and clensing of their Armes , the other for roomeging , making of Sayles , Nettings , Decking , and Defences for our Shippes ; and the third , for clensing their bodies , mending and making their apparell , and necessaries , which though it came to be practised but once in seaven dayes , for that the Sabboth is ever to be reserved for God alone , with the ordinary Obligation which each person had besides , was many times of force to be omitted ; And thus wee entertained our time with a fayre Wind , and in few dayes had sight of the Land of Barbary , some dozen Leagues to the Northwards of Cape Blacke . Before we came to the Cape , wee tooke in our Sayles , and made preparation of Hookes and Lines to Fish. For in all that Coast is great abundance of sundry kinds of Fish , but especially , of Porgus , which wee call Breames ; many Portingalls and Spaniards goe yearely thither to fish , as our Country-men to the New-found-land , and within Cape Blacke haue good Harbour for reasonable shipping , where they dry their Fish , paying a certaine easie tribute to the Kings Collector . In two houres wee tooke store of Fish for that day , and the next : but longer it would not keepe good ; and with this refreshing set Sayle againe , and directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verd and the Maine . These Ilands are held to be scituate in one of the most vnhealthiest Climates of the world , and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them , how much more to make abode in them . In two times that I haue beene in them , either cost vs the one halfe of our people , with Fevers and Fluxes of sundry kinds ; some shaking , some burning , some partaking of both ; some possest with frensie , others with sloath , and in one of them it cost me six moneths sicknesse , with no small hazard of life : which I attribute to the distemperature of the ayre , for being within foureteene degrees of the Equinoctiall lyne , the Sunne hath great force all the yeare , and the more for that often they passe , two , three , and foure yeares without rayne ; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shodd , cannot endure to goe where the Sunne shineth . With which extreame heate the bodie fatigated , greedily desireth refreshing , and longeth the comming of the Breze , which is the North-east winde , that seldome fayleth in the after-noone at foure of the clocke , or sooner : which comming cold and fresh , and finding the poores of the body open , and ( for the most part ) naked , penetrateth the very bones , and so causeth sudden distemperature , and sundry manners of sicknesse , as the Subiects are divers wherevpon they worke . Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands , and comming into the fresh Brese , it causeth the like , and I haue seene within two dayes , after that we haue partaked of the fresh ayre , of two thousand men , aboue a hundreth and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health . The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this , which at my first being amongst them , seemed vnto me ridiculous , but since , time and experience hath taught to be grounded vpon reason . And is , that vpon their heads they weare a Night-capp , vpon it a Moutero , and a Hat over that , and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth , and vpon it a Gowne , furr'd or lyned with Cotton , or Bayes , to defend them from the heate in that manner , as the Inhabitants o● cold Countries , to guard themselues from the extreamitie of the colde . Which doubtlesse , is the best diligence that any man can vse , and whosoever prooveth it , shall find himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate , then if he were thinly Cloathed , for that where the cold ayre commeth , it peirceth not so subtilly . The M●one also in this Climate , as in the coast of Guyne , and in all hott Countries , hath forcible operation in the body of man ; and therefore , as the Plannet , most preiudiciall to his health , is to be shunned ; as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre , or with any Scuttle or Window open , whereby the one , or the other , may enter to hurt . For a person of credit told me , that one night in a river of Guyne , leaving his Window open in the side of his Cabin , the Moone shining vpon his shoulder , left him with such an extraordinary paine , and furious burning in it , as in aboue twentie houres , he was like to runne madde , but in fine , with force of Medicines and cures , after long torment , he was eased . Some I haue heard say , and others write , that there is a Starre which never seperateth it selfe from the Moone , but a small distance ; which is of all Starres the most beneficiall to man. For where this Starre entreth with the Moone , it maketh voyde her hurtfull enfluence , and where not it is most perilous . Which if it be so , is a notable secret of the divine Providence , and a speciall cause amongst infinite others , to moue vs to continuall thankesgiving ; for that he hath so extraordinarily compassed and fenced vs from infinite miseries , his most vnworthie and vngratefull Creatures . Of these Ilands are two pyles : the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade , more Westerly , and so little frequented ; the other lyeth some fourescore Leagues from the Mayne , and containeth six in number , to wit ; Saint Iago , Fuego , Mayo , Bonavisto , Sal , and Bravo . They are belonging to the Kingdome of Portingall , and inhabited by people of that Nation , and are of great trade , by reason of the neighbour-hood they haue with Guyne and Bynne ; but the principall is , the buying and selling of Negros . They haue store of Sugar , Salt , Rice , Cotton-wooll , and Cotton-Cloth , Amber-greece , Cyvit , Oliphants teeth , Brimstone , Pummy stone , Spunge , and some Gold , but little , and that from the mayne . Saint Iago is the head Iland , and hath one Citie and two Townes , with their Ports . The Cittie called Saint Iago , whereof the Iland hath his Name , hath a Garrison , and two Fortes , scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley , with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it , whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice , being the seat of the Auaiencia , with his Bishop . The other Townes are Playa , some three Leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago , placed on high , with a goodly Bay , whereof it hath his name : and Saint Domingo , a small Towne within the Land. They are on the Souther part of the Iland , and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades , a Portingall , with a Fleete of French-men ; in Anno 1585. they were both burnt to the ground by the English , Sir Francis Drake being Generall ; and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken , and sacked by the English , Sir Anthony Shyrley being Generall . The second Iland is Fuego , so called , for that day and night there burneth in it a Vulcan ; whose flames in the night are seene twentie Leagues off in the Sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort , as but by one way is any accesse , or entrance into it , and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest . The Bread which they spend in these Ilands , is brought from Portingall and Spaine , saving that which they make of Rice , or of Mayes , which wee call Guynne-wheate . The best watering is in the I le of Bravo , on the west part of the Iland , where is a great River , but foule Anchoring , as is in all these Ilands , for the most part . The fruits are few , but substantiall , as Palmitos , Plantanos , Patatos , and Coco Nutts . The Palmito is like to the Date tree , and as I thinke a kinde of it , but wilde . In all parts of Afrique and America they are found , and in some parts of Europe , and in divers parts different . In Afrique , and in the West Indies they are small , that a man may cut them with a knife , and the lesser the better : But in Brasill they are so great , that with difficultie a man can fell them with an Axe , and the greater the better ; one foote within the top is profitable , the rest is of no value ; and that which is to be eaten is the pith , which in some is better , in some worse . The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America , of which two leaues are sufficient to cover a man from top to toe ; It beareth fruit but once , and then dryeth away , and out of his roote sprouteth vp others new . In the top of the tree is his fruit , which groweth in a great bunch , in the forme and fashion of puddings , in some more , in some lesse . I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantanes , which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight . They are of divers proportions , some great , some lesser , some round , some square , some triangle , most ordinarily of a spanne long , with a thicke skinne , that peeleth easily from the meate ; which is either white or yellow , and very tender like Butter ; but no Conserue is better , nor of a more pleasing taste . For I never haue seene any man , to whom they haue bred mis-like , or done hurt with eating much of them , as of other fruites . The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree , but in most partes they cut them off in braunches , and hange them vp in their houses , and eate them as they ripe . For the Birds and Vermine presently in ripning on the tree , are feeding on them . The best that I haue seene are in Brasill , in an Iland called Placentia , which are small , and round , and greene when they are ripe ▪ whereas the others in ripning become yellow . Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great , and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man ; the onely fault they haue is , that they are windie . In some places they eate them in stead of bread , as in Panama , and other parts of Tierra firme . They grow and prosper best when their rootes are ever covered with water ; they are excellent in Conserue , and good sodden in different manners , and dried on the tree , not inferior to Suckett . The Coco nutt is a fruit of the fashion of a Hassell nutt , but that it is as bigge as an ordinary Bowle , and some are greater . It hath two shells , the vttermost framed ( as it were ) of a multitude of threeds , one layd vpon another , with a greene skinne over-lapping them , which is soft and thicke ; The innermost is like to the shell of a Hazell nutt in all proportion , saving that it is greater and thicker , and some , more blacker . In the toppe of it is the forme of a Munkies face , with two eyes , his nose and a mouth . It containeth in it both meate and drinke ; the meate white as milke , and like to that of the kernell of a Nutt , and as good as Almonds blancht , and of great quantitie : The water is cleare , as of the fountaine , and pleasing in taste , and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milke . Some say it hath a singular propertie in Nature , for conserving the smoothnesse of the skinne ; and therefore in Spaine and Portingall , the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and neckes with it . If the holes of the shell be kept close , they keepe foure or six moneths good , and more ; but if it be opened , and the water kept in the shell , in few dayes it turneth to Vineger . They grow vpon high Trees , which haue no boughes ; onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues , and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigs ; And some affirme that they beare not fruite , before they be aboue fortie yeares old , they are in all things like to the Palme trees , and grow in many partes of Asia , Afrique , and America . The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups , and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in carving , graving and garnishing them , with silver , gold and precious stones . In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brosill , is another kinde of these , which they call Coquillos , as wee may interpret ( little Cocos ) and are as big as Wal-nuts ; but round and smooth , and grow in great clusters : the trees in forme are all one , and the meate in the nut better , but they haue no water . Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru , which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke , which the others haue , but within are full of Almonds , which are placed as the graines in the Pomegrannet , being three times bigger then those of Europe , and are much like them in tast . In these Ilands are Cyvet-Cats , which are also found in parts of Asia , and Afrique ; esteemed for the Civet they yeelde , and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts , which is taken from them by force . In them also are store of Monkies , and the best proportioned that I haue seene ; and Parrots , but of colour different to those of the west Indies ; for they are of a russet or gray colour and great speakers . SECT . XIIII . WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course , till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall lyne , where the winde tooke vs contrary by the Southwest , about the twentie of Iulie , but a fayre gale of wind and a smooth Sea , ; so that wee might beare all a taunt : and to advantage our selues what wee might , wee stoode to the East-wards , being able to lye South-east and by South ; The next day about nine of the Clocke , my companie being gathered together to serue God , which wee accustomed to doe every morning and evening , it seemed vnto me that the coulour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past , and which is ordinarily where is deepe water ; and so calling the Captaine , and Master of my Ship , I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish , and that it made shewe of Sholde water . Wherevnto they made answere , that all the lynes in our Shippes could not fetch ground : for wee could not be lesse then threescore and tenne Leagues off the Coast , which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon , and my selfe was of the same opinion . And so wee applyed our selues to serue God , but all the time that the service endured , my heart could not be at rest , and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter . Our prayers ended , I commanded a lead and a lyne to be brought , and having the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had ground , which put vs all into a maze , and sending men into the toppe , presently discovered the land of Guynne , some fiue Leagues from vs , very low Land. I commanded a Peece to be shott , and lay by the lee , till my other Shippes came vp . Which hayling vs , wee demanded of them , how farre they found themselues off the Land ; who answered , some threescore and tenne , or fourescore Leagues : when wee told them wee had sounded , and found but foureteene Fathomes , and that we were in sight of Land , they began to wonder ; But having consulted what was best to be done , I caused my Shalop to be manned , which I towed at the Sterne of my Ship continually , and sent her and my Pynace a head to sound , and followed them with an easie Sayle , till we came in seaven and six fathome Water , and some two Leagues from the shore anchored , in hope by the Sea , or by the Land to find some refreshing . The Sea we found to be barren of Fish , and my Boates could not discover any landing place , though a whole day they had rowed alongst the Coast , with great desire to set foote on shore , for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous . Which experienced , wee set sayle , notwithstanding the contrarietie of the winde , sometimes standing to the West-wards , sometime to the East-wards , according to the shifting of the wind . SECT . XV. HEre is to be noted , that the error which we fell into in our accompts , was such as all men fall into where are currants that set East or West , and are not knowne , for that there is no certaine rule yet practised for triall of the longitude , as there is of the latitude , though some curious and experimented of our Nation , with whom I haue had conference about this poynt , haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it . This , some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton , bound for the Coast of Brasill , which taken with the winde contrary neere the lyne , standing to the East-wards , and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie Leagues off the Coast , with all her Sayles standing , came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebombat ; and so was cast away , though the most part of their company saved themselues vpon Raffes ; But with the contagion of the Countrie , and bad entreatie which the Negros gaue them , they died ; so that there returned not to their Country aboue three or ●oure of them . But God Almightie dealt more mercifully with vs in shewing vs our error in the day , and in time , that wee might remedie it ; to him be evermore glory for all . This currant from the line Equinoctiall , to twentie degrees Northerly , hath gr●at force , and setteth next of any thing East , directly vpon the shore ; which we found by this meanes : Standing to the Westwards , the wind Southerly , when we lay with our Ships head West , and by South , we gayned in our heith more then if wee had made our way good west south-west ; for that , the currant tooke vs vnder the bow : but lying west , or west and by north , we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie . By which plainly we saw , that the currant did set East next of any thing . Whether this currant runneth ever one way , or doth alter , and how , we could by no meanes vnderstand , but tract of time and observation will discover this , as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas . The currant that setteth betwixt New-found-land and Spaine , runneth also East and West , and long time deceived many , and made some to count the way longer , and others shorter , according as the passage was speedie or slowe ; not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant , was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way . And in sea Cardes I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie Leagues betwixt the Iland Tercera , and the Mayne . And others haue recounted vnto me , that comming from the India's , and looking out for the Ilands of Azores , they haue had sight of Spaine . And some haue looked out for Spaine , and haue discovered the Ilands . The selfe same currant is in the Levant Sea , but runneth trade betwixt the Maynes , and changeable sometimes to the East-wards , sometimes to the West-wards . In Brasill and the South Sea , the currant likewise is changeable , but it runneth ever alongst the Coast , accompanying the winde : and it is an infallible rule , that twelue or twentie foure houres ( before the Wind alters ) the currant begins to change . In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way , and setteth alongst the Coast from the Equinoctiall lyne towards the North. No man hath yet found that these courrants keepe any certaine time , or run so many dayes , or moneths , one way as another , as doth the course of ebbing and flowing , well knowne in all Seas : onely neere the shore they haue small force ; partly , because of the reflux which the coast causeth , and partly for the ebbing and slowing , which more or lesse is generall in most seas . When the currant runneth North or South , it is easily discovered by augmenting or diminishing the height , but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the mayne Sea , is difficult , and as yet , I haue not knowne any man , or read any Authour , that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discover it . But experience teacheth that in the mayne Sea , for the most part it is variable ; and therefore the best and safest rule to prevent the danger , ( which the vncertainty and ignorance heereof may cause ) is carefull and continuall watch by day and night , and vpon the East and west course ever to bee before the shipp , and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour , by the rules which newe Authours may teach : beating off and on , sometimes to the west-wards , sometimes to the East-wards , with a fayre gale of winde . SECT . XVI . BEing betwixt three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall line , my Company within a fewe dayes began to fall sicke , of a disease which Sea-men are wont to call the Scurvey : and seemeth to bee a kinde of dropsie , and raigneth most in this Climate of any that I haue heard or read of in the World ; though in all Seas it is wont to helpe and increase the miserie of man ; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold , with a loathsome sloathfulnesse , even to eate : they would be content to change their sleepe and rest , which is the most pernicious Enemie in this sicknesse , that is knowne . It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke , and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body , especially , of the legs and gums , and many times the teeth fall out of the iawes without paine . The signes to know this disease in the beginning are divers , by the swelling of the gummes , by denting of the flesh of the leggs with a mans finger , the pit remayning without filling vp in a good space : Others , show it with their lasinesse , Others , complaine of the cricke of the backe , &c. all which , are for the most part , certaine tokens of infection . The cause of this sicknes , some attribute to sloath ; some to conceite ; and divers men speake diversly : that which I haue observed is , that our Nation is more subiect vnto it , then any other ; because being bred in a temperate Clymate , where the naturall heate restrayned , giveth strength to the stomacke , sustayning it with meates of good nourishment , and that in an wholsome ayre , whereas comming into the hot Countries , ( where that naturall heate is dispersed through the whole body , which was wont to be proper to the stomacke ; and the meates for the most part , preserved with Salt , and its substance thereby diminished , and many times corrupted ) greater force for digestion is now required , then in times past ; but the stomacke ●inding lesse vertue to doe his office , in reparting to each member his due proportion in perfection , which either giveth it rawe , or remayneth with it indigested by his hardnes or cruditie ; infeebleth the body , and maketh it vnlusty and vnfit for any thing , for the stomacke being strong , ( though all parts els be weake ) there is ever a desire to feede , and aptnes to performe whatsoever can bee required of a man ; but though all other members be strong and sound , if the Stomacke be opprest , or squemish , all the body is vnlustie , and vnfit for any thing , and yeeldeth to nothing so readily , as to sloathfulnes , which is confirmed by the common answere to all questions : As , will you eate ? will you sleepe ? will you walke ? will you play ? The answere is , I haue no stomacke : which is as much , as to say , no not willingly , thereby confirming that without a sound and whole stomacke , nothing can bee well accomplished , nor any sustenance well digested . The seething of the meate in Salt water , helpeth to cause this in●irmitie , which in long Voyages can hardly be avoyded : but if it may be , it is to be shunned ; for , the water of the Sea to mans body is very vnwholsome . The corruption of the victuals , and especially of the bread , is very pernicious ; the vapours and ayre of the Sea also is nothing profitable , especially , in these hot Countries , where are many calmes . And were it not for the moving of the Sea by the force of windes , tydes , and currants , it would corrupt all the world . The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying with a Fleete of her Maiesties ships about the Ilands of the Azores almost six moneths ; the greatest part of the time we were becalmed : with which all the Sea became so replenished with severall sorts of gellyes , and formes of Serpents , Adders , and Snakes , as seemed wonderfull : some greene , some blacke , some yellow , some white , some of divers coulours ; and many of them had life , and some there were a yard and halfe , and two yards long ; which had I not seene , I could hardly haue beleeved . And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Ships which were then present ; so that hardly a man could draw a Buckett of water cleere of some corruption . In which Voyage , towards the end thereof , many of every Ship , ( saving of the Nonpereli , which was vnder my charge , and had onely one man sicke in all the Voyage ) fell sicke of this disease , and began to die apace , but that the speedie passage into our Country was remedie to the crazed , and a Preservatiue for those that were not touched . The best prevention for this disease ( in my iudgement ) is to keepe cleane the Shippe , to be sprinkle her ordinarily with Vineger , or to burne Tarre , and some sweet savours , to feed vpon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be , and especially to shunne all kindes of salt Fish , and to reserue them for the cold Climates , and not to dresse any meat with salt water , nor to suffer the companie to wash their Shirts nor Cloathes in it , nor to sleepe in their Cloaths when they are wett . For this cause it is necessarily required , that provision be made of apparell for the Company , that they may haue wherewith to shift themselues . Being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners , to spend their thrift on the shore , and to bring to Sea no more Cloaths then they haue backes ; for the bodie of man is not refreshed with any thing more , then with shifting cleane Cloaths ; a great preservatiue of health in hott Countries . The second Antidote is , to keepe the companie occupied in some bodily exercise of worke , of agilitie , of pastimes , of dauncing , of vse of Armes ; these helpeth much to banish this infirmitie . Thirdly , In the morning at discharge of the watch , to giue every man a bit of bread , and a draught of drinke , either Beere , or Wine mingled with water ( at the least , the one halfe ) or a quantitie mingled with Beere , that the pores of the bodie may be full , when the vapours of the Sea ascend vp . The morning draught should be ever of the best , and choysest of that in the ship . Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull , then the other is profitable . In this , others will be of a contrary opinion , but I thinke partiall . If not , then leaue I the remedies thereof to those Physitions and Surgeons who haue experience . And I wish that some learned man would write of it , for it is the plague of the Sea , and the spoyle of Mariners ; doubtlesse , it would be a meritorious Worke with God and man , and most beneficiall for our Countrie , for in twentie yeares , since that I haue vsed the Sea , I dare take vpon me , to giue accompt of ten thousand men consumed with this disease . That which I haue seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse , is sower Oranges and Lemmons , and a water which amongst others ( for my particular provision ) I carryed to the Sea , called Doctor Stevens his Water , of which , for that his vertue was not then well knowne vnto me , I carryed but little , and it tooke end quickly , but gaue health to those that vsed it . The oyle of Vitry is beneficiall for this disease ; taking two drops of it , and mingled in a draught of water , with a little Sugar . It taketh away the thirst , and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomacke : But the principall of all , is the ayre of the Land ; for , the Sea is naturall for fishes , and the Land for men . And the oftner a man can haue his people to land , ( not hindering his voyage ) the better it is , and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them . SECT . XVII . HAving stood to the westwards some hundreth leagues and more , the wind continuing with vs contrarie , and the sicknesse so fervent , that every day there dyed more or lesse : my Companie in generall began to dismay , and to desire to returne homewards which I laboured to hinder by good reasons , and perswasions : As , that to the West Indies , we had not aboue eight hundreth leagues , to the Ilands of Azores little lesse , and before we come to the Ilands of Cape de Verde , that we should meete with the Breze ; for every night we might see the reach goe contrary to the winde which wee sayled by ; verifying the old Proverbe amongst Mariners ; That he hath need of a long Mast , that will sayle by the Reach ; and that the neerest land and speediest refreshing wee could looke for , was the coast of Brasill ; and that standing towards it with the winde we had , we shortned our way for the Indies ; and that to put all the sicke men together in one Shippe , and to send her home , was to make her their graue . For we could spare but few sound men , who were also subiect to fall sicke , and the misery , notwithstanding , remedilesse ; with which they were convinced , and remained satisfied . So leaving all to their choyse , with the consideration of what I perswaded , they resolved with me , to continue our course , till that God was pleased to looke vpon vs , with his Fatherly eyes of mercie . As we approached neerer and neerer the coast of Brasill , the wind began to vere to the East-wardes , and about the middle of October , to be large and good for vs ; and about the 18. of October , we were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine ; which lyeth in sixe degrees to the Southwards of the lyne : and the 21. in the height of Farnambuca , but some fourescore leagues from the Coast ; the twentie foure , in the height of Bayea de todos Santos ; neere the end of October , betwixt 17. and 18. degrees , we were in 16. fathomes , sounding of the great Sholes , which lye alongst the Coast , betwixt the Bay of todos Santos , and the Port of Santos alias ura senora de Vitoria ; which are very perilous . But the divine Providence hath ordayned great flockes of small Birds ( like Snytes ) to liue vpon the Rockes , and broken lands of these Sholes , and are met with ordinarily twentie leagues before a man come in danger of them . It shall not be amisse here to recount the Accidents which befell vs during this contrary winde , and the curiosities to be observed in all this time . Day and night we had continually a fayre gale of winde , and a smooth Sea , without any alteration ; one day , the Carpenters having Calked the Decke of our Shippe , which the Sunne with his extreame heate had opened , craved licence to heate a little Pitch in the Cook-roome : which I would not consent vnto by any meanes ; for that my Cook-roomes were vnder the Decke , knowing the danger ; vntill the Master vndertooke , that no danger should come thereof . But he recommended the charge to another , who had a better name , then experience . He suffered the Pitch to rise , and to runne into the fire , which caused so furious a flame , as amazed him , and forced all to flie his heate ; one of my Company , with a double payre of Gloues tooke off the Pitch-pot , but the fire forced him to let slip his hold-fast , before he could set it on the Hearth , and so overturned it , and as the Pitch began to runne , so the fire to enlarge it selfe , that in a moment a great part of the Shippe was on a light fire . I being in my Cabin , presently imagined what the matter was , and for all the hast I could make , before I came , the fire was aboue the Decke : for remedie whereof , I commanded all my Companie , to cast their Ruggegownes into the Sea , with Ropes fastened vnto them . These I had provided for my people to watch in ; for in many hott Countries the nights are fresh and colde ; and devided one Gowne to two men , a Starboord and a Larboord man ; so that he which watched had ever the Gowne : for they which watched not , were either in their Cabins , or vnder the Decke , and so needed them not . The Gownes being well soked , every man that could , tooke one , and assaulted the fire ; and although some were singed , others scalded , and many burned , God was pleased that the fire was quenched , which I thought impossible ; And doubtlesse , I never saw my selfe in greater perill in all the dayes of my life . Let all men take example by vs , not to suffer ( in any case ) Pitch to be heate in the Ship , except it be with a shott heate in the fire , which cannot breed daunger : nor to permit fire to be kindled , but vpon meere necessitie ; for the inconvenience thereof ( is for the most part ) remedilesse . With drinking of Tobacco it is said , that the Roebucke was burned in the range of Dartmouth . The Primrose of London was fired with a Candle at Tilbery-hope , and nothing saved but her Kele . And another Ship bound for Barbary , at Wapping . The Iesus of Lubecke had her Gunner-roome set on fire with a Match , and had beene burnt without redemption , if that my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins Knight , then Generall in her , had not commaunded her Sloppers to be stopt , and the men to come to the Pumpes , whereof shee had two , which went with chaynes , and plying them , in a moment there was three or foure inches of water vpon the Decke , which with Scoopes , Swabbles , and Platters , they threw vpon the fire , and so quenched it , and delivered both Ship and men out of no small danger . Great care is to be had also in cleaving of Wood , in Hooping or Scutling of Caske , and in any businesse where violence is to be vsed with instruments of Iron , Steele , or Stone ; and especially , in opening of Powder , these are not to be vsed , but Mallets of Wood ; for many mischances happen beyond all expectation . I haue beene credibly enformed by divers persons , that comming out of the Indies , with Scutling a Butt of water , the water hath taken fire , and flamed vp , and put all in hazard : And a servant of mine , Thomas Gray told me , that in the Shippe wherein he came out of the Indies , Anno 1600. there happened the like ; and that if with Mantles they had not smoothered the fire , they had bin all burned with a Pipe of Water , which in Scutling tooke fire . Master Iohn Hazlelocke reported , that in the Arsenall of Venice happened the like , he being present . For mine owne part , I am of opinion , that some waters haue this propertie , and especially such as haue their passage by Mines of Brimstone , or other Mineralls , which ( as all men know ) giue extraordinary properties vnto the waters by which they runne : Or it may be that the water being in wine Caske , and kept close , may retayne an extraordinary propertie of the Wine . Yea , I haue drunke Fountaine , and River waters many times , which haue had a savour as that of Brimstone . Three leagues from Bayon in France , I haue proved of a fountaine that hath this savour , and is medicinable for many diseases . In the South Sea , in a River some fiue Leagues from Cape Saint Francisco , in one degree and a halfe to the Northwardes of the lyne , in the Bay of Atacames , is a River of fresh water , which hath the like savour . Of this I shall haue occasion to speake in another place , treating of the divers properties of Fountaines and Rivers ; and therefore to our purpose . SECT . XVIII . WEe had no small cause to giue God thankes and prayse for our deliverance , and so all our Ships once come together , wee magnified his gloririous Name for his mercie towards vs , and tooke an occasion hereby , to banish swearing out of our Shippes , which amongst the common sort of Mariners , and Sea-faring men , is too ordinarily abused . So with a generall consent of all our companie , it was ordayned that in every Ship there should be a Palmer or Ferula , which should be in the keeping of him , who was taken with an oath , and that he who had the Palmer should giue to every other that he tooke swearing in the Palme of the hand a Palmada with it , and the Ferula . And whosoever at the time of evening , or morning Prayer , was found to haue the Palmer , should haue three blowes given him by the Captaine , or Master , and that he should be still bound to free himselfe by taking another , or else to runne in daunger of continuing the penaltie ; which executed , few dayes reformed the Vice ; so that in three dayes together , was not one oath heard to be sworne . This brought both Ferula's , and swearing out of vse . And certainly , in vices , custome is the principall sustenance ; and for their reformation , it little availeth to giue good counsell , or to make good Lawes and Ordenances , except they be executed . SECT . XIX . IN this time of contrary Wind , those of my Company which were in health , recreated themselues with Fishing , and beholding the Hunting and Hawking of the Sea , and the Battell betwixt the Whale and his enemies , which truely are of no small pleasure . And therefore for the curious , I will spend some time in Declaration of them . Ordinarily such Ships as Navigate betweene the Tropiques , are accompanied with three sorts of Fish ; The Dolphin , which the Spaniards call Dozado : The Bonito , or Spanish Makerell : and the Sharke , alias Tiberune . The Dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest Fishes in the Sea : He is like vnto a Breame , but that he is longer and thinner , and his scales very small . He is of the coulour of the Rayn-bow , and his head different to other Fishes ; for , from his mouth halfe a spanne it goeth straight vpright , as the head of a Wherry , or the Cut-water of a Ship. He is very good meate if he be in season , but the best part of him , is his head , which is great . They are some bigger , some lesser ; the greatest that I haue seene , might be some foure foote long . I hold it not without some ground , that the auncient Philosophers write , that they be enamoured of a man : for in meeting with Shipping , they accompany them till they approach to colde Climates ; this I haue noted divers times . For disembarking out of the West Indies , Anno 1583. within three or foure dayes after , we mett a Scole of them , which left vs not till we came to the Ilands of Azores , nere a thousand Leagues . At other times I haue noted the like . But some may say , that in the Sea are many Scoles of this kinde of Fish , and how can a man know if they were the same ? Who may be thus satisfied , that every day in the morning , which is the time that they approach neerest the Ship , we should see foure , fiue , and more , which had ( as it were ) our ●are-marke , one hurt vpon the backe ; another neere the tayle ; another about the fynnes , which is sufficient proofe that they were the same . For if those which had received so bad entertainment of vs would not forsake vs , much lesse those which we had not hurt ; yet that which makes them most in loue with Ships and Men , are the scrappes and refreshing they gather from them . The Bonito , or Spanish Makerell , is altogether like vnto a Makerell , but that it is somewhat more growne ; he is reasonable foode , but dryer then a Makerell . Of them there are two sorts ; the one is this which I haue described ; the other , so great , as hardly one man can lift him ; At such times as wee haue taken of these , one sufficed for a meale for all my company . These , from the fynne of the tayle forwards haue vpon the chyne seven small yellow hillockes , close one to another . The Dolphins and Bonito's are taken with certaine instruments of Iron , which we call Vysgeis , in forme of an E●le-speare , but that the blades are round , and the poynts like vnto the head of a broad Arrow ; these are fastned to long Staues of ten or twelue foote long , with lynes tyed vnto them , and so shott to the Fish , from the Beake-head , the Poope , or other parts of the Shippe , as occasion is ministred . They are also caught with Hookes and Lynes , the Hooke being bayted with a redd Cloth , or with a white Cloth , made into the forme of a Fish , and sowed vpon the Hooke . The Sharke or Tiberune , is a Fish like vnto those which wee call Dogge-fishes , but that he is farre greater . I haue seene of them eight or nine foote long ; his head is flatt and broad , and his mouth in the middle , vnderneath , as that of the Seate ; and he cannot byte of the bayte before him , but by making a halfe turne ; and then he helpeth himselfe with his tayle , which serveth him in stead of a Rudder . His skinne is rough ( like to the Fish which we call , a rough Hound ) and russet , with reddish spottes , saving that vnder the belly he is all white : he is much hated of Sea-faring men , who haue a certaine foolish superstition with them , and say , that the Ship hath seldome good successe , that is much accompanied with them . It is the most ravenous Fish knowne in the Sea ; for he swalloweth all that he findeth . In the Puch of them hath beene sound hatts , cappes , shooes , shirts , leggs and armes of men , ends of Ropes , and many other things ; whatsoever is hanged by the Shippes side ▪ hee sheereth it , as though it were with a Razor ; for he hath three rowes of teeth on either side , as sharpe as Nailes ; some say , they are good for Pick-tooths . It hath chanced that a yonker casting himsel●e into the Sea to swimme , hath had his legge bitten off aboue the knee by one of them . And I haue beene enformed , that in the Tyger , when Sir Richard Greenfild went to people Virginia , a Sharke cut off the legge of one of the companie , sitting in the Chaines , and washing himselfe . They spawne not , as the greatest part of Fishes doe , but Whelpe , as the Dogge or Wolfe ; and for many dayes after that shee hath whelped every night , and towards any storme , or any danger which may threaten them hurt , the Damme receiveth her Whelpes in at her mouth , and preserveth them , till they be able to shift for themselues . I haue seene them goe in and out , being more then a foote and halfe long ; and after , taking the Damme , we haue found her young ones in her belly . Every day my Company tooke more or lesse of them , not for that they did eate of them ( for they are not held wholesome ; although the Spaniards , as I haue seene , doe eate them ) but to recreate themselues , and in revenge of the iniuries received by them ; for they liue long , and suffer much after they bee taken , before they dye . At the tayl● of one they tyed a great logge of wood , at another , an emptie Batizia well stopped ; one they yoaked like a Hogge ; from another , they plucked out his ey●s , and so threw them into the Sea. In catching two together , they bound them tayle to tayle , and so set them a swimming ; another , with his belly slit , and his bowels hanging out , which his fellowes would haue every one a snatch at ; with other infinite inventions to entertayne the time , and to avenge themselues ; for that they deprived them of swimming , and fed on their flesh being dead : they are taken with harping Irons , and with great hookes made of purpose , with Swyvels and Chaines ; for no lyne , nor small rope can hold them , which they share not asunder . There doth accompany this fish , divers little fishes , which are callet Pilats fishes , and are ever vpon his fynnes , his head , or his backe , and feede of the scraps and superfluities of his prayes . They are in forme of a Trought , and streked like a Makerell , but that the strekes are white and blacke , and the blacke greater then the white . The manner of Hunting and Hawking representeth that which wee reasonable creatures vse , saving onely in the disposing of the game . For by our industry and abilitie the Hound and Hawke is brought to that obedience , that whatsoever they seize , is for their Master ; but here it is otherwise . For the game is for him that seizeth it . The Dolphins and Bonitoes are the hounds , and the Alcatraces the hawkes , and the flying fishes the game : whose wonderfull making magnifieth the Creator , who for their safetie , and helpe , hath given them extraordinary manner of fynnes , which serue in stead of wings , like those of the Batt or Rere-mous● ; of such a delicate skinne , interlaced with small bones so curiously , as may well cause admiration in the beholders . They are like vnto Pilchards in colour , and making ; saving that they are somewhat rounder , and ( for the most part ) bigger . They flie best with a side wind , but longer then their wings be wett , they cannot sustaine the waight of their bodies ; and so the greatest flight that I haue seene them make , hath not beene aboue a quarter of a myle . They commonly goe in Scoles , and serue for food for the greater Fishes , or for the Foules . The Dolphins and Bonitoes doe continually hunt after them , and the Alcatraces lye soaring in the ayre , to see when they spring , or take their flight ; and ordinarily , he that escapeth the mouth of the Dolphin , or Bonito , helping himselfe by his wings , falleth prisoner into the hands of the Alcatrace , and helpeth to fill his gorge . The Alcatrace is a Sea-fowle , different to all that I haue seene , either on the land , or in the Sea. His head like vnto the head of a Gull , but his bill like vnto a Snytes bill , somewhat shorter , and in all places alike . He is almost like to a Heronshaw , his leggs a good spanne long , his wings very long , and sharpe towards the poynts , with a long tayle like to a Pheasant , but with three or foure feathers onely , and these narrower . He is all blacke , of the colour of a Crow , and of little flesh ; for he is almost all skinne and bones . He soareth the highest of any fowle that I haue seene , and I haue not heard of any , that haue seene them rest in the Sea. Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries ; which are the Sword fish and the Thresher . The Whale is of the greatest fishes in the Sea ; and to count but the truth , vnlesse dayly experience did witnesse the relation , it might seeme incredible , hee is a huge vnwildlie fish , and to those which haue not seene of them , it might seeme strange , that other fishes should master him ; but certaine it is , that many times the Thresher , and Sword fish , meeting him ioyntly , doe make an end of him . The Sword fish is not great , but strongly made , and in the top of his chine ( as a man may say ) betwixt the necke and shoulders , he hath a maner of Sword in substance , like vnto a bone of foure or fiue ynches broad , and aboue three foote long , full of prickles of either side , it is but thin , for the greatest that I haue seene , hath not beene aboue a finger thicke . The Thresher is a greater fish , whos● tayle is very broad & thick , and very waightie . They fight in this maner ; the Sword fish placeth himselfe vnder the belly of the Whale , and the Thresher vpon the Ryme of the water , and with his tayle thresheth vpon the head of the Whale , till hee force him to giue way , which the Sword fish perceiving , receiveth him vpon his sword , and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount vp againe : ( besides that , he cannot abide long vnder water , but must of force rise vpp to breath ) and when in such maner they torment him , that the sight is sometimes heard aboue three leagues distance , and I dare affirme , that I haue heard the blowes of the Thresher two leagues off , as the report of a peece of Ordinance , the Whales roaring being heard much farther . It also happeneth sundry times , that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them , with the blood of the Whale changeth his colour . The best remedy the Whale hath in this extremitie to helpe himselfe , is to get him to land , which hee procureth as soone as hee discoverth his adversaries , and getting the shore , there can fight but one with him , and for either of them hand to hand , he is too good . The Whale is a fish not good to be eaten , hee is almost all fat , but esteemed for his trayne : and many goe to the New-found-land ; Greene-land , and other parts onely to fish for them , which is in this maner ; when they which seeke the Whale discover him , they compasse him round about with Pynaces or Shalops . In the head of every Boat is placed a man , with a harping Iron , and a long Lyne , the one end of it fastned to the harping iron , and the other end to the head of the Boat ; In which it lyeth finely coyled ; and for that he cannot keepe long vnder water , he sheweth which way he goeth , when rising neere any of the Boats , within reach , he that is neerest , darteth his harping Iron at him . The Whale finding himselfe to be wounded , swimmeth to the bottome , and draweth the Pynace after him ; which the Fisher men presently forsake , casting themselues into the Sea ; for that many times he draweth the Boat vnder water : those that are next , procure to take them vp . For this cause all such as goe for that kinde of Fishing , are experimented in swimming . When one harping Iron is fastned in the Whale , it is easily discerned which way he directeth his course ; and so ere long they fasten another , and another in him . When he hath three or foure Boats dragging after him ; with their waight , his bleeding , and fury , he becommeth so over-mastred , that the rest of the Pynaces with their presence and terror , driue him to the place where they would haue him , nature instigating him to covet the shore . Being once hurt , there is little need to force him to land . Once on the shore , they presently cut great peeces of him , and in great Cauldrons seeth them . The vppermost in the Cauldrons is the fatt , which they skimme off , and put it into Hogsheads and Pipes . This is that they call Whales oyle , or Traine oyle , accompted the best sort of Traine oyle . It is hard to be beleeved , what quantitie is gathered of one Whale ; Of the tongue , I haue beene enformed , haue many Pipes beene filled . The fynnes are also esteemed for many and sundry vses ; as is his spawne for divers purposes : This wee corruptly call Parmacittie ; of the Latine word , Sperma Ceti . And the precious Amber-greece ( some thinke also ) to be found in his bowells , or voyded by him ; but not in all seas ; yea , they maintaine for certaine , that the same is ingendred by eating an hearbe which groweth in the Sea. This hearbe is not in all Seas , say they , and therefore , where it wanteth , the Whales giue not this fruit ! In the coast of the East Indies in many partes is great quantitie . In the coastes of Guyne , of Barbary , of the Florida , in the Ilands of Cape de Verde , and the Canaries , Amber-greece hath beene many times found , and sometimes on the coast of Spaine and England . Wherevpon it is presumed , that all th●se Seas haue not the hearbe growing in them . The cause why the Whale should eate this hearbe , I haue not heard , nor read . It may be surmised , that it is as that of the Becunia , and other Beasts , which breed the Beazer stone ; who feeding in the valleyes and mountaines , where are many venemous Serpents , and hearbes ; when they find themselues touched with any poyson , forthwith they runne for remedie to an hearbe , which the Spaniards call , Contra yerva , that is to say , contrary to poyson ; which having eaten , they are presently cured : but the substance of the hearbe converteth it selfe into a medicinable stone ; So it may be , that the Whale feeding of many sorts of fishes , and some of them ( as is knowne ) venemous , when he findeth himselfe touched , with this hearbe he cureth himselfe ; and not being able to digest it , nature converteth it into this substance , provoketh it out , or dyeth with it in his belly ; and being light , the Sea bringeth it to the Coast. All these are imaginations , yet instruments to mooue vs to the glorifying of the great and vniversall Creatour of all , whose secret wisedome , and wonderfull workes , are incomprehensible . But the more approved generation of the Amber greece , and which carrieth likliest probabilitie is , that it is a liquor which issueth out of certaine Fountaines , in sundry Seas , and being of a light and thicke substance , participating of the ayre , suddenly becommeth hard , as the yellow Amber , of which they make Beads ; which is also a liquor of a Fountaine in the Germayne Sea : In the bottome it is soft and white , and partaking of the ayre becommeth hard and stonie : Also the Corrall in the Sea is soft , but comming into the ayre , becommeth a stone . Those who are of this former opinion , thinke the reason ( why the Amber greece is sometimes found in the Whale ) to be for that he swalloweth it , as other things , which he findeth swimming vpon the water ; and not able digest it , it remaineth with him till his death . Another manner of fishing , and catching the Whale I cannot omit , vsed by the Indians in Florida ; worthy to be considered , in as much as the barbarous people haue found out so great a secret , by the industry and diligence of one man , to kill so great and huge a Monster ; it is in this manner . The Indian discovering a Whale , procureth two round billets of wood , sharpneth both at one end , and so binding them together with a cord , casteth himselfe with them into the Sea , and swimmeth towards the Whale ; if he come to him , the Whale escapeth not ; for he placeth himselfe vpon his necke , and although the Whale goeth to the bottome , he must of ●orce rise presently to breath , ( for which nature hath given him two great holes in the toppe of his head , by which every time that he breatheth , he spouteth out a great quantitie of water ) the Indian forsaketh not his holde , but riseth with him , and thrusteth in a Logg into one of his Spowters , and with the other knocketh it in so fast , that by no meanes the Whale can get it out : That fastned , at another opportunitie , he thrusteth in the second Logg into the other Spowter , and with all the force he can , keepeth it in . The Whale not being able to breath , swimmeth presently ashore , and the Indian a cock-horse vpon him , which his fellowes discovering , approach to helpe him , and to make an end of him : it serveth them for their foode many dayes after . Since the Spaniards haue taught them the estimation of Amber greece , they seeke curiously for it , sell it to them , and others , for such things as they best fancie , and most esteeme ; which are ( as I haue beene enformed ) all sortes of edge-tooles , Copper , Glasses , Glasse-beads , red Caps , Shirts , and Pedlery ware . Vpon this subiect , divers Spaniards haue discoursed vnto mee , who haue beene eye witnesses thereof , declaring them to be valorous , ventrous , and industrious : otherwise they durst not vndertake an enterprise so difficult and full of danger . SECT . XX. FRom the Tropike of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall , the breze which is the North-east winde , doth raigne in our Ocean sea the most part of the yeare , except it be neere the shore , and then the winde is variable . In three or foure degrees of eyther side the line , the winde hangeth Southerly , in the moneths of Iuly , August , September and October : all the rest of the yeare from the Cape bona esperança to the Ilands of Azores , the breze raygneth continually ; and some yeares in the other moneths also , or calmes , but he that purposeth to crosse the lyne from the North-wards to the South-wards , the best and surest passage is , in the moneths of Ianuary , February , and March. In the moneths of September , October and November is also good passage , but not to sure as in the former . SECT . XXI . BEtwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the South-wards of the lyne , the winde tooke vs contrary , which together with the sicknes of my people made mee to seeke the shore , and about the end of October , we had sight of the Land , which presenlty by our height and the making of it , discovered it selfe to be the port of Santos , alias nostra Senora de Victoria , and is easie to be knowne , for it hath a great high hill over the Port , which ( howsoever a man commeth with the land ) riseth like a bell , and comming neere the shore presently is discovered a white Tower or Fort , which standeth vpon the top of a hill over the Harbour , and vpon the seamost land : It is the first land a man must compasse , before he enter the Port ; comming within two Leagues of the shore we anchored , and the Captaynes and Masters of my other ships , being come aboord , it was thought convenient ( the weakenes of our men considered , for wee had not in our three ships twenty foure men sound ) and the winde vncertaine when it might change , we thought with pollicie to procure that , which wee could not by force ; and so to offer traffique to the people of the shore , by that meanes to proue , if wee could attayne some refreshing for our sicke Company . In execution whereof , I wrote a letter to the Governour in Latine , and sent him with it a peece of crymson Velvet , a bolt of fine Holland , with divers other things , as a present ; and with it , the Captaine of my ship , who spake a little broken Spanish , giving the Governour to vnderstand , that I was bound to the East Indies , to traffique in those parts , and that contrary windes had forced me vpon that Coast : If that hee were pleased to like of it , for the commodities the Countrie yeelded in aboundance , I would exchange that , which they wanted . With these instructions my Captaine departed about nine of the clocke in the morning , carrying a flagge of truce in the head of the boate , and sixteene men well armed , and provided ; guided by one of my Company which two yeares before had beene Captaine in that place , and so was a reasonable Pilot. Entring the Port , within a quarter of a myle is a small Village , and three Leagues higher vp , is the chiefe Towne : where they haue two Forts , one on eyther side of the Harbour , and within them ride the Ships which come thither to discharge , or loade . In the small Village is ever a Garrison of a hundreth Souldiers , whereof part assist there continually , and in the white Tower vpon the top of the hill , which commaundeth it . Heere my Captaine had good entertainement , and those of the shore received his message and Letter , dispatching it presently to the Governour , who was some three Leagues off in another place : at least , they beare vs so in hand . In the time that they expected the Post , my Captaine with one other entertained himselfe with the Souldiers a shore , who after the common custome of their profession ( except when they be hesonios ) sought to pleasure him , and finding that he craved but Oranges , Lemmons , and matters of smal moment for refreshing for his Generall , they suffered the women and Children to bring him what hee would , which hee gratified with double Pistolets , that I had given him for that purpose . So got hee vs two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemmons , and some fewe Hennes . All that day and night , and the next day , till nine of the clocke , wee waited the returne of our boate ; which not appearing , bred in me some suspition , and for my satisfaction I man'd a light horseman which I had , and the Fancie , the best I could ; shewing strength , where was weakenesse and infirmity , and so set sayle towardes the Port ; our Gunner taking vpon him to bee Pilote , for that hee had beene there some yeares before . Thus , with them we entred the Harbour , my Captaine having notice of our being within the Barre , came aboord with the Boat , which was no small ioy to me ; and more , to see him bring vs store of Oranges and Lemmons , which was that we principally sought for , as the remedie of our diseased Company . He made relation of that had past , and how they expected present answere from the governour . We anchored right against the village , and within two houres , by a Flagge of Truce , which they on the shore shewed ●s , wee vnderstood that the Messenger was come : our Boat went for the answere of the governour , who said , he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire , being so reasonable and good ; for that in consideration of the warre betwixt Spaine and England , he had expresse order from his King , not to suffer any English to trade within his iurisdiction , no , nor to land , or to take any refreshing vpon the shore . And therefore craved pardon , and that wee should take this for a resolute answere : And further , required vs to depart the Port within three dayes , which he said he gaue vs , for our courteous manner of proceeding ; If any of my people from that time forwards , should approach to the shore , that he would doe his best to hinder and annoy them . With this answere wee resolved to depart ; and before it came , with the first faire wind , we determined to be packing : but the wind suffered vs not all that night , nor the next day . In which time , I lived in a great perplexitie , for that I knew our owne weaknesse , and what they might doe vnto vs , if that they had knowne so much . For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port , had need of Argus eyes , and the wind in a bagge , especially , where the enemie is strong , and the tydes of any force . For , with either ebbe or flood , those who are on the shore , may thrust vpon him inventions of fire ; and with swimming , or other devises may cut his Cables . A common practise in all hott Countries . The like may be effected with Raffes , Cannoas , Boates or Pynaces , to annoy and assault him ; and if this had beene practised against vs , or taken effect , our Shippes must of force haue yeelded themselues ; for they had no other people in them but sicke men ; but many times opinion and feare preserveth the Shippes , and not the people in them . Wherefore it is the part of a provident Governour , to consider well the daungers that may befall him , before he put himselfe into such places ; So shall he ever be provided for prevention . In Saint Iohn de Vlua , in the New-Spaine , when the Spanyards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury , and breach of faith , given to my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins ( notorious to the whole world ) the Spanyards fired two great Shippes , with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall , which he prevented by towing them with his Boates another way . The great Armado of Spaine , sent to conquer England , Anno 1588. was with that selfe same industry overthrowne ; for the setting on ●ire of six or seaven shippes ( whereof two were mine ) and letting them drive with the flood , forced them to cut their Cables , and to put to Sea , to seeke a new way to Spaine . In which the greatest part of their best Shippes and men were lost and perished . For that my people should not b● dismayed , I dispatched presently my Light-horsman ; with onely foure men , and part of the refreshing , advising them that with the first calme , or slent of wind , they should come off . The next night , the wind comming off the shore wee set sayle , and with our Boates and Barkes founded as we went. It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water , and once in foure and twentie houres ( as in some parts of the West Indies ) at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue 17. or 18. foote water . The harbour runneth to the South-westwards . He that will come into it , is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it , and be bolder of the wester side ; for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes , for the most part , vnder water , which sometimes breake not , but with small shipping , a man may goe betwixt them and the poynt . Comming aboord of our Shippes , there was great ioy amongst my Company , and many with the sight of the Oranges and Lemmons , seemed to recover heart ; This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God , that hath hidde● so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit , to be a certaine remedie for this infirmitie ; I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men , which were so many , that there came not aboue three or foure to a share ; but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day , so much to our comfort , that not any one dyed before we came to the Ilands , where we pretended to refresh our selues ; And although our fresh water had fayled vs many dayes , ( before we saw the shore ) by reason of our long Navigation , without touching any land , and the excessiue drinking of the ●icke and diseased , ( which could not be excused ) yet with an invention I had in my Shippe , I easily drew out of the water of the Sea , sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people , with little expence of fewell ; for with foure Billets I stilled a Hogshead of water , and therewith dressed the meat for the sicke and whole . The water so distilled , we found to be wholesome and nourishing . SECT . XXII . THe Coast from Santos , to Cape Frio lyeth west and by South Southerly . So we directed our course West South-west . The night comming on , and directions given to our other Shippes , we sett the watch , having a fayre fresh gale of wind and large . My selfe , with the Master of our Ship , having watched the night past , thought now to giue Nature that which shee had beene deprived of , and so recommended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates ; who with the like travell past being drowsie , or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme , had not that watchfull care which was required ; he at the Helme steered West , and West and by South , and brought vs in a little time close vpon the shore ; doubtlesse , he had cast vs all away , had not God extraordinarily delivered vs ; for the Master being in his dead sleepe , was suddenly awaked , and with such a fright , that he could not be in quiet : wherevpon , waking his youth , which ordinarily slept in his Cabin by him , asked him how the watch went on ; who answered , that it could not be aboue an houre since he layd himselfe to rest . He replyed , that his heart was so vnquiet , that he could not by any meanes sleepe , and so taking his Gowne , came forth vpon the Decke , and presently discovered the Land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low , those who had their eyes continually fixed on it , were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres , being a fayre night , and so were hindered from the true discovery thereof . But he comming out of the darke , had his sight more forcible , to discerne the difference of the Sea , and the shore . So that forthwith he commaunded him at the Helme , to put it close a starbourd , and tacking our Ship , wee edged off ; and sounding , found scant three fathome water , whereby we saw evidently , the miraculous mercie of our God ; that if he had not watched over vs , as hee doth continually over his , doubtlesse , we had perished without remedie ; To whom be all glory , and prayse everlastingly , world without end . Immediatly we shot off a Peece , to giue warning to our other Shippes ; who having kept their direct course , and far to wind-wards and Sea-wards , because we carried no light , for that we were within sight of the shore , could not heare the report ; and the next morning were out of sight . SECT . XXIII . IN this poynt of Steeridge , the Spaniards and Portingalls doe exceede all that I haue seene , I meane for their care , which is chiefest in Navigation . And I wish in this , and in all their workes of Discipline and reformation , we should follow their examples ; as also those of any other Nation . In every Ship of moment , vpon the halfe decke , or quarter decke , they haue a chayre , or seat ; out of which whilst they Navigate , the Pilot , or his Adiutants ( which are the same officers which in our Shippes we terme , the Master and his Mates ) never depart , day nor night , from the sight of the Compasse ; and haue another before them ; whereby they see what they doe , and are ever witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme . This I haue seene neglected in our best Shippes , yet nothing more necessary to be reformed . For a good Helme-man may be overcome with an imagination , and so mis-take one poynt for another ; or the Compasse may erre , which by another is discerned . The inconveniences which hereof may ensue , all experimented Sea-men may easily conceiue ; and by vs take warning to avoyd the like . SECT . XXIIII . THe next day about tenne of the Clocke , wee were thwart of Cape Blanco , which is low sandie Land , and perilous ; for foure Leagues into the Sea ( thwart it ) lye banks of sand , which haue little water on them ; on a sudden we found our selues amongst them , in lesse then three fathome water ; but with our Boat and Shalope we went sounding , and so got cleare of them . The next day following , we discovered the Ilands , where wee purposed to refresh our selues : They are two , and some call them Saint Iames his Ilands , and others , Saint Annes . They lie in two and twentie degrees and a halfe to the South-wards of the lyne ; and towards the evening ( being the fifth of November ) we anchored betwixt them and the Mayne , in six fathome water , where wee found our other Shippes . All which being well Moored , we presently began to set vp Tents and Booths for our sicke men , to carry them a shore , and to vse our best diligence to cure them . For which intent our three Surgeans , with their servants and adherents , had two Boates to wayte continually vpon them , to fetch whatsoever was needfull from the Shippes , to procure refreshing , and to Fish , either with Netts , or Hookes , and Lynes . Of these implements wee had in aboundance , and it yeelded vs some refreshing . For the first dayes , the most of those which had health , occupied themselues in romeging our Ship , in bringing a shore of emptie Caske , in filling of them , and in felling and cutting of Wood : which being many workes , and few hands , went slowly forwards . Neere these Ilands , are two great Rockes , or small Ilands adioyning . In them we found great store of young Gannetts in their nests , which we reserved for the sicke , and being boyled with pickled Porke well watered , and mingled with Oatmeale , made reasonable Pottage , and was good refreshing and sustenance for them . This provision fayled vs not , till our departure from them . Vpon one of these Rocks also , we found great store of the hearbe Purslane , which boyled and made into Sallets , with oyle and vineger , refreshed the sicke stomackes , and gaue appetite . With the ayre of the shore , and good cherishing , many recovered speedily ▪ Some died away quickly , and others continued at a stand . We found here some store of fruits ; a kind of Cherry , that groweth vpon a tree like a Plum-tree , red of colour , with a stone in it , but different in making to ours , for it is not altogether round , and dented about : they haue a pleasing taste . In one of the Ilands , we found Palmito trees , great and high , and in the toppe a certaine fruit like Cocos , but no bigger then a Wallnut . We found also a fruit growing vpon trees in codds , like Beanes , both in the codd , and the fruit . Some of my Company proved of them , and they caused vomits and purging , as any medicine taken out of the Apothecaries shop , according to the quantitie received . They haue hudds , as our Beanes , which shaled off , the kernell parteth it selfe in two , and in the middle is a thin skinne ( like that of an Onion ) said to be hurtfull , and to cause exceeding vomits , and therefore to be cast away . Monardus writing of the nature and propertie of this fruit , as of others of the Indies , for that it is found in other parts , also calleth them Havas purgativas , and sayth , that they are to be prepared , by peeling them first , and then taking away the skinne in the middle , and after beaten into powder , to take the quantitie of fiue or sixe , either with Wine or Sugar . Thus they are good against Fevers , and to purge grosse humors ; against the Collicke , and payne of the ioynts , in taking them a man may not sleepe , but is to vse the dyet vsuall , as in a day of purging . One other fruit we found , very pleasant in taste , in fashion of an Artechoque , but lesse ; on the outside , of colour redd ; within white , and compassed about with prickles ; our people called them Prick-peares ; no Conserue is better . They grow vpon the leaues of a certaine roote , that is like vnto that which we call semper viva ; and many are wont to hang them vp in their houses : but their leaues are longer and narrower , and full of Prickes on either side . The fruit groweth vpon the side of the leafe , and is one of the best fruites that I haue eaten in the Indies . In ripening , presently the Birds or Vermine are feeding on them ; a generall rule to know , what fruit is wholsome and good in the Indies , and other parts . Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowles , a man may boldly eate of them . The water of these Ilands is not good ; the one , for being a standing water , and full of venemous Wormes and Serpents , which is neare a Butt-shot from the Sea shore , where we found a great Tree fallen , and in the roote of it the names of sundry Portingalls , Frenchmen , and others , and amongst them , Abraham Cockes ; with the time of their being in this Island . The other , though a running water , yet passing by the rootes of certaine trees , which haue a smell as that of Garlique , taketh a certaine contagious sent of them ; Here two of our men dyed with swelling of their bellies : The accident we could not attribute to any other cause , then to this suspitious water . It is little , and falleth into the sand , and soketh through it into the Sea ; and therefore we made a well of a Pipe , and placed it vnder the rocke from which it falleth , and out of it filled our Caske : but we could not fill aboue two Tunnes in a night and a day . SECT . XXV . SO after our people began to gather their strength , wee manned our Boates , and went over to the Mayne , where presently we found a great Ryver of fresh and sweete water , and a mightie Marish Countrie ; which in the Winter seemeth to be continually over-flowne with this River , and others , which fall from the mountaynous Country adiacent . We rowed some leagues vp the Ryver , and found that the further vp we went , the deeper was the River , but no fruit , more then she sweate of our bodies for the labour of our handes . At our returne wee loaded our Boate with Water , and afterwardes from hence wee made our Store . SECT . XXVI . THe sicknesse having wasted more then the one halfe of my people , we determined to take out the victualls of the Hawke , and to burne her ; which wee put in execution . And being occupied in this Worke , we saw a Shippe turning to Windwards , to succour her selfe of the Ilands ; but having discryed vs , put off to Sea-wards . Two dayes after , the wind changing , we saw her againe running alongst the coast , and the Daintie not being in case to goe after her , for many reasons , we manned the Fancie , and sent her after her ; who about the setting of the Sunne ●etched her vp , and spake with her ; when finding her to be a great Fly-boat , of ( at least ) three or foure hundreth Tunnes , with 18. Peeces of Artillery , would haue returned , but the wind freshing in , put her to Leewards ; and standing in to succour her selfe of the land , had sight of another small Barke , which after a short chase shee tooke , but had nothing of moment in her , for that she had bin vpon the great Sholes of Abreoios in 18. degrees , and there throwne all they had by the board , to saue their liues . This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie could not beat it vp in many dayes : but before we had put all in a readinesse , the wind changing , shee came vnto vs , and made Relation of that which had past ; and how they had given the small Barke to the Portingalls , and brought with them onely her Pilot , and a Marchant called Pedro de escalante of Potosi . SECT . XXVII . IN this Coast the Portingalls by industrie of the Indians , haue wrought many feats . At Cape Frio they tooke a great French Ship in the night , the most of her company being on the shore , with Cannoas , which they haue in this Coast so great , that they carry seventie and eightie men in one of them . And in Isla grand , I saw one that was aboue threescore foote long , of one tree , as are all that I haue seene in Brasill , with provisions in them for twentie or thirtie dayes . At the Iland of San-sebastian , neere Saint Vincent , the Indians killed about eightie of master Candish his men , and tooke his Boat , which was the overthrow of his Voyage . There commeth not any Ship vpon this Coast , whereof these Cannoas giue not notice presently to every place . And wee were certified in Isla grand , that they had sent an Indian from the River of Ienero , through all the Mountaines and Marishes , to take a view of vs , and accordingly made a Relation of our Shippes , Boates , and the number of men , which we might haue . But to prevent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent , I determined one night , in the darkest and quietest of it , to see what watch our Company kept on the shore ; man'd our Light-horsman , and Boat , armed them with Bowes and Targetts , and got a shore some good distance from the places where were our Boothes , and sought to come vpon them vndiscovered : wee vsed all our best endevours to take them at vnawares , yet comming within fortie paces we were discovered ; the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose themselues against vs. Which wee seeing , gaue them the Hubbub , after the manner of the Indians , and assaulted them , and they vs ; but being a close darke night , they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub . From our Shippe the Gunner shott a peece of Ordinance over our heads , according to the order given him , and thereof we tooke occasion to retyre vnto our Boates , and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places , as though wee came from our Shippes to ayde them . They began to recount vnto vs , how that at the wester poynt of the Iland , out of certaine Cannoas , had landed a multitude of Indians , which with a great out-cry came vpon th●m , and ●ssaulted them fiercely , but finding better resistance then they looked for , and seeing themselues discovered by the Shippes , tooke themselues to their heeles , and returned to their Cannoas , in which they imbarked themselues , and departed . One affirmed , he saw the Cannoas ; another , their long hayre ; a third , their Bowes ; a fourth , that it could not be , but that some of them had their payments . And it was worth the sight , to behold those which had not moved out of their beds in many Moneths , ( vnlesse by the helpe of others ) gotten , some a bow-shoot off into the Woods ▪ others into the toppes of Trees , and those which had any strength , ioyned together to fight for their liues . In fine , the Booths and Tents were left desolate . To colour our businesse the better , after we had spent some houre in seeking out , and ioyning the Companie together , in comforting , animating , and commending them ; I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night , and so departed to our Shippes , with such an opinion of the assault , given by the Indians , that many so possessed ( through all the Voyage ) would not be perswaded to the contrary . Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Companie , that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs , they were after most carefull and vigilant , as was convenient . In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or six foot water , and but once in two and twentie houres ; as in all this Coast , and in many parts of the West Indies ; as also in the coast of Perew and Chely ( saving where are great Bayes or indraughts ) and there the tydes keepe their ordinary course of twice in foure and twentie houres . In the lesser of these Ilands , is a Caue for a small Ship to ride in , Land-lockt , and shee may moore her selfe to the trees of either side : this we called Palmito Iland , for the aboundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees , the other hath none at all . A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship , but the better course is out at one end . In these Ilands are many Scorpions , Snakes , and Adders , with other venemous Vermine . They haue Parotts , and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants , somewhat bigger , and seeme to be of their nature . Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men , supplying our wants of Wood and Water , and in other necessary workes . And the tenth of December ( all things put in order ) we set sayle for Cape Frio , having onely six men sicke , with purpose there to set ashore our two Prisoners before named ; and anchoring vnder the Cape , we sent our Boat a shore , but they could not finde any convenient place to land them in , and so returned : the Wind being Southerly , and not good to goe on our voyage , we succoured our selues within Isla Grand , which lyeth some dozen or foureteene Leagues from the Cape , betwixt the West , and by South and West South-west ; the rather to set our Prisoners a shore . In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland , lyeth the River Ienero , a very good Harbour , fortified with a Garrison , and a place well peopled . The Isla Grand , is some eight or ten Leagues long , and causeth a goodly Harbour for Shipping ; It is full of great sandie Bayes and in the most of them is store of good water ; within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands , which cause divers sounds and creekes ; and amongst these little Ilands , one , for the pleasant scituation and fertilitie thereof , called Placentia . This is peopled , all the rest desert : on this Iland our Prisoners desired to be put ashore , and promised to send vs some refreshing . Whereto we condescended , and sent them a shore , with two Boates well man'd and armed , who sound few Inhabitants in the Iland ; for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses , notwithstanding our Boats returned loaden with Plantynes , Pinias , Potatoes , Sugar-canes , and some Hennes . Amongst which they brought a kind of little Plantyne , greene , and round , which were the best of any that I haue seene . With our people came a Portingall , who said , that the Iland was his ; he seemed to be a Mistecho , who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood , poorely apparelled and miserable ; we feasted him , and gaue him some trisles , and he according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had . The wind continuing contrary , we emptied all the water wee could come by , which we had silled in Saint Iames his Iland , and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand . It is a wildernesse covered with Trees and Shrubbes so thicke , as it hath no passage through , except a man make it by force . And it was strange to heare the howling and cryes of wilde Beastes in these Woods day and night , which we could not come at to see by any meanes ; some like Lyons , others like Beares , others like Hoggs , and of such and so many diversities , as was admirable . Heere our Nets profited vs much ; for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish . Vpon the shore at full Sea-marke , we found in many places certaine shels , like those of Mother of Pearles , which are brought out of the East Indies , to make standing cups , called Caracoles ; of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them ; And were it not for the brittlenes of them , by reason of their exceeding thinnes , doubtles they were to bee esteemed farre aboue the others ; for , more excellent workemanship I haue not seene in shels . The 18. of December , wee set sayle the wind at North-east , and directed our course for the Straites of Magalianes . The twenty two of this moneth , at the going too of the Sunne , we descryed a Portingall ship , and gaue her chase , and comming within hayling of her , shee rendred her selfe , without any resistance , shee was of an hundred Tuns bound for Angola to load Negroes , to be carried and sold in the River of Plate ; It is a trade of great profit , & much vsed , for that the Negroes are carried from the head of the river of Plate , to Patosi , to labour in the Mynes . It is a bad Negro , who is not worth there fiue or six hundreth peeces , every peece of tenne Ryals , which they receiue in Ryals of Plate , for there is no other Marchandize in those partes . Some haue told me , that of late they haue found out the trade , and benefit of Cochanillia , but the River suffereth not vessels of burthen ; for if they drawe aboue eight or seaven foote water , they cannot goe further ; then the mouth of the River , and the first habitation is aboue a hundred and twenty leagues vp , whereunto many Barkes trade yearely , and carry all kinde of Marchandize serving for Patosi and Paraquay ; the money which is thence returned , is distributed in all the Coast of Brasill . The loading of this Ship was meale of Cassavi , which the Portingals call Furina de Paw . It served for Marchandize in Angola , for the Portingals foode in the ship , and to nourish the Negroes , which they should carry to the river of Plate ; This meale is made of a certaine roote which the Indians call Yuca , much like vnto Potatoes . Of it are two kindes ; the one sweete and good to be eaten ( either rosted or sodden ) as Potatoes , and the other of which they make their bread , called Cassavi , deadly poyson , if the liquor or iuyce bee not throughly pressed out . So prepared it is the bread of Brasill , and many parts of the Indies , which they make in this maner : first they pare the roote , and then vpon a rough stone they grate it as small us they can , and after that it is grated small , they put it into a bag or poke , and betwixt two Stones with great waight , they presse out the iuyce , or poyson , and after keepe it in some bag , till it haue no iuyce nor moysture left . Of this they make two sorts of bread , the one finer , and the other courser , but bake them after one maner . They place a great broad smooth stone vpon other foure , which serue in steede of a Trevet , and make a quicke fire vnder it , and so strawe the flower or meale a foote long , and halfe a foot broad . To make it to incorporate , they sprinkle now and then a little water , and then another rowe of meale , and another sprinkling , till it be to their minde ; That which is to be spent presently , they make a finger thicke , and sometimes more thicke ; but that which they make for store , is not aboue halfe a finger thicke , but so hard , that if it fall on the ground it will not breake easily : Being newly baked , it is reasonable good , but after fewe dayes it is not to be eaten , except it be soaked in water . In some partes they suffer the meale to become fen●ed , before they make it into bread ; and hold it for the best ; saying , that it giveth a better tast , but I am not of that opinion ; In other parts they mingle it with a fruite called Agnanepes , which are round , and being ripe are gray , and as big as an hazell n●t , and grow in a cod like pease , but that it is all curiously wrought , first they parch them vpon a stone , and after beate them into powder , and then mingle them with the fine flower of Cassavi , and bake them into bread , these are their spice-cakes , which they call Xanxaw . The Agnanapes are pleasant , giue the bread a yellowish colour , and an Aromaticall savour in taste . The finer of this bread , being well baked , keepeth long time , three or foure yeares . In Brasill , since the Portingalls taught the Indians the vse of Sugar , they eate this meale mingled with remels of Sugar , or Malasses ; and in this manner the Portingalls themselues feed of it . But we found a better manner of dressing this Farina , in making Pancakes , and frying them with butter , or oyle ; and sometimes with Mant●ca de Puerco ; when , strewing a little Sugar vpon them , it was meate that our company desired aboue any that was in the Shippe . The Indians also accustome to make their drinke of this meale , and in three severall manners . First , is chewing it in their mouths , and after mingling it with water , after a loathsome manner , yet the commonest drinke that they haue ; and that held best which is chewed by an old woman . The second manner of their drinke , is baking it till it be halfe burned , then they beate it into Powder ; and when they will drinke , they mingle a small quantitie of it with water , which giueth a reasonable good taste . The third , and best , is baking it ( as aforesaid ) and when it is beaten into Powder , to seeth it in water ; after that it is well boyled , they let it stand some three or foure dayes , and then drinke it . So , it is much like the Ale which is vsed in England , and of that colour and taste . The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this Yuca ; It is a little shrubb , and carryeth branches like Hazell wands ; being growne as bigge as a mans finger , they breake them off in the middest , and so pricke them into the ground ; it needeth no other art , or husbandry , for out of each branch grow two , three , or foure rootes , some bigger , some lesser : but first they burne and manure the ground , the which labour , and whatsoever els is requisite , the men doe not so much as helpe with a finger , but all lyeth vpon their poore women , who are worse then slaues ; for , they labour the ground , they plant , they digge and delue , they bake , they brew , and dresse their meate , fetch their water , and doe all drudgerie whatsoever ; yea , though they nurse a Childe , they are not exempted from any labour ; their Childe they carry in a Wallet about their necke , ordinarily vnder one arme , because it may sucke when it will. The men haue care for nothing but for their Cannoas , to passe from place to place , and of their Bowes and Arrowes to hunt , and their Armes for the warre , which is a sword of heavie blacke wood , some foure fingers broad , an inch thicke , and an ell long , something broader towards the roppe then at the handle . They call it Macana , and it is carved and wrought with inlayd works very curiously , but his edges are blunt . If any kill any Game in hunting , he bringeth it not with him , but from the next tree to the Game , he breaketh a bough ( for the trees in the Indies haue leaues for the most part all the yeare ) and all the way as he goeth streweth little peeces of it , here and there , and comming home giueth a peece to his woman , and so sends her for it . If they goe to the Warre , or in any iourney , where it is necessary to carry provision , or Marchandize , the women serue to carry all , and the men never succour , nor ease them ; wherein they shew greater Barbarisme then in any thing ( in my opinion ) that I haue noted amongst them , except in eating one another . In Brasill , and in the west Indies , the Indian may haue as many wiues as he can get , either bought or given by her friends : the men and women ( for the most part ) goe naked , and those which haue come to know their shame , cover onely their privie parts with a peece of cloth , the rest of their body is naked . Their houses resemble great Barnes , covered over , or thatched with Plantyne leaues , which reach to the ground , and at either end is the doore . In one house are sometimes ten or twentie housholds : they haue little houshold stuffe , besides their beds , which they call Hamacas , and are made of Cotton , and stayned with divers colours and workes . Some I haue seene white , of great curiositie . They are as a sheete laced at both ends , and at either of them long strappes , with which they fasten them to two posts , as high as a mans middle , and so sit rocking themselues in them . Sometimes they vse them for seates , and sometimes to sleepe in at their pleasures . In one of them I haue seene sleepe the man , his wife , and a childe . SECT . XXVIII . WEe tooke out of this Prize , for our provision , some good quantitie of this meale , and the Sugar shee had , being not aboue three or foure Chests , after three dayes we gaue the Ship to the Portingalls , and to them libertie . In her was a Portingall Knight , which went for Governour of Angola , of the habit of Christ , with fiftie souldiers , and Armes for a hundreth and fiftie , with his wife and daughter . He was old , and complained , that after many yeares service for his King , with sundry mishapps , he was brought to that poore estate , as for the reliefe of his wife , his daughter , and himselfe , he had no other substance , but that he had in the Ship. It moved compassion , so as nothing of his was diminished , which though to vs was of no great moment , in Angola it was worth good Crownes . Onely we disarmed them all , and let them depart , saying , that they would returne to Saint Vincents . We continued our course for the Straites , my people much animated with this vnlookt for refreshing , and praised God for his bountie , providence , and grace extended towards vs. Here it will not be out of the way to speake a word of the particularities of the Countrie . SECT . XXIX . BRASILL is accounted to be that part of America , which lyeth towards our North sea , betwixt the River of the Amazons , neere the lyne to the Norwards , vntill a man come to the River of Plate in 36. degrees to the South-wards of the lyne . This coast generally lyeth next of any thing South and by west ; It is a temperate Countrie , though in some parts it exceedeth in heate ; it is full of good succours for shipping , and plentifull for Rivers and fresh waters ; The principall habitations , are Farnambuca , the Bay De todos los Santos , Nostra Senora de victoria , alias Santos , the River Ienero , Saint Vincents , and Placentia ; every of them provided of a good Port. The winds are variable , but for the most part trade alongst the Coast. The Commodities this Country yeeldeth , are the wood called Brasill , whereof the best is that of Farnambuc ; ( so also called , being vsed in most rich colours ) good Cotton-wooll , great store of Sugar , Balsamom , and liquid Amber . They haue want of all manner of Cloth , Lynnen , and Woollen , of Iron , and edge-Tooles , of Copper , and principally in some places , of Wax , of Wine , of Oyle , and meale , ( for the Country beareth no Corne ) and of all manner of Haberdashery-wares , for the Indians . The beasts that naturally breed in this Country , are Tygers , Lyons , Hoggs , Dogges , Deere , Monkeyes , Mycos , and Conies , like vnto Ratts , but bigger , and of a tawney colour , Armadilloes , Alagartoes , and store of venemous wormes and Serpents , as Scorpions , Adders , which they call Vinoras ; and of them , one kind , which the divine providence hath created with a bell vpon his head , that wheresoever he goeth , the sound of it might be heard , and so the Serpent shunned ; for his stinging is without remedie . This they call the Vynora with the bell ; of them there are many , and great store of Snakes , some of that greatnesse , as to write the truth , might seeme fabulous . Another worme there is in this Country , which killed many of the first Inhabitants , before God was pleased to discover a remedie for it , vnto a religious person ; It is like a Magot , but more slender , and longer , and of a greene colour , with a red head ; This worme creepeth in at the hinder parts , where is the evacuation of our superstuities , and there ( as it were ) gleweth himselfe to the gutt , there feedeth of the bloud and humors , and becommeth so great , that stopping the naturall passage , he forceth the principall wheele of the clocke of our bodie to stand still , and with it the accompt of the houres of life to take end , with most cruell torment and paine , which is such , that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate . The Antidote for this pernicious Worme is Garlique ; and this was discovered by a Physitian to a religious person . SECT . XXX . BEtwixt 26. and 27. degrees neere the coast lieth an Iland ; the Portingalls call it Santa Catalina , which is a reasonable Harbour , and hath good refreshing of wood , water , and fruit . It is desolate and serveth for those , who trade from Brasill to the River of Plate , or from the River to Brasill , as an Inne , or bayting place . In our Navigation towards the Straites , by our observation wee found , that our Compasse varyed a poynt and better to the Eastwards . And for that divers haue written curiously and largely of the variation thereof , I referre them that desire the vnderstanding of it , to the Discourse of master William Aborrawh , and others ; for it is a secret , whose causes well vnderstood are of greatest moment in all Navigations . In the height of the River of Plate , we being some fiftie leagues off the coast , a storme tooke vs Southerly , which endured fortie eight houres ; In the first day about the going downe of the Sunne , Robert Tharlton , master of the Fancie , bare vp before the wind , without giuing vs any token or signe , that shee was in distresse . We seeing her to continue her course , bare vp after her , and the night comming on , we carryed our light ; but shee never answered vs ; for they kept their course directly for England , which was the overthrow of the Voyage , as well for that we had no Pynace to goe before vs , to discover any danger , to seeke out roades and anchoring , to helpe our watering and refreshing ; as also for the victuals , necessaries , and men which , they carryed away with them : which though they were not many , yet with their helpe in our fight , we had taken the Vice-admirall , the first time shee bourded with vs , as shall be hereafter manifested . For once we cleered her Decke , and had we beene able to haue spared but a dozen men , doubtlesse , we had done with her what we would ; for shee had no close fights . Moreover , if shee had beene with me , I had not beene discovered vpon the coast of Perew . But I was worthy to be deceived , that trusted my Ship in the hands of an hypocrite , and a man which had left his Generall before in the like occasion , and in the selfe same place ; for being with master Thomas Candish , master of a small Ship in the voyage wherein he dyed , this Captaine being aboord the Admirall , in the night time forsooke his Fleet , his Generall and Captaine , and returned home . This bad custome is too too much vsed amongst Sea-men , and worthy to be severely punished ; for doubtlesse the not punishing of those offenders , hath beene the prime cause of many lamentable events , losses , and overthrowes , to the dishonour of our Nation , and frustrating of many good and hono●rable Enterprises . In this poynt of Discipline , the Spaniards doe farre surpasse vs ; for whosoever forsaketh his Fleete , or Commander , is not onely severely punished , but deprived also of all charge or government for ever after . This in our Countrie is many times neglected ; for that there is none to follow the cause , the principalls being either dead with griefe , or drowned in the gulfe of povertie , and so not able to wade through with the burthen of that suite , which in Spaine is prosecuted by the Kings Atturney , or Fiscall ; or at least , a Iudge appoynted for determining that cause purposely . Yea , I cannot attribute the good successe the Spaniard hath had in his Voyages and peoplings , to any extraordinary vertue more in him then in any other man , were not Discipline , Patience , and justice far superior . For in valour , experience , and travell , he surpasseth vs not ; In shipping , preparation , and plentie of victualls , hee commeth not neer● vs ; In paying and rewarding our people , no Nation did goe beyond vs ; But God , who is a iust and bountifull rewarder , regarding obedience farre aboue sacrifice , doubtlesse , in recompence of their indurance , resolution , and subiection to commandement , bestoweth vpon them the blessing due vnto it . And this , not for that the Spaniard is of a more tractable disposition , or more docible nature then wee , but that justice halteth with vs , and so the old Proverbe is verified , Pittie marreth the whole Cittie . Thus come we to be deprived of the sweet fruit , which the Rod of Discipline bringeth with it , represented vnto vs in auncient Verses , which as a Relique of experience I haue heard in my youth Recorded by a wise Man , and a great Captaine ; Thus ; The rod by power divine , and earthly Regall law , Makes good men liue in peace , and bad to stand in awe : For with a severe stroke the bad corrected be , Which makes the good to ioy such iustice for to see ; The rod of Discipline breeds feare in every part , Reward by due desert doth ioy and glad the heart . These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pilfer and steale , as well by taking of some prise when they are alone , and without commaund , to hinder or order their bad proceedings , as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted ship ; casting the fault , if they be called to account , vpon some poore and vnknowne Mariners , whom they suffer with a little pillage , to absent themselues , the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders , and robberies . For doubtlesse , if he would , hee might haue come vnto vs with great facilitie ; because within sixteene houres , the storme ceased , and the winde came fayre , which brought vs to the Straites , and dured many dayes after with vs at North-east . This was good for them , though naught for vs : If he had perished any Mast or Yard , sprung any leake , wanted victuals , or instruments for finding vs , or had had any other impediment of importance , hee might haue had some colour to cloake his lewdnes : but his Mastes and Yards being sound , his Shippe staunch and loaden with victuales for two yeares at the least , and having order from place to place , where to finde vs , his intention is easily seene to bee bad , and his fault such , as worthily deserved to bee made exemplary vnto others . Which he manifested at his returne , by his manner of proceeding , making a spoyle of the prise hee tooke in the way homewards , as also of that which was in the ship , putting it into a Port fit for his purpose , where he might haue time and commodity to doe what hee would . Wee made account that they had beene swallowed vp of the sea , for we never suspected that any thing could make them forsake vs , So , we much lamented them . The storme ceasing , and being out of all hope , we set sayle and went on our course . During this storme , certaine great fowles , as big as Swannes , soared aboue vs , and the winde calming , setled themselues in the Sea , and fed vpon the sweepings of our Ship ; which I perceiving , and desirous to see of them , because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were , I caused a hooke and lyne to be brought me ; and with a peece of a Pilchard I bayted the hook , & a foot from it , tyed a peece of corke , that it might not sinke deepe , and threw it into the Sea , which , our ship driving with the Sea , in a little time was a good space from vs , and one of the Fowles being hungry , presently seized vpon it , and the hooke in his vpper beake . It is like to a Faulcons bill , but that the poynt is more crooked , in that maner , as by no meanes he could cleare himselfe , except that the lyne brake , or the hooke righted : Plucking him towards the ship , with the waving of his wings he eased the waight of his body ; and being brought to the sterne of our ship , two of our Company went downe by the Ladder of the poope , and seized on his necke and wings ; but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions , as both left their hand-fast , being beaten blacke and blew ; we cast a snare about his necke , and so tryced him into the Ship. By the same manner of Fishing , we caught so many of them , as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day . Their bodies were great , but of little flesh and tender ; in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed . They were of two colours , some white , some gray ; they had three ioynts in each wing ; and from the poynt of one wing , to the poynt of the other , both stretched out , was aboue two fathomes . The wind continued good with vs , till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minuts , where it tooke vs Westerly , being ( as we made our accompt ) some fiftie leagues from the shore . Betwixt 49. and 48. degrees , is Port Saint Iulian , a good Harbour , and in which a man may graue his Ship , though shee draw fifteene or sixteene foote water : But care is to be had of the people called Pentagones . They are treacherous , and of great stature , so the most giue them the name of Gyants . The second of February , about nine of the Clocke in the morning , we discryed land , which bare South-west of vs , which wee looked not for so timely ; and comming neerer and neerer vnto it , by the lying , wee could not coniecture what land it should be ; for we were next of any thing in 48. degrees , and no Platt nor Sea-card which we had , made mention of any land , which lay in that manner , neere about that height ▪ In fine , wee brought our Lar-bord tacke aboord , and stood to the North-east-wardes all that day and night , and the Winde continuing Westerly and a fayre gale , wee continued our course alongst the coast the day and night following . In which time wee made accompt we discovered well neere three-score leagues off the coast . It is bold , and made small shew of dangers . The land is a goodly Champion Country , and peopled ; we saw many fires , but could not come to speake with the people ; for the time of the yeare was farre spent to shoot the Straites , and the want of our Pynace disabled vs for finding a Port or Roade ; not being discretion with a ship of charge , and in an vnknowne coast , to come neere the shore before it was sounded ; which were causes , together with the change of the winde , ( good for vs to passe the Straite ) that hindered the further discovery of this Land , with its secrets : This I haue sorrowed for many times since , for that it had likelihood to be an excellent Countrie . It hath great Rivers of fresh waters ; for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places , as we ran alongst it . It is not mountaynous , but much of the disposition of England , and as temperate . The things we noted principally on the coast , are these following ; the westermost poynt of the land , with which we first fell , is the end of the land to the West-wardes , as we found afterwards . If a man bring this poynt South-west , it riseth in three mounts , or round hillockes : bringing it more Westerly , they shoot themselues all into one ; and bringing it Easterly , it riseth in two hillocks . This we called poyn● Tremountaine . Some twelue or foureteene leagues from this poynt to the East-wardes , fayre by the shore , lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long ; we named it Fayre Iland ; ●or it was all over as greene and smooth , as any Meddow in the spring of the yeare . Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland , is a goodly opening , as of a great River , or an arme of the Sea , with a goodly low Countrie adiacent . And eight or tenne leagues from this opening , some three leagues from the shore , lyeth a bigge Rocke , which at the first wee had thought to be a Shippe vnder all her Sayles ; but after , as we came neere , it discovered it selfe to be a Rocke , which we called Condite-head ; for that howsoever a man commeth with it , it is like to the Condite heads about the Cittie of London . All this coast so farre as wee discovered , lyeth next of any thing East and by North , and West and by South . The land , for that it was discovered in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth , my soveraigne Lady and Mistris , and a maiden Queene , and at my cost and adventure , in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie , and remembrance of my endevours , I gaue it the name of HAVVKINS - maiden-land . Before a man fall with this land , some twentie or thirtie leagues , he shall meete with bedds of Oreweed , driving to and fro in that Sea , with white flowers growing vpon them , and sometimes farther off ; which is a good show and signe the land is neere , whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest land of America . With our fayre and large Winde , we shaped our course for the Straites , and the tenth of February , we had sight of land , and it was the head land of the Straites to the North-wards , which agreed with our height , wherein we found our selues to be , which was in thirtie two degrees and fortie minutes . Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straites open ; which lyeth in 52. degrees , and 50. minuts . It riseth like the North foreland in Kent , and is much like the land of Margates . It is not good to borrow neere the shore , but to giue it a fayre birth ; within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straites , which is some six leagues broad , and lyeth in 52. degrees , and 50. minutes ; doubling the poynt on the Star-board , which is also flat , of a good birth , we opened a fayre Bay , in which we might discry the hull of a Ship beaten vpon the Beach . It was of the Spanish Fleete , that went to inhabite there , in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento , who at his returne was taken Prisoner , and brought into England . In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation , and called it the Cittie of Saint Philip , and left it peopled ; But the cold barrennes of the Countrie , and the malice of the Indians , wi●h whom they badly agreed , made speedie end of them , as also of those , whom they left in the middle of the Straites , three leagues from Cape Froward to the East-wards , in another habitation . We continued our course alongst this reach ( for all the Straites is as a River altering his course , sometimes vpon one poynt , sometimes vpon another ) which is some eight Leagues long , and lyeth West North-west . From this we entred into a goodly Bay , which runneth vp into the land Northerly many Leagues ; and at first entrance , a man may see no other thing , but as it were , a maine Sea. From the end of this first reach , you must direct your course West South-west , and some foureteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straites ; This leadeth vnto another reach , that lyeth west and by north some six leagues . Here in the middle of the reach , the wind tooke vs by the north-west , and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes . In which time , we went a shore with our Boates , and found neere the middle of this reach , on the Star-boord side , a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small Ship ; where it higheth some nine or ten foote water . Here we saw certaine Hogges , but they were so farre from vs , that wee could not discerne , if they were of those of the Countrie , or brought by the Spaniards ; these were all the Beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straites . In two tydes we turned through this reach , and so recovered the Ilands of Pengwins ; they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by west . Till you come to this place , care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any poynt of the Land ; for being ( for the most part ) sandie , they haue sholding off them , and are somewhat what dangerous . These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three ; we could discover but two ; And they are no more , except that part of the Mayne , which lyeth over against them , be an Iland ; which carrieth little likelihood , and I cannot determine it . A man may sayle betwixt the two Ilands , or betwixt them and the Land on the la●boord side ; from which land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge , on which is foure or fiue fathome water ; and to him that commeth neere it , not knowing thereof , may iustly cause feare : for it sheweth to be shold water with his rypling , like vnto a race . Betwixt the former reach , and these Ilands , runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Country to the North-wards . It causeth a great indraught , and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straites to these Ilands , the land on the larboord-side is low land and sandy , ( for the most part , and without doubt , Ilands ) for it hath many openings into the Sea , and forcible indraughts by them , and that on the starboord side , is all high mountaynous land , from end to end ; but no wood on eyther side . Before wee passed these Ilands , vnder the lee of the bigger Iland we anchored , the wind being at North-east , with intent to refresh our selues with the fowles of these Ilands . They are of divers sorts , and in great plentie , as Pengwins , wilde Ducks , Gulles and Gannets ; of the principall we purposed to make provision , and those were the Pengwins ; which in Welsh ( as I haue beene enformed ) signifieth a white head . From which derivation , and many other Welsh denominations given by the Indians ( or their predecessors ) some doe inferre , that America was first peopled with Welsh-men : and Motezanna King ( or rather Emperour ) of Mexico , did recount vnto the Spaniards ( at their first comming ) that his Auncestors came from a farre Countrie , and were white people . Which conferred which an auncient Cronicle , that I haue read many yeares since , may bee coniectured to bee a Prince of Wales , who many hundreth yeares since , with certaine shippes , sayled to the westwards , with intent to make new discoveries . Hee was never after heard of . The Pengwin , is in all proportion like vnto a Goose , and hath no feathers , but a certaine doune vpon all parts of his body : and therefore cannot flie , but avayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feete , running as fast as most men . He liveth in the Sea , and on the Land ; feedeth on fish in the Sea , and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse . They harbour themselues vnder the ground in burrowes , as the Connies ; and in them hatch their young . All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined , saue onely one valley which ( it seemeth ) they reserved for their foode ; for it was as green as any Medowe in the moneth of Aprill , with a most fine short grasse . The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the savour of a certaine fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley , which wee call Puffins ; by the tast it is easily discerned that they feede on fish . They are very fatt , and in dressing must be flead as the Byter ; they are reasonable meate , rosted , baked , or sodden ; but best rosted . We salt●d some dozen or 16. hogsheads , which served vs ( whilest they lasted ) in steede of powdred beefe . The hunting of them ( as we may well terme it ) was a great recreation to my Company and worth the sight , for in determining to catch them , necessarily was required good store of people , every one with a cudgell in his hand , to compasse them round about , to bring them , as it were , into a ring ; if they chanced to breake out , then was the sport , for the ground being vndermined , at vnawares it fayled , and as they ran after them , one fell here , another there ; another offering to strike at one , lifting vp his hand , sunke vpp to the arme pits in the earth , another leaping to avoyd one hole , fell into another . And after the first slaughter , in seeing vs on the shore , they shunned vs , and procured to recover the Sea ; yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high rocks & mountaines , as it seemed impossible to escape with life . Yet as soone as they came to the beach , presently wee should see them runne into the Sea , as though they had no hurt . Where one goeth , the other followeth like sheepe after the Bel-wether ; but in getting them once within the ring close together , few escaped , saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes , and ordinarily there was no droue which yeelded vs not a thousand , and more : the maner of killing them which the hunters vsed , being in a cluster together , was with their cudgels to kn●cke them on the head ; for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body , they di●d not : Besides the flesh brused is not good to keepe . The Massaker ended , presently they cut off their heads , that they might bleede well : such as we determined to keepe for store , wee saved in this maner . First , we split them , and then washed them well in sea water , then salted them , having layne some sixe howres in salt , wee put them in presse eight howres , and the blood being soaked out , we salted them againe in our other caske , as is the custome to salt beefe , after this maner they continued good , some two moneths , and served vs in stead of beefe . The Gulls and Gannets , were not in so great quantitie , yet we wanted not young Gulles to eate all the time of our stay about these Ilands . It was one of the delicatest foodes , that I haue eaten in all my life . The Ducks are different to ours , and nothing so good meate ; yet they may serue for necessitie : They were many , and had a part of the Iland to themselues severall , which was the highest hill , and more then a Musket shott over . In all the dayes of my life , I haue not seene greater Art and curiositie in creatures voyd of reason , then in the placing and making of their nestes ; all the hill being so full of them , that the greatest Mathematician of the world , could not devise how to place one more then there was vpon the hill , leaving onely one path-way for a fowle to passe betwixt . The hill was all levell , as if it had beene smoothed by Art ; the ne●tes made onely of earth , and seeming to be of the selfe same mould ; for the nests and the soyle is all one , which , with water that they bring in their Beakes , they make into Clay , or a certaine dawbe , and after fashion them round , as with a Compasse . In the bottome they containe the measure of a foote ; in the height about eight inches ; and in the toppe , the same quantitie over ; there , they are hollowed in , somewhat deepe , wherein they lay their eggs , without other prevention . And I am of opinion , that the Sunne helpeth them to hatch their young : their nests are for many yeares , and of one proportion , not one exceeding another in bignesse , in height , nor circumference ; and in proportionable distance one from another . In all this hill , nor in any of their nestes , was to be found a blade of grasse , a straw , a sticke , a feather , a moate , no , nor the filing o● any ●owle , but all the nestes and passages betwixt them , were so smooth and cleane , as if they had beene newly swept and washed . All which are motiues to prayse and magnifie the vniversall Creator , who so wonderfully manifesteth his wisedome , bountie , and providence in all his Creatures , and especially for his particular loue to ingratefull mankinde , for whose contemplation and service , he hath made them all . SECT . XXXI . ONe day having ended our hunting of Pengwins , one of our Mariners walking about the Iland , discovered a great company of Seales , or Sea-wolues ( so called for that they are in the Sea , as the Wolues on the Land ) advising vs , that he left them sleeping , with their bellies rosting against the Sunne ; wee provided our selues with staues , and other weapons , and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares , to surprise some of them , and comming downe the side of a hill , wee were not discovered , till we were close vpon them , notwithstanding , their Sentinell ( before we could approach ) with a great howle waked them : wee got betwixt the Sea and some of them , but they shunned vs not ; for they came directly vpon vs ; and though we dealt here and there a blow , yet not a man that withstood them , escaped the overthrow . They reckon not of a Musket shott , a sword peirceth not their skinne , and to giue a blow with a staffe , is as to smite vpon a stone : onely in giving the blow vpon his snowt , presently he falleth downe dead . After they had recovered the water , they did , as it were , scorne vs , defie vs , and daunced before vs , vntill we had shot some Musket shott through them , and so they appeared no more . This Fish is like vnto a Calfe , with foure leggs , but not aboue a spanne long : his skinne is hayrie like a Calfe ; but these were different to all that ever I haue seene , yet I haue seene of them in many parts ; for these were greater , and in their former parts like vnto Lyons , with shagge hayre , and mostaches . They liue in the Sea , and come to sleepe on the Land , and they ever haue one that watcheth , who adviseth them of any accident . They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes ; In their mostaches for Pick-tooths , and in their fatt to make Traine-oyle . This may suffice for the Seale , for that he is well knowne . SECT . XXXII . ONe day , our Boates being loaden with Pengwins , and comming aboord , a sudden storme tooke them , which together with the fury of the tyde , put them in such great danger , that although they threw all their loading into the Sea , yet were they forced to goe before the wind and Sea , to saue their liues . Which we seeing , and considering that our welfare depended vpon their safetie , being impossible to weigh our Anchor , fastned an emptie Barrell well pitched to the end of our Cable , in stead of a boy , and letting it slip , set sayle to succour our Boates , which in short space w●e recovered , and after returned to the place where we ryd before . The storme ceasing , we vsed our diligence by all meanes to seeke our Cable and Anchor , but the tyde being forcible , and the weeds ( as in many partes of the Straites ) so long , that riding in foureteene fathome water , many times they streamed three and foure fathomes vpon the ryme of the water ; these did so inrole our Cable , that we could never set eye of our boy ; and to sweepe for him was but lost labour , because of the weeds , which put vs out of hope to recover it . And so our forcible businesse being ended , leaving instructions for the Fancie our Pynace , ( according to appointment ) where to finde vs , we inroled them in many folds of Paper , put them into a barrell of an old Musket , and stopped it in such manner as no wett could enter ; then placing it an end vpon one of the highest hills , and the most frequented of all the Iland , wee imbarked our selues , and set sayle with the wind at North-west , which could serue vs but to the end of that reach , some dozen leagues long , and some three or foure leagues broad . It lyeth next of any thing , till you come to Cape Agreda , South-west ; from this Cape to Cape Froward , the coast lyeth West South-west . Some foure leagues betwixt them , was the second peopling of the Spaniards : and this Cape lyeth in fiftie fiue degrees and better . Thwart Cape Froward , the wind larged with vs , and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth ; which lyeth from Cape Froward some foureteene leagues West and by South . This reach is foure or fiue leagues broad , and in it are many channells or openings into the Sea ; for all the land on the Souther part of the Straites are Ilands and broken land ; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straites , high mountaynous land on both sides , in most parts covered with snow all the yeare long . Betwixt the Iland Elizabeth , and the Mayne , is the narrowest passage of all the Straites , it may be some two Musket shott from side to side . From this Straite to Elizabeth bay , is some foure leagues , and the course lyeth North-west and by west . This bay is all sandie , and cleane ground on the Easter part ; but before you come at it , there lyeth a poynt of the shore a good byrth off , which is dangerous . And in this reach , as in many parts of the Straites , runneth a quicke and forcible tyde . In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foote water . The Norther part of the Bay hath foule ground , and rocks vnder water : and therefore it is not wholsome borrowing of the mayne . One of master Thomas Candish his Pynaces ( as I haue beene enformed ) came a-ground vpon one of them , and he was in hazard to haue left her there . From Elizabeth Bay to the River of Ieronimo is some fiue leagues . The course lyeth West and by North , and West . Here the Wind scanted , and forced vs to seeke a place to anchor in . Our Boates going alongst the shore , found a reasonable Harbour , which is right against that which they call , River Ieronimo : but it is another channell , by which a man may disemboake the Straite , as by the other which is accustomed ; for with a storme , which tooke vs one night , suddenly we were forced into that opening vnwittingly ; but in the morning , seeing our error , and the wind larging , with two or three bourds wee turned out into the old channell , not daring for want of our Pynace to attempt any new discoverie . This Harbour we called Blanches Bay ; for that it was found by William Blanch , one of our Masters mates . Here having moored our shippe , we began to make our provision of wood and water , whereof was plentie in this Bay , and in all other places from Pengwin Ilands , till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites . Now finding our Deckes open , with the long lying vnder the lyne , and on the coast of Brasill , the Sunne having beene in our Zenith many times , we calked our ship , within bourd and without , aboue the Decks . And such was the diligence we vsed , that at foure dayes end , we had aboue threescore Pipes of water , and twentie Boats of wood stowed in our Ship : no man was idle , nor otherwise busied but in necessary workes : some in felling and cleaving of wood ; some in carrying of water ; some in romaging ; some in washing , others in baking ; one in heating of pitch , another in gathering of Mussells ; no man was exempted , but knew at evening , wherevnto he was to betake himselfe the morning following . Some man might aske me , how we came to haue so many emptie Caske in lesse then two moneths ; for it seeemeth much that so few men in such short time , and in so long a Voyage should waste so much ? Whereto I answere , that it came not of excessiue expence ; for in health we never exceeded our ordinary ; but of a mischance which befell vs vnknowne in the Iland of Saint Iames , or Saint Anne , in the coast of Brasill ; where we refreshed our selues , and according to the custome layd our Caske a shore , to trimme it , and after to fill it , the place being commodious for vs. But with the water a certaine worme , called Broma by the Spaniard , and by vs Arters , entred also , which eat it so full of holes , that all the water soaked out , and made much of our Caske of small vse . This we remedied the best wee could , and discovered it long before we came to this place . Hereof let others take warning , in no place to haue Caske on the shore , where it may be avoyded ; for it is one of the provisions , which are with greatest care to be preserved in long Voyages , and hardest to be supplyed . These Arters , or Broma , in all hot Countries enter into the plankes of Shippes , and especially where are Rivers of fresh water ; ( for the common opinion is , that they are bred in fresh water , and with the current of the Rivers are brought into the Sea ) but experience teacheth , that they breed in the great Seas in all hott Clymates , especially neere the Equinoctiall lyne ; for lying so long vnder and neere the lyne , and towing a Shalop at our sterne , cōming to clense her in Brasil , we found her all vnder water covered with these wormes , as bigge as the little finger of a man , on the outside of the planke , not fully covered , but halfe the thicknes of their bodie , like to a gelly wrought into the planke as with a Gowdge . And naturall reason ( in my iudgement ) confirmeth this ; for creatures bread and nourished in the Sea , comming into fresh water die ; as those actually bred in Ponds , or fresh Rivers die presently , if they come into Salt water . But some man may say ; this fayleth in some Fishes and Beasts . Which I must confesse to be true ; but these eyther are part terrestryall , and part aquatile , as the Mare-maide , Sea-horse , and other of that kind , or haue their breeding in the fresh , and growth or continuall nourishment in the Salt water , as the Salmond , and others of that kinde . In little time , if the Shippe be not sheathed , they put all in hazzard ; for they enter in no bigger then a small Spanish Needle , and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger . The thicker the planke is , the greater he groweth ; yea , I haue seene many Shippes so eaten , that the most of their plankes vnder water haue beene like honey combes , and especially those betwixt wind and water . If they had not beene sheathed , it had bin impossible that they could haue swomme . The entring of them is hardly to be discerned , the most of them being small as the head of a Pinne . Which , all such , as purpose long Voyages , are to prevent by sheathing their Shippes . And for that I haue seene divers manners of sheathing , for the ignorant I will set them downe which by experience I haue found best . In Spaine , and Portingall , some sheath their Shippes with Lead ; which , besides the cost and waight , although they vse the thinnest sheet-lead that I haue seene in any place , yet it is nothing durable , but subiect to many casualties . Another manner is vsed with double plankes , as thicke without as within , after the manner of furring ; which is little better then that with Lead ; for , besides his waight , it dureth little , because the worme in small time passeth through the one and the other . A third manner of sheathing hath beene vsed amongst some with fine Canvas ; which is of small continuance , and so not to be regarded . The fourth prevention , which now is most accompted of , is to burne the vtter planke till it come to be in every place like a Cole , and after to pitch it ; this is not bad . In China ( as I haue beene enformed ) they vse a certaine Betane or Varnish , in manner of an artificiall pitch , wherewith they trim the outside of their shippes . It is said to be durable , and of that vertue , as neither worme , nor water peirceth it ; neither hath the Sunne power against it . Some haue devised a certaine Pitch , mingled with Glasse , and other ingredients , beaten into powder , with which if the Shippe be pitched , it is said , the worme that toucheth it , dyeth ; but I haue not heard , that it hath beene vsefull . But the most approved of all is the manner of sheathing vsed now adayes in England , with thin bourds , halfe inch thicke ; the thinner the better ; and Elme better then Oake ; for it ryveth not , it indureth better vnder water , and yeeldeth better to the Shippes side . The invention of the materialles incorporated betwixt the planke and the sheathing , is that indeed which avayleth ; for without it many plankes were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worme ; this manner is thus : Before the sheathing board is nayled on , vpon the inner side of it they smere it over with tarre halfe a finger thicke , and vpon the tarre , another halfe finger thicke of hayre , such as the Whitelymers vse , and so nayle it on , the nayles not aboue a spanne distance one from another ; the thicker they are driven , the better . Some hold opinion , that the tarre killeth the worme ; others , that the worme passing the sheathing , and seeking a way through , the hayre and the tarre so involue him , that he is choked therewith ; which me thinkes is most probable ; this manner of sheathing was invented by my Father ; and experience hath taught it to be the best , and of least cost . SECT . XXXIII . SVch was the diligence we vsed for our dispatch to shoot the Straites , that at foure dayes end , wee had our water and wood stowed in our Shippe , all our Copper-worke finished , and our shippe Calked ●rom Post to Stemme ; the first day in the morning ( the wind being fayre ) we brought our selues into the Channell , and sayled towards the mouth of the Straites , praising God ; and beginning our course with little winde , we descryed a fire vpon the shore , made by the Indians for a signe to call vs ; which seene , I caused a Boat to be man'de , and we rowed ashore , to see what their meaning was , and approaching neere the shore , wee saw a Cannoa made fast vnder a Rocke with a wyth , most artificially made with the rindes of Trees , and sowed together with the synnes of Whales ; at both ends sharpe , and turning vp , with a greene bough in ●ither end , and ribbes for strengthening it . After a little while , we might discerne on the fall of the mountaine ( which was ●ull of trees and shrubbes ) two or three Indians naked , which came out of certaine Caues , or coates . They spake vnto vs , and made divers signes ; now poynting to the Harbour , out of which we were come ; and then to the mouth of the Straites : But wee vnderstood nothing of their meaning . Yet left they vs with many imaginations , suspecting , it might be to advise vs of our Pynace , or some other thing of moment ; but for that they were vnder covert , and might worke vs some treacherie ( for all the people of the Straites , and the land nere them , vse all the villany they can towards white people , taking them for Spaniards , in revenge of the deceit that Nation hath vsed towards them vpon sundry occasions : ) as also for that by our stay we could reape nothing but hinderance of our Navigation , wee hasted to our Shippe , and sayled on our course . From Blanches Bay to long reach , which is some foure leagues , the course lyeth West South-west entring into the long reach ; which is the last of the Straits , and longest . For it is some thirty two leagues , and the course lyeth next of any thing North-west . Before the setting of the Sunne , wee had the mouth of the Straits open , and were in great hope the next day to be in the South sea ; but about seaven of the clocke that night , wee saw a great cloud rise out of the North-east , which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings , and sodainely sayling with a fresh gale of wind at north-east , another more forcible tooke vs astayes ; which put vs in danger : for , all our sayles being a tant , it had like to haue overset our ship , before we could take in our sayles . And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisedome to carry a short sayle , or to take in all sayles . Heere we found what the Indians forwarned vs of ; for they haue great insight in the change of weather , and besides haue secret dealing with the Prince of Darkenesse , who many times declareth vnto them things to come ; By this meanes and other witch-crafts , which he teacheth them , hee possesseth them , and causeth them to doe what pleaseth him . Within halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine , with so much winde as wee were forced to lye a hull , and so darke , that we saw nothing , but when the lightning came . This being one of the narrowest reache● of all the Straits , wee were forced , every glasse , to open a little of our fore-sayle , to cast about our ships head : any man may conceiue if the night seemed long vnto vs , what desire we had to see the day . In fine , Phoebus with his beautifull face lightned our Hemisphere , and reioyced our hearts ( hauing driven aboue twenty foure leagues in twelue houres lying a hull : whereby , is to be imagined the force of the winde and current . ) We set our fore-sayle , and returned to our former harbour ; from whence , within three or foure dayes , we set sayle againe with a faire winde , which continued with vs till we came within a league of the mouth of the Straite , here the ●inde tooke vs againe contrary , and forced vs to returne againe to our former port ; where being ready to anchor , the winde scanted with vs in such maner , as wee were forced to make a bourd . In which time , the winde and tide put vs so farr to lee-wards , that we could by no meanes seize it : So we determined to goe to Elizabeth Bay , but before we came at it , the night overtooke vs : and this reach being dangerous and narrow , we durst neither hull , nor trye , or turne to and againe with a short sayle , and therefore bare alongst in the middest of the channell , till we were come into the broad reach , then lay a hull till the morning . When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast , seeking with our boate some place to anchor in ; some foure leagues to the West-wards of Cape Froward , we found a goodly bay ; which wee named English bay : where anchored , we presently went a shore , and found a goodly River of fresh water , and an old Cannoa broken to peeces , and some two or three of the houses of the Indians , with peeces of Seale stinking ripe . These houses are made in fa●hion of an Oven seven or eight foote broad , with boughes of trees , and covered with other boughes , as our Summer houses ; and doubtles do serve them but for the Summer time , when they come to fish , and profit themselues of the Sea. For they retyre themselues in the Winter into the Country , where it is more temperate , and yeeldeth better sustenance : for on the Mayne of the Straits , wee neyther saw beast , nor fowle , Sea fowle excepted , and a kind of Blacke-bird , and two hoggs towards the beginning of the Straites . Here our ship being well moored , we began to supply our wood and water , that we had spent . Which being a dayes worke , and the winde during many dayes contrary , I endevoured to keepe my people occupied , to divert them from the imagination which some had conceived ; that it behooved , we should returne to Brasill and winter there , and so shoot the Straites in the spring of the yeare . So one day , we rowed vp the River , with our boat and light horseman , to discover it , and the in-land : where having spent a good part of the day , and finding shold water , and many Trees fallen thwart it , and little fruite of our labour , nor any thing worth the noting , we returned . Another day , we trayned our people a-shore , being a goodly sandie Bay : another , we had a hurling of Batchelers against married men ; This day we were busied in wrestling , the other in shooting ; so we were never idle , neyther thought we the time long . SECT . XXXIIII . AFter we had past here some seven or eight dayes , one Evening with a flawe from the shore , our Ship droue off into the channell , and before we could get vp our Anchor , and set our sayles , we were driven so farre to lee-wards , that we could not recover into the bay ; and night comming on , with a short sayle , wee beate off and on till the morning . At the breake of the day conferring with the Captaine and Master of my ship , what was best to be done , we resolved to seeke out Tobias Coue , which lyeth over against Cape Fryo , on the Southerne part of the Straites , because in all the reaches of the Straites ( for the most part ) the winde bloweth trade , and therfore little profit to be made by turning to winde-wards . And from the Ilands of the Pengwins to the ende of the Straites towards the south Sea , there is no anchoring in the channell ; and if we should be put to lee-wards of this Coue , we had no succour till we came to the Ilands of Pengwins ; and some of our Company which had bin with master Thomas Candish in the Voyage in which he died , and in the same Coue many weekes , vndertooke to be our Pilots thither . Wherevpon we bare vp , being some two leagues thither , having so much winde as we could scarce lye by it with our course and bonnet of each ; but bearing vp before the winde , wee put out our Topsayles and Spritsayle , and within a little while the winde began to fayle vs , and immediately our Shippe gaue a mightie blow vpon a Rocke , and stucke fast vpon it . And had wee had but the fourth part of the wind , which we had in all the night past , but a moment before we strucke the Rocke , our Shippe , doubtlesse , with the blow had broken her selfe all to peeces . But our provident and most gracious God which commaundeth wind and Sea , watched over vs , and delivered vs with his powerfull hand from the vnknowne danger and hidden destruction , that so we might prayse him for his fatherly bountie and protection , and with the Prophet David say , Except the Lord keepe the Cittie , the watch-men watch in vaine ; for if our God had not kept our Shippe , we had bin all swallowed vp aliue without helpe or redemption , and therefore he for his mercies sake grant that the memoriall of his benefits , doe never depart from before our eyes , and that we may evermore prayse him for our wonderfull deliverance , and his continuall providence by day and by night . My company with this Accident were much amazed , and not without iust cause . Immediately we vsed our endevour to free our selues , and with our boates ●ounded round about our Shippe ; in the meane time assaying our pumpe , to know if our Shippe made more water then her ordinary , we found nothing increased , and round about our Shippe deepe water , saving vnder the mid-shippe , for shee was a floa●e a bead and a ●terne ▪ and bearing some fathome before the mayne Must , and in●o other part , was like to be our destruction ; for being ●bbing water , the waight in the head and sterne by fayling of the water began to open her plankes in the middest ; and vpon the vpper Decke they were gone one from another some two fingers , some more ; which we sought to ease and remedie by lightning of her burden ▪ and throwing into the Sea all that came to hand ; and laying out an Anchor , we sought to wend her off : and such was the wa● and force we put to the Capsten and Tackles fastned vpon the 〈◊〉 , that we plucked the ring of the Anchor out of the eye , but after recovered it , though not serviceable . All our labour was fruitlesse , till God was pleased that the flood came , and then we had her off with great ioy and comfort , when finding the current favo●●able with vs , we stood over to English bay ▪ and serching it , ●●e a●chored there , having beene some three houres vpon the Rocke ▪ and wi●h the blow , as after we saw when our Ship was brought a ground in Peric● ( which is the Port of Panama ) a great part of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides in her Bulges , and some foure foote long and a foote square of her false stemme , ioyning to the Keele , wrested a crosse , like vnto a Hogges yoake , which hindered her sayling very much . Here we gaue God prayse for our deliverance , and afterward procured to supply our wood and water , which we had throwne overbourd to case our Shippe , which was not much : that supplyed , it pleased God ( who is not ever angry ) to looke vpon vs with comfort , and to send vs a fayre and large wind , and so we set Sayle once againe , in hope to disemboke the Straite , but some dozen leagues before we came to the mouth of it , the wind changed , and forced vs to seeke out some Cove or Bay , with our Boates to ride in neere at hand , that we might not be forced to returne farre backe into the Straites . They sounded a Cove some sixteene leagues from the mouth of the Straite , which after we called Crabby Cove . It brooked his name well for two causes ; the one for that all the water was full of a small kinde of redd Crabbes , the other , for the crabbed mountaines which over-topped it ; a third , we might adde , for the crabbed entertainement it gaue vs. In this Cove we anchored , but the wind freshing in , and three or foure hilles over-topping ( like Sugar-loaues ) altered and straightned the passage of the wind in such manner , as forced it downe with such violence in flawes and furious blusterings , as was like to over-set our Shippe at an Anchor , and caused her to driue , and vs to weigh ; but before we could weigh it , shee was so'nere the Rockes , and the puffes and gusts of wind so sodaine and vncertaine , sometimes scant , sometimes large , that it forced vs to cut our Cable , and yet dangerous if our Shippe did not cast the right way . Here necessitie , not being subiect to any law , forced vs to put our selues into the hands of him that was able to deliver vs. We cut our Cable and Sayle all in one instant ; And God to shew his power and gratious bountie towardes vs , was pleased that our Shippe cast the contrary way towards the shore , seeming that he with his owne hand did wend her about ; for in lesse then her length , shee flatted , and in all the Voyage but at that instant , shee flatted with difficultie , for that shee was long , the worst propertie shee had . On either side we might see the Rockes vnder vs , and were not halfe a Shippes length from the shore , and if she had once touched , it had beene impossible to haue escaped . Magnified ever be our Lord God , which delivered Ionas out of the Whales belly ; and his Apostle Peter from being overwhelmed in the waues ; and vs from so certaine perishing . SECT . XXXV . FRom hence we returned to Blanches Bay , and there Anchored , expecting Gods good will and pleasure . Here beganne the bitternesse of the time to increase with blustering and sharpe winds , accompani●d with rayne and sleeting Snow , and my people to be dismayde againe , in manifesting a desire to returne to Brasill , which I would never consent vnto , no , no● so much as to heare of . And all men are to take care , that they goe not one foote backe , more then is of mere force ; for I haue not seene , that any who haue yeelded therevnto , but presently they haue returned home . As in the Voyage of master Edward Fontom , which the Earle of Cumberland set forth , to his great charge . As also in that of master Thomas Candish , in which he dyed . Both which pretended to shoote the Straites of Magelan , and by perswasion of some ignorant persons , being in good possibilitie , were brought to consent to returne to Brasill , to Winter , and after in the Spring to attempt the passing of the Strait againe . None of them made any abode in Brasill ; for presently as soone as they looked homeward , one , with a little blustering wind taketh occasion to loose company ; another complaineth that he wanteth victuals ; another , that his shippe is leake ; another , that his mastes , sayles , or cordidge fayleth him . So the willing never want probable reasons to further their pretences . As I saw once ( being but young , and more bold then experimented ) in Anno 1582. in a Voyage , vnder the charge of my Vnkle William Hawkins of Plimouth , Esquire , in the Indies , at the wester end of the Iland of San Ivan de Portorico . One of the Shippes ( called the Barke bonner ) being somewhat leake , the Captaine complained that she was not able to endure to England ; wherevpon a Counsell was called , and his reasons heard , and allowed . So it was concluded , that the Victuall , Munition , and what was serviceable , should be taken out of her , and her men devided amongst our other Shippes ; the Hull remaining to be sunke , or burned . To which , I never spake word till I saw it resolved ; being my part rather to learne , then to advise . But seeing the fatall sentence given , and suspecting that the Captaine made the matter worse then it was , rather vpon pollicy to come into another Ship , which was better of Sayle , then for any danger they might runne into . With as much reason as my capacitie could reach vnto , I disswaded my Vnkle privately ; And vrged , that seeing wee had profited the Adventurers nothing , wee should endevour to preserue our principall ; especially , having men and victualls . But seeing I prevayle● not , I went further , and offered to finde out in the same Shippe , and others , so many men , as with me would be content to carry her home , giving vs the third part of the value of the ship , as shee should be valued at , at her returne , by foure indifferent persons ; and to leaue the Vice-admirall , which I had vnder my charge , and to make her Vice-admirall . Whereupon , it was condescended , that we should all goe aboard the Shippe , and that the●e it should be determined . The Captaine thought himselfe somewhat touched in Reputation , and so would not that further triall should be made of the matter ; Saying , that if another man was able to carry the Shippe into England , he would in no case leaue her ; neither would he forsake her till shee sunke vnder him . The Generall commended him for his resolution , and thanked me for my offer , tending to the generall good ; my intention being to force those who for gaine could vnder-take to carry her home , should also doe it , gratis , according to their Obligation . Thus , this leake-ship went well into England ; where , after shee made many a good Voyage in nine yeares , wherein shee was imployed to and fro ; and no doubt , would haue served many more , had shee not beene laid vp , and not vsed , falling into the hands of those which knew not the vse of Shipping . It were large to recount the Voyages , and worthy Enterprises , overthrowne by this pollicie , with the Shippes which haue thereby gone to wracke . SECT . XXXVI . BY this and the like experiences , remembring and knowing , that , if once I consented to turne but one foote backe , I should overthrow my Voyage , and loose my reputation , I resolved rather to loose my life , then to giue eare to such preiudiciall Counsell ; And so as the Weather gaue leaue , we intertained our selues the first dayes in necessary workes , and after in making of Coale , ( for Wood was plentifull , and no man would commence an action of wast against vs ) with intent ( the wind continuing long contrary ) to see , if wee could remedie any of our broken Anchors ; a Forge I had in my Shippe , and of fiue Anchors which we brought out of England , there remained but one that was serviceable . In the Ilands of Pengwins , we lost one ; in Crabbie Cove , another ; of a third , vpon another occasion , we broke an arme ; & the fourth , on the Rocke had the eye of his ring broken . This ( one day devising with my selfe ) I made to serue , without working him a new . Which when I tooke first in hand , all men thought it ridiculous : but in fine , we made it in that manner so serviceable , as till our ship came to Callaw , which is the Port of Lyma , shee scarce vsed any other Anchor ; and when I came from Lyma to Panama , which was three yeares after , I saw it serue the Admirall in which I came , ( a Ship of aboue fiue hundreth tunnes ) without other art or addition , then what my owne invention contrived . And for that in the like necessiti● , or occasion , others may profit themselues of the industrie , I will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire , or iron . It was in this sort . From the eye of the shanke , about the head of the crosse , we gaue two turnes with a new strong Halser , betwixt three and foure inches , giving a reasonable allowance for that , which should be the eye , and served in stead of the ring ; then we fastned the two ends of the Halser , so as in that part it was as strong , as in any other , and with our Capsten stretched the two byghtes , that every part might beare proportionably ; then armed we all the Halser round about , with six yarne Synnets , and likewise the shanke of the Anchor , and the head with a smooth Matt made of the same Synnet : this done , with an inch Rope , wee woolled the two byghtes to the shanke , from the crosse to the eye , and that also which was to serue for the ring , and fitted the stocke accordingly . This done , those who before derided the invention , were of opinion , that it would serue for a need ; onely they put one difficultie , that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground , with his waight he would ●ut the Halser in sunder on the head ; for prevention whereof , we placed a panch ( as the Marriners terme it ) vpon the head of the Anchor , with whose softnesse this danger was prevented , and the Anchor past for serviceable . Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the barke and fruit of a certaine tree , which we found in all places of the Straites , where we sound trees . This tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne , but that it is greene , each berry of the bignesse of a Pepper corne , and every of them containing within foure or fiue graynes , twise as bigge as a Musterd-seed , which broken , are white within , as the good Pepper , and bite much like it , but hotter . The barke of this tree , hath the savour of all kinde of Spices together , most comfortable to the stomacke , and held to be better then any Spice whatsoever ; And for that a learned Country-man of ours Doctor Turner , hath written of it , by the name of Winters barke , what I haue said may suffice . The leafe of this tree is of a whitish greene , and is not vnlike to the Aspen leafe . Other whiles we entertained our selues in gathering of Pearles out of Mussels , whereof there are aboundance in all places , from Cape Froward , to the end of the Straites . The Pearles are but of a bad colour , and small , but it may be that in the great Mussels in deeper water , the Pearles are bigger , and of greater value ; of the small seed Pearle , there was great quantitie , and the Mussels were a great refreshing vnto vs ; for they were exceeding good , and in great plentie . And here let me craue pardon if I erre , seeing I disclaime from being a naturalist , by delivering my opinion touching the breeding of these Pearles , which I thinke to be of a farre different nature and qualitie to those found in the East and West Indies , which are found in Oysters ▪ growing in the shell , vnder the ruff of the Oyster , some say of the dewe , which I hold to be some old Philosophers conceit , for that it cannot bee made probable , how the dew should come into the Oyster ; and if this were true , then , questionlesse , wee should haue them in our Oysters , as in those of the East and West India's ; but those Oysters , were , by the Creator , made to bring foorth this rare fruite , all their shels , being ( to looke to ) pearle it selfe . And the other pearles found in our Oysters and Mussels , in divers partes , are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish , in the very substance of the fish , so that in some Mussels , haue beene found twenty , and thirty , in severall partes of the fish , and these not perfect in colour , nor clearenes , as those found in the Pearle-Oysters , which are ever perfect in colour and clearenes , like the Sunne in his rising ; and therefore called Orientall , and not ( as is supposed ) because out of the East , for they are as well found in the West , and no way inferior to those of the East Indies . Other fish , be●ides Seales , and Crabbes , like Shrimpes , and one Whale with two or three Porpusses , wee saw not in all the Straites ; heere we made also a survay of our victuals ; and opening certaine Barrels of Oaten meale , wee found a great part of some of them , as also of our Pipes and Fatts of bread , eaten and consumed by the Ratts ; doub●lesse , a fift part of my Company , did not eate so much , as these devoured , as wee found dayly in comming to spend any of our provisions . When I came to the Sea , it was not supected , that I had a Ratt in my shippe ; but with the bread in Caske , which we transported our of the Hawke , and the going to and againe of our boates vnto our prise , ( though wee had divers Catts and vsed other preventions ) in a small time they multiplyed in such a maner , as is incredible ; It is one of the generall calamities of all long voyages ; and would bee carefully prevented , as much as may bee . For besides that which they consume of the best victuals , they eate the sayles ; and neither packe , nor chest , is free from their surprises . I haue knowne them to make a hole in a pipe of water ; and saying the pumpe , haue put all in feare , doubting least some leake had beene sprung vpon the ship . Moreover , I haue heard credible persons report , that shippes haue beene put in danger by them to be sunke , by a hole made in the bulge . All which is easily remedied at the first , but if once they be somewhat increased , with difficulty they are to be destroyed . And although I propounded a reward for every Ratt which was taken , and sought meanes by poyson , and other inventions to consume them , yet their increase being so ordinary and many ; wee were not able to cleare our selues from them . SECT . XXXVII . AT the ende of fourteene dayes , one Evening being calme , and a goodly cleare in the Easter-boord , I willed our Anchor to be weyed , and determined to goe into the channell , whereof ensued a murmuring amongst my company , who were desirous to see the winde setled before we put out of the Harbour : and in part they had reason , considering how wee had beene canvased from place to place ; yet on the other side , if wee went not out before night , wee should loose the whole nights sayling , and all the time which we should spend in warping out ; which would be , doubtles , a great part of the fore-noone . And although the Master signified vnto mee , the disposition of my people , and Master Henry Courton ( a discreete and vertuous Gentleman , and my good friend , who in all the voyage was ever an especial furtherer of all that ever I ordained or proposed ) in this occasion sought to divert me , that all but my selfe , were contrarily inclined to that , which I thought fit : and though the common saying be , that it is better to erre with many , then all contradicting , alone to hit the right way , yet truth told mee , this proverbe to bee falsely founded ; for that it was not to bee vnderstood , that for erring it is better , but because it is supposed that by hitting a man shall get emulation of the contradictors , I encoun●ered it with another , that sayth , better to be envied then pittied , and well considering , that ( being out of the Harbour , if the winde tooke vs contrary ) to goe to Elizabeth Bay was better then to bee in the Port , ( for a man must of force warpe in and out of it ) and in the time that the Shippe could be brought foorth into the Channell ( the winde being good ) a man might come from Elizabeth Bay to the Port , and that there we should haue the wind first , being more to the East-wardes , and in an open Bay , and moreover might set sayle in the night , if the wind should rise in the Evening , or in the Night ; whereas , in the Port , of force , we must waite the light of the Day . I made my selfe deafe to all murmurings , and caused my commaund to be put in execution , and , doubtlesse , it was Gods gracious inspiration , as by the event was seene ; for being gotten into the Channell , within an houre , the winde came good , and we sayled merrily on our Voyage ; and by the breake of the day , wee had the mouth o● the Straites open , and about foure of the Clocke in the afternoone , wee were thwart of Cape Desire ; which is the westermost part of the Land on the Souther side of the Straites . SECT . XXXVIII . HEre such as haue command may behold the many miseries that befall them , not onely by vnexpected Accidents and mischances , but also by contradictions and murmurs of their owne people , of all calamities the greatest which can befall a man of discretion and valour , and as difficult to be overcome ; for , to require reason of the common sort , is , as the Philosopher sayth , To seeke Counsell of a madd man. Herein , as I sayd before , they resemble a stiffe necked Horse , who taking the bridle in his teeth , carrieth the rider whether he pleaseth ; so once possessed with any imagination , no reason is able to convince them . The best remedie I can propound , is to wish our Nation in this poynt to be well advised , and in especiall , all those that follow the Sea , ever having before their eyes the auncient Discipline of our Predecessors ; who in conformiti● and obedience to their Chiefes and Commanders , haue beene a mirror to all other Nations , with patience , silence , and suffering , putting in execution what they haue beene Commanded , and thereby gained the blessings due to such vertues , and leaving to posteritie , perpetuall memories of their glorious Victories . A iust recompence for all such as Conquer themselues , and subiect their most specious willes , to the will of their Superiors . SECT . XXXIX . IN apprehension whereof at land , I cannot forbeare the Discipline thereof , as at this day , and in the dayes of late memory , it hath beene practised in the States of Flaunders , Fraunce , and Brittayne , wher● as the Spaniards , Wallons , Switzers , and other Nations , are daily full of murmurings and mutenies , vpon every sleight occasion . The like I also wish should be imitated by those , who follow the Sea , that is , that those who are subiect to Command , presume no further then to that which belongeth vnto them ; Qui nescit parere , nescit imperare , I speake this , for that I haue sometimes seene vnexpert and ignorant persons , yea , vnable to iudge of any poynt appertaining to government , or the guide of a Shippe , or company of men , presuming vpon their fine witts , and enamored of their owne conc●its , contradict and dispute against gra●e , wise , and experimented Governours : many forward fellowes , thinking themselues better worthie to command , then to be commanded . Such persons I advise not to goe , but where they may command ; or els looking before they leapt , to consider well , vnder whom they place themselues , seeing ( for the most part ) it is in their choyce , to choose a Governour from whom they may expect satisfaction ; but choyce being once made , to resolue with the patient wife in History ; That , that day wherein shee married her selfe to an husband , that very day shee had no longer any will , more then the will of her husband . And so he that by Sea or Land placeth himselfe to serue in any action , must make reckoning that the time the iourney endureth ▪ he hath no other will , nor dispose of himselfe , then that of his Commander for in the Governors hand is all power , to recompence and reward , to punish or forgiue . Likewise those who haue charge and Command , must sometimes with patience or sufferance , overcome their fury and misconceits , according to occasions ; for it is a great poynt of wisedome , especially in a generall murmuring , where the cause is iust , or that ( as often times it happeneth ) any probable accident may divert the minds of the discontented , and giue hope of remedie , or future event may produce Repentance , to turne ( as they say ) the deafe eare , and to winke at that a man seeth . As it is sa●d of Charles the fifth Emperour of Germany , and King of Spaine ; who rounding his Campe , one night , disguised , heard some Souldiers rayle , and speake evill of him ; those which accompanied him were of opinion , that he should vse some exemplary punishment vpon them ; not so , sayth he , for these now vexed with the miseries they suffer , ease their hearts with their tongues ; but if occasion present it selfe , they will not sticke to sacrifice their liues for my safetie . A resolution worthy so prudent a Commander , and so magnanimous a Prince . The like is written of Fabius Maximus , the famous Romayne , who endured the attribute of Coward , with many other infamies , rather then he would hazard the safetie of his Countrie by rash and incertaine provocations . No lesse worthy of perpetuall memory was the prudent pollicie and government of our English Navie , in Anno 1588. by the worthy Earle of Nottingham , Lord high Admirall of England ; who , in like case , with mature and experimented knowledge , patiently withstood the instigations of many Couragious and Noble Captaines , who would haue perswaded him to haue laid them aboord ; but well he foresaw that the enemy had an Armie aboord ; he none ; that they exceeded him in number of Shipping , and those greater in Bulke , stronger built , and higher molded , so that they who with such advantage fought from aboue , might easily distresse all opposition below ; the slaughter peradventure prooving more fatall , then the victory profitable ; by being overthrowne he might haue hazzarded the Kingdome , whereas by the Conquest ( at most ) he could haue boasted of nothing but Glorie , and an enemie defeated . But by sufferance , he alwayes advantaged himselfe of winde and tide , which was the freedome of our Countrey , and securitie of our Navie , with the destruction of theirs , which in the eye of the ignorant , ( who iudge all things by the externall appearance ) seemed invincible ; but truely considered , was much inferior to ours , in all things of substance , as the event prooved ; for we sunke , spoyled , and tooke of them many , and they diminished of ours but one small Pynace , nor any man of name , saue onely Captaine Cocke , who dyed with honour amidst his Company . The greatest dammage , that ( as I remember ) they caused to any of our Shippes , was to the Swallow of her Maiestie , which I had in that action vnder my Charge , with an Arrow of fire shott into her Beake-head , which we saw not , because of the sayle , till it had burned a hole in the Rose as bigge as a mans head : the Arrow falling out , and driving alongst by the Shippes side , made vs doubt of it , which after we discovered . SECT . XL. IN many occasions , notwithstanding , it is most preiudiciall to dissemble the reprehension and punishment of murmurings and mutterings , when they carry a likelihood to grow to a mutenie , seeme to leane to a faction , or that a person of regard or merite favoureth the intention , or contradicteth the Iustice , &c. and others of like qualitie ; The prudent Governour is to cut off this Hydra's head in the beginning , and by prevention to provide remedie with expedition ; and this sometimes with absolute authoritie , although the best be ever to proceed by Counsell , if necessitie and occasion require not the contrary ; for passion many times over-ruleth , but that which is sentenced and executed by consent , is iustified , although sometimes erronious . March. 29. 1594. SECT . XLI . FRom Cape Desire , some foure leagues North-west , lye foure Ilands , which are very small , and the middlemost of them is o● the fashion of a Sugar-loafe . We were no sooner cleare of Cape Desire , and his ledge of Rockes ( which lie a great way off into the Sea ) but the wind tooke vs contrary by the North-west ; and so we stood off into the Sea two dayes and two nights to the Westwards . In all the Straites it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse , and in many places it higheth very little water , but in some Bayes , where are great indraughts , it higheth eight or ten foote , and doubtlesse , further in , more . If a man be furnished with wood and water , and the winde good , he may keepe the mayne Sea , and goe round about the Straites to the Southwards , and it is the shorter way ; for besides the experience which we made , that all the South part of the Straites is but Ilands , many times having the Sea open , I remember , that Sir Francis Drake told me , that having short the Straites , a storme tooke him first at North-west , and after vered about to the South-west , which continued with him many dayes , with that extremitie , that he could not open any Sayle , and that at the end of the storme , he found himselfe in fiftie degrees , which was sufficient testimony and proofe , that he was beaten round about the Straites , for the least height of the Straites is in fiftie two degrees and fiftie minutes ; in which stand the two entrances or mouths . And moreover , he sayd , that standing about , when the winde changed , he was not well able to double the Southermost Iland , and so anchored vnder the lee of it ; and going a-shore , carried a Compasse with him , and seeking out the Southermost part of the Iland , cast himselfe downe vpon the vttermost poynt groveling , and so reached out his bodie over it . Presently he imbarked , and then recounted vnto his people , that he had beene vpon the Southermost knowne land in the world , and more ●urther to the Southwards vpon it , then any of them , yea , or any man as yet knowne . These testimonies may suffice for this truth vnto all , but such as are incredulous , & will beleeue nothing but what they see ; for my part , I am of opinion , that the Straite is navigable all the yeare long , although the best time be in November , December , and Ianuary , and then the winds more favourable , which other times are variable , as ●n all narrow Seas . Being some fiftie leagues a Sea-boord the Straites , the winde vering to the West-wards , we cast about to the North-wards ; and lying the coast along , shaped our course for the Iland Mocha . About the fifteenth of Aprill , we were thwart of Baldivia , which was then in the hands of the Spaniards , but since the Indians , in Anno 1599. dispossessed them of it , and the Conception ; which are two of the most principall places they had in that Kingdome , and both Ports . Baldivia , had its name of a Spanish Captaine so called , whom afterwards the Indians tooke Prisoner , and it is said , they required of him the reason why he came to molest them , and to take their Country from them , having no title nor right therevnto ; he answered , to get Gold ; which the barbarous vnderstanding , caused Gold to be molten , and powred downe his throat ; saying , Gold was thy desire , glut thee with it . It standeth in fortie degrees , hath a pleasant River and navigable ; for a Ship of good burden may goe as high vp as the Cittie , and is a goodly wood Country . Here our Beefe beganne to take end , and was then as good , as the day wee departed from England ; it was preserved in Pickell , which , though it be more chargeable , yet the profit payeth the charge , in that it is made durable , contrary to the opinion of many , which hold it impossible , that Beefe should be kept good passing the Equinoctiall lyne . And of our Porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro , in Lyma , neere foure yeares old , very good , preserved after the same manner , notwithstanding , it had lost his Pickle long before . Some degrees before a man come to Baldivia to the South-wards , as Spaniards haue told me , lyeth the Iland Chule , not easily to be discerned from the mayne ; for he that passeth by it , cannot but thinke it to be the mayne . It is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards , but badly , yet rich of gold . The 19. of Aprill , being Easter-euen , we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha . It lyeth in 39. degrees , it may be some foure leagues over , and is a high mountainous hill , but round about the foote thereof , some halfe league from the Sea-shore , it is Champion ground , well inhabited , and manured . From the Straites to this Iland , we found , that either the coast is set out more westerly then it is , or that , we had a great current , which put vs to the west-wards ; for we had not sight of land in three dayes after . Our reckoning was to see it , but for that we coasted not the land , I cannot determine , whether it was caused by the current , or lying of the land . But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it , haue told me , that it is a bold and safe coast , and reasonable sounding of it . In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contratation with the inhabitants , but with great vigilancie and care ; for they and all the people of Chily , are mortall enemies to the Spaniards , and held vs to be of them ; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake , when he was in this Iland , which was the first land also that he touched on this coast . They vsed him with so fine a trechery , that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boate , saving two , and in striving to get them also , they slew , and hurt all his men ; himselfe who had fewest wounds , had three , and two of them in the head . Two of his company which lived long after , had , the one seaventeene ; his name was Iohn Bruer , who afterward was Pilot with master Candish ; and the other , aboue twentie , a Negro-servant to Sir Francis Drake . And with me they vsed a pollicie , which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined , although I wrought sure ; for I suffered none to treate with me , nor with my people with Armes . We were armed , and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water , whether they came to parley and negotiate . Being in communication with the Casiques , and others , many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boats , and some went into them . Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boates with their Oares , for that there went a bad sege , were forced to lay downe their Musketts ; which the Indians perceiving , endevoured to fill the barrells with water , taking it out of the sea in the hollow of their hands . By chance casting mine eye aside , I discovered their slynesse ; and with a truncheon , which I had in mine hand , gaue the Indians three or foure good lamskinnes ; the Casiques seeing it , began to giue me satisfaction , by vsing rigor towardes those which had beene in the Boates ; but I having gotten the refreshing I desired , and all I could hope from them , would haue no further conversation with them . At our first comming , two of their Casiques ( who are their Lords or Kings ) came aboord our Shippe ( we leaving one of our companie ashore as a pledge ) whom we feasted in good manner ; they eat well of all that was set before them , and dranke better of our Wine : one of them became a little giddie headed , and marvayled much at our Artillery : I caused a Peece to be primed , and after to be ●hott off , whereat the one started , but the other made no shew of alteration ; after putting them ashore , loaden with toyes and trifles , which to them seemed great riches ; from all Ports of the Iland , the people came vnto vs , bringing all such things as they had , to wit , sheepe , Cockes , &c. ( from Hennes they would not part ) and divers sorts of fruits , and rootes , which they exchanged with vs for Kniues , Glasses , Combes , Belles , Beades , Counters , Pinnes , and other trifles . We saw little demonstration of Gold or Silver amongst them , though some they had ; and for that we saw they made estimation of it , we would not make reckoning of it : but they gaue vs to vnderstand , that they had it from the Mayne . The sheepe of this Iland are great , good , and fatt ; I haue not tasted better Mutton any where . They were as ours , and doubtlesse of the breed of those , which the Spaniards brought into the Country . Of the sheepe of the Country , we could by no meanes procure any one , although we saw of them , and vsed meanes to haue had of them ; for they esteeme them much , as reason willeth , serving them for many vses ; as in another place , God willing , I shall declare more at large . They haue small store of fish . This Iland is scituate in the Province of Arawca , and is held to be peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily , though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious . They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie , all of woollen ; their Cassockes made like a Sacke , square , with two holes for the two armes , and one for the head ; all open below , without lining or other art : but of them , some are most curiously wooven , and in colours , and on both sidesalike . Their houses are made round , in fashion like vnto our Pigeon houses , with a laver in the toppe , to evacuate the smoake when they make fire . They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco , made into little cakes , like Pitch , of a bad smell , with holes through the middle , and so laced many vpon a string . They presented vs also with two Spanish Letters , thinking vs to be Spaniards , which were written by a Captaine of a Frigate , that some dayes before had received courtesie at their hands , and signified the same to the Governour ; wishi●g that the people of the Iland would become good subiects to the King , and that therefore he would receiue them into his favour and protection , and send them some person as Governour ; but none of them spake Spanish , and so we dealt with them by signes . The people of this Iland , as of all Chily , are of good stature , and well made , and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts . They are of good vnderstanding , and agilitie , and of great strength ; Their weapons are bowes , and arrowes and Macanas , their bowes short and strong , and their arrowes of a small reade , or cane , three quarters of a yard long , with two feathers , and headed with a flint stone , which is loose , and hurting , the head remaineth in the wound , some are headed with bone , and some with hard wood , halfe burnt in the fire . Wee came betwixt the Iland and the mayne ; On the south-west part of the Iland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes , which are dangerous ; and it is good to bee carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts . Immediately when they discovered vs , both vpon the Iland , and the Maine , wee might see them make sundry great fires , which were to giue advise to the rest of the people to be in a readinesse : for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards , and the Shippes they see , they beleeue to be their Enemies . The Citie Imperiall lyeth over against this Iland , but eight or tenne Leagues into the Countrey : for all the Sea coast from Baldivia , till 36. Degrees , the Indians haue now ( in a manner ) in their hands free from any Spaniards . SECT . XLII . HAving refreshed our selues well in this Iland , for that little time wee stayed , which was some 3. dayes wee set sayle with great ioy , and with a fayre winde sayled alongst the coast , and some eyght Leagues to the North-wards , we anchored againe in a goodly Bay , and sent our boates ashore , with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca , and to see , if they would bee content to entertaine amitie , or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person , and so wee set sayle againe ; and towardes the Evening the winde began to change , and to blow contrary , and that so much , and the Sea to rise so sodainely , that we could not take in our boates , without spoyling of them . This storme continued with vs ten dayes beyond expectation , for that wee thought our selues out of the climate of fowle weather , but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that ever I felt to endure so long . In this storme , one night haling , vp our boates to free the water out of them , one of our younkers that went into them for that purpose , had not that regard ( which reason required ) vnto our light horseman : for with haling her vp , to step into her , out of the boate , he split her asunder , and so wee were forced to cut her off ; which was no small heartes griefe vnto me , ●or that I knew , and all my company felt ▪ and many times lamented the losse of her . The storme tooke end , and wee shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries , which lyeth in thirtie seaven Degrees and forty minuts , and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues , in the trade way lyeth a rocke , which a farre off , seemeth to be a Shippe vnder sayle . This Iland is little and low , but fertill and well peopled , with Indians and some fewe Spaniards in it . Some ten leagues to the North-wards of this Iland , lyeth the Citty Conception , with a good Port ; from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirty three degrees , and forty minutes . In which height lay the Ilands of Ivan Fernandes , betwixt threescore and fourescore Leagues from the shore , plentifull of fish , and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discover my selfe vpon this coast , till wee were past Lyma , ( otherwise called Cividad de los Reyes , for that it was entered by the Spaniard the day of the three Kings ; ) but my Company vrged me so farre , that except I should seeme in all things to over-beare them , in not condiscending to that which in the opinion of all ( but my selfe ) seemed profitable and best , I could not but yeelde vnto , though it carried a false colour , as the ende prooued , for it was our perdition . This all my Company knoweth to be true , whereof some are yet living , and can giue testimonie . But the Mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of Pillage , as sometimes for very appearances of small moment , hee looseth his voyage , and many times himselfe . And so the greedines of spoyle , onely hoped for in shippes of trade , which goe too and fro in this coast , blinded them from forecasting the perill , whereinto wee exposed our voyage , in discovering our selues before wee past the coast of Calla● , which is the Port of Lyma ; To be short , wee haled the coast aboord , and that Evening we discovered the Port of Balparizo , which serveth the Citty of Saint Iago , standing some twenty leagues into the Countrey ; when presently we descried foure shippes at an Anchor : wherevpon wee manned , and armed our boate , which rowed towards the Shippes : they seeing vs turning in , and fearing that which was , ran a shore with that little they could saue , and leaft vs the rest ; whereof , we were Masters in a moment , and had the rifling of all the stor●houses on the shoare . This night , I set a good guard in all the shippes , longing to see the light of the next morning , to put all things in order ; which appearing , I began to survay them , and found nothing of moment , saue fiue hundreth Botozios of Wine , two or three thousand of Hennes , and some refreshing of Bread , Bacon , dried Beefe , Waxe , Candles , and other necessaries . The rest of their lading was plankes , Spares , and Tymber , for Lyma , and the valleyes , which is a rich trade ; for it hath no Tymber , but that which is brought to it from other places . They had also many Packes of Indian Mantles , ( but of no value vnto vs ) with much Tallow , and Manteca de Puerco , and aboundance of great new Chests , in which wee had thought to be some great masse of wealth , but opening them , found nothing but Apples therein ; all which was good Marchandize in Lyma , but to vs of small accompt . The Marchandize on shore , in their Store-houses was the like , and therefore in the same predicament . The owners of the Shippes gaue vs to vnderstand , that at a reasonable price they would redeeme their Shippes and loading , which I harkened vnto ; and so admitted certaine persons which might treat of the matter , and concluded with them for a small price , rather then to burne them , saving for the greatest , which I carryed with me , more to giue satisfaction to my people , then for any other respect ; because they would not be perswaded , but that there was much Gold hidden in her ; otherwise shee would haue yeelded vs more then the other three . Being in this treatie , one morning , at the breake of day , came another Shippe touring into the Harbour , and standing into the shore , but was becalmed . Against her we manned a couple of Boates , and tooke her before many houres . In this Shippe , we had some good quantitie of Gold , which shee had gathered in Baldivia , and the Conception , from whence shee came . Of this Shippe was Pilot , and part owner , Alonso Perezbueno , whom we kept for our Pilot on this coast ; till moved with compassion ( for that he was a man charged with wife and children ) we set him a shore betwixt Santa and Truxillo . Out of this Shippe we had also store of good Bacon , and some provision of Bread , Hennes , and other Victuall . And for that shee had brought vs so good a portion , and her owner continued with vs , the better to animate him to play the honest man ( though we trusted him no further then we saw him , for we presently discovered him to be a cunning fellow ) and for that his other partner had lost the greatest part of Gold , and seemed to be an honest man , as after he prooved by his thankefulnesse , in Lyma ; we gaue them the ship , and the greatest part of her loading freely . Here we supplied our want of Anchors , though not according to that which was requisite , in regard of the burden of our Shippe ; for , in the South Sea , the greatest Anchor for a Shippe of sixe or eight hundreth Tunnes , is not a thousand waight ; partly , because it is little subiect to stormes , and partly , because those they had till our comming , were all brought out of the North sea by land ; for they make no Anchors in those Countries . And the first Artillerie they had , was also brought over land ; which was small ; the carriage and passage ●●om Nombre de Bios , or Porto Velo to Panama being most difficult and steepe , vp hill and downe hill , they are all carried vpon Negroes backes . But some yeares be●ore my imprisonment , they fell to making of Artillery , and since they forge Anchors also . Wee furnished our Shippe also with a shift of Sayles of Cotton cloth , which are farre better in that Sea , then any of our double Sayles , for that in all the Navigation of that Sea , they haue little rayne and few stormes , but where rayne and stormes are ordinary , they are not good ; for with the wett they grow so stiffe , that they cannot be handled . SECT . XLIII . I Concluded the ransome of the Shippes with an auncient Captaine , and of Noble blood , who had his daughter there , ready to be imbarked to goe to Lyma , to serue Donia Teruza de Castro , the Vice-royes wife , and sister to Don Beliran de Castro . Her apparell and his , with divers other things which they had imbarked in the greatest Shippe , we restored , for the good office he did vs , and the confidence he had of vs , comming and going onely vpon my word ; for which he was ever after thankefull , and deserved much more . Another that treated with me was Captaine Ivan Contreres , owner of one of the Shippes , and of the Iland Santa Maria , in thirtie seaven degrees and fortie minutes . In treating of the ransomes , and transporting and lading the provisions we made choyce of , wee spent some sixe or eight dayes ; at the end whereof , with reputation amongst our enemies , and a good portion towards our charges , and our Shippe as well stored and victualled , as the day we departed from England , we set sayle . The time wee were in this Port , I tooke small rest , and so did the Master of our Shippe , Hugh Cornish , a most carefull , orderly , and sufficient man , because we knew our owne weaknesse ; for entring into the Harbour , we had but seaventie fiue men and boyes , fiue Shippes to guard , and every one moored by himselfe ; which ( no doubt ) if our enemies had knowne , they would haue wrought some Stratagem vpon vs ; for the Governour of Chily was there on shore in view of vs , an auncient Flanders souldier , and of experience , wisedome , and valour , called Don Alonso de Soto Mayor , of the habit of Saint Iago , who was after Captaine generall in Terra firme , and wrought all the inventions vpon the River of Chagree , and on the shore , when Sir Francis Drake purposed to goe to Panama , in the Voyage wherein he died ; As also at my comming into Spaine , he was President in Panama , and there , and in Lyma , vsed me with great courtesie , like a noble Souldier , and liberall Gentleman ; he confessed to me after , that he lay in ambush , with three hundreth horse and foote , to see if at any time wee had landed , or neglected our watch , with Balsas , which is a certaine Raffe made of Mastes or Trees fastened together , to haue attempted something against vs. But the enemy I feared not so much as the Wine ; which , notwithstanding all the diligence and prevention I could vse day and night , overthrew many of my people . A foule fault , because too common amongst Sea-men , and deserveth some rigorous punishment , with severitie to be executed ; for it hath beene and is daily the destruction of many good Enterprises , amidst their best hopes . And besides the ordinary fruites it bringeth forth , of beggery , ●hame , and sicknesse , it is a most deadly sinne . A drunkard is vnfit for any government , and if I might be hired with many thousands , I would not carry with me a man knowne to put his felicitie in that vice , instiling it with the name of good fellowship ; which in most well governed Common-wealths , hath beene a sufficient blemish to depriue a man of office , of honour , and estimation . It wasteth our Kingdome more then is well vnderstood , as well by the infirmities it causeth , as by the consumption of wealth , to the impoverishing of vs , and the enriching of other Kingdomes . And though I am not old , in comparison of other auncient men , I can remember Spanish wine rarely to be found in this Kingdome . Then hot burning Feavers were not knowne in England , and men lived many moe yeares . But since the Spanish Sacks haue beene common in our Tavernes , which ( for conservation ) is mingled with Lyme in its making , our Nation complaineth of Calenturas , of the Stone , the Dropsie , and infinite other Diseases , not heard of before this Wine came in frequent vse , or but very seldome . To confirme which my beliefe , I haue heard one of our learnedst Physitians affirme , that he thought there died more persons in England of drinking Wine , and vsing hot Spices in their meats and drinkes , then of all other diseases . Besides , there is no yeare , in which it wasteth not two millions of Crownes of our substance by convayance into forraine Countries , which in so well a governed Common-wealth , as ours is acknowledged to be , through the whole world , in all other constitutions , in this onely remaineth to be looked into , and remedied . Doubtlesse , whosoever should be the Author of this reformation , would gaine with God an everlasting reward , and of his Country a Statua of Gold , for a perpetuall memory of so meritorious a Worke. SECT . XLIIII . A League or better before a man discover this Bay to the South-wards , lyeth a great Rocke , or small Iland , neere the shore ; vnder which , for a need , a man may ride with his Shippe . It is a good marke , and sure signe of the Port , and discovering the Bay a man must giue a good birth to the poynt of the Harbour ; for it hath perilous Rockes lying a good distance off . It neither ebbeth nor floweth in this Port , nor from this , till a man come to Guayaquill , which is three degrees from the Equinoctiall lyne to the South-wards ; Let this be considered . It is a good Harbour for all windes , that partake not of the North ; for it runneth vp South and by West , and South South-west , but it hath much fowle ground . In one of these Shippes wee found a new devise for the stopping of a sodaine Leake in a Shippe vnder water , without board , when a man cannot come to it within board ; which eased vs of one , that we had from the day we departed from Detford , caused by the touching a-ground of our Shippe at low water , being loaden , and in the neape streames , comming a-ground in the sterne , the force of the tyde caused to cast thwart , wrested her slegg , and that in such sort , as it made a continuall Leake , though not much . And for that others may profit themselues of the like , I thinke it good to set downe the manner of it ; which was , taking a round wicker Basket , and to fill it with peeces of a Iunke or Rope , chopped very small , and of an inch long , and after tozed all as Oacombe ; then the Basket is to be covered with a Nett , the meshes of it being at the least two inches square , and after to be tied to a long Pike or Pole , which is to goe a crosse the Baskets mouth ▪ and putting it vnder water , care is to be had to keepe the Baskets mouth towardes the Shippes side ; if the Leake be any thing great , the Oacombe may be somewhat longer , and it carrieth likelihood to doe good , & seemeth to be better then the stitching of a Bonnet , or any other diligence , which as yet I haue seene . Another thing I noted of these Shippes , which would be also vsed by vs ; that every Shippe carrieth with her a spare Rudder , and they haue them to hange and vnhange with great facilitie : and besides , in some part of the Shippe , they haue the length , breadth , and proportion of the Rudder marked out , for any mischance that may befall them ; which is a very good prevention . Tenne leagues to the North-wards of this Harbour , is the bay of Quintera , where is good anchoring , but an open bay ; where master Thomas Candish ( for the good he had done to a Spaniard , in bringing him out of the Straits of Magellan , where , otherwise , he had perished with his company ) was by him betrayed , and a dozen of his men taken and slaine : But the iudgement of God left not his ingratitude vnpunished ; for , in the fight with vs , in the Vice-admirall , he was wounded and maymed in that manner , as three yeares after , I saw him begge with Crutches , and in that miserable estate , as he had beene better dead , then aliue . From Balparizo , wee sayled directly to Coquinbo , which is in thirtie degrees , and comming thwart the place , wee were becalmed , and had sight of a shippe : but for that shee was farre off , and night at hand , shee got from vs , and wee having winde entered the Port , thinking to haue had some shipping in it ; but wee lost our labour : and for that the Towne was halfe a League vpp in the Countrey , and wee not manned for any matter of attempt , worthy prosecution , wee made no abode on the shore ; but presently set sayle for the Peru. This is the best Harbour that I haue seene in the south sea , it is land-locked for all winds , and capeable of many shippes ; but the ordinary place where the shippes lade , and vnlade , and accommodate themselues , is betwixt a Rocke , and the Mayne on the wester-side ; some halfe a league vp within the entrance of the Port , which lyeth south and south , and by East and North , and by west . In the in-country , directly ouer the Port , is a round piked hill , like a sugar loafe , and before the entrance on the southern poynt of the port comming in , out of the Sea , it is a great Rocke , a good birth from the shore ; and these are the markes of the Port as I remember . Being cleere of this Port , wee shaped our course for Arica , and leaft the Kingdomes of Chily , one of the best Countries that the Sunne shineth on : for it is of a temperate clymate , and abounding in all things necessary , for the vse of man , with infinite rich mines of Gold , Copper , and sundry other mettals . The poorest houses in it , by report of their Inhabitants , haue of their owne store , bread , wine , flesh , and fruite ; which is ●o plentifull , that of their superfluitie they supply other partes ; Sundry kindes of Cattell : as Horses , Goates , and Oxen brought thither by the Spaniards , are found in heardes of thousands , wilde , and without owner ; besides those of the Countrey , which are common to most partes of America : in some of which are found the Bezar stones , and those very good and great . Amongst others they haue little beastes , like vnto a Squirrell , but that hee is gray , his skinne is the most delicate soft , and curious furre that I haue seene , and of much estimation , ( as is reason ) in the Peru ; few of them come into Spaine , because difficult to be come by , for that the Princes and Nobles laie waite for them , they call this beast Chinchilla , and of them they haue great abundance . All fruites of Spaine , they haue in great plentie , saving stone fruite , and Almonds : ●or in no part of the Indies , haue I knowne , that Plumbes , Cherries , or Almondes haue borne fruit : but they haue certaine little round Cocos , as those of Brasill , of the bignesse of a Wall-nut , which is as good as an Almond : besides , it hath most of the fruites naturall to America , of which in another place I shall ( God wi●ling ) speake particularly . The Gold they gather , is in two manners ; the one is washing the earth in great Trayes of wood in many waters ; as the earth wasteth away , the Gold in the bottome remaineth . The other is , by force of Art , to draw it out of the Mynes , in which they finde it . In most partes of the Countrie , the earth is mingled with Gold ; for the Butizias ( in which the Wine was ) which wee found in Balpharizo , had many sparkes of Gold shining in them . Of it the Gold-smiths I carryed with me ( for like purposes ) made experience . When Baldivia and Arawca were peaceable , they yeelded greatest plentie , and the best : but now , their greatest Mynes are in Coquinbo ; as also the Mines of Copper , which they carry to the Peru , and sell it better cheape , then it is ordinarily sold in Spaine . The Indians knowing the end of the Spaniards molestation , to be principally the desire of their riches , haue enacted , that no man , vpon paine of death , doe gather any Gold. In Coquinbo it rayneth seldome , but every showre of rayne , is a showre of Gold vnto them ; for with the violence of the water falling from the Mountaines , it bringeth from them the Gold ; and besides , giues them water to wash it out , as also for their ingenious to worke ; so that ordinarily every weeke they haue Processions for rayne . In this Kingdome they make much linnen and wool●en Cloth , and great store of Indian Mantles , with which they furnish other partes , but all is course stuffe . It hath no Silke , nor Iron , except in Mynes , and those as yet not discovered . Pewter is well esteemed , and so are finne linnen , woollen cloth , Haberdashers wares , edge-tooles , and Armes , or Munition . It hath his Governour , and Audiencia , with two Bishoppes : the one of Saint Iago , the other of the Imperiall ; all vnder the Vice-roy , Audiencia , and Primate of Lyma . Saint Iago is the Metropolitan and head of the Kingdome , and the seate of Iustice , which hath his appellation to Lyma . The people are industrious and ingenious , of great strength , and invincible courage ; as in the warres , which they haue susteyned aboue fortie yeares continually against the Spaniards , hath beene experienced . For confirmation whereof , I will alledge onely two proofes of many ; the one was of an Indian Captaine , taken prisoner by the Spaniards ; and for that , he was of name and knowne to haue done his devoire against them , they cut off his hands , thereby intending to disenable him to fight any more against them ; but he returning home , desirous to revenge this iniury , to maintaine his libertie , with the reputation of his Nation , and to helpe to banish the Spaniard , with his tongue intreated and incited them to persevere in their accustomed valour and reputation ; abasing the enemy , and advancing his Nation ; condemning their contraries of Cowardlinesse , and confirming it by the crueltie vsed with him , and others his companions in their mishaps ; shewing them his armes without hands , and naming his brethren , whose halfe feete they had cut off , because they might be vnable to sit on horsebacke with force , arguing , that if they feared them not , they would not haue vsed so great inhumanitie ; for feare produceth crueltie , the companion of Cowardize . Thus incouraged he them to fight for their liues , limbes , and libertie , choosing rather to die an honourable death fighting , then to liue in servitude , as fruitlesse members in their Common-wealth . Thus , vsing the office of a Sergeant Maior , and having loaden his two stumpes with bundles of Arrowes , succoured those , who in the succeeding battaile had their store wasted , and changing himselfe from place to place , animated and encouraged his Countri-men , with such comfortable perswasions , as it is reported , and credibly beleeved , that he did much more good with his words , and presence , without striking a stroake , then a great part of the Armie did with fighting to the vtmost . The other proofe is , that such of them as fight on horsebacke , are but slightly armed , for that their armour is a Beasts hide , fitted to their bodie , greene , and after worne till it be dry and hard . He that it is best armed , hath him double ; yet any one of them with these Armes , and with his Launce , will fight hand to hand with any Spaniar● armed from head to foote . And it is credibly reported , that an Indian being wounded through the body by a Spaniards Launce , with his owne hands hath crept on vpon the Launce , and come to grapple with his adversary , and both fallen to the ground together . By which is seene their resolution and invincible courage , and the desire they haue to maintaine their reputation and libertie . SECT . XLV . LEaving the coast of Chily , and running towards that of Peru , my company required the third of the Gold we had gotten , which of right belonged vnto them ; wherein I desired to giue them satisfaction of my iust intention , but not to devide it till wee came home , and so perswaded them with the best reasons I could ; alledging the difficultie to devide the barres , and being parted , how easie it was to be robbed of them , and that many would play away their portions , and come home as beggerly as they came out ; and that the shares could not be well made before our returne to England , because every mans merites could not be discerned nor rewarded till the end of the Voyage . In conclusion , it was resolved , and agreed , that the things of price , as Gold and Silver , should be put into Chests with three keyes , whereof I should haue the one , the Master another , and the third some other person , whom they should name . This they yeelded vnto with great difficultie , and not without reason ; for the bad correspondence vsed by many Captaines and owners with their companies vpon their returne , defrauding them , or diminishing their rights , hath hatched many iealousies , and produced many disorders , with the overthrow of all good discipline and government , as experience teacheth ; for where the Souldier and Marriner is vnpaide , or defrauded , what service or obedience can be required at his hands ? The covetous Captaine , or Commander , looseth the loue of those vnder his charge ; yea , though he haue all the parts besides required in a perfect Commander , yet if he preferre his private profite before justice , hardly will any man follow such a Leader , especially , in our Kingdome , where more absolute authoritie and trust is committed to those who haue charge , then in many other Countries . And therefore in election of Chieftaines , care would be had in examination of this poynt . The shamefull fruites whereof ( found by experience of many yeares , wherein I haue wandred the world ) I leaue to touch in particular ; because I will not diminish the reputation of any . But this let me manifest , that there haue bin and are certaine persons , who , before they goe to Sea , either robbe part of the provisions , or in the buying , make penurious , vnholsome , and avaritious penny-worths ; and the last I hold to be the lea●t ; for they robbe onely the Victuallers and owners , but the others steale from owners , victuallers , and companie , and are many times the onely overthrowers of the Voyage ; for the company thinking themselues to be stored with foure or sixe moneths Victualls , vpon survay , they find their Bread , Beefe , or Drinke short , yea , perhappes all , and so are forced to seeke home in time of best hopes , and imployment . This mischiefe is most ordinary in great actions . Lastly , some are so cunning , that they not onely make their voyage by robbing before they goe to Sea , but o● that also which commeth home . Such gamsters , a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the River of Thames , for Grinding both with flood and ebbe ; So , these at their going out , and comming home , will be sure to robbe all others of their shares : although this be a great abuse amongst vs , and but of late dayes practised , and by me spoken vnto by way of animadversion , either in hope of redresse , or for infliction of punishment ; yet I would haue the world know , that in other Countries , the fault is farre more insufferable . And the principall cause which I can finde for it , is that our Country imployeth her Nobles , of men of credite in all actions of moment , who rather chuse to spend wealth , and gaine honor , then to gaine riches without reputation ; whereas in Spaine , and other partes , the advancement of poore men and meane persons by favour and interest produceth no other end , but private and particular respects , to enrich themselues , yet the Nobilitie themselues ( for the most part ) in all occasions pretend rewards for any small service whatsoever , which with vs as yet is not in vse . But the greatest and most principall Robbery of all , in my opinion , is the defrauding , or detaining of the Companies thirdes or wages , accursed by the iust God , who forbiddeth the hyre of the labourer to sleepe with vs. To such I speake as either abuse themselues in detayning it ; or else to such as force the poore man to sell it at vile and low prices ; and lastly to such as vpon fained cavils and sutes , doe deterre the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions ; which being too much in vse amongst vs , hath bred in those that follow the Sea a iealousie in all imployments , and many times causeth mutenies and infinite inconveniences . A poynt deserving consideration and reformation , and which with great facilitie may be remedied , if vpright justice would put it selfe as stickler betwixt the owners and Company . No lesse worthie of reformation are the generall abuses of Marriners and Souldiers , who robbe all they can , vnder the colour of Pillage , and after make Ordinance , Cables , Sayles , Anchors , and all aboue Deckes , to belong vnto them of right , whether they goe by thirdes or wages ; this proceedeth from those pilfering warres , wherein every Gallant that can arme out a Shippe , taketh vpon him the name and office of a Captaine , not knowing what to command , nor what to execute . Such Commanders for the most part consort and ioyne vnto themselues disorderly persons , Pyrates , and Ruffians , vnder the title of men of valour and experience : they meeting with any Prise , make all vpon the Deckes theirs of dutie ; viz. the best peece of Ordinance for the Captaine ; the second , for the Gunner ; the third , for his Mate ; the best Cable and Anchor for the Master ; the Maine topsayle , for the Botesman , the bonnetts , for the quarter Masters ; and the rest of the Sayles for the company : The Cardes and Instruments of the Master , for the Master ; the Surgeans Instruments and Chest , for the Surgean ; the Carpenters Tooles and Chest for the Carpenter ; and so consequently of each officer , that answereth the other in the two Shippes . If one happen vpon a bag of Gold , Silver , Pearle , or precious Stones , it is held well gotten ; provided it be cleanly stolne , though the Shippe , and all her loading besides be not worth so much , little considering the common iniury , in defrauding the owners , victuallers , and whole Companie : and forgetting , that if himselfe were a jury-man vpon another in like case , he would adiudge him to the Gallows . But I would advise such Novices to know , that our true and auncient Discipline of Warre is farre different , and being vnderstood , is much more better for the generall . Besides , it is grounded on Gods law ( from whence all Lawes should be derived ) and true justice , which distributeth to every one that which to him belongeth of right , and that in due season . In the time of warre in our Countrey , as also in others , by the lawes of Oleron ( which to our auncient Sea-men were fundamentall ) nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparell , Armes , Instruments , and other necessaries belonging to the persons , in that shippe which is taken ; and these too , when the shippe is gained by dint of sword ; with a proviso , that if any perticular pillage , exceede the valew of sixe crownes , it may bee redeemed for that valew , by the generall stocke , and sould for the common benefit . If the prise render it selfe without forcible entry , all in generall ought to be preserved and sould in masse , and so equally devided : yea though the shippe bee wonne by force and entry , yet whatsoever belongeth to her of tackling , sayles , or Ordinance , is to bee preserved for the generalitie : saving a peece of Artillery for the Captaine ; another for the Gunner , and a Cable and Anchor for the Master , which are the rights due vnto them ; and these to be delivered , when the shippe is in safety , and in Harbour , eyther vnloaden or sould : which law or custome well considered , will rise to be more beneficiall for the owners , victuallars , and company ; then the disorders newly crept in and before remembred . For the Sayles , Cables , Anchors , and hull , being sould ( every one a part ) yeelde not the one halfe , which they would doe , if they were sould altogether , besides the excusing of charges , and robberies in the vnloading and parting . In the warres of Fraunce , in the time of Queene Mary , and in other warres ( as I haue heard of many auncient Captaines ) the Companie had but the fourth part , and every man bound to bring with him the Armes , with which hee would fight : which in our time , I haue knowne also vsed in Fraunce ; and if the Company victualed themselues , they had then the one halfe , and the owners the other halfe for the Shippe , powder , shott , and munition . If any prise were taken , it was sould by the Tunne , shippe and goods , so as the loading permitted it ; that the Marchant having bought the goods , hee might presently tran●port them whethersoever he would ; By this manner of proceeding , all rested contented , all being truely payd ; for this was iust dealing ; if any deserved reward , he was recompensed out of the generall stocke ; If any one had filched or stolne , or committed offence● hee had likewise his desert : And who once was knowne , to be a disordered person , or a theefe , no man would receiue him into his shippe , whereas now a dayes many vaunt themselues of their theftes and disorders ; yea I haue seene the common sort of Mariners , vnder the name of pillage , maintaine and iustifie their robberies most insolently , before the Queenes Maiesties commissioners , with arrogant and vnseemely termes , for that they would not condiscend to their vnreasonable challenges : The demaunds being better worth then fiue hundreth poundes , which some one pretended to be his ; and that of the choysest Marchandize , and most of it robbed out of that part of the shippe , which they themselues , and all the world cannot but confesse to be Marchandize . My opinion is , that such Malaperts , deserue most iustly to haue their spoyle taken from them , or some worse consideration , and afterwards to be severely punished , in prevention of greater preiudices , then can by paper be well declared . But I must tell you withall ( such hath beene the partiallitie of some Commissioners in former times ) that vpon information , in lieu of punishment , Opinion hath held them for tall fellowes , when , in truth , they never proue the best men in difficult occasions . For their mindes are all set on spoyle , and can bee well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt , whillest they are prolling after pillage , the better to gaine and mainetaine the aforesayd attributes , in Tavernes , and disorderly places . For the orderly and quiet men , I haue ever found in all occasions to bee of best vse , most valiant , and of greatest sufficiency . Yet I condemne none : but those who will bee reputed valiant , and are not , examine the accusation . All what soever is found vpon the decke , going for Marchandize , is exempted out of the censure of pillage ; Silkes , Linnen , or woollen cloth in whole peeces , apparell , that goeth to be sold , or other goods what soever ( though they be in remnants , ) manifestly knowne to be carryed for that end ; or being comprehended in the Register , or bils of lading , are not to bee contayned vnder the name of pillage . But as I haue sayd of the consort , so can I not but complaine of many Captaines and Governours , who overcome with like greedie desire of gaine , condiscend to the smoothering and suppressing of this auncient discipline , the cle●lier to smother their owne disloyalties , in suffering these breake-bulks to escape , and absent themselues , till the heate be past , and partition made . Some of these cause the bils of lading to bee cast into the Sea , or so to bee hidden , that they never appeare . Others send away their prisoners , who sometimes are more worth then the shippe and her lading , because they should not discover their secret stolne treasure ; for many times , that which is leaft out of the Register or bils of lading , ( with purpose to defraud the Prince of his Customes , ( in their conceits , held to be excessiue ) is of much more value , then that which the shippe and lading is worth . Yea I haue knowne shippes worth two hundreth thousand pounds , and better , cleane swept of their principall riches , nothing but the bare bulke being leaft vnsacked . The like may be spoken , of that which the disorderly Marriner , and the Souldier termeth pillage ; yet all winked at , and vnpunished , although such prizes haue beene rendred without stroake stricken . This doubtlesse , cannot but be an hearts greife and discouragement to all those who vertuously , and truely desire to obserue the auncient discipline of our Nation , their owne honours , and the service of their Soveraigne . But to prevent these vnknowne mischiefes , ( and for his better discharge ) I remember , that my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins in his instructions , in actions vnder his charge , had this particular Article ; That whosoever rendred , or tooke any shippe , should be bound to exhibite the bils of lading ; to keepe the Captaine , Master , Marchants , and persons of account , and to bring them to him to be examined , or into England ; If they should bee by any accident seperated from him , what soever was found wanting ( the prisoners being examined ) was to bee made good by the Captaine , and Company , which tooke the shippe , and this vpon great punishments . I am witnes , and avow , that this course did redownd much to the benefitt of the generall stocke ; to the satisfaction of her Maiestie , and Counsell ; the iustification of his governement , and the content of his followers . Thus much haue I set downe concerning these abuses , and the reformation thereof , for that , I haue neither seene them divulged by any , with whom I haue gone to Sea , neither yet recorded in writing , by any mans pen ; let consideration , present them to the eares of the powerfull ; But now to our Voyage . SECT . XLVI . RVnning alongst the coast , till wee came within few Leagues of Arica , nothing happened vnto vs of extraordinary noveltie , or moment , for we had the brese favourable , which seldome happeneth in this Climate , finding our selues in nineteene Degrees , wee haled the shore close abourd , purposing to see , if there were any shipping in the road of Arica . It standeth in a great large Bay , in eighteene degrees : and before you come to it , a league to the southwards of the roade and Towne , is a great round hill , higher then the rest of the land of the Bay , neere about the Towne : which wee having discovered , had sight presently of a small Barke , close abourd the shore becalmed ; manning our boate , wee tooke her , being loaden with fish from Moormereno ; which is a goodly head-land , very high , and lyeth betwixt twenty foure , and twenty fiue Degrees , and whether ordinarily some barkes vse to goe a fishing every yeare . In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians ; The Spaniard , for that hee was neere the shore , swam vnto the Rockes , and though wee offered to returne him his barke , and fish , ( as was our meaning ) yet hee refused to accept it , and made vs answere , that hee durst not , for feare least the Iustice should punish him . In so great subiection are the poore vnto those , who haue the administration of Iustice in those partes , and in most partes of the Kingdomes and Countries subiect to Spaine . Insomuch , that to heare the Iustice to enter in at their doores , is to them destruction and desolation : for this cause wee carried her alongst with vs. In this meane while , wee had sight of another tall shippe , comming out of the Sea , which wee gaue chase vnto , but could not fetch vpp , beeing too good of sayle ●or vs. Our small prize and boate standing off vnto vs , descryed another shippe , which they chased and tooke also , loaden with fish , comming from the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes . After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica , but seeing it cleane without shipping , wee haled the coast alongst , and going aboord to vi●it the bigger prize , my company ●aluted mee with a volley of small shot . Amongst them , one Musket brake , and carryed away the hand of him that shot it , through his owne default , which for that I haue seene to happen many times , I thinke it necessary to note in this place , that others may take warning by his harme . The cause of the Muskets breaking , was the charging with two bullets , the powder being ordayned to carry but the waight of one , and the Musket not to suffer two charges of powder or shott . By this over-sight , the fire is restrayned with the overplus of the waight of shott , and not being able to force both of them out , breaketh all to peeces , so to find a way to its owne center . And I am of opinion , that it is a great errour , to proue great Ordinance , or small shot , with double charges of powder , or shot , my reason is , for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot , which the Peece is to beare , and the powder correspondent to the waight of the bullet : and this being graunted , I see no reason why any man should require to proue his peece with more , then is belonging to it of right : for I haue seene many goodly peeces broken with such tryals , being cleane without hony combes , cracke , flawe , or other perceavable blemish , which no doubt , with their ordinary allowance would haue served many yeares . Yea I haue beene certified by men of credit , that some Gunners haue taken a glory , for breaking many peeces in the tryall : which is easie to be done by sundry slights and meanes not fitt to bee published , much lesse to bee exercised , being preiudiciall to the seller , and chargeable to the Conscience of the practiser , therefore it were good , this excessiue tryall by double charges were cleane abolished . If I shoulde make choyce for my selfe , I would not willingly , that any peece should come into Fort , or Shippe , ( vnder my charge ) which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance , misdoubting , least , through the violence of the double charge , the Peece may bee crased within , or so forced , as at another occasion , with his ordinary allowance he might breake in peeces : how many men so many mindes : for to others , this may ●eeme harsh , for that the contrary custome hath so long time beene received , and therefore I submit to better experience , and contradict not but that in a demy Culvering , a man may put two Saker or Minion shots , or many of smaller waight : and so in a Muskett , two Calever shott , or many smaller , so they exceede not the ordinary waight , prescribed by proportion , Arte ; and experience . These experiments , I hold convenient vpon many occasions , yea and most necessary ; but the vaine custome of double charges , to cause their peeces thereby to giue a better report , I affirme can produce no other effect , but danger , losse and harme . SECT . XLVII . HAving visited our prises , and finding in them nothing but fish , we tooke a small portion for our victualing , and gaue the bigger shippe to the Spaniards againe , and the lesser wee kept , with purpose to make her our Pinnas . The Indians ( which wee tooke in her ) would by no meanes depart from vs , but desired to goe with vs for England ; saying that the Indian and English were brothers , and in all places where wee came , they shewed themselues much affectionated vnto vs , these were Natiues of Moremoreno , and the most brutish of all that ever I had seene ; and except it were in forme of men and speech , they seemed altogether voyde of that which appertained to reasonable men . They were expert swimmers ; but after the manner of Spaniels , they diue and abide vnder water a long time , and swallow the water of the Sea , as if it were of a fresh River , except a man see them , he would hardly beleeue how they continue in the Sea , as if they were Mermaides , and the water their naturall Element . Their Countrey is most barren , and poore of foode ; If they take a fish aliue out of the Sea , or meete with a peece of salted fish , they will devoure it without any dressing , as savourely as if it had beene most curiously sodden or dressed , all which makes me beleeue , that they sustaine themselues of that , which they catch in the Sea. The Spaniards profit themselues , of their labour and trauell , and recompence them badly , they are in worse condition then their slaues , for to those they giue sustenance , house-roome , and clothing , and teach them the knowledge of God ; but the other they vse as beastes , to doe their labour without wages , or care of their bodies , or soules . SECT . XLVIII . THwart of Ariquipa , the shippe we brought with vs from Balparizo , being very leake , and my Companie satisfied , that their hope to find any thing of worth in her , was vaine , having searched her from post to stemme , condiscended to fire her , and the rather , to keepe our Company together ; which could not well suffer any devision , more then of meere necessity : so by generall accord we eased our selues of her , and continued our course alongst the coast , till we came thwart , of the Bay of Pisco ; which lyeth within 15. Degrees and 15. minuts . Presently after wee were cleare of Cape Sangalean , and his Ilands , wee ranged this Bay with our Boate and Pinnace . It hath 2. small Ilands in it , but without fruite , and being becalmed , we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilec . By Sea and by Land , those of Clyly had given advise to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mend●ca , Marquis of Cavete , Vice-Roy of Peru , resident in Lima , of our being on the Coast. Hee presently with all possible diligence , put out sixe shippes in warlike order , with well neere two thousand men , and dispatched them to seeke vs , and to fight with vs , vnder the conduct of Don Beltrian de Castro Y delaluca , his wiues brother ; who departing out of the Port of Callao , turned to wind-ward , in sight over the shore , from whence they had dayly intelligence , where wee had beene discovered . And the next day after our departure out of Chilca , about the middle of May , at breake of day , wee had sight each of other , thwart of Cavete , wee being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado , some two leagues , and all with little , or no winde . Our Pinnace or prise being furnished with Oares came vnto vs , out of which we thought to haue taken our men , and so to leaue her ; but being able to come vnto vs at all times , it was held for better , to keepe her till necessity forced vs to leaue her : and so it was determined ; that if we came to likelihood of boording , shee should lay our Boate aboord , and enter all her men , and from thence to enter our shippe , and so to forsake her ▪ Although by the event in that occasion , this proved good , notwithstanding I hold it to bee reproved , where the Enemie is farre superior in multitude and force , and able to come and bourd , if hee list : and that the surest course , is to fortifie the principall , the best that may bee , and to cut-of all impediments , where a man is forced to defence ; for that no man is assured to haue time answerable to his purpose and will , and vpon doubt whether the others in hope to saue themselues , will not leaue him in greatest extremitie . SECT . XLIX . WEe presently put our selues in the best order wee could , to fight , and to defend our selues : our prayers we made vnto the Lord God of battails , for his helpe and our deliverance , putting our selues wholy into his hands . About nine of the Clocke , the Brese began to blow , and wee to stand off into the Sea , the Spaniards cheeke by iole with vs , ever getting to the wind-wards vpon vs ; for that the shipping of the South-sea , is euer moulded sharpe vnder water , and long ; all their voyages depending vppon turning to wind-wardes , and the Brese blowing ever Southerly . As the Sunne began to mount aloft , the wind began to fresh : which together with the Rowling Sea , that ever beateth vpon this Coast , comming out of the westerne-bourd , caused a chapping Sea , wherewith the Admirall of the Spaniards snapt his maine Mast asunder , and so began to lagge a sterne , and with him , other two shippes . The Vice-admirall split her maine-sayle , being come within shott of vs , vpon our broad side , but to le-wards : the Reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the middest , being a head of vs. One of the Armado , which had gotten vpon the broad side of vs , to wind-wards , durst not assault vs. With these disgraces vpon them , and the hand of God helping and d●livering vs , night comming , we began to consult what course was best to be taken , to free our selues ; wherein were divers opinions ; some sayd it was best to stand off to the Sea close by , all the night ; others to lye it a hull ; others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses , and after all the night to stand off to Sea close by . The Admirall of the Spaniards , with the other two , were a sterne of vs , some foure leagues ▪ the Vice-Admirall a mile right to le-wards of vs ; the Reare-Admirall in a manner right a head , some Culvering shott ; and one vpon our loose , within shott also , the Moone was to rise within two houres . After much debating , it was concluded , that wee should beare vp before the winde , and seeke to escape betwixt the Amirall , and the Vice-Admirall , which wee put in execution , not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them , but that of the Reare-Admirall : till after our surrender , when they recounted vnto vs all that had past . In the Morning at breake of day , wee were cleere of all our Enemies , and so shaped our course alongst the Coast , for the Bay of Atacumes , where we purposed to trim our Pinnace , and to renue our wood and water , and so to depart vpon our Voyage , with all possible speede . The Spanish Armado , returned presently to Callao , which is the Port of Lyma , or of the Citty of the Kings . It was first named Lyma , and retayneth also that name of the River , which passeth by the Citty called Lyma , the Spanish Armado being entred the Port , the people began to goe ashore , where they were so mocked , and scorned by the women , as scarce any one , by day would shew his face , they reviled them with the name of cowards and golnias , and craved licence of the Vice-roy , to bee admitted in their roomes , and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe . I haue beene certified for truth , that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides . This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced , as they vowed eyther to recover their reputation lost , or to follow vs into England , and so with expedition , the Vice-roy commaunded two shippes and a Pinnace , to bee put in order , and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest , and furnished them with victuals and munition . The foresayd Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs ; who ranged the Coastes and Ports , enforming himselfe what hee could ; Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma , in sight of Mongon , wee tooke a shippe halfe loaden with wheate , sugar , miell de Canas , and Cordovan skins : which for that shee was leake , and sayled badly , and tackled in such maner ( as the Marriners would not willingly put themselues into her ) wee tooke what was necessary for our provision and fired her . Thwart of Truxille , wee set the companie of her a shoare , with the Pilot which wee had taken in Balparizo , reserving the Pilot of the burnt shippe , and a Greeke , who chose rather to continue with vs , then to hazard their liues in going a shore ▪ for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa , ( which is in eight Degrees ) being required by the iustice , not to weigh anchor , before the Coast was knowne to be 〈◊〉 . It is a thing worthy to be noted , and almost incredible , with how few men they vse to sayle a shippe in the south Sea , for in this prise , which was aboue an hundred Tuns , were but eight persons : and in a shippe of three hundreth Tuns , they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons : yea I haue beene credibly enformed , that with foureteene persons , a shippe of fiue hundreth Tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma , deepe loaden : ( which is aboue two hundreth Leagues ) and are forced ever to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards , which is the greatest toyle and labour that t●e Marriners haue ; and slow sometimes in this voyage foure or fiue moneths , which is generall in all the navigations of this coast : But the security from stormes , and certainty of the Brese , ( with the desire to make their gaine the greater ) is the cause that every man forceth himselfe to the vttermost , to doe the labour of two men . SECT . L. IN the height of this Port of Santa , some seaven hundreth and fiftie leagues to the west-wards , lie the Ilands of Salomon , of late yeares discovered . At my being in Lyma , a Fleete of foure sayle was sent from thence to people them ; which through the emulation , and discord that arose amongst them , being landed and setled in the Countrey , was vtterly overthrowne , onely one shippe , with some few of the people , after much misery , got to the Philippines . This I came to the knowledge of , by a large relation written from a person of credit , and sent from the Philippines to Panama : I saw it , at my being there , in my voyage towards Spaine . Having edged neere the coast , to put the Spaniards on shore , a thicke fogge tooke vs , so that wee could not see the Land : but recovering our Pinnace and Boate , wee sayled on our course , till we came thwart of the Port called Malabrigo , It lieth in seaven Degrees . In all this coast the currant runneth with great force , but never keepeth any certaine course ; saving that it runneth alongst the coast , sometimes to the South-wards , sometimes to the North-wards ; which now running to the North-wards , forced vs so farre into the Bay ( which a point of the land causeth , that they call Punta de Augussa ) as thinking to cleere our selues by roving North-west , wee could not double this point , making our way , North North-west . Therefore speciall care is ever to bee had of the current : and doubtlesse , if the providence of Almighty God had not freede vs , wee had runne ashore vpon the Land , without seeing or suspecting any such danger ; His name bee ever exalted and magnified , for delivering vs from the vnknowne daunger , by calming the winde all night : the Sunnes rising manifested vnto vs our errour and peril , by discovering vnto vs the Land , within 2 leagues , right a head . The current had caried vs without any wind , at the least 4. leagues ; which seene , and the winde beginning to blow , wee brought our tackes abourd , and in short time cleared our selues . Thwart of this point of Augussa , lie two desert Ilandes ; they call them Illas de Lobos , for the the multitude of Seales , which accustome to haunt the shore . In the bigger is very good harbour , and secure : they lie in sixe Degrees and thirtie minutes . The next day after , wee lost sight of those Ilands , being thwar● of Payta , which lyeth in fiue Degrees and having manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port , wee had sight of a tall shippe , which having knowledge of our being on the Coast , and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea , then in the harbour , put her selfe then vnder sayle : to her wee gaue chase all that night , and the next day , but in fine being better of sayle then wee , shee freed her selfe . Thus being too lee-ward of the Harbour , and discovered , we continued our course alongst the shore . That Evening , wee were thwart of the River of Guayaquill , which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands : the Souther-most and biggest , called Puma , in three Degrees , and the other , to the North-wards , Santa clara . P●ma is inhabited , and is the place where they build their principall shipping ; from-his River , Lima and all the valleys are furnished with Timber , for they haue none but that which is brought from hence , or from the kingdome of Chile . By this River passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito , it is Navigable some leagues into the Land , and hath great abundance of Timber . Those of the Peru , vse to ground and trim their shippes in Puma , or in Panama , and in all other partes they are forced to carene their shippes . In Puma , it higheth and falleth , fifteene or sixteene foote water , and from this Iland , till a man come to Panama , in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse ; keeping the ordinarie course , which the Tides doe in all Seas . The water of this River , by experience , is medicinable , for all aches of the bones , for the stone , and strangurie ; the reason which is given is , because all the bankes , and low land adioyning to this River , are replenished with Salsaperillia : which lying for the most part soaking in the water , it participateth of this vertue , and giveth it this force . In this River , and all the Rivers of this coast , are great abundance of Alagartoes ; and it is sayd that this exceedeth the rest , for persons of credit haue certified mee , that as small fishes in other Rivers abound in scoales , so the Alagartoes in this , they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards , and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within their clutches . SECT . LI. SOme fiue or sixe Leagues to the North-wards of Puma , is la Punta de Santa Elena ; vnder which is good anchoring , cleane ground , and reasonable succour . Being thwart of this point , wee had sight of a shippe , which we chased , but being of better saile then we , and the night comming on , we lost sight of her ; and so anchored vnder the Isla de plata ; to recover our Pinnace and Boate , which had gone about the other point of the Iland , which lyeth in two Degrees , and fortie minutes . The next day we past in sight of Puerto Viejo , in two degrees ten minutes ; which lying without shipping , wee directed our course for Cape Passaos . It lyeth directly vnder the Equinoctiall line ; some fourescore leagues to the west-wards of this Cape , lyeth a heape of Ilands , the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos ; They are desert and beare no fruite : from Cape Passaos , wee directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco , which lyeth in one degree to the North-wardes of the lyne ; and being thwart of it , wee descried a small shippe , which wee chased all that day and night ; and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her ; but being a shippe of advise , and full of passengers , and our shippe not able to fetch her vp , they entreated our people badly , and freed themselues , though the feare they conceived , caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King , as also of particulars into the sea , with a great part of their loading , to bee lighter , and better of sayle , for the shippes of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters , or sand barges , presuming vpon the securitie from stormes . SECT . LII . BEing out of hope to fetch vp this shippe , wee stoode in with the Cape , where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards . The Cape is high land , and all covered over with Trees , and so is the land over the Cape , and all the coast ( from this Cape to Panama ) is full of wood , from the Staites of Magelan , to this cape of San Francisco . In all the coast from head-land to head-land , the courses lye betwixt the North and north and by west , and sometimes more westerly , and that but seldome : It is a bolde Coast , and subiect to little foule weather , or alteration of windes , for the Brese , which is the sowtherly wind , bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco , except it be a great chance . Trending about the Cape , wee haled in East North-east , to fetch the Bay of Atacames , which lyeth some seaven Leagues from the Cape . In the mid way ( some three leagues from the shore ) ly●th a banke of sand , whereof a man must haue a care ; for in some parts of it , there is but little water . The tenth of Iune , wee came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames , which on the wester part hath a round hammock . It seemeth an Iland , and in high springes , I iudge , that the sea goeth round about it . To the East-wards it hath a high sandie cliffe , and in the middest of the Bay , a faire birth , from the shore lyeth a bigge black Rocke aboue water : from this Rocke , to the sandie cliffe , is a drowned Marsh ground , caused by his lownesse ; And a great River , which is broad , but of no depth . Manning our boate , and running to the shore , we found presently in the westerne bight of the Bay , a deepe River , whose indraught was so great , that we could not benefit our selues of it , being brackish , except at a low water ; which hindred our dispatch , yet in fiue dayes , wee filled all our emptie Caske , supplied our want of wood , and grounded and put in order our Pinnace . Here , for that our Indians served vs to no other vse , but to consume our victuals , we eased our selues of them ; gaue them hookes and lines which they craved , and some bread for a few dayes , and replanted them in a farre better countrey , then their owne , which fell out luckely for the Spaniards of the shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco ; for victuals growing short with her , having many mouthes , shee was forced to put a shore fiftie of her passengers , neere the Cape ; wherof more then the one halfe dyed with famine , and continual wading through Rivers and waters : the rest ( by chance ) meeting with the Indians , which wee had put ashore , with their fishing , guide , and industry were refreshed , susteyned , and brought to habitation . SECT . LIII . OVr necessary busines being ended , wee purposed the fifteenth day of May , in the morning , to set sayle , but the foureteenth in the Evening , we had sight of a shippe , some three leagues to Sea wards ; and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie , I condiscended that our Pinnas should giue her chase ▪ which I should not haue done , for it was our destruction ; I gaue them precise order , that if they stood not in againe at night , they should seeke mee at Cape San Francisco , for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay , and so seeing that our Pinnas slowed her comming , at nine of the clocke in the morning , wee weyed our Anchors , and stoode for the Cape ; where wee beate off and on two dayes ; and our Pinnas not appearing , wee stood againe into the Bay , where wee descried her , turning in without a maine Mast , which standing off to the Sea , close by , with much winde , and a chapping Sea , bearing a taunt-sayle , where a little was too much ( being to small purpose ) sodainely they bare it by the bourd ; and standing in with the shore , the winde , or rather God blinding them , for our punishment , they knewe not the land ; and making themselues to bee to wind-wards of the Bay , bare vp and were put into the Bay of San Mathew ; It is a goodly Harbour , and hath a great fresh River , which higheth fifteene or sixteene foote water , and is a good countrey , and well peopled with Indidians , they haue store of Gold and Emeralds , heere the Spaniards from Guayaquill , made an habitation , whilst I was prisoner in Lyma , by the Indians consent ; but after not able to suffer the insolencies of their guests , and being a people of sto●acke and presumption , they suffered themselues to bee perswaded , and led by a Molato . This leader many yeares before had fled vnto them from the Spaniards , him they had , long time , held in reputation of their Captaine Generall , and was admitted also vnto a chiefe Office by the Spaniardes , to gaine him vnto them . But now the Indians vniting themselues together , presuming that by the helpe of this Molato , they should force the Spaniards out of the Countrey , put their resolution in execution , droue their Enemies into the woods , and s●ue as many as they could lay hands on , some they killed , few escaped with life ; and those who had that good happe , suffered extreame misery , before they came to Quito ; the place of neerest habitation of Spaniards . To this Bay , assoone as our people in the Pynnas saw their errour , they brought their tackes abourd , and turned and tyded it vp , as they could . Assoone as we came to Anchor , I procured to remedie that was amisse ; in two daies we dispatched all we had to doe , and the next morning we resolued to set sayle and to leaue the coast of Peru and Quito . The day appearing , we began to weigh our Anchors , and being a Pike ready to cut sayle , one , out of the toppe , descryed the Spanish Armado , comming about the Cape : which by the course it kept , presently gaue vs to vnderstand , who they were : though my company ( as is the custome of Sea men , ) made them to be the Fleete bound for Panama , loden with treasure , and importuned , that in all hast , we should cut sayle & stand with them , which I contradicted , for that , I was assured , that no shipping would stirre vppon the coast , till they had securitie of our departure ( except some Armado , that might be sent to seeke vs , ) and that it was not the time of the yeare to carry the treasure to Panama . And besides in Riding still at an Anchor , they euer came neerer vnto vs ; for they stood directly with vs , and we kept the weather gage ; where if we had put our selues vnder sayle ( the ebbe in hand ) we should haue giuen them the aduantage , which we had in our power , by reason of the point of the Bay. And being the Armado ( as it was ) we gained time to fit our selues , the better to fight . And truly ( as before , to a stiffe-necked horse , ) so now againe , I cannot but resemble the condition of the Marriner to any thing better , then to the current of a furious Riuer , repressed by force or art , which neuerthelesse ceaseth not to seeke a way to ouerthrow both fence and banke : Euen so the common sort of Sea-men , apprehending a conceite in their imaginations , neither experiment , knowledge , examples , reasons nor authority can alter or remoove them from their conceited opinions . In this extremitie , with reason I laboured to conuince them , and to contradict their pretences ; But they altogether without reason , or against reason , breake out , some into vaunting and bragging , some into reproaches of want of courage , others into wishings , that they had neuer come out of their countrey , if we should refuse to fight with two shippes whatsoeuer . And to mend the matter , the Gunner ( for his part ) assured me that with the first tire of shott : he would lay the one of them in the sods : And our Pynace , that she would take the other to taske . One promised , that he would cut downe the mayne yard , another that he ●ould take their flagge ; And all in generall shewed a great desire to come to tryall with the enemy . To some I turned the deafe eare , with others I dissembled , and armed my selfe with patience ( hauing no other defence nor remedie for that occasion ) soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised , and perswaded them to haue a little sufferance , seeing they gained time , and aduantage by it . And to giue them better satisfaction I condiscended , that our Captaine with a competent number of men , should with our Pinnace goe to discouer them ; with order , that they should not engage themselues in that manner , as they might not be able to come vnto vs , or we to succour them . In all these divisions and opinions , our Master Hugh Dormish ( who was a most sufficient man for gouernment and valour , and well saw the errors of the multitude ) vsed his office , a● became him ; and so did all those of best vnderstanding . In short space , our Pinnace discouered what they were , and casting about to returne vnto vs , the Vice-admirall ( being next her ) began with her chace to salute her with three or foure peeces of Artilery , and so continued chasing her , and gunning at her . My company seeing this , now began to change humour ; And I , then , to encourage , and perswade them to performe the execution of their promises and vaunts of valour , which they had but euen now protested , and giuen assurance of , by their proferres and forwardnesse . And that we might haue Sea-roome to fight , we presently weighed Anchor , and stood off to Sea with all our sayles , in hope to get the weather gage of our contraries . But the winde scanting with vs , and larging with them , we were forced to leeward . And the Admirall weathering vs , came rome vpon vs : which being within Musket shott , we hayled first with our noise of Trumpets , then with our Waytes , and after with our Artilery : which they answered with Artilery ; two for one . For they had double the Ordinance we had , and almost tenne men for one . Immediately they came shoring abourd of vs , vpon our lee quarter , contrary to our expectation , and the custome of men of Warre . And doubtlesse , had our Gunner beene the man he was reputed to be , and as the world sould him to me , shee had receiued great hurt by that manner of bourding : But contrary to all expectation , our stearne peeces were vnprimed , and so were all those , which we had to leward ( saue halfe one in the quarter ) which discharged wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had fiue or sixe foot water in hold , before they suspected it . Hereby all men are to take warning by me , not to trust any man in such extremities , when he himselfe may see it done : and comming to fight , let the Chiefetaine himselfe be sure to haue all his Artilery in a readinesse , vpon all occasions . This was my ouersight , this my ouerthrow . For I , and all my company , had that satisfaction of the sufficiencie , and care of our Gunner , as not any one of vs euer imagined there would be any defect found in him . For my part , I , with the rest of our Officers , occupied our selues in cleering our deckes , laceing our nettings , making of Bulwarkes , arming our toppes , fitting our wast-cloathes , tallowing our pikes , slinging our yards , doubling our sheetes , and tackes , placing and ordering our people , and procuring that they should be well fitted and prouided of all things ; leauing the Artilery , and other instruments of fire , to the Gunners dispose and order , with the rest of his Mates and adherents : which ( as I said ) was part of our perdition . For bearing me euer in hand , that he had fiue hundred Cartreges in a readinesse , within one houres fight , we were forced to occupie three persons , only in making and filling Cartreges , and of five hundreth Elles of Canvas and other Cloth giuen him for that purpose , at sundry times , not one yard was to be found . For this we have no excuse , and therefore could not avoyde the danger , to charge and discharge with the ladell , especially in so hotte a fight . And comming now to put in execution the sinking of the shippe , as he promised , he seemed a man without life or soule . So the Admirall comming close vnto vs , I my selfe , and the Master of our Shippe , were forced to play the Gunners . Those instruments of fire , wherein he made me to spend excessiuely ( before our going to Sea ) now appeared not ; Neither the brasse Balles of Artificiall fire , to be shott with slurbowes ( whereof I had six bowes , & two hundreth bals , and which are of great account & seruice , either by Sea or Land ) he had stowed them in such manner , ( though in double barrels ) as the salt water had spoyled thē all ; so that comming to vse them , not one was serviceable . Some of our Company had him in suspition , to be more friend to the Spaniards , then to vs ; for that he had served some yeares in the Tercera , as Gunner , and that he did all this of purpose . Few of our peeces were cleere , when we came to vse them , and some had the shott first put in , and after the powder . Besides , after our surrendry ; it was laid to his charge , that he should say ; he had a brother that served the King in the Peru , and that he thought he was in the Armado ; and how he would not for all the world , he should be slaine . Whether this were true or no , I know not , but I am sure all in generall gave him an ill report , and that he , in whose hands the chiefe execution of the whole fight consisted , executed nothing as was promised and expected . The griefe and remembrance of which oversights once againe inforceth me to admonish all Captaines and Commanders hereby to take aduice , now and then to survey their officers and storeroomes ; the oftener , the better ; that so their defects and wants may be supplied in time ; Neuer relying too much vpon the vulgar report , nor giuing too much credite to smooth tongues and boasting Companions . But to performe this taske , it is requisite that all Captaines , and Commanders were such , and so experimented in all offices , that they might be able as well to controule as to examine all manner of errors in officers . For the government at Sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience . The deficiency whereof hath occasioned some ancient Sea-men , to straighten the attribute of Marriner in such sort , as that it ought not to be giuen , but to the man , who is able to build his shippe , to fit and prouide her of all things necessary , and after to carry her about the world : the residue , to be but saylers . Hereby giuing vs to vnderstand , that though it is not expedient , that he should be an Axe-Carpenter , to hewe , cut , frame , and mould each timber piece , yet that he should know the parts and peeces of the shippe , the value of the timber , planke and yron-worke , so to be able aswell to build in proportion , as to procure all materials at a iust price . And againe though it be not expected , that he should sowe the sayles , arme the shrowds , and put the tackling over head , yet is it requisite that should know how to cut his sayles , what length is Competent to every Roape , and to be of sufficiency to reprehend and reforme those who erre , and doe amisse . In providing his shippe with victualls , munition and necessaries , of force it must be expected : that he be able to make his estimate , and ( that once provided , and perfected ) in season , and with expedition to see it loden and stowed commodiously , with care and proportion . After that , He is to order the spending thereof , that in nothing he be defrauded at home , and at Sea , euer to know , how much is spent , and what remaineth vnspent . In the Art of Nauigation , he is bound also to know , so much , as to be able to giue directions to the Pilote and Master ; and consequently to all the rest of inferiour officers . SECT . LIIII . MY meaning is not that the Captaine ( or Gouernour ) should be tyed to the actuall toyle , or to intermeddle with all offices , ( for that were to binde him to impossibilities , to diminish and abase his authoritie , and to depriue the other officers of their esteemes and of that that belongeth vnto them , which were a great absurditie . ) But my opinion is , that he should be more then superficially instructed and practised in the imployments . Yea I am verily perswaded , that the more absolute authoritie any Commander giveth to hi● vnder officers , being worthy of it , the sweeter is the Command , and the more respected and beloued the Commander . For in matter of guide and disposing of the Saylers , with the tackling of the Shippe , and the workes which belong thereunto , within bourd and without , all is to be committed to the Masters charge . The Pilote is to looke carefully to the Sterridge of the Shippe , to be watchfull in taking the heights of Sunne and Starre ; to note the way of his Shippe , with the augmenting and lessening of the winde , &c. The Boateswayne is to see his Shippe kept cleane ; his Mastes , yards and tacklings well coated , matted and armed ; his shroudes and stayes well set ; his sayles repayred , and sufficiently prevented with martnets , blayles , and Caskettes ; his boate fitted with Sayle , Oares , thougts , tholes danyd , windles and rother ; His Anchors well boyed , safely stopped and secured , with the rest to him appertaining . The Steward is to see the preservation of Vittayles and necessaries , committed vnto his charge ; and by measure and weight , to deliuer the portions appointed , and with discretion and good tearmes , to giue satisfaction to all . The Carpenter is to veiw the mastes and yards , the sides of the Shippe , her deckes and cabines ; her pumpes and boate ; and moreouer to occupie himselfe in the most forceible workes , except he be otherwise commanded . The Gunner is to care for the britching and tackling of his Artilery ; the fitting of his shott , Tampkins , coynes , crones and linstockes , &c. To be provident in working his fire workes , in making and filling his Cartreges ; in accommodating his ladles , sponges and other necessaries ; in sifting and drying his powder ; in cleaning the armes , munition , and such like workes , intrusted vnto him . In this manner every officer , in his office , ought to be an absolute Commander , yet readie in obedience and loue , to sacrifice his will to his superiours command : This cannot but cause vnitie ; and vnitie cannot but purchase a happie issue to dutifull trauelles . Lastly , except it be in vrgent and precise cases , the Head should neuer direct his command to any , but the officers , and these secretly , except the occasion require publication ; or that , it touch all in generall . Such orders would be ( for the most part ) in writing , that all might know what in generall is commanded and required . SECT . LV. ANd as the wise husband-man , in walking from ground to ground , beholdeth one plowing ; another harrowing ; another sowing ; and lopping ; another pruning ; one hedging ; another threshing ; and divers occupied in severall labours : Some he commendeth , others he reproacheth ; others he adviseth ; and to another he saith nothing , ( for that he seeth him in the right way : and all this ; for that he knoweth and vnderstandeth what they all doe , better then they themselues , though busied in their ordinary workes : ) euen so , a worthy Commander at Sea , ought to haue the eyes , not only of his body , but also of his vnderstanding , continually , set ( with watchfull care ) vpon all men , and all their workes vnder his charge ; imitating the wise husband-man ; first to know , and then to command ; and lastly , to will their obedience voluntary , and without contradiction . For who knoweth not that ignorance many times commandeth that , which it vnderstandeth not ; which the Artist perceiving , first disdaineth , afterwards disesteemeth , and finally in these great actions , which admit no temporizing , either he wayueth the respect of dutie , or faintly performeth the behest of his superiour , vpon euery slight occasion , either in publike opposing , or in private murmuring : the smallest of which , is most pernicious , Thus much ( not amisse ) for Instruction . SECT . LVI . THe reason why the Admirall came to leewardes , ( as after I vnderstood ) was for that her Artillery being very long , and the wind fresh , bearing a taunt sayle , to fetch vs vp , and to keepe vs company , they could not vse their Ordinance to the weather of vs , but lay shaking in the wind : And doubtlesse , it is most proper for shippes , to haue short Ordinance , except in the sterne or chase . The reasons are many : viz. easier charging , ease of the shippes side , better traversing , and mounting , yea , greater security of the Artillery , and consequently of the ship . For the longer the peece is , the greater is the retention of the fire , and so the torment and danger of the peece the greater . But here will be contradiction by many , that dare avouch that longer peeces are to be preferred ; for that they burne their powder better , and carrie the shott further , and so necessarily of better execution ; whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without burning , and workes thereby the slenderer effect . To which I answere , that for Land service , Fortes , or Castles , the long peeces are to bee preferred ; but for shipping , the shorter are much more serviceable . And the powder in them , being such as it ought , will be all fiered long before the shott can come forth ; and to reach farre in fights at sea , is to little effect : For hee that purposeth to annoy his Enemie , must not shoote at randome , nor at point blanke , if hee purpose to accomplish with his devoire , nether must he spend his shott , nor powd●r , but where a pot-gun may reach his contrary ; how much the neerer , so much the better : and this duely executed , the short Artillery will worke its effect , as well as the long ; otherwise , neither short , nor long are of much importance : but here , my meaning is no● , to approue the overshort peeces , devised by some persons , which at every shott they make , daunce out of their cariages , but those of indifferent length , and which keepe the meane , betwixt seaven and eight foote . SECT . XLVII . THe entertainement wee gaue vnto our contraries , being otherwise then was expected , they fell off , & ranged a head , having broken in peeces all our gallerie : and presently they cast about vpon vs , and being able to keepe vs company , with their fighting sayles lay a weather of vs , ordinarily within Musket shott ; playing continually with them and their great Artillerie ; which we endured , and answered as we could . Our Pinnace engaged her selfe so farre , as that before shee could come vnto vs , the Vice-admirall had like to cut her off , and comming to lay vs aboord , and to enter her men , the Vice-admirall boorded with her : so that some of our company entred our ship over her bow-sprit , as they themselues reported . We were not a little comforted with the fight of our people in safetie , within our shippe , for in all , wee were but threescore and fifteene , men , and boyes , when we began to fight , and our Enemies thirteene hundred men and boyes ; little more or lesse , and those of the choise of Peru. SECT . LVIII . HEere it shall not be out of the way , to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline , and manner of their governement in generall ; which is in many things different to ours . In this expedition came two Generals , the one Don Beltran de Castro , who had the absolute authoritie and commaund : The other Michael Angell Filipon , a man well in yeares , and came to this preferment by his long and painefull service , who though he had the title of Generall by sea , I thinke it was rather of courtesie then by Pattent ; and for that hee had beene many yeares Generall of the south Sea , for the carriage and wa●tage of the silver from Lyma to Panama ; Hee seemed to bee an assistant , to supply that with his counsell , advice , and experience , whereof Don Beltran had never made tryall ( for hee commanded not absolutely , but with the confirmation of Don Beltran ) for the Spaniards neuer giue absolute authoritie to more then one . A custome that hath beene , and is approoued in all Empires , Kingdomes , Common-wealthes , and Armies , rightly disciplined : the mixture hath been seldome seene to prosper , as will manifestly appeare , if we consider the issue of all actions and iourneys committed to the government of two , or more generally . The famous victory of Hanniball against the Romane Consuls Paulus Emillius and Terrentius Varro , was attributed to their equality of government . The vnhappie ouerthrow , giuen by the Turke Amurate to the Christian Princes , in the Iourney of Nicapolis , is held to haue proceeded from the difference betwixt the Heads ; euery one leaning to his owne opinion . The ouerthrow in recouerie of the Holy land , vndertaken by King Richard of England , and King Philip of France , sprang from the like differences and dissentions . The victory of the Emperour Charles the fifth , against the Protestant Princes of Germanie , is imputed to their distractures arising from parity in command . If we looke into our owne actions , committed to the charge of two Generals , th● effects and fruits which they haue brought forth , ( for the most part , ) will be found to be little better : yea , most of them through emulation , envie and pride , overthrowne , and brought to nought ; though to couer their confusions , there haue neuer beene wanting cloakes and colours . The most approoved writers reprooue , and call it a monster with two heads , and not without reason . For if the Monarchy be generally approoued , for strongest , soundest , and most perfect , and most sufficient to sustaine it selfe ; And the Democracie and Aristocracie , vtterly reprooued , as weake , feeble and subiect to innovations and infirmities ; it cannot be but errour , confusion , and imperfection to differ or dissent from it . For where the supreame government is divided betwixt two or more , the Authoritie is diminished , and so looseth his true force , as a fagget of stickes , whose bond being broken , the entire strength is easily dissolued : but all vnder correction . The Spaniards in their Armadoes by Sea , imitate the discipline , order and officers , which are in an Army by land , and divide themselues into three bodies ; to wit Souldiers , Marriners and Gunners . Their Souldiers , ward and watch , and their officers in every Shippe round , as if they were on the shoare ; this is the only taske they vndergoe , except cleaning their Armes , wherein they are not , ouer curious . The Gunners are exempted from all labour and care , except about the Artillery . And these are either Almaynes , Flemmings , or strangers ; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art. The Marriners are but as slaues to the re●t , to moyle and to toyle , day and night , and those but few and bad , and not suffered to sleepe , or harbour themselues , vnder the deckes . For in faire or fowle weather , in stormes , sunne or raine , they must passe voyde of couert or succour . There is ordinarily in every shippe of Warre , a Captaine ; whose charge is , as that of our Masters with vs , and al●o a Captaine of the Souldiers , who commandeth the Captaine of the Shippe , the Souldiers , Gunners and Marriners in her ; yea , though there be diuers Captaines , with their companies in one shippe , ( which is vsuall amongst them , ) yet one hath the supreme authoritie , and the residue are at his ordering and disposing . They haue their Mastros de Campo , Seargeant , Master , Generall ( or Captaine ) of the Artillery , with their Assere Maior , and all other officers , as in a Campe. If they come to fight with another Armado , they order themselues as in a bat●ell by land ; In a Vanguard , rereward , maine battell , and wings , &c. In every particular shippe the souldiers are set all vpon the deckes ; their forecastle they account their head Front , or Vangard of their company ; that abast the Ma●t , the rereward ; and the wa●te , the mayne battell ; wherein they place their principall force , and on which they principally relye ; which they call their placa de armas or place of Armes : which taken , their hope is lost . The Gunners fight not , but with their great Artillery : the Marriners attend only to the tackling of the shippe , and handling of the sayles ; and are vnarmed , and subiect to all misfortunes ; not permitted to shelter themselues , but to be still alof● , whether it be necessary or needlesse . So ordinarily , those which first fayle , are the Marriners and Saylers ; of which they haue greatest neede . They vse few close fights or fireworkes ; and all this proceedeth ( as I iudge ) of errour in placing land Captaines , for Governours and Commanders by Sea ; where they seldome vnderstand what is to be done or commanded . Some that haue beene our prisoners , haue perfited themselues of that , they haue seene amongst vs : and others disguised , vnder colour of treaties , for ransoming of prisoners , for bringing of presents , and other Imbassages , haue noted our forme of shipping , our manner of defences , and discipline : Sithence which espiall , in such actions as they haue beene imployed in , they seeke to imitate our gouerment , and reformed discipline at Sea : which doubtlesse is the best , and most proper , that is at this day knowne , or practised in the whole world , if the execution be answerable to that which is knowne and receiued for true and good amongst vs. In the Captaine ( for so the Spaniards call their Admirall ) was an English Gunner , who to gaine grace with those vnder whom hee serued , preferred himselfe , and offered to sinke our shippe with the first shott he made : who , by the Spaniards relation , being travesing of a peece in the bowe , to make his shott , had his head carryed away with the first , or second shott , made out of our shippe . It slew also two or three of those which stood next him . Which may be a good and gentle warning for all those , who mooued either with couetousnesse , or with desire of reuenge , or in hope of worldly promotion , or other respect whatsoeuer ; doe willingly and voluntarily serue the enemie , against their owne nation : nulla causa insta videri potest , adversus patriam arma capiendi . And if we consider the end of those , who haue thus erred , wee shall finde them for the most part lamentable , and most miserable . At the least , those whom I haue knowne , haue liued to be pointed at , with detestation , and ended their liues in beggery , voyde of reputation . SECT . LIX . THE fight continued so hott on both sides , that the Artillery and Muskets neuer ceased playing . Our contraries , towards the euening , determined the third time to lay vs abourd , with resolution to take vs , or to hazard all . The order they set downe for the execution hereof , was , that the Captaine ( or Admirall ) should bring himselfe vppon our weather bowe , and so fall abourd of vs , vpon our broade side : And that the Viceadmirall , should lay his Admirall abourd vppon his weather quarter , and so enter his men into her ; that from her , they might enter vs , or doe as occasion should minister . The Captaine of the Viceadmirall , being more hardy then considerate , and presuming with his shippe and company to get the price , and chiefe honour ; wayted not the time to put in execution the direction giuen , but presently came abourd to wind wards vppon our broad side . Which doubtlesse was the great and especiall providence of Almightie God , for the discouraging of our enemies , and animating of vs. For although shee was as long , or rather longer then our shippe , being rarely built , and vtterly without fights or defence ; what with our Muskets , and what with our fire-works we cleered her deckes in a moment ; so that scarce any person appeared . And doubtlesse if we had entred but a dozen men , we might haue enforced them to haue rendred vnto vs , or taken her , but our company being few , and the principall of them slaine , or hurt , we durst not , neither was it wisedome , to aduenture the separation of those , which remained : and so held that for the best and soundest resolution , to keepe our forces together in defence of our owne . The Viceadmirall seeing himselfe in great distresse , called to his Admirall for succour : who presently laid him abourd , and entred a hundreth of his men , and so cleered themselues of vs. In this bourding the Viceadmirall had at the least thirtie and sixe men hurt , and slaine ; and amongst them his Pilote shot through the body , so as he dyed presently . And the Admirall also receiued some losse ; which wrought in them a new resolution ; only with their Artillery to batter vs ; and so with time to force vs to surrender , or to sinke vs ; which they put in execution ; and placing themselues within a Musket shott of our weather quarter , and sometimes on our broad side , lay continually beating vpon vs without intermission ; which was doubtlesse the best and securest determination they could take , for they being rare shippes , and without any manner of close fights , in bourding with vs , their men were all open vnto vs , and we vnder couert and shelter . For on all parts our shippe was Musket free , and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side ( the shippes bei●g once grapled together ) except we resolued to sacrifice our selues together in fire . For it is impossible , if the great Ordinance play ( the shippes being bourded ) but that they must set fire on the shippe they shoote at ; and then no surety can be had to free himselfe , as experience daily confirmeth . For a peece of Artillery most properly resembleth a thunderclap , which breaking vpwards , or on the side , hurteth not ; for that the fire hath scope to dispence it selfe without finding resistance , till the violence which forceth it taketh end , and so it mounts to its center : but breaking downe right or stooping downwards , and finding resistance or impediment ( before the violence that forceth it take end , being so subtill and penetrable a substance ) passeth and pierceth so wonderfully , as it leaueth the effect of his execution in all points answerable to his leuell and nighnesse . For if the clouds be nigh the earth ( as some are higher , some lower ) and breake down-wards , the violence wherewith the fire breaketh out is such , and of so strange an execution , that men haue beene found dead , without any outward signe in their flesh , and yet all their bones burnt to dust . So the blade of the sword hath beene found broken all to peeces in the scabard , and the scabard whole without blemish : And a cristall glasse all shiuered in peeces , his couer and case remaining sound , which commeth to passe , for that in the flesh , in the scabard , and in the case , the fire being so subtile of nature , findeth easie passage without resistance , but the bones , the blade , the Cristall , being of substance more solide , maketh greater resistance , and so the fire with the more fury worketh the more his execution in its obiects . As was seene in the Spanish Admirall ( or Captaine ) after my imprisonment , crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco , a Rayo ( for so the Spaniards call a thund●rclappe ) brake ouer our shippe , killed one in the fore-toppe , astoni●hed either two or three in the shroudes , and split the Mast in strange manner ; where it entred , it could hardly be descerned , but where it came forth , it draue out a great splinter before it ; and the man slaine , was cleane in a manner without signe or token of hurt , although all his bones turned to powder , and those who liued , and recouered , had all their bodies blacke , as burnt with fire , which plainly declareth and confirmeth that aboue said , and may serue to iudge in such occasions of persons hurt with thunder : for if they complaine of their bones , and haue little signe of the fire , their hazard of death is the greater , then when the fire hath left greater impressions outward . The fire out of a cloude worketh like effect only , where it leveleth directly , as experience daily teacheth ; killing those who are opposite , hurting those who are neere , And only terrifying those who are further distant . In like manner the peece of Ordinance hurteth not those which stand aside , nor those which stand a slope from his mouth , but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his levell : though sometimes the winde of the shott ouerthroweth one , and the splin●ers ( being accidents ) mayne and hurt others . But principally where the peece doth resemble the thunderclappe , as when the shippes are bourded . For then , although the Artillery be discharged without shott , the fury of the fire , and his piercing nature is such , as it entreth by the seames , and all parts of the ships sides , and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch , Tarre , Ocombe , and sometimes with powder , presently conuerteth all into flames . For auoyding whereof , as also the danger and damage which may come by pikes and other inventions of fire , and if any shippe be oppressed with many shippes at once , and subiect by them to be bourded ; I hold it a good course to strike his fire and mayne yards close to his decke , and to fight with sprit-saile , and myson , and top-sayles loose : so shall he be able to hinder them from oppressing him . Some haue thought it a good pollicy to launce out some ends of Mastes or yards by the ports or other parts : but this is to be vsed in the greater shippes , for in the lesser , though they be neuer so strong , the waight of the bigger will beate out the opposite sides , and doe hurt , and make great spoyle in the lesser . And in bourding , ordinarily the lesser shippe hath all the harme , which the one shippe can doe vnto the other . Here is offered to speake of a point much canvassed amongst Carpenters , and Sea Captaines , diversly maintained , but yet vndetermined : that is , whether the race or loftie built shippe , bee best for the Merchant , and those which imploy themselues in trading : I am of opinion , that the race shippe is most conuenient ; yet so , as that every perfect shippe ought to haue two deckes , for the better strengthening of her ; the better succouring of her people ; the better preseruing of her Merchandize and victuall , and for her greater safetie from sea and stormes . But for the Princes shippes , and such as are imployed continually in the warres , to be built loftie I hold very necessary for many reasons . First for Maiestie and terrour of the enemy ; secondly , for harbouring of many men ; thirdly for accommodating more men to fight ; fourthly , for placing and vsing more Artillery ; fiftly , for better strengthening and securing of the shippe , sixtly for ouertopping and subiecting the enemy ; seuenthly , for greater safegard and defence of the ship and company . For it is plaine , that the ship with three deckes , or with two and a halfe , shewes more pomp then another of her burthen with a decke and halfe , or two deckes , and breedeth greater terror to the enemy , discouering her selfe to be a more powerfull ship as she is , then the other ; which being indeed a ship of force , seemeth to be but a Barke , and with her low building hideth her burthen . And who doubteth , that a decke and a halfe cannot harbour that proportion of men , that two deckes , and two deckes and a halfe can accommodate to fight ; Nor carry the Artillery so plentifully , nor so commodiously . Neither can the ship be so strong with a decke and a halfe , as with two deckes , nor with two , as with three ; nor carry her Mastes so taunt ; nor spread so great a clue ; nor contriue so many fightes , to answer one another , for defence and offence . And the aduantage the one hath of the other , experience daily teacheth . In the great expedition of eightie eight , did not the Elizabeth Ionas , the Triumph , and the Beare , shew greater maiestie then the Arke Royall and the Victorie , being of equall burthens ? did they not cause greater regard in the enemy ? did they not harbour and accommodate more then men ? and much better ? did they not beare more Artillery ? And if they had come to boord with the Spanish high-charged ships , it is not to be doubted but they would haue mustred themselues better , then those which could not with their prowesse nor props , haue reached to their wastes . The strength of the one cannot be compared with the strength of the other : but in bourding , it goeth not so much in the strength , as in weight and greatnesse . For the greater ship that bourdeth with the lesser ; with her Mastes , her Yards , her Tacklings , her Anchors , her Ordinance , and with her sides bruseth and beateth the lesser to peeces , although the lesser be farre stronger according to proportion . The Fore-sight of his Maiesties , and the Daintie , were shippes in their proportions farre more stronger , then the Carake which was taken by them , and their consorts , Anno 92. ( For she had in a manner no strong building nor binding , and the others were strengthened and bound , as art was able to affoord ; ) and yet both bourding with her , were so brused , broken , and badly hand●ed , as they had like to haue sunke by her side , though bourding with aduantage to weather-wards of her . But what would haue become of them , if she should haue had the wind of them , and haue come aboord to windward of them ? In small time no doubt , she would haue beaten them vnder water . An. 90. in the fleet vnder the charge of Sr Iohn Hawkins my father , cōming from the South-wards , the Hope of his Maiesties gaue chase to a French ship , thinking her to be a Spaniard . She thought to haue freed her selfe by her sailing , and so would not auaile , but endured the shooting of many peeces , and forced the Hope to lay her abourd ; of which issued that mischiefe which before I spake off . For in a moment the French ship had all her Mastes , Yards , and Sailes in the Sea ; and with great difficultie the Hope could free her selfe from sinking her . In the selfe same voyage , neere the Ilands of Flores and Corvo , the Raine-bow and the Fore-sight came foule one of another , the Rain-bow ( being the greater shippe ) left the Fore-sight much torne ; and if God had not beene pleased to seperate them , the lesser ( doubtlesse ) had sunke in the Sea : bu● in these incounters , they received little or no hurt . The boord●ng of the Raine-bow and Fore-sight , ( as I was enformed ) proceeded of the obstinacie and selfe will of the Captaine or Master of the Fore-sight , who would not set Sayle in time , to giue Sea-roome to the other , comming driuing vpon her , for that shee was more flotie . This pride I haue seene many times to be the cause of great hurt , and is worthy of seuere punishment : for being all of one Company , and bound euery one to helpe and further the good of the other , as members of one bodie , their ought to be no strayning of courtesie , but all are bound to suppresse emulation and particular respect , in seeking the generall good of all , yea of euery particular more ingeniously , then that of his owne . But in equitie and reason , the le-ward shippe ought euer to giue way to the weather most , in hulling , or trying , without any exception . First , for that shee aduantageth the other in hulling or trying : which is manifest , for that shee to wind-wards driues vpon her to le-wards . Secondly , for that the windermost shippe , by opening her sayle , may be vpon the other before shee be looked for , either for want of steeridge , not being vnder way , or by the rowling of the Sea , some one Sea casting the shippe more to le-wards then ten others . And thirdly , for that the windermost shippe being neere , and setting sayle , is in possibilitie to take away the winde from her to le-wards comming within danger . And this by way of Argument , for a hull and vnder-sayle in stormes and fayre weather , in Harbour , or at Sea. Humanitie and courtesie are euer commendable and beneficiall to all , whereas arrogancie and ambition are euer accompanied with shame , losse and repentance . And though in many examples ( touching this point ) I haue beene an eye witnesse , yet I will record but one , which I saw in the Riuer of Civill , at my comming out of the Indies amongst the Galleons loaden with siluer . For their wafting , the King sent to the Tercera , eight new Galleons , vnder the charge of Villa viciosa : who entring the Barre of Saint Luar ioyntly , the shippes loaden with siluer Anchored in the middest of the Riuer in the deeper water , and the wafters on either side , neere the shoare . The Admirall of the wafters rode close by the Galleon , in which I was , and had mored her selfe in that manner , as her streame , Cable , and Anchor overlayed our land-most . And winding vp with the first of the flood , shee her selfe in one of her Cables ; which together with the great currant of the ebbe , and force of the winde which blew fresh , caused her to driue , and to dragge home her Anchors ; and with that which over-lay ours , to cause vs to doe the like . Whereupon on both sides , was crying out , to veere cable : we for our part had lost all our Cables in the Terceras , sauing those which were a ground , and those very short , and vered to the better end . The Admirall strained courte●ie , thinking the other ( though loaden with siluer ) bound to let slippe one , so to giue him way ; and the Generall standing in his Gallery , saw the danger which both shippes ranne into , being in a manner bourd and bourd , and driuing vpon the point of the shoare : yet he commanded to hold fast , and not to vere Cable , till he was required and commanded in the Kings name , by the Captaine of our shippe ; protesting , the damage ( which should ensue thereof , to the King and Merchants ) to runne vpon the Admirals accompt ; and that in his shippe he had no other Cable , but those which were aground ; And that they had vered as-much as they could : which the Generall knowing , and at last better considering , willed to vere his Cable end for end , and so with some difficultie and dispute , the punto was remedied , which if he had done at first , he had preuented all other danger , inconuenience , and dispute , by only weighing of his Cable and Anchor ; after the gust was past , and letting it ●all in a place more commodious : whereas his vaine-glory , stoutnesse , and selfe-will , had put in great perill two of the Kings shippes , and in them aboue two Millions of treasure . And it may be , if he had beene one of the ignorant Generals , ( such as are sometimes imployed ) whereas he was one of best experience , I doubt not , but they would haue stood so much vpon their puntos , as rather then they would haue consented to vere theyr Cables , ( for that it seemed a diminution of authoritie , ) they would rather haue suffered all to goe to wracke , without discerning the danger and damage . But to returne to my former point of aduantage , which the greater shippe hath of the lesser ; I would haue it to be vnder●tood according to occasion , and to be vnderstood of ships of warre , with shippes of warre : It being no part of my meaning to maintaine , that a small man of warre , should not bourd with a great shippe , which goeth in trade . For I know , that the war-like shippe , that seeketh , is not only bound to bourd with a greater , but were shee sure to hazzard her selfe , shee ought to bourd where any possibility of surprising may be hoped for . Witnesse the Biscaine shippes of fiue hundreth tunnes , taken by shippes of lesse then a hundreth ; Such were those which were taken by Captaine George Reymond . and Captaine Greenfield Halse ; both wonne by bourding and force of Armes . And did not Markes Berry with a shippe of fourescore tunnes , by bourding and ●ent of sword , take a shippe , which came from the Noua Hispania of neere ●oure hundreth tunnes ? to recount all such as haue beene in this sort taken by our Countreymen , as also those of great worth which they haue lost , for not hazarding the bourding , were neuer to make an end . Yet discretion is euer to be vsed : for a man that in a small barke goeth to warre-fare is not bound to bourd with a Carake , nor with a shippe , which he seeth prouided with Artillery and other preuentions farre aboue his possibilitie . The Spaniards confesse vs to aduantage them in our shipping , and attribute all our victories ●o that which is but a masse of dead wood , were it not managed and ordered by Art and experience , affirming ; that if we came to handle strokes and bourding , they should goe farre beyond vs , which to any person of reasonable vnderstanding , cannot but seeme most vaine-glorious ; for we leaue not to bourd with them vpon occasion , when otherwise we cannot force them to surrender , but I conclude it to be great errour , and want of discretion in any man , to put himselfe , his shippe , and company in perill , being able otherwise to vanquish his enemy . This imagination so vaine , and voyde of ground , hath growne from the ignorance of some of our common sort of Marriners , and vulgar people , which haue beene prisoners in Spaine : Who being examined and asked , why her Maiesties shippes in occasions bourd not ? haue answered , and enformed ; That it is the expresse order of her Maiestie and Counsell ; in no case to hazard her shippes by bourding : yea I haue knowne some Captaines of our owne , ( to colour their faint proceedings ) haue auerred as much , which is nothing so . For in the houre , that her Maiestie , or Counsell committeth the charge of any her shippes to any person , it is left to his discretion to bourd , or not to bourd , as the reason of seruice requireth . And therefore let no man hereafter pretend ignorance , nor for this vanitie leaue to doe his duty , or that which is most probable to redound to the honour and seruice of his Prince and Countrey , and to the damage of his enemy . For in case , he excuse himselfe with this allegation , it cannot but redound to his condemnation and disreputation ; And I assure all men , that in any reasonable equalitie of shipping , we cannot desire greater aduantage , then we haue of the Spaniards , by bourding . The reasons why , I hold it not conuenient to discourse in perticular , but experience and tract of time , with that which I haue seene amongst them , hath taught me this knowledge ; and those who haue seene their discipline , and ours , cannot but testifie the same . SECT . LX. AGaine , all that which hath beene spoken of the danger of the Artillery in bourding , is not to be wrested , nor interpreted , to cut of vtterly the vse of all Artillery , after bourdin● , but rather I hold nothing more conuenient in shippes of warre , then fowlers and great bases in the cage workes , and Murderers in the Cobridge heads ; for that their execution and speedie charging and discharging , is of great moment . Many I know haue left the vse of them , and of sundry other preuentions , as of sherehookes , stones in their toppes , and arming them ; Pikebolts in their wales and diuers other engines of Antiquitie . But vpon what inducement , I cannot relate , vnlesse it be because they neuer knew their effects and benefit ; and may no doubt be vsed without the inconueniences before mentioned in great Ordinance . As also such may be the occasion , that without danger some of the great Artillery may be vsed , and that with great effect , which is in the discretion of the Commanders and their Gunners , as hath beene formerly seene and daily is experimented in the Reuenge of her Maiesties , good exper●ence was made ; who sunke two of the Spanish Armado lying abourd her . SECT . LXI . IN these bourdings , and Skirmishes , diuers of our men were slaine , and many hurt , and my selfe amongst them receiued sixe wounds ; one of them in the necke very perillous ; another through the arme perishing the bone , and cutting the sinewes close by the Arme-pit ; the rest not so dangerous . The Master of our shippe had one of his eyes , his nose , and halfe his face shott away . Master Henry Courton was slaine ; on these two , I principally relyed for the prosecution of our voyage , if God by sickenesse , or otherwise , should take me away . The Spaniards with their great Ordinance lay continually playing vpon vs , and now and then parled and inuited vs to surrender our selues a Buena Querra . The Captaine of our shippe , in whose direction and guide , our liues , our honour , and welfare now remained ; seeing many of our people wounded and slaine , and that few were left to sustaine , and maintaine the fight , or to resist the entry of the enemy ( if he should againe board with vs ) and that our contraries offered vs good pertido : came vnto me accompanied with some others , and began to relate the state of our shippe , and how that many were hurt , and slaine , and scarce any men appeared to trauerse the Artillery , or to oppose themselues for defence , if the enemy should bourd with vs againe : And how that the Admirall offered vs life and liberty , and to receiue vs a Buena querra , and to send vs into our owne countrey . Saying , that if I thought it so meete , he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flagge of truce , and make some good composition . The great losse of blood had weakned me much . The torment of my wounds newly receiued , made me faint , and I laboured for life , within short space expecting I should giue vp the ghost . But this parly pearced through my heart , and wounded my soule ; words failed me wherewith to expresse it , and none can conceiue it , but he which findeth himselfe in the like agonie : yet griefe and rage ministred force , and caused me to breake forth into this reprehension and execution following . Great is the Crosse , which Almightie God hath suffered to come vpon me ; That assaulted by our professed enemies , and by them wounded ( as you see ) in body , lying gasping for breath , ) those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me , those which I relyed on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions ; Those whom I haue nourished , cherished , fostered and loued as my children , to succour me , helpe me , and to sustaine my reputation in all extremities , are they who first draw their swords against me ; are they which wound my heart , in giuing me vp into mine enemies hands , whence proceedeth this ingratitude ? whence this faintnesse of heart ? whence this madnesse ? is the cause you fight for , vniust ? is the honour and loue of your Prince and Countrey buried in the dust ? your sweete liues , are they become loathsome vnto you ? will you exchange your liberty for thraldome , will you consent , to see that , which you haue sweat for , and procured with so great labour and aduenture , at the dispose of your enemies ? can you content your selues to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes ? and my life bereft me in your presence ? with the blood and liues of your deere brethren to be vnreuenged ? is not an honourable death to be preferred before a miserable and slauish life ? The one susteining the honour of our nation , of our predecessours , and of our societie ; the other ignominious to our selues , and reproachfull to our nation . Can you be perswaded that the enemy will performe his promise with you , that neuer leaueth to breake it with others , when he thinketh it advantagious ? and know you not , that with him , all is conuenient that is profitable ? Hold they not this for a maxime ; that , nulla fides est seruanda cum hereticis . In which number they accompt vs to be . Haue you forgotten their faith violated with my father , in St. Iohn de Vlua , the conditions and capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy , and twelue Hostages , all principall personages giuen for the more securitie of either party to other ? Haue you forgotten their promise broken with Iohn Vibao , and his company in Florida , hauing conditioned to giue them shipping and victuals , to carry them into their Countrey ? immediately after they had deliuered their weapons and armes , had they not their throates cut ? haue you forgotten how they dealt with Iohn Oxtiam , and his Company , in this Sea , yeeldeth vpon composition ? and how after a long imprisonment , and many miseries ( being carryed from Panama to Lyma ) and there hanged with all his Company , as Pyrates , by the Iustice ? And can you forget how dayly they abuse our noble natures , which being voyde of malice , measure all by sinceritie , but to our losse ? for that when we come to demand performance , they stoppe our mouthes ; Either with laying the inquisition vpon vs ; or with deliuering vs into the hands of the ordinary Iustice ; or of the Kings ministers . And then vrged with their promises , they shrinke vp to the shoulders ; and say , That they haue now no further power ouer vs ; They sorrow in their hearts , to see their promise is not accomplished ; but now they cannot doe vs any good office , but to pray to God for vs , and to entreat the ministers in our behalfe . Came we into the South-sea to put out flagges of truce ? And left we our pleasant England , with all her contentments , with intention or purpose to avayle our selues of white ragges ? and by banners of peace to deliuer our selues for slaues into our enemies hands ? or to range the world with the English , to take the law from them , whom by our swords , prowesse , and valour , we haue alwaies heretofore bin accustomed to purchase honour , riches and reputation ? If these motiues be not sufficient to perswade you , then I present before your eyes , your wiues and children , your parents and friends , your noble and sweete countrey , your gracious Soueraigne : of all which accompt your selues for euer depriued , if this proposition should be put in execution ; But for all these , and for the loue and respect you owe me , and for al besides that you esteeme and hold deare in this world , and for him , that made vs and all the world , banish out of your imagination , such vaine and base thoughts ; and according to your woonted resolution , prosecute the defence of your shippe , your liues , and libertie , with the liues and libertie of your companions ; who by their wounds and hurts are disabled and depriued of all other defence and helpe , saue that which lyeth in your discretions and prowesse . And you Captaine , of whom I made choise amongst many , to be my principall assistant , and the person to accomplish my dutie , if extraordinary casualtie should disable me , to performe and prosecute our voyage . Tender your obligation , and now in the occasion giue testimony , and make proofe of your constancie and valour , according to the opinion and confidence , I haue euer h●ld of you . Whereunto he made answere ; my good Generall , I hope you haue made experience of my resolution , which shall be euer to put in execution , what you shall be pleased to command me ; and my actions shall giue testimonie of the obligation wherein I stand bound vnto you . What I haue done , hath not proceeded from faintnesse of heart , nor from a will to see imaginations put in execution ( for besides the losse of our reputation , liberty , and what good else we can hope for . ) I know the Spaniard too too well , and the manner of his proceedings , in discharge of promises , but only to giue satisfaction to the rest of the Company , which importuned me to mooue this point . I condiscended to that , which now I am ashamed of , and grieue at , because I see it disliking to you . And here I vowe to fight it out , till life or lymmes fayle me . Bee you pleased to recommend vs to Almightie God , and to take comfort in him , whom I hope will giue vs victory , and restore you to health and strength , for all our comforts , and the happy accomplishing and finishing of our voyage , to his glory . I replyed : this is that which beseemeth you ; this sorteth to the opinion I euer held of you ; and this will gaine you ( with God and man ) a iust reward . And you the rest ( my deere companions and friends ) who euer haue made a demonstration of desire to accomplish your duties , remember , that when we first discryed our enemy , you shewed to haue a longing to prooue your valours against him : Now that the occasion is offered , lay hold of the fore-locke . For if once shee turne her backe , make sure accompt neuer after to see her face againe ; and as true English men , and followers of the steppes of our forefathers , in vertue and valour , sell your bloods and liues deerely , that Spaine may euer record it with sadnesse and griefe . And those which surviue , reioyce in the purchase of so noble a victory with so small meanes against so powerfull an enemy . Hereunto they made answer ; that as hitherto they had beene conformable to all the vndertakings , which I had commanded or counselled , so they would continue in the selfe same dutie and obedience to the last breath : vowing either to remaine Conquerours and Free-men , or else to sell their liues at that price , which their enemies should not willingly consent to buy them at . And with this resolution , both Captaine and company tooke their leaue of me , euery one particularly , and the greater part with teares , and and imbracings , though we were forthwith to depart the world , and neuer see one the other againe , but in heauen ; promising to cast all forepassed imaginations into oblivion , and never more to speake of surrendry . In accomplishment of this promise and determination , they persevered in sustaining the fight , all this night , with the day and night following , and the third day after . In which time the Enemie never left vs , day nor night , beating continually vpon vs , with his great and small shott . Saving that every morning an hower before breake of day , hee edged a little from vs , to breath , and to remedie such defects as were amisse ; as also to consult , what they should doe the day and night following . This time of interdiction , we imployed , in repayring our sayles , and tacklings , in stopping our leakes , in fishing and wolling our mastes and yards , in mending our pumpes , and in fitting and providing our selues for the day to come : though this was but little space for so many workes , yet gaue it great reliefe and comfort vnto vs , and made vs better able to endure the defence : for otherwise , our shippe must of force haue suncke before our surrendry , having many shot vnder water , and our pumpes shot to peeces every day : In all this space , not any man of either part tooke rest or sleepe , and little sustenance ; besides bread and wine . In the second dayes fight , the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter , William Blanch , one of our Masters mates , with a luckie hand , made a shot vnto her , with one of our sterne peeces ; it caried away his maine Mast close by the decke : wherewith the Admirall beare vp to her , to see what harme shee had received , and to giue her such succour , as shee was able to spare : which we seeing , were in good hope , that they would haue now left to molest vs any longer , having wherewithall to entertaine themselues in redressing their owne harmes . And so we stood away from them , close by as we could : which wee should not haue done , but prosecuted the occasion , and brought our selues close vpon her weather gage , and with our great and small shot hindered them from repairing their harmes : if we had thus done , they had beene forced to cut all by the bourd ; and it may bee ( lying a hull , or to le-wards of vs ) with a few shot , wee might haue suncke her . At the least , it would haue declared to our enemies , that wee had them in little estimation , when able to goe from them , we would not : and perhaps bin a cause to haue made them to leaue vs. But this occasion was let slip , as also , that other to fight with them , sayling quarter winds , or before the winde : for having stood off to Sea , a day and a night , we had scope to fight at our pleasure , and no man having sea roome , is bound to fight as his enemie will , with disadvantage , being able otherwise to deale with equalitie : contrariwise , every man ought to seeke the meanes hee can , for his defence , and greatest advantage , to the annoyance of his contrarie . Now wee might with our fore-saile , low set , haue borne vpp before the winde , and the enemie of force must haue done the like ▪ if hee would fight with vs , or keepe vs company : and then should wee haue had the advantage of them . For although their Artillery were longer , waightier , and many more then ours , and in truth did pierce with greater violence ; yet ours being of greater bore , and carrying a waightier and greater shot , was of more importance and of better effect for sinking and spoyling : For the smaller shot passeth through , and maketh but his whole , and harmeth that which lyeth in his way ; but the greater shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth , and with the splinters , or that which it encountreth , many times doth more hurt , then with his proper circumference : as is plainely seene in the battery by land , when the Saker , the Demy-Colverin , the Colverin , and demi-Canon , ( being peeces that reach much further point blanke then the Cannon ) are nothing of like importance for making the breach , as is the Cannon ; for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficultie , yea worketh better effects , tormenting , shaking and overthrowing all ; whereas the others , with their violence , pierce better , and make onely their hole , and so hide themselues in the Wooll or Rampire . Besides ( our Ship being yare and good of fleeridge ) no doubt but we should haue played better with our Ordinance , and with more effect , then did our enemies ; which was a great errour , being able to fight with lesse disadvantage , and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined , which I knew not off , neither was able to direct , though I had knowne it ; being in a manner senselesse , what with my woonds , and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded , for that I had seldome knowne it spoken of , but that it came afterwards to be put in execution . The Generall not being able to succour his Vice-admirall , except he should vtterly leaue vs , gaue them order , to shift as well as they could ●or the present , and to beare with the next Port , and there to repayre their harmes . Himselfe presently followed the Chase , and in short space fetched vs vp , and beganne a fresh to batter vs with his great and small shott . The Vice-admirall ( hauing saued what they could ) cutt the rest by the bourd , and with Fore-sayle and My son came after vs also , and before the setting of the Sunne , were come vpon our broad side , wee bearing all our Sayles , and after kept vs company , lying vpon our weather quarter , and annoying vs what shee could . Here I hold it necessary , to make mention of two things , which were most preiudiciall vnto vs , and the principall causes of our perdition , the errours and faults of late dayes , crept in amongst those who follow the Sea , and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings . I wish that by our misfortunes others would take warning , and procure to redresse them , as occasions shall be offered . The one , is to fight vnarmed , where they may fight armed . The other , is in comming to fight , to drinke themselues drunke . Yea , some are so madd , that they mingle Powder with Wine , to giue it the greater force , imagining that it giueth spirit , strength , and courage , and taketh away all feare and doubt . The latter is for the most part true , but the former is false and beastly , and altogether against reason . For though the nature of Wine , with moderation , is to comfort and reviue the heart , and to fortifie and strengthen the spirit ; yet the immoderate vse thereof worketh quite contrary effects . In fights , all receipts which adde courage and spirit , are of great regard , to be allowed , and vsed ; and so is a draught of Wine , to be giuen to euery man before he come to action , but more then enough is pernicious ; for , exceeding the meane , it offendeth , and infeebleth the sences , converting the strength ( which should resist the force of the enemy ) into weakenesse : it dulleth and blindeth the vnderstanding , and consequently depraueth any man of true valour . For that he is disenabled to iudge and apprehend the occasion , which may be offered , to assault , and retyre in time convenient ; the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder . For after I was wounded , this nimium bred great disorder and inconvenience in our Shippe ; the pott continually walking , infused desperate and foolish hardinesse in many , w●o blinded with the fume of the liquor , considered not of any danger , but thus and thus would stand at hazard ; some in vaine glory , vaunting themselues ; some other rayling vpon the Spaniards ; another inviting his companion to come and stand by him ; and not to budge a foote from him ; which indiscreetly they put in execution , and cost the liues of many a good man , slaine by our enemies Muskettiers , who suffered not a man to shew himselfe , but they presently overthrew him with speed and watchfullnesse ; For prevention of the second errour , although I had great preparation of Armours , as well of proofe , as of light Co●●eletts , yet not a man would vse them ; but esteemed a pott of Wine , a better defence then an Armour of proofe . Which truely was great madnesse , and a lamentable fault , worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people , and well to be weighed by all Commanders . For if the Spaniard surpasseth vs in any thing , it is in his temperance , and suffering : and , where he hath had the better hand of vs , it hath beene ( for the most part ) through our owne folly , for that we will fight vnarmed with him being armed . And although I haue heard many men maintaine , that in Shipping , Armour is of little profit ; All men of good vnderstanding , will condemne such desperate ignorance . For besides , that the sleightest Armour secureth the parts of a mans body ( which it covereth ) from Pike , Sword , and all hand weapons : it likewise giueth boldnesse and courage ; a man Armed , giueth a greater and a waightier blow , then a man vnarmed ; he standeth faster , and with greater difficultie is to be overthrowne . And I neuer read , but that the glistering of the Armour hath beene by Authors obserued , for that ( as I imagine ) his show breedeth terror in his contraries , and despayre to himselfe if he be vnarmed . And therefore in time of warre , such as devote themselues to follow the profession of Armes ( by Sea or by Land ) ought to covet nothing more , then to be well Armed ; for as much as it is the second meanes , next Gods protection , for preseruing , and prolonging many mens liues . Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation aboue others , euery one from the highest to the lowest , putting their greatest care in providing faire and good Armes . He which cannot come to the price of a Corslet , will haue a coate of Mayle , a Iackett , at least , a Buffe-jerkin , or a privie Coate . And hardly will they be found without it , albeit , they liue ; and serue ( for the most part ) in extreame hott Countries . Whereas I haue knowne many bred in cold Countries , in a moment complaine of the waight of their Armes , that they smoother them , and then cast them off , chusing rather to be shott through with a Bullet , or lanched through with a Pike , or thrust through with a Sword , then to endure a little travaile and suffering . But let me giue these lazie ones this lesson , that he that will goe a warrefare , must resolue himselfe to fight ; and he that putteth on this resolution , must be contented to endure both heate and waight , first , for the safegard of his life , and next for subduing of his enemie ; both which are hazarded , and put into great danger , if he fight vnarmed with an enemy armed . Now for mine owne opinion , I am resolved that Armour is more necessary by Sea , then by Land , yea , rather to be excused on the shore , then in the Shippe . My reason is , for that on the shore the Bullet onely hurteth , but in the Shippe , I haue seene the ●plinters kill and hurt many at once , and yet the shor● to haue passed without touching any person . As in the Galeon , in which I came out of the Indies , in Anno 1597. in the rode of Tercera , when the Queenes Maiesties Shippes , vnder the charge of the Earle of Essex ▪ chased vs into the rode , with the splinters of one shott , were slaine , maymed , and sore hurt , at the least a dozen persons , the most part whereof had beene excused , if they had beene Armed . And doubtlesse , if these errours had beene foreseene , and remedied by vs , many of those who were slaine and hurt , had beene on foote , and we inabled to haue sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer ; and perhaps at last had freed our selues . For if our enemy had come to bourd with vs , our close fights were such , as we were secure , and they open vnto vs. And what with our Cubridge heads , one answering the other , our hatches vpon bolts , our brackes in our Deckes , and Gunner roome , it was impossible to take vs as long as any competent number of men had remained , twentie persons would haue sufficed for defence ; and for this , such Shippes are called Impregnable , and are not to be taken , but by surrender , not to be overcome , but with bourding or sinking , as in vs by experience was verified : and not in vs alone , but in the Revenge of the Queenes Maiestie , which being compassed round about with all the Armado of Spaine , and bourded sundry times by many at once , is said , to haue sunke three of the Armado by her side . And in this conflict , having lost all her Mastes , and being no other then a logge in the Sea , could not bee taken with all their force and pollicie , till shee surrendred her selfe by an honourable composition . By these presidents , let Governours by Sea take speciall care aboue all , to preserue their people , in imitation of the French ; who carrie many Souldiers in their shippes of Warre , and secure them in their holdes , till they come to entring , and to proue their forces by the dint of Sword. But here the discreete Commaunders are to put difference , betwixt those which defend , and those which are to offend , and betwixt those which assault , and those which are assaulted . For ( as I haue sayd ) no governement whatsoever , better requireth a perfect and experimented Commaunder , then that of the Sea. And so no greater errour can bee committed , then to commend such charges to men vnexperimented in this profession . A third and last cause , of the losse of sundry of our men , most worthy of note for all Captaines , owners , and Carpenters : was the race building of our shippe ; the onely fault shee had ; and now a dayes , held for a principall grace in any shippe : but by the experience which I haue had , it seemeth for sundry reasons verie preiudiciall for shippes of Warre , For in such , those which tackle the sayles , of force must bee vpon the deckes , and are open without shelter , or any defence : yet here it will be obiected ; That for this inconvenience , wast clothes are provided , and for want of them , it is vsuall to lace a bonnet , or some such shadow for the men ; worthily may it bee called a shadow , and one of the most pernitious customes , that can be vsed , for this shadow , or defence , being but of linnen or wollen cloth , emboldeneth many ; who without it would retire to better securitie , whereas now thinking themselues vnseene , they become more bould , then otherwise they would , and thereby shot through , when they least thinke of it ; Some Captaines observing this errour , haue sought to remedie it , in some of his Maiesties shippes : not by altering the building , but by devising a certaine defence , made of foure or fiue inch planckes of fiue foote high , and sixe foote broad , running vpon wheeles , and placed in such partes of the shippe , as are most open . These they name blenders , and made of Elme for the most part ; for that it shivers not with a shot , as Oake and other Timber will doe , which are now in vse and service , but best it is , when the whole side hath one blender , and one armour of proofe , for defence of those , which of force must labour , and be a lost . This race building , first came in , by overmuch homing in of our shippes ; and received for good , vnder colour of making our ships thereby the better sea-shippes , and of better advantage to hull and trye : but in my iudgement , it breedeth many inconveniences , and is farre from working the effect they pretend , by disinabling them for bearing their cage worke correspondent , to the proportion and mould of the shippe , making them tender sided , and vnable to carry sayle in any fresh gaile of winde , and diminishing the play of their Artillery , and the place for accommodating their people to fight , labor , or rest . And I am none of those , who hold opinion , that the over-much homing in , the more the better , is commodious and easier for the shippe ; and this out of the experience , that I haue learned ; which with forcible reasons , I could proue to be much rather discomodious and worthy to be reformed . But withall I hold it not necessary to discourse here of that particulari●ie , but leaue the consequence to men of vnderstanding , and so surcease . SECT . LXII . ALl this second day , and the third day and night , our Captaine and company susteined the fight , notwithstanding the disadvantage where with they fought ; The enemie being ever to wind-ward , and wee to lee-ward , their shott much damnifying vs , and ours little annoying them , for whensoever a man encountreth with his enemie at sea , in gayning the weather gage , hee is in possibilie to sinke his contrary ; but his enemie cannot not sinke him ; and therefore hee which is forced to fight with this disadvantage , is to procure by all meanes possible to shoote downe his contraries Masts or Yards , and to teare or spoylr his tackling and sayles ; for which purpose , billets of some heavie wood fitted to the great Ordinance are of great importance . And so are Arrowes of fire , to bee shot out of slur-bowes , and cases of small shot ioyned two and two together , with peeces of wyer of fiue or six ynches long , which also shot out of muskets are of good effect , for tearing the sayles , or cutting the tackling . Some are of opinion , that crosse barres and chaine-shot , are of moment for the spoyling of Masts and Yards , but experience dayly teacheth , them not to be of great importance , though neere at hand , I confesse , they worke great execution : but the round shott , is the onely principall and powerfull meane , to breake Mast or Yard . And in this our fight , the Admirall of the Spaniards , had his fore-mast shot through with two round shott , some three yardes beneath the head ; had either of them entred but foure ynches further into the heart of the Mast , without all doubt , it had freed vs , and perhaps put them into our hands . The third day in the after-noone which was the 22. of Iune 1594. according to our computation , and which I follow in this my discourse , our sayles being torne , our Mastes all perished , our pumpes rent , and shot to peeces , and our shippe with foureteene short vnder water , and seven or eight foote of water in hold ; many of our men being slaine , and the most part of them ( which remayned ) sore hurt , and in a manner altogether fruiteles , and the enemie offering still to receaue vs a buena querra , and to giue vs life and libertie , and imbarkation for our countrey ; Our Captaine , and those which remayned of our Company , were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender our selues , before our ●hippe suncke . And so by common consent agreed the second time , to send a servant of mine Thomas Sanders , to signifie vnto mee the estate of our shippe and company ; And that it was impossible by any other way to expect for hope of deliverance , or life , but by the miraculous hand of God , in vsing his Almighty power ; or by an honourable surrender : which in every mans opinion was thought most convenient . So was I desired by him , to giue also my consent , that the Captaine might capitulate with the Spanish Generall , and to compound the best partido he could by surrendring our selues into his hands : vpon condition of life and libertie . This hee declared vnto me , being in a manner voyd of sence , and out of hope to liue or recover , which considered , and the circumstances of his relation , I answered as I could , that hee might iudge of my state , readie every moment to giue vp the Ghost , and vnable to discerne in this cause what was convenient , except I might see the present state of the shippe . And that the honour or dishonour , the wel-fare or misery , was for ●hem , which should be partakers of life ; At last , for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing , in all the time , hee had served me , and in correspondence of it , had given him ( as was notorious ) charge and credit in many occasions , I bound him , by the loue and regard , hee ought me , and by the faith and duty to Almighty God , to tell me truely , if all were as he had declared . Whereunto hee made answere , that hee had manifested vnto mee the plaine and naked truth , and that hee tooke God to witnesse of the same truth ; with which receiving satisfaction , I forced my selfe what I could , to perswade him to annimate his companions , and in my name to intreate the Captaine , and the rest to persevere in defence of their libertie , liues , and reputation , remitting all to his discretion : not doubting , but he would be tender of his dutie , and zealous of my reputation , in preferring his liberty , and the liberty of the Company aboue all respects whatsoever . As for the welfare hoped by a surrender , I was altogether vnlikely to be partaker thereof , Death threatning to depriue me of the benefit , which the Enemie offered ; but if God would bee pleased to free vs , the ioy and comfort I should receiue , might perhaps giue me force and strength to recover health . Which answere being delivered to the Captaine , hee presently caused a slagge of truce , to be put in place of our Ensigne , and began to parley of our surrendry , with a Spaniard , which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose , from the poope of the Admirall , to offer in his name , the conditions before specified ; with his faithfull promise and oath , as the King Generall to take vs a buena querra , and to send vs all into our owne Countrey . The promise hee accepted , and sayd , that vnder the same , hee yeelded , and surrendred himselfe , shippe , and company . Immediately , there came vnto me another servant of mine , and told me , that our Captaine had surrendred himselfe , and our shippe ; which vnderstood , I called vnto one I●an Gomes de Pineda , a Spanish Pilote , which was our prisoner , and in all the fight we had kept close in hold , and willed him to goe to the Generall Don Beltran de Castro from mee , to tell him , that if he would giue vs his word , and oath , as the Generall of the King , and some pledge for confirmation , to receiue vs a buena querra , and to giue vs our liues and libertie , and present passage into our owne Countrey , that we would surrender our selues , and shippe into his handes ; Otherwise , that hee should never enioy of vs , nor ours , any thing , but a resolution every man to dye fighting . With this Message I dispatched him , and called vnto me all my Company , and encouraged them to sacrifice their liues fighting , and killing the Enemie , if he gaue but a fillip to any of our companions . The Spaniards willed vs to hoise out our boate , which was shott all to pe●●es ; and so was theirs . Seing that hee called to vs to amaine our sayles , which wee could not well doe , for that they were slung , and wee had not men inough to hand them . In this parley , the Vice-admirall comming vpon our quarter , and not knowing of what had past , discharged her two chase peeces at vs , and hurt our Captaine very sore in the thigh , and maimed one of our Masters Mates , called Hugh Maires , in one of his Armes , but after knowing vs to be rendred , hee secured vs : And we satisfying them that wee could not hoise out our boate , nor strike our sayles the Admirall layd vs abourd , bu● before any man entred , Iohn Gomes went vnto the Generall , who receiued him with great curtesie , and asked him what we required ; whereunto he made answere that my demaund was that in the Kings name , he should giue vs his faith and promise , to giue vs our liues , to keepe the Lawes of fayre warres and quarter , and to send vs presently into our countrey ; and in confirmation hereof , that I required some pledge , whereunto the Generall made answere ; that in the King● Maiesties name his Master , hee received vs a buena querra , and swore by God Almightie , and by the habit of A cautara , ( whereof he had received knighthood , and in token whereof , hee wore in his breast a greene crosse , which is the ensigne of that order ) that he would giue vs our liues with good entreatie , and send vs as speedily as he could , into our owne countrey . In confirmation whereof , he tooke of his gloue , and sent it to mee , as a pledge . With this message Iohn G●mes returned , and the Spaniards entred , and tooke possession of our shippe , every one crying buena querra , buena querra , oy p●r in maniana porti : with which our Company began to secure themselues . The Generall , was a principall Gentleman , of the ancient Nobilitie of Spaine , and brother to the Conde de Lemos , whose intention no doubt was according to his promise ; and therefore considering that some bad intreaty , and insolency , might be offered vnto me in my shippe , by the common Souldiers , who seldome haue respect to any person in such occasions , esp●cially in the case I was , whereof hee had en●ormed himselfe ; for prevention , hee sent a principal Captaine , brought vp long time in Flaunders , called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar , to take care of me , and whilest the shippes were one abourd the other , to bring me into his ship : which hee accomplished with great humanitie and courtesi● ; d●spising the barres of gold which were shared before his face ; which hee might alone haue enioyed , if hee would ; And truely hee was , as after I found by tryall , a true Captaine ; a man worthy of any charge , and of the noblest condition , that I haue knowne any Spaniard . The Generall received me with great courtesie and compassion even with teares in his eyes , and words of great consolation , and commaunded mee to bee accommodated in his owne Cabbine , where hee sought to cure and comfort mee the best he could ; the like hee vsed with all our hurt men , sixe and thirtie at least . And doubtlesse as true courage , valour , and resolution , is requisit in a Generall , in the time of battle . So humanitie , mildnes , and courtesie , after victorie . SECT . LXIII . WHilst the shippes were together , the maine-mast of the Daintie●ell ●ell by the bourd , and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoile and Pillage , neglected the principall ; whereof ensued , that within a short space the Dain●ie grew so deepe with water , which increased for want of prevention , that all who were in her , desired to forsake her , and weaved and cryed for succour to bee saved ; being out of hope of her recoverie . Whereupon , the Generall calling together the best experimented men hee had , and consulting with them what was best to bee done : it was resolued , that Generall Michaell Angell should goe abourd the Daintie , and with him threescore Marriners , as many Souldiers ; and with them , the English men who were able to labour to free her from water , and to put her in order , if it were possible : and then to recover Perico , the port of Panama , for th●t , of those to wind wards , it was impossible to turne vp to any of them and neerer then to le-ward was not any , that could supply our necessities and wants ; which lay from vs , east north east , aboue two hundreth leagues . Michaell Angell , being a man of experience and care , accomplished that he tooke in hand , although in clearing and bayling the water , in placing a pumpe , and in fitting , and mending her fore-saile , he spent aboue sixe and thirtie howers . During which time , the shippes lay all a hull ; but this worke ended , they set sayle , & directed their cours● for the Iles of Pearles ; And for that the Daintie sayled badly , what for want of her maine-sayle , and with the advantage , which all the south-sea shippes haue of all those built in our-North sea : The Admirall gaue her a t●we ; which notwithstanding , ( the wind calming with vs , as we approached neerer to the land ) twelue dayes were spent , before we could fetch sight of the Ilands ; which lye alongst the coast , beginning some eight leagues , West south-west from Panama , and run to the south-wards neere thirtie leagues . They are many , and the most vnhabited , and those which haue people , haue some Negroes , slaues vnto the Spaniards , which occupie themselues in labour of the land , or in fishing for Pearles , In times past , many inriched themselues with that trade , but now it is growne to decay . The maner of fishing for Pearles is , with certaine long Pinaces or small barkes , in which , there goe foure , fiue , sixe , or eight Negroes , expert swimmers , and great deevers , whom the Spaniards call Busos ; with tract of time , vse , and continuall practise , having learned to hold their breath long vnder water , for the better atchieving their worke . These throwing themselues into the Sea , with certaine instruments of their art , goe to the bottome , and seeke the bankes of the Oysters , in which the Pearles are ingendered ; and with their force and art , remoue them from their foundation , in which they spend more or lesse time , according to the resistance the firmenes of the ground affordeth . Once loosed , they put them into a bagge vnder their armes , and after bring them vp into their boates ; having loaden it , they goe to the shoare : there they open them , and take out the Pearles : they lie vnder the vttermost part of the circuite of the Oyster , in rankes and proportions , vnder a certaine part , which is of many pleights and folds , called the Ruffe , for the similitude , it hath vnto a Ruffe . The Pearles increase in bignes , as they be neerer the end or ioynt of the Oyster : The meate of those , which haue these pearles , is milkie , and not very wholesome to be eaten . In Anno , 1583. In the Iland of Margarita , I was at the dregging of Pearle Oysters , after the maner we dregge Oysters in England ; and with mine owne hands I opened many , & tooke out the pearles of them ; some greater , some lesse , and in good quantitie . How the Pearle is ingendred in the Oyster , or Mussell ( for they are found in both ) divers and sundry are the opinions ; but some ridiculous ; whereof , because many famous and learned men haue written largely , I will speake no more , then hath beene formerly spoken , but referre their curious desires to Pliny , with other Ancient , and moderne Authors . They are found in divers partes of the world , as in the west Indies , in the South sea , in the east Indian sea , in the Straites of Magellane , and in the Scottish Sea. Those found neere the Pooles , are not perfect , but are of a thick colour ; whereas such as are found neere the line , are most orient & transparent : the curious call it their water : and the best is a cleare white shining , with fierie flames . And those of the east India haue the best reputation , though as good are found in the west India , the the choice ones , are of great valew and estimation , but the greatest , that I haue read or heard of , was found in these Ilands of Pearles ; the which King Phillip the second of Spaine , gaue to his daughter Elizabeth , wife to Albertus , Arch-duke of Austria , and Governour of the States of Flaunders : in whose possession it remaineth , and is called , la Peregrina , for the rarenes of it ; being as bigge , as the pomell of a Poniard . SECT . LXIIII. IN this Navigation , after our surrender , the Generall tooke especial care for the good intreaty of vs , and especially of those who were hurt . And God so blessed the hands of our Surgians ( besides that they were expert in their Art ) that of all our wounded men not one died , that was aliue the day after our surrendry : The number whereof was neere fortie ; and many of them with eight , ten , or twelue wounds , and some with more . The thing that ought to moue vs to giue God Almighty especiall thankes and prayses ; was , that they were cured in a manner without instruments or salues : For the chests were all broken to peeces ; and many of their simples and compounds throwne into the Sea ; those which remained , were such , as were throwne about the shippe in broken pots and baggs , and such as by the Divine providence were reserved , at the end of three dayes , by order from the Generall , were commaunded to be sought and gathered together . These with some instruments of small moment , bought and procured from those , who had reserved them to a different end , did not onely serue for our cures , but also for the curing of the Spaniards , being many more , then those of our Company . For the Spanish Surgians were altogether ignorant in their profession , and had little or nothing wherewith to cure . And I haue noted , that the Spaniards in generall are nothing so curious , in accommodating themselues , with good and carefull Surgeans , nor to fitt them with that which belongeth to their profession , as other Nations are , though they haue greater neede then any , that I doe know . At the time of our surrender , I had not the Spanish tongue , and so was forced to vse an interpreter , or the Latine , or French ; which holpe m● much for the vnderstanding of those , which spake vnto me in Spanish ; together with a little smattering I had of the Portugall . Through the noble proceeding of Don Beltran with vs , and his particuler care towards me , in curing and comforting me , I began to gather heart , and hope of life , and health ; my servants which were on foote , advised me ordinarily of that which past . But some of our enemies , badly inclined , repined at the proceedings of the Generall ; and sayd , he did ill to vse vs so well ; that wee were Lutherans ; and for that cause , the saith which was given vs , was not to be kept nor performed : Others , that we had fought as good Souldiers , and therefore d●served good quarter . Others , nicknamed vs with the name of Corsarios , or Pirats ; not discerning thereby that they included themselues within the same imputation . Some were of opinion , that from Panama , the Generall would send vs into Spaine ; Others sayd , that he durst not dispose of vs , but by order from the Vice-roy of Peru , who had given him his authority . This hit the nayle on the head . To all I gaue the hearing , and laid vp in the store-house of my memory , that which I thought to be of substance , and in the store-house of my consideration , endevoured to frame a proportionable resolution to all occurrants , conformable to Gods most holy will. Withall I profitted my selfe of the meanes , which should bee offered , and beare greatest probabilitie to worke our comfort , help , and remedie . And so , as time ministred oportunitie , I began , and endevoured to satisfie the Generall , and the better sort in the points I durst intermeddle . And especially to perswade ( by the best reasons I could ) that wee might be sent presently from Panama : Alleaging the promise given vs , the cost and charges ensuing , which doubtles would be such as deserued consideration and excuse : besides that , now whilest he was in place , and power and authority in his hands , to performe with vs , that hee would looke into his honour , and profit himselfe of the occasion , and not put vs into the hands of a third person ; who perhaps bring more powerfull then himselfe , he might be forced to pray and intreate the performance of his promise ; whereunto hee gaue vs the hearing , and bare vs in hand , that hee would doe , what hee could . The Generall , and all in generall , not onely in the Peru , but in all Spaine , and the Kingdomes thereof ( before our surrendry ) held all English men of Warre , to be Corsarlos , or Pirats ; which I la●oured to reforme , both in the Peru , and also in the Counsels of Spaine , and amongst the Chieftaines , souldiers , and better sort , with whom I came to haue conversation ; Alleadging that a Pirate or Corsario , is he , which in time of peace , or truce spoyleth , or ●●b●eth those , which haue peace or truce with them : but the Eng●ish haue neyther peace nor truce with Spaine , but warre ; and ●herefore not to be accounted Pirats . Besides , Spaine broke the peace with England , and not England with Spaine ; and that by Ymbargo , which of all kinds of defiances , is most reproved , and of least reputation ; The ransoming of prysoners , and that by the Cannon , being more honorable , but aboue all , the most honorable , is with Trumpet and Herald , to proclaime and denounce the warre by publicke defiance . And so if they should condemne the English for Pirats , of force , they must first condemne themselues . Moreover , Pirats are those , who range the Seas without licence of their Prince ; who when they are met with , are punished more severely by their owne Lords , then when they fall into the hands of strangers ; which is notorious to be more severely prosecuted in England ( in time of peace ) then in any the Kingdomes of Christendome . But the English haue all licence , either immediately from their Prince , or from others therevnto authorized , and so cannot in any sence be comprehended vnder the name of Pirats ▪ for any hostility vndertaken against Spaine , or the dependancies thereof . And so the state standing as now it doth ; if in Spaine a pa●ti●uler man should arme a shippe , and goe in warre-fare with it against the English , and happened to be taken by them : I make no question , but the Company should bee intreated according to that manner , which they haue ever vsed since the beginning of the Warre : without making further Inquisition . Then if hee were rich or poore , to see if hee were able to giue a ransome , in this also they are not very curious . But if this spanish shippe should fall a thwart his Kings Armado , or Gallies , I make no doubt but they would hang the Captaine and his Companie for Pirates . My reason is , for that by a speciall law , it is enacted : that no man , in the kingdomes of Spaine , may arme any shippe , and goe in warre-fare , without the Kings speciall licence and commission ; vpon paine to be reputed a Pirate , and to bee chastised with the punishment due to Corsarios . In England the case is different , for the warre once proclaimed , every man may arme that will , and hath wherewith ; which maketh for our greater exemption , from being comprehended within the number of Pirates . Wi●h these , and other like Arguments to this purpose , ( to avoid tediousnes ) I omitt ; I convinced all those whom I heard to harpe vpon this string ; which was of no small importance for our good entreatie , and motiues for many , to further and favour the accomplishment of the promise lately made vnto vs. SECT . LXV . ONe day after dinner , ( as was the ordinary custome ) The Generall , his Captaines , and the better sort of his followers , being assembled in the Cabbin of the Poope in conference , an eager contention arose amongst them , touching the capitulation of Buena Querra and the purport thereof . Some sayd , that onely life and good entreatie of ●he prisoners , was to be comprehended therein ; Others enlarged , and restrained it , according to their humors and experience . In 〈◊〉 opinion was required , and what I had seene , and knowne , touching that point : wherein I pawsed a little , and suspecting the wo●st , feared that it might bee a baite layd to catch me withall , and so excused my selfe ; saying , that where so many experimented souldiers were ioyned together , my young iudgement was little to be respected ; whereunto the Generall replyed : That knowledge was not alwayes incident to yeares , ( though reason requireth , that the Aged should bee the wisest ) but an Art , acquired by action , and management of affaires . And therefore they would be but certified , what I had seene , and what my iudgement was in this point , vnto which , seeing I could not well excuse my selfe , I condiscended ; and calling my wits together , holding it better , to shoote out my boult , by yeelding vnto reason , ( although I might erre ) then to stand obstinate , my will being at warre with my consent , and fearing my deniall might be taken for discourtesie , which peradventure might also purchase me mislike with those , who seemed to wish me comfort and restitution . I submitted to better iudgement , the reformation of the present Assembly ; saying , Syr , vnder the capitulation of Buena querra , ( or fayre warres ) I haue ever vnderstood , and so it hath beene observed in these , as also in former times , that preservation of life , and good entreatie of the prisoner , haue beene comprehended : and further by no meanes to be vrged to any thing contrary to his conscience , as touching his Religion ; nor to be seduced , or menaced from the allegeance due to his Prince and Countrey : but rather to ransome him for his moneths pay . And this is that which I haue knowne practised in our times , in gene●all amongst all civill and noble Nations . But the English , haue enlarged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendred a Buena querra , in these warres ; haue ever delivered them , which haue beene taken vpon such compositions , without ransome : but the covetousnes of our Age hath brought in many abuses , and excluded the principall Officers from partaking of the benefit of this priviledge , in leaving them to the discretion of the Victor , beeing many times poorer , then the common Souldiers , their qualities considered , whereby they are commonly put to more , then the ordinary ransome , and not being able of themselues to accomplish it , are forgotten of their Princes , and sometimes suffer long imprysonment , which they should not . With this , Don Beltran sayd , This ambiguitie you haue well resolved ; And like a worthie Gentleman ( with great courtesie and liberalitie ) added ; Let not the last point trouble you : but bee of good comfort , for I heere giue you my word anew , that your ransome ( if any shall bee thought due ) shall be but a cople of Grey-ho●●d● for mee ; and other two for my Brother , the Conde de Lemes , An● this I sweare to you by the habit of Alcantera . Provided alwayes , that the King my Master leave you to my dispose , as of right you belong vnto me . For amongst the Spaniards in their Armadoes , if there bee an absolute Generall , the tenth of all is due to him , and he is to take choise of the best : where in other Countries , it is by lot , that the Generalls tenth is given ; And if they be but two shippes , he doth the like , and being but one , shee is of right the Generalls . This I hardly believed , vntill I saw a Letter , in which the King willed his Vice-roy , to giue Don Beltran thankes for our shippe and Artillerie , which he had given to his Maiestie . I yeelded to the Generall , most heartie thankes for his great favour , wherewith hee bound mee ever to seeke how to serue him , and deserue it . SECT . LXVI . IN this discourse Generall Michaell Angell demanded , for what purpose served the little short Arrowes , which wee had in our shippe , and those in so great quantitie : I satisfied them , that they were for our Muskets . They are not as yet in vse amongst the Spaniards , yet of singular effect and execution as our enemies confessed : for the vpper worke of their shippes being Muskets proofe , in all places they passed through both sides with facilitie , and wrought extraordinary disasters , which caused admiration , to see themselues wounded with small short , where they thought themselues secure ; and by no meanes could find where they entred , nor come to the sight of any of the shott . Hereof they proved to profit themselues after , but for that they wanted the t●●p●ings , which are first to be driven home , before the arrow be put in , & as then vnderstood not the secret , they reiected them , as vncertaine , and therefore not to be vsed , but of all the shot vsed now a dayes , for the annoying of an Enemie in ●ight by Sea , few are of greater moment for many respects : which I hold not convenient to treate of in Publique . SECT . LXVII . A Little to the South-wards of the Iland of Pearle , betwixt seven and eight degrees , is the great River of Saint Buena Ventura . It falleth into the South Sea with three mouthes , the head of which , is but a little distant from the North Sea. In Anno 1575. or 1576. one Iohn Oxman of Plymouth , going into the west Indies , ioyned with the Symarons . These are fugitiue Negroes , and for the bad intreatie which their Masters had given them , were then retyred into the mountaines , and lived vpon the spoyle of such Spaniards , as they could master , and could never be brought into obedience , till by composition they had a place limmitted them for their freedome , where they should liue quietly by themselues . At this day they haue a great habitation neere Panama , called Saint Iago de los Negros , well peopled , with all their Officers and Commaunders of their owne , saue onely a Spanish Governour . By the assistance of these Symarons , hee brought to the head of this River , by peecemeale , and in many iourneyes a small pinnace , hee fitted it by time in warlike manner , and with the choice of his Company , put himselfe into the South Sea , where his good ha● , was to meete with a cople of shippes of trade , and in the one of them a great quantitie of gold . And amongst other things two peeces of speciall estimation , the one a Table of massie gold , with Emralds , sent for a present to the King ; the other a Lady of singular beautie , married , and a mother of Children . The latter grewe to be his perdition : for hee had capitulated with these Symarons , that their part of the bootie , should be onely the prisoners , to the ende to execute their malice vpon them , ( such was the rancor they had conceived against them , for that they had beene the Tyrants of their libertie . ) But the Spaniards not contented to haue them their slaues ; who lately had beene their Lords , added to their servitude , cruell intreaties . And they againe to feede their insatiable revenges , accustomed to rost and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards , whom at any time they could lay hand vpon . Iohn Oxman ( I say ) was taken with the loue of this Lady , and to winne her good will , what through her teares and perswasions , and what through feare and detestation of their barbarous inclinations ; breaking promise with the Symarons , yeelded to her request , which was , to giue the prysoners liberty with their ships ; for that they were not vsefull for him : notwithstanding Oxman kept the Lady , who had in one of the restored shippes , eyther a Sonne , or a Nephew . This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards , made all the hast they could to Pa●am● , and they vsed such diligence , as within fewe howers , some were dispatched to seeke those , who little thought so quickly to bee overtaken . The pursuers approaching the River , were doubtfull by which of the afore-remembred three mouths , they should take their way . In this wavering , one of the Souldiers espied certaine feathers , of Henns , and some boughes of trees , ( which they had cut off to make their way ) swmming downe one of the Outlets . This was light sufficient , to guide them in their course , they entred the River , and followed the tracke , as farre as their Frigats had water sufficient ; and then with part of their Souldiers in their boates , and the rest on the bankes on eyther side , they marched day and night in pursuite of their enemies ; and in fine came vppon them vnexpected at the head of the River , making good cheare in their Tents , and devided in two partialities about the partition , and sharing of their gold . Thus were they surprised , and not one escaped . Some say that Iohn Oxman , fled to the Symarons , but they vtterly denyed to receiue , or succour him , for that he had broken his promise ; the onely Obiection they cast in his teeth , was , that if he had held his word with them , hee never had fallen into this extremitie . In fine hee was taken ; and after , his shippe also was possessed by the Spaniards ; which he had hid in a certaine Coue , and covered with boughes of trees , in the guard and custodie of some foure or fiue of his followers . All his Company , were conveyed to Panama , and there were ymbarked for Lyma ; where a processe was made against them , by the Iustice , and all condemned and hanged as Pirates . This may be a good example to others in like occasions : first , to shunne such notorious sinnes , which cannot escape punishment in this life , nor in the life to come : for the breach of faith is reputed amongst the greatest faults , which a man can commit . Secondly , not to abuse another mans wife , much lesse to force her , both being odious to God and man. Thirdly to beware of mutenies , which seldome or never are seene to come to better ends ; for where such trees flourish , the fruite of force , must eyther bee bitter , sweete , or very sower . And therefore , seeing wee vaunt our selues to bee Christians and make profession of his law , who forbiddeth all such vanities ; let vs faithfully shunne them , that wee may partake the end of that hope which our profession teacheth and promiseth . SECT . LXVIII . COmming in sight of the Ilands of Pearles , the winde began to fresh in with vs , and wee profited out selues of it : but comming thwart of a small Iland , which they call la Pacheta , that lyeth within the Pearle Ilands , close abourd the mayne , and some eight or ten Leagues south and by west from Panama , the wind calmed againe . This Iland belongeth to a private man , it is a round humock , conteyning not a league of ground , but most fertile . Insomuch that by the owners industrie , and the labour of some fewe slaues , who occupie themselues in manuring it ; and two barkes , which hee imployeth in bringing the fruit it giveth , to Panama ; it is sayd to bee worth him every weeke , one with another , a barre of silver ; valued betwixt two hundreth and fiftie , or three hundreth pezos : which in English money , may amount to fiftie or threescore pounds and for that , which I saw at my being in Panama , touching this , I hold to be true . In our course to fetch the Port of Panama , we p●● our selues betwixt the Ilands and the Maine : which is a goodly Chan●ell , of three , foure , and fiue leagues broad , and without danger ; except a man come too neare the shoare on any side ; and that is thought the better course , then to goe a sea-boord of the Ilands , be●ause of the swift running of the tydes , and the advantage to stop the ebbe : As also for succour , if a man should happen to bee becalmed at any time beyond expectation ; which happeneth sometimes . The seaventh of Iuly wee had sight of Perico ; they are two little Ilands , which cause the Port of Panama , where all the shippes vse to ride ; It is some two Leagues west north-west of the Cittie , which hath also a Pere in it selfe for small Barkes , at full sea , it may haue hauē some sixe or seaven foote water , but at low water it is drie . The ninth of Iuly we anokored vnder Perico , and the Generall presently advised the Audiencia , of that which had succeeded in his Journey : which vnderstood by them , caused bonfires to be made , and every man to put luminaries in their houses ; the fashion is much vsed amongst the Spaniards in their feastes of ioy , or for glad tidings ; placing many lights in their Churches , in their windowes , and Galleries , and corners of their houses ; which being in the beginning of the night , and the Cittie close by the sea shore , showed to vs ( being farre off ) as though the Cittie had beene on a light fire . About eight of the clocke all the Artillerie of the Citty was shott off which wee might discerne by the flashes of fire , but could not heare the report : yet the Armando being advised thereof , and in a readinesse , answered them likewise with all their Artillery : which taking ende ( as all the vanities of this earth doe ) The Generall se●led himselfe to dispatch advise for the King● for the Vice-roy of Peru , and for the Vice-roy of the Nova Spana , for hee also had beene certified of our being in that sea , and had fitted an Armado to seeke vs , and to guard his coast . But now for a farewell , ( and note it ) Let me relate vnto you this Secret. How Don Beltran shewed mee a Letter from the King his Master , directed to the Vice-roy , wherein he gaue him particular relation of my pretended voyage ; of the shippes ; their burden ; their munition ; th●ir number of men , which I had in them , as perfectly as it he had seene all with his owne eyes ; Saying vnto me : Heereby , may you discerne , whether the King my Master haue friends in England , and good and speedie advice of all that passeth . Whereu●to I replyed ; It was no wonder , for that he had plentie of gold and silver , which worketh this and more strange effects : for my iourney was publique and notorious to all the Kingdome , whereunto hee replyed , that if I thought it so convenient , leaue should be given me to write into England to the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse , to my Father , and to other personages , as I thought good ; and leaving the Letters open ; that hee would send some of them , in the Kings Packet , others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro , Cardinall and Archbishoppe of Sevill , and to other friendes of his : Not making any doubt but that they would be speedily in England . For which I thanked him , and accepted his courtesie , and although I was my selfe vnable to write , yet by the hands of a servant of mine , I wrote three or foure coppies of one letter to my Father , Sir Iohn Hawkins . In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our voyage . The dispatches of Spaine and new Spaine , went by ordinary course in ships of advise ; but that for the Peru was sent by a kinseman of the Generalls , called Don Francisco de la Cuena . Which being dispatched , Don Beltran hasted all that ever hee could , to put his shippes in order , to returne to Lyma . Hee caus●d the Daintie to be grounded , and trimmed , for in those Ilands , it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foote water . And the Generall with his Captaines , and some Religious men being aboord her , and new naming her , named her the Visitation ; for that shee was rendred on the day , on which they celebrate the visitation of the blessed Virgin Mary . In that place the ground being plaine and without vantage , ( whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe shippes ) they are forced to shore them on either side . In the midest of their solemnity , her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell over vpon that side suddenly , intreating many of them ( which were in her ) very badly , and doubtles had shee bin like the shippes of the South Sea , shee had broken out her bulge : but being without Mastes and empty , ( for in the South Sea , when they bring a ground a shippe , they leaue neither mast , balast , nor any other thing abourd , besides the bare hull ) her strength was such , as it made no great show to haue received any domage , but the feare shee put them all into was not little , and caused them to runne out of her ●aster then a good pace . In these Ilands is no succour , nor refreshing ; onely in the one of them , is one house of strawe , and a little spring of small moment . For the water , which the shippes vse for their provision ; they fetch from another Iland two Leagues west north-west of these ; which they call Tabaga , having in it some fruite and refreshing , and some fewe Indians to inhabite it . What succeeded to mee , and to the rest during our Imprisoment , with the rarities and particularities of the Peru , and Tierra firme , my voyage to Spaine , and the successe , with the time I spent in pryson in the Peru , in the Tercera , in Sevill , and in Madrid , with the accidents which befell me in them ; I leaue for a second part of this discourse , if God giue life , and convenient place and rest , necessary for so tedious and troublesome a worke : desiring God , that is Almightie , to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions : that it and they may bee fruitefull , to his glory , and the good of all : then shall my desires be accomplished , and I account my selfe most happie . To whom be all glory , and thankes from all eternitie FINIS . Errata sic corrige . FOlio 5. for recant , read recount . fol. 7. and 9. for wasters , read wa●ters . fol. 9. line 7. for light , read last . fol. 15. for serue read saue . fol. 23. for we not , read we were not . for the River of Ieromino , read Ienero . for rose , read nose . The litteralls are commended to favour . The Table of the principall Observations conteined in this Booke . A Advantage of obedience . Folio . 91 Advise by Land and Sea. Folio . 117 Advertisements for Commanders . Folio . 91 For servitors . Folio . 92 Agnanapes . Folio . 62 Noblenes of Alonso de soto . Folio . 103 Alcatrices . Folio . 44 Amber-grice . Folio . 46.47 Amitie of the Indians . Folio . 116 Mending of vnserviceable Anchors . Folio . 87 Light Anchors fit for the South Sea. Folio . 102 Arica . Folio . 114 Valour of the Arawcans . Folio . 107 Much commended for all sorts of fruit and gold . Folio . 106 Spanish Armado . Folio . 125 Arrogancy of the Spanish Generall . Folio . 140 Overcharging of Artillery . Folio . 115 Courses for Artillery after bourding . Folio . 145 Donna Austria in the narrow Seas . Folio . 21 B BAckwardnesse of Companies . Folio . 90 Evill consequences thereof . ibid Baldivia . Folio . 96 English Bay. Folio . 82 The Bezar stone . Folio . 47 Beefe pickled . 69. held good beyond the Equinoctiall . ibid Blanches Bay. Folio . 77 Pollicies to avoid Bourding . Folio . 138 The Bonito . Folio . 42 Brasil knowne , &c. Folio . 38 Bravo . Folio . 29 Description of Brasil . Folio . 64 Its Hauens . Folio . 64 Commodities and wants . Folio . 65 Bestial and discommodities . ibid Losse of the Burdeaux Fleete . Folio . 9 C FAlse Calking . Folio . 18 Prevention thereof . ibid Thomas Candish . 85. surprised Folio . 58 Canary Ilands . Folio . 24 Grand Canary . Folio . 25 Cap● Blanco . Folio . 54 Ignobl● Captaines . Folio . 68 Disloyalties of Captaines . Folio . 112 Beverage of Cassavy . Folio . 62 Cas●avi Meale . Folio . 61 Preparing thereof . ibid S. Catelena . Folio . 66 Parts requisite in a Chieftain . Folio . 130 Two Chieftain● dangerous . Folio . 133 Cherries . Folio . 55 People of Chile . Folio . 98 Their weapons . Folio . 99 And hate to the Spaniards . ●●id Civil Catts . Folio . 31 Cittie of Conception . Folio . 100 Vnwillingnesse to follow couetous Commanders . Folio . 109 A Commander not to trust his officers . Folio . 127 Admonitions to Commanders . Folio . 128. Cocos , and their kinds . Folio . 30.31 Complaints of master Thomas Candish . Folio . 14 Of master George Raymond . ibid Company sicke . 38. dismayed . Folio . 84 Losse of the Edward Cotton . Folio . 33. Clothes made in Coquimbo . Folio . 107 Crabby Cove . Folio . 84 Care of Currants . Folio . 33 D DEparture from Lyma . Folio . 103 Devises in sudden accidents . Folio . 76. Directions to be secret . Folio . 130 Discipline of the Spanish . Folio . 67 Cause of their prosperities . ibid Discipline neglected by the English . Folio . 8 Pried into by the Spaniards Folio . 134 And by them imitated . ibid Vse of Discoueries . Folio . 1 Discouery on the coast to be avoyded . Folio . 100 The Dolphin . Folio . 42 Sir Francis Drake vpon the sothermost part of the world . Folio . 9● Providence of the Dutch. ●7 Ducks . Folio . 74 E ELizabeths Bay.   Disvse of Engines of Antiquitie . Folio . 143 The English carry vp their flag Folio . 20 English Authours of Sea Dis●ipline . Folio . 8 Carelesnesse of the English. Folio . 127 Exchange of trifles . Folio . 98 Of sheepe . ibid Exercise alwayes necessary . Folio . 26 F Ed ▪ Fenton . Folio . 85 Iuan Fernandes . Folio . 100 Danger of Fier . 39. By heating of Pitch . ibid. By taking Tobacco . ibid. By Candle light . ibid. By hooping and scutling . Folio . 40 By nature of waters . ibid Strange tree in Fiero . Folio . 25 Beginning of the Spanish Fight . 126. Their intertainment . Folio . 122 The English. 75. The Spanish 130 ibid. pay deere for their rashnes . 135. Take a new resolution . Folio . 1●6 Flying fishes . Folio . 44 French and English salute . Folio . 20 French surprised . Folio . 57 To know wholsome fruits . Folio . 55 Fuego . Folio . 29 End of Fugitiues . Folio . 135 G GAnnetts . Folio . 54 God propitions . Folio . 84 Therefore praised . ibid One Shippe and some Gold taken . Folio . 101 Euery shower , a shower of Gold. ibid. S : R : Greenfild at Flores . Folio . 10 Guls. Folio . 73 Deceit of the Gunner . Folio . 127 H MAster Thomas Hampton . Folio . 20 Annoyances in Harbours . Folio . 51 Vse of Havas purgativas . Folio . 55 Master Wil : Hawkins . Folio . 86 Hawkins Mayden-●and . Folio . 70 Helm-man . Folio . 54 I SAint Iago 29. sacked . ibid S. Iames Ilands . Folio . 54 The Iesus of Lubeck . Folio . 3 Ienero . Folio . 77.59 Vnwholsome Ilands . 27 Their heat . ibid. The breze . ibid. The best remedie . Folio . 28 Inconvenience of Imprests . Folio . 15 Their true vse . Folio . 16 Indians howsing 63. and manner of sleeping . ibid Indians apparrell . Folio . 98 Indians poligamy Folio . 63 Indians trechery . Folio . 97 Indians foresight . Folio . 81 Indians industry . 57. dismissed 123. led by a Mulato . Folio . 124 Consequence of Instructions . Folio . 17 Isla Graund . Folio . 60 Planting of Iuca . Folio . 62 By women . ibid L VNknowne Land. Folio . 69 Care of approch . ibid New devise for stopping Leakes without Bourd . Folio . 104 Best time to pa●se the Lyne . Folio . 48 M Madera ▪ Folio . 24 Who to be accounted a Mariner . Folio . 128 His knowledge . ibid. and materials . ibid. for navigation . ibid The Mariners revenge . Folio . 43 Wilfulnesse of Mariners . Folio . 100 S. Maries . Folio . 100 Care of the Master . Folio . 53 Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters Mate . Folio . 52 Fittest places of meeting . Folio . 17 Mocha . Folio . 96 Monkies , Parrots . Folio . 31 Influence of the Moone . Folio . 28 Mutinies how to be winked at Folio . 94 Vnadvisednesse of the multitude . Folio . 126 O OBiections resolved . Folio . 141 Office of a Master . Folio . 129 Of a Pilot. ibid Of the Boteswaine . ibid Of the Steward . ibid Of the Carpenter . ibid Of the Gunner . Folio . 130 Lawes of Oloron . Folio . 111 Vertue of Oranges . Folio . 52 Beds of Oreweed . Folio . 70 P MOdestie of Sir Hen : Palmer . Folio . 8 Patience of the Earle of Nottingham . Folio . 93 Parts requisite in a Com●●nder at Sea. Folio . 8 The Palmito . Folio . 29.55 Palmito Iland . Folio . 59 Pearles . Folio . 88 Iland of Pengwins . Folio . 72 Described ibid Hunting of Pengwins . Folio . 73 Kept for store . ibid Care of the Pentagones . Folio . 63 King Philips comming into England . Folio . 21 Pilats Fishes . Folio . 44 Challenging of pillage . Folio . 110 Prevention of vndue pillage . Folio . 113 What to be reputed pillage . Folio . 112 Placentia . Folio . 30 The Plaintai● . Folio . 30 Dutie of Pynaces . Folio . 24 Pynace lost . Folio . 13 Porke good foure yeare old . Folio . 96 Danger of open Ports . Folio . 5 Providence of God. Folio . 53 Corrupt ; or scantie Provisiōs . Folio . 109 Provisions , better provided at Pli●●●outh . Folio . 5 Puerto Viejo . Folio . 122 Puma . Folio . 121 Purgatiues . Folio . 5● Purflain . Folio . 55 Q. BAy of Quintera . Folio . 105 R. PRevention of Ratts . Folio . 89 Calamities they bring . ibid Long Reach . Folio . 81 The Repentance . Folio . 3 Reasons of returne dangerous . Folio . 87 The Revenge . Folio . 2 Spare R●dders . Folio . 105 Runnawayes . Folio . 68 S SAbboth reserved for holy exercises . Folio . 27 Sailes of Cotton cloth . Folio . 102 Ilands of Salomon . Folio . 1●0 Arrivall at Santos . Folio . 49 Forbidden to trade . Folio . 50 Pedro Sarmiento . Folio . 71 The Scurvy . 35. The signes . ibid The causes . ibid Seething Meat in Salt water . Folio . 36 Corruption of Victuall . ibid Vapours of the Sea. ibid The remedies , By Dyet . ibid By Shift . ibid By labour . ibid By early eating and drinking ibid. By sower Oranges and Lemmons . ibid By Doctor Stevens water ibid By oyle of ●itry : ibid By ayre of the Land. ibid Abuses of Sea-faring men . Folio . 14 Seales . Folio . 75 Setting the Ship vpon a Rocke . 83. diligence to free it . ibid Shething of Ships . Folio . 78 In Spaine and Portingall . Folio . 79 With double Plankes . ibid. With Canvas , ibidem With burnt Planks . ibid With Varnish in Chi●● . ibid In England . Folio . 80 Best manner of Shething . Folio . 80 The Sharke . Folio . 43 What requisit in Shipping . Folio . 2 The honour of his Maiesties Ships . Folio . 20 Ships of trade . Folio . 138 The Prince his Ships . ibid All Ships of warre are not to be low built . Folio . 139 Foure Ships taken . Folio . 10● Dutie of a small Ship against a greater . Folio . 141 Shooting at Sea 19. Mischances therevpon ensuing . ibid Sloth cause of fancies . Folio . 82 Care of sounding . Folio . 32 Spanish discipline . Folio . 132.133.134 Spanish officers . Folio . 134 Spanish Admirall commeth to Leeward . Folio . 131 Spaniards parley . Folio . 134 Inexperience of the Spaniards . Folio . 126. Weaknesse of the Spaniards . Folio . 9 Vain-glory of the Spaniards . Folio . 142 Severitie of Spaine . Folio . 144 Care of Steerage . Folio . 53 Exquisite in the Spaniards and Portingals . ibid The Straights . Folio . 70 Second peopling of the Straights Folio . 76. South part of the Straights Ilands . Folio . 95 Effects of courage in Stormes . Folio . 10 A cruell Storme . Folio . 99 Birds like Swans . 68. how caught , good refreshment . Folio . 69 Swearing remedied . Folio . 41 T DEscription of Tenerif . Folio . 25 The Thunderbolt of London . Folio . 3. Tobias Cove . Folio . 83 Concealement hindereth Trading . Folio . 113 Point Tremontame . Folio . 70 Entertainment of Time. Folio . 88 V CAptaine Vavisor . Folio . 10 Importance of a small Vessell . Folio . 100. Place of Vice-admirall . Folio . 9 Considerations for Voyages . Folio . 4 Voyages overthrowne by pretences . Folio . 95 Overthrow of the Voyage . Folio . 66 The cause . ibid Infidelitie . ibid W ORder of the Flemish Wafters . Folio . 8. Deteyning of Wages . Folio . 110 Warehouses sacked . Folio . 101 Obiection of wast . Folio . 78 answered . ibid Wast of men . Folio . 57 Distilling of Salt - water . Folio . 52 Contagious Waters . Folio . 56 Care of Watches . Folio . 34 Fruits of good Watch. Folio . 58 Concealement of Weakenes . Folio . 103 Wilfulnesse of Mariners . Folio . 6 Wine more dangerous , then the enemy . Folio . 103 Spanish Wines and Fevers vnknowne in England . Folio . 103 Wine consumeth treasure . Folio . 104 Fight of the Whale . Folio . 45 With the Sword fish . ibid With the Thresher . ibid Taking of the Whale . Folio . 46 By the Indians . Folio . 47 Warning against Wormes . Folio . 78 Y YOnkers ever necessary in the top . Folio . 26 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A02826-e430 The necessary vse of Discoveries . Of travaile . O● Shipping . Improper Names for Shipping . The Revenge . See M●ster Hac●u●ts Relations . The Thunderbolt o● London . The Iesus of Lubeck . The Repentance . The Iourney of Spaine . Considerations for pretended Voyages . Provisions better provided at Plimmouth , then at London . Note . Note . The Providence o● the Dutch. The English , Authors of Sea discipline . By them againe n●glected . The modesty of Sir Henry Palmer . Parts required in a Commander at Sea. The losse of the Burdieux Fleete , Anno ●592 . The caus● . The weaknes of the enemy . The Voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins , Anno 1590. Sir Richard Greenfield at Flores . Captaine Vavisor . Parts requisite in a good Mariner . A cruell Storme . And therein the effects of courage and advise . The losse of the Pynace . Abuses of some Sea-faring men . Master Thomas Candish . Master George Reymon● . The inconvenience of Imprests . The true vse of Imprests . The consequence of Instructions at departure . Obiections against meeting in Harbours . Answered , False Calking . For prevention thereof . Example . Advise for shooting at Sea. Sundry mischan●es for neglect thereof Obiect . Answer . Master Thomas Hampto's . The French and English Fleete salute one another . The English carry vp their flagg in the French Seas . The honour of his Maiesties ships . Practised at the comming in of K●ng Philip into England . And in the passage of Dona Anna de Austria . As also in her repas●age . The dutie of Pynaces . The Madera Ilands . Canaria Ilands . Gorgosh● . The Description of Tenerif . Of a Tree in Fierro . The first discoverers of these Ilands . Note . Exercises vpon the Southwards of the Canaries . Cape de Verd. The vnwholsomnesse thereof . The heatt . The Brezes . The remedie . The influence of the Moone in hot Countries . Saint Iago . Sacked by Manuel Serades , St. Francis Drake , and Sir Anthony Shyrley . Fuego . Bravo . The Palmito . The Plantane . Platentia . The Cocos , and ●heir kindes . Cyvet-Catts . Munkeyes . Parrots . Note . The losse of the Edward Cotton . The Scurvey . The signes . The cause . Seething of meat in Salt water . Corruption of victuall . Vapours of the Sea. Azores . The remedies ; By dyet . By shift . By labour . By early eating and drinking . By sower Oranges and Lemmons . By Doctor Stevens water . By oyle of Vitry. By the ayre of the land . The company sicke , and dismayed . Brasill . Cape S. Augustine . Farnambuca . Todos Santos . De Vitoria . Dangers of Fire . By heating of Pitch . By taking Tobacco . By Hooping and Scutling of Caske . By natures of waters . By Swearing . The Dolphin . The Bonito . The Sharke . flying Fishes . Alcatrace . The fight of the Whale , with the Sword-fish , and Thresher . The taking of the Whale . Amber-greece . The Beazar stone . Amber greece . By the Indians . B●st times to passe the lyne , from the North-wards to the South-ward . For prevention of annoyances , &c. in Harbours . The vertue of Oranges . Distilling of Salt water . Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters Mate . Providence of God , and the care of the Master . Care of Steeridge , Exquisit in the Spanyards and Portingalls . Cape Blanco . Saint Iames Ilands , alias Saint Annes . Gannets . Purslane . Cherries . Palmitos . Purgatiues . The vse of Havas purgativas . Artechoques , or Prick-Peares . A good note to take , or refuse vnknowne fruits . Contagious water . Wast and losse of men . Industry of the Indians ; They surprise the French , San-sebastian . kill the English , and discover vs. The events of good watch . Palmito Iland . Ienero . Little Iland . Isl● Grand . Shells of mother of pearle . Price of Ne●roes . Cassavi meale . The preparing thereof for ●ood . Agnanapes . And for Bevera●e . The manner of planting Iuca , with the labour of the women . Polygamy of the Indians ▪ Their attire ▪ Their manne● of housing . And sleeping . The description of Brasill . It s Havens . Its Commodities . Its wants . The bestiall thereof . The discommodities . Santa Catalina . Variation of the Compasse . The overthrow of the Voyage . The cause , Infidelitie . Discipl●ne of the Spanish , the only cause of their prosperities . The cunning of Runnawayes . and ignoble Captaines , verified at their returnes . Birds like Swans caught with lin● and hooke Proue good refreshment . Care of the Pentagones . A description of the vnknovvne land . A caveat for comming suddenly too nere an vnknowne land . Poynt Tremountaine . Payre Iland . Condite head . Hawkins-maid●n-land . Bedds of Oreweed , with white flowers . Our comming to the Straites . Pedro Sarmi●nto bu●ld●th San-Philip . Note . The Ilands of Pengwins . Good provision in the Straites . The description of the Pengwin . Hunting the Pengwin . The keeping for store . The Gulls , Ducks . Of Seales , or Sea-wolues . Devises in sudden accidents . The second peopling of the Spaniards . Elizabeths Bay. The River of Ieronimo . Blanches Bay. Obiection of wast . Answere . Warning against wormes . Sheathing of Shippes . In Spaine and Portugall , with double plankes . With Canvas . With burnt plankes . In China with Varnish . In England ▪ Best manner of sheathing . Long Reach . Note . English Bay. Sloth cause of imagination . Tobias Cove . Setting of the Ship vpon a Rocke . The company dismayed . Diligence to 〈◊〉 it . To the laborious God propitious , and there●ore praysed . Crabby Cove . Voyages ●verthroune by pretences . Edward F●nton and master Thomas Cand●sh . Master William Hawkins . Danger to hearken vnto reasons of return● . The mending of an vnserviceable Anchor . Entertainement o● time , to avoyd idlenesse , In gathering of Winter● Barke . Of Pearles . Prevention of Ra●s . The Calamities they bring to a ship . Backwardnes in the Companie , and the consequences thereof . Advertisements ●or C●mmanders . The advantage of obedience . Advertis●ments ●or yong Servi●ors . The patience of the Earle of Nottingham . Mutenies not alwayes to be winked at . South part of the Straites Ilands . Sir Francis Drake imbraceth the Southermost poin● of the world . M●cha . Baldiv●a . Trechery of the Indians . Ex●hanges o● t●ifles . O● Sheepe . Their apparell , and housing . People 〈◊〉 Chily . Their weapons . Their hate to the Sp●niards . A cruel storme The important losse of a small vessell . Saint Maries . Citty of Conc●ption . Ivan Fernandes Good to avo●d discovery Wilfulnesse of Mariners . They seize ●pon 4. Ships . And the warehouses . They seize vpon another Shippe , and some gold . Light Anchors brou●ht from the North S●a , And the first Artillerie . Sayles of Cotton c●oth . They dep●rt from Lyma , and conc●ale their weaknes . The no●le●es of Alonso ●e Soto . The enemy lesse dangerous then the Wine . Spanish Wines and burning Feavers vnknowne in England . And consumeth treasure . Description of the Bay. A new devise for stopping a Leake without board . Spare Rudders . Bay of Quintera . Nota verum hispanum . Coquinbo . Arica in Chily , much commended . For all sorts of fru●tes . And plenty of Gold. The Indians forbid the search of gold . Every showre , a showre of gold . Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo . The valour of the Arawcans . Most men vnwillin● to follow cove●ous Commande●s . The mischiefs of corrupt , or scant●e provisions . Of detayning and def●auding of wages . Of marriners by challenge of Pillage . The lawes of Oleron , con●erning pillage . What ought to be reputed pillage . Against the disloyalties of Captaines . Conc●●●emē● ; o● much more value , th●n the Trad●ng . The prevention of vndue pillagin●s . Arica . The severity of Spaine . Overcha●●ing o● Artileries . The amity of the Indians . Advise ●●ven ●y Sea and Land. The Ilands of Salomon . Punta de Augus●a . Puma . Puerto viejo . They dismisse their Indians . The Indians led by a Molato Spanis● Armado . The vnadvised courage of the multitude . The beginning of the ●ight . The inex●erience of the Spa●iards . And carelesnesse of the English. How farre a Commander is to trust his officers . Deceit of the Gann●r , and his extreme carelesnesse , and suspitious disloyalty . Admonitions , for Commanders . Who to be accounted a true Marriner . His knowledge for Materialls . For provisions . For Navigation . Offic● of the Master . Office of the Pilot. The Boteswaine . The Steward The Carpenter . The Gunner . Directions in secret . Parts requ●site in a good husbandman . The like in a good Chie●etaine . Why the Spanish Admirall ca●e to leewa●ds . Intertainment of Spaniards . The English , 75. The Spaniards , 1300. The Spanish discipline . Two Clac●etaines ioyned in Commi●●ion dang●rous . The Souldier . The Gunner . The Marriner . Officers i● a shipp . of War. Captaine of the So●ldiers . Captaine of t●e shippe . Mr. Del Campo , &c. Prving of the Sp●niards into o●r Di●cipl●ne . Their imitation o● o●t ●iscipline . The ends of Fugitiues . The Spaniards pay deerely for their rashnesse . And take a new resolution Pollicies to avoyde bourdings . Dispute concerning ships of Trade . Concerning the Prince his shippes . Al ships of warre are not to below bu●lt Perticular respects must giue place to the Generall . Arrogancy of a Spanish G●nerall . Doubts and obiections resolued . And the duty of a small ship against a greater . Vain-glory of the Spanish . Courses for Artiller● after bourding . Disuse of engines of Antiquitie . The Spaniards parley . They resolue to fight it out . The Enemie breatheth , The English repaire their defects . Advant●ges omitted . The difference of shot . Their effects . Errors in Fight , Learned from the Flemings and Easterlings . 1. To fight vnarmed . 2. To drinke to excesse . The Spaniard surpasseth vs onely in temperance . The vse and profit of arming , exactly obs●rved by the Spanish . Armes more necessary by Sea , then at Land. A difference for Commanders . Race-ships of Warre disliked Wast-clothes not so vsefull , as other devises . The disadvantage o● Ships to lee-wa●d . And the b●st remedie . The Spaniards●ore-mast ●ore-mast thrice shot through . Th● English sur●ender . T●e mildnes of a Generall after victorie The Daintie in danger of perishing . M●●haell Archangell , ●e●o●ereth th● Sh●p . Fishing for Pearles . The places where pearle are found . The Generall continueth his honourable vsage , towards the sicke and wounded . What a Pirate is . 3. Sorts of defiances . The Custome of Spaine ●or of warre . The Custome of England . A disputation concerning Buena querra . The Resolution &c. The noble vsage of the Eng●ish , But abused in these dayes . Don Beltran satisfied And answereth . Short arrowes for Muskets . Iohn Oxmans Voyage to the South Sea. What the Symarons are . Their habitation . Their assistance . Iohn Oxman capitulateth with them , His folly , And Breach of promise . His pursuite . And evill Fortune . He flyeth to the Symarons Breach of faith never vnpunished . La Pacheta The Generall certefieth the Audiencia of his successe . The great ioy of the Spaniards . Note 
A65182	----	Voyages and discoveries in South-America the first up the river of Amazons to Quito in Peru, and back again to Brazil, perform'd at the command of the King of Spain by Christopher D'Acugna : the second up the river of Plata, and thence by land to the mines of Potosi by Mons Acarete : the third from Cayenne into Guiana, in search of the lake of Parima, reputed the richest place in the world by M. Grillet and Bechamel : done into English from the originals, being the only accounts of those parts hitherto extant : the whole illustrated with notes and maps. 1698 Approx. 475 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 185 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65182 Wing V746 ESTC R1215 12368276 ocm 12368276 60479 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65182) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60479) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 903:7) Voyages and discoveries in South-America the first up the river of Amazons to Quito in Peru, and back again to Brazil, perform'd at the command of the King of Spain by Christopher D'Acugna : the second up the river of Plata, and thence by land to the mines of Potosi by Mons Acarete : the third from Cayenne into Guiana, in search of the lake of Parima, reputed the richest place in the world by M. Grillet and Bechamel : done into English from the originals, being the only accounts of those parts hitherto extant : the whole illustrated with notes and maps. Acuña, Cristóbal de, b. 1597. Nuevo descubrimiento del gran rio de las Amazonas. English. Acarete, du Biscay, 17th cent. Relation des voyages dans la rivière de la Plate. English. Grillet, Jean, 1624-1677. Journal du voyage qu'on fait les Per̀es Jean Grillet et François Bećhamel ... dans la Goyane l'an 1674. English. Béchamel, François, 1637-1676. viii, 190 [i.e. 198], 79, [5], 68 p. : [2] fold. maps. Printed for S. Buckley ..., London : 1698. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. "An account of a voyage up the river de la Plata, and thence over land to Peru ..." has special t.p. and separate pagination. "A journal of the travels of John Grillet and Francis Bechamel into Guiana..." has special t.p. and separate pagination. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng South America -- Description and travel. French Guiana -- Description and travel. Brazil -- Description and travel. Amazon River -- Description and travel. Rio de la Plata (Argentina and Uruguay) 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN South-America . The First up the River of Amazons to Quito in Peru , and back again to Brazil , perform'd at the Command of the King of Spain . By CHRISTOPHER D'ACVGNA . The Second up the River of Plata , and thence by Land to the Mines of Potosi . By Mons . ACARETE . The Third from Cayenne into Guiana , in search of the Lake of Parima , reputed the richest Place in the World. By M. GRILLET and BECHAMEL . Done into English from the Originals , being the only Accounts of those Parts hitherto extant . The whole illustrated with Notes and Maps .. LONDON , Printed for S. Buckley at the Dolphin over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet . 1698. ADVERTISEMENT . WHEN the Introduction was going into the Press , Advice came from Lisbon by the way of Paris , That the Sieur de Ferolle , Governour of Cayenne , being informed that the Portuguez were building a Fort on the North-side of the River of Amazons , to secure a rich Silver Mine which they had discover'd there , sent notice to the Portuguez , that they had invaded the French King's Territories , and therefore desir'd 'em to retire , that River being the Limits of the two Nations ; but the Portuguez refusing to quit their Enterprize , Monsieur de Ferolle march'd against them , and attack'd 'em with so much Success , that those who guarded the Mine and the Fort were killed , or put to flight . How this Contest between these two Nations will be decided , is uncertain ; but this is certain , that whatever Europeans first possess themselves of the Isle of the Sun , and the Bosphore or Strait of the Amazone , will command the Entrance into , and Passage up that noble River , and secure the Trade of it to themselves . INTRODUCTION . THE following Relations discovering some of the richest Parts of the World , not yet planted by the Europeans , and others but little known , worthy the perusal of the Curious , can hardly fail of a favourable Reception at this Juncture ; for of all the Blessings of Peace , none appear more charming or profitable than Navigation and Commerce , especially to the English Nation , whose Genius is much bent upon Improvements at Sea , and Plantations abroad , which bring great Riches into the Kingdom , particularly those in America , where the Spaniards by their ill Conduct have given Opportunities to some of their Neighbours to put in for a share of the Wealth and Trade of that vast Tract of Land. The frequent Sacking of their Towns and seizing of their Ships by the English , French , and Dutch , put Philip the Third upon searching out new ways of transporting the Treasures of Peru , Chili , and Granada into Spain ; to which end ( the Coasts about , and in the Gulph of Mexico being as well known as those in Europe ) Orders were dispatched from the Court at Madrid to the Governours of Brazil and Peru to attempt the Navigation of the great River of AMAZONS , that if 't were found practicable , the Gold , Silver , and other Merchandizes of Peru and the adjacent Countries might be safely and commodiously sent down to Para to be put on board the Galleons , which would lie less expos'd there , than at Cartagena , Porto Belo , or Vera Cruz , the Soundings of the Mouth of that River being unknown , and dangerous to Strangers . What Essays were made pursuant to these Instructions , is best seen by the first Chapters of the ensuing Relation of F. Chr. d' Acugna , to which the Reader is referr'd , as the true Journal of the only Voyage upon , and Discovery of that noble River from the Source to the Mouth : 't were needless to offer any other Recommendation of the Work , except some Account of the Author . † Christopher d' Acugna was born at Burgos in Spain , Anno 1597. and entred into the Society of Jesus at 15 Years of Age. After some Years spent in Study , he went into America , and was Rector of the Jesuits College at Cuence under the Jurisdiction of Quito , when Peter Texeira the Portuguez General came thither from Para in Brazil up the River of Amazons . The Viceroy of Peru ordered our Author to embark with Texeira ( who return'd by the same way he came ) and to inform himself exactly in his Voyage of every thing that might enable him to give a satisfactory Account of the Amazone to the K. of Spain . Accordingly they departed from Quito Jan. 16. 1639. and arriv'd at Para Dec. 12. following . Thence he went into Spain , and presented to the King his Master an ample Relation of the said River ; which was published at Madrid in 1641 , and entituled * Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas , in 4o. He was sent to Rome in Quality of Provincial ; came back to Spain honoured with the Title of Qualificator of the Inquisition , return'd agen into the West-Indies , and was alive at Lima in 1675. according to Father Sotwel . ‖ 'T is thought that the Revolutions of Portugal in 1641. which occasion'd the Loss of all Brazil , and the Colony of Para , at the Mouth of the River of Amazons from the Spaniards , were the Cause of this Relation being suppress'd both in Spain and America , lest being of no use to the Spaniards , the Portuguez might make too great Advantages of it : Thus the Copies of it became so scarce , that the Editor of the French Translation says , there was not one single Book any where to be had , except that the Translator ( M. Gomberville of the French Academy ) made use of , and perhaps there might be another in the Vatican Library ; for Philip the Fourth had taken all possible care to get and destroy most of the printed Copies in Europe and the West-Indies . † In the Year 1655 the Count de Pagan , Master of the Artillery , presented to Mazarine Proposals for conquering and planting this great River ; but the Cardinal being involv'd in Domestick Troubles , was not at leisure to push on the Enterprize , tho it had been first started by that eminent Minister himself . This Discourse of Monsieur de Pagan is extracted for the most part out of Acugna , and is a sort of Paraphrase upon him , full of Digressions , and not comparable to the Original it self , which is more uniform and authentick , containing abundance of remarkable Observations , not mentioned by Pagan nor any other Copist whatsoever . The Cardinal was once resolv'd to plant five several Colonies ; the first in the Isle of the Sun , to guard the best Entrance into the Mouth of the Amazone ; the second on the Bosphore or Strait , to keep the Passage ; the third on the Points of the Rio Negro ; the fourth on the Zuanes near the Golden Mines ; the last on the Mouth of the Maragnon , to watch over the Spanish Frontiers on that side of the Andes : This was the Plan of his Design . The many Difficulties of entring the Mouth , and getting into the true Channel of this River of Amazons , have often discouraged the Spaniards , English , and Dutch from attempting to trade in it , whereas upon Practice and Experience it might prove as navigable as most of the great Rivers of the World , whose Mouths are generally encumbred either with Sands , Flats , Isles , or impetuous Currents , which after a few Trials become familiar . The way propounded to the Cardinal was this . First shun the strong Currents , by passing aside into 2 Degrees of South Latitude ; then steer up agen by the Coast of Brazil at 30 min. South Lat. double the Point of Zaparara , and sail to the South-west ; after that follow the Coast of the Province of Para , and pass the Channel of the Isle of the Sun at 1 Deg. 15 Min. South Lat. and 26 Leagues from the main Sea ; lastly , sail Westward , leave the side of Para , and keep the same Latitude to gain the Bank-side of Curupa , and there enter into the best Road of this River at 2 deg . S. Lat. and 30 Leagues beyond Curupa , which is but 1 deg . 30 min. on the same side of the Line . Since that time the French being Masters of the Isle of Cayenne ( which they have fortified and cultivated ) to the North of the Amazone , have not ( nor any other Nation that we know of ) planted any Countrey on this River , but have contented themselves with making Journeys into Guiana , particularly in search of the vast Lake of Parima , which the Spaniards have long fancied to be * the richest Place in the World , calling it the Kingdom of Dorado , whither all the great Families of Peru retir'd , and built the Golden City of † Manoa . What grounds the Spaniards went upon in their Attempts to find out these Places at a mighty Expence of Blood and Treasure , will best appear by the following Travels of M. Grillet and Bechamel , who went beyond the suppos'd Longitudes of these Places , and could not learn the least Tidings of them from any of the Indian Nations , tho the Circumference of the Lake alone is generally reckon'd to be above 1500 Miles . 'T is true , some may object that this doth not wholly destroy the common Geography of that Country , and give this plausible Argument , that the simple innocent Indians are grown so extremely sensible of the cruel Dispositions of the Europeans , that they begin now to conceal industriously every thing from them , and lead them out of the way , lest they should fix in their Country and exercise their Barbarities over them ; * for by a modest Computation , the number of Americans murder'd in cold Blood exceeds that of the People now living in Europe . To this Journey a short Description of Guiana was thought fit to be annex'd , being drawn up by M. Gomberville out of Original Papers for the Instruction and Vse of Mareshal D'Estrade , Vice-roy of all the French Plantations in America . The Notes are from another hand , perhaps M. Villamont , who was pleas'd to divert himself with such sort of Papers . It remains now that we give some Account of what Voyages have been made up the River De la Plata . ‖ In the Year 1512. Joannes Dias de Solis ( and again in 1515. ) was the first Discoverer of this Plate or Silver River , wherein he and most of his Relations spent their Lives and Estates . ‖ An. 1526. Sebastian Cabota , a Venetian by his Father , but born at Bristol in England , went above 120 Leagues up this River , and staid in it above 15 Months . An. 1527. Diego Garcias a Portuguez , made further Discoveries in it ; but nothing more was done till nine Years after , when Pedro de Mendoza return'd with 12 Ships and 1000 Men. And about the Year 1540. * Alvarez Cabeca de Vacca went and peopled the Provinces to some purpose . At first they found much Gold and Silver , with infinite numbers of different Nations ( soon lessened under the Tyranny and Devastations of their new Masters ) the Country prodigiously fertile , the Rivers overflowing every Year upon the Stationary Rains , as the Amazone and Orenoque in Guiana , and as the Nile and the Niger in Africa . Since then the Spaniards have been possest of this part of America , and no Strangers have pass'd up this River to Potosi to give us any exact Relation thereof ; this of M. Acarete is the latest , and much more copious and particular than that of Martin del Barco , or the Dutch Journal translated from a Manuscript by J. de Laet in his Hist . Ind. besides , what is here related by Acarete of the Mines of Potosi is wholly new , and merits our notice . The way he went seems to be a shorter and a safer Passage to and from the Mines of Potosi than that usually practis'd by Arica , Lima , Panama and Porto-Belo , especially now the Boucaniers are so well acquainted with those Seas and Countries ; but he has given a pretty good reason why the Spaniards don't open a Trade that way . THE COURSE OF THE RIVER OF AMAZONS Described according to the Relation of F : Chr ▪ d'Acugna by . Monr. Sanson Geographer in Ordinary to the French King London Printed for S. Buckley ▪ map of the Amazon River A Relation of the Great River of AMAZONS in South-America . Containing all the Particulars of Father Christopher d' Acugna's Voyage , made at the Command of the King of Spain . Taken from the Spanish Original of the said Chr. d' Acugna , Jesuit . CHAP. I. Of the Country in which the River of Amazons is situated . Of its Reputation , and of the first Discoveries the Spaniards made of it . THE Spaniards were no sooner become Masters of that Part of America , which is now called Peru , but they extremely desir'd to make a Discovery of the great River of Amazons , which some Geographers through a vulgar Error have call'd the River of Maragnon . They were induc'd to attempt this not only by the Account they had receiv'd of the Fertility of the Soil , and of the Riches of the People along that famous River , but also because they had very good Reasons to believe that it took its Course from the West to the East , and that receiving all the Rivers that descend from the Mountains of Peru , it was a kind of Canal through which there was a Passage from the Southern to the Northern Sea. Upon these Conjectures some Persons undertook to go in search of this River , but to no purpose . Others afterward made the like Essay , but with no better Success . At length in the Year 1539. Gonzalles Pizarre being made Governor of the Province of Quito by the Marquess Francis Pizarre his Brother , who was Governor of Peru , put himself in an Equipage to go to his Government , and from thence to pass on to the Conquest of the Country of Cannelle . He got together two hundred Foot and a hundred Horse , partly at his own Charge , and partly at the Expence of some that accompanied him in this Expedition , which cost above fifty thousand * Castillans of Gold. Being arriv'd at Quito , he order'd all necessary Provisions to be made for his Journey , took a great number of Indian Slaves to carry the Baggage , and set forward at the end of December in the Year 1539 , with four hundred Spaniards and four thousand Indians . He order'd for the Subsistence of his Men four thousand Sheep , Cows , and Swine to be driven along with 'em ; and taking his Course directly Northward , he enter'd into the Country of the Quixos , where the Conquests of the Yncas of Peru ended . This Province is forty Leagues in length , and twenty in breadth ; and was inhabited by a People that never us'd to dwell together in Towns or Villages like those of Peru , but liv'd in a straggling manner scatter'd up and down the Country . CHAP. II. The way Gonzalles Pizarre took in passing out of Quito , and the Difficulties he met with in his Journey . THE March of our Adventurers was retarded , not only by the Opposition they had from the People of the Country , who disputed their Passage , but also by continual Rains and Earthquakes so violent , that many Houses were overturn'd , and deep Breaches made in the Earth before 'em , together with such terrible Storms and Claps of Thunder , that any one but Gonzalles Pizarre would have abandon'd such an Enterprize as seem'd to be oppos'd both by Heaven and Earth . However he with his Men did not give over their March for all this bad Weather , but cross'd the Province of the Quixos , till they came to the foot of some high Mountains all cover'd with Snow , which make a part of those which the Spaniards call the Cordeliers , and which bound the Province of the Quixos on the North. Tho the Rains still continued they resolv'd to pass over the Mountains , but were not far advanc'd before the Rain turn'd into a Snow so thick and cold , that many of the Indians were kill'd by it . The Spaniards were likely to have undergone the same fate , if they had continued their March as they began : They concluded that nothing but Expedition could save 'em from the Rigor of the Cold , and therefore left all the Cattle they had with them , and lighted themselves of the rest of their Provisions and Baggage , hoping they should find enough on t'other side of the Mountains . When they were got over them , they enter'd into a Valley call'd Zumaque , which is a hundred Leagues from Quito by the account of good Geographers ; there they found abundance of Provisions and Refreshments , and continued there two Months to acquaint themselves with the Country , and to see if they could make any advantage of it . But this Place not answering the great hopes they had conceiv'd of their Adventure , Pizarre parted from Zumaque with sixty good Souldiers to discover the Country of Cannelle ; but in pursuing the Course he had taken towards the North , he found the way so rough and mountainous , that he was constrain'd to change his Road ; he therefore turn'd directly to the East , and after some few days march , enter'd into that famous Country call'd by the Inhabitants Cannelle , from certain great Trees , like Olive-Trees , that are call'd so in that Place . CHAP. III. The Countries near the River of Amazons discover'd by Gonzalles Pizarre . HErrera the Spanish Historian says , Pizarre exercis'd the greatest Cruelty imaginable on the Inhabitants of these Regions , insomuch that he gave Men to be eaten alive by his Dogs . This engag'd all the Country to put themselves in Arms against him , so that he was oblig'd to encamp himself as in an Enemy's Country : And his Cruelties , together with the Despair he was in of ever being able to find what he was seeking after , had like to have put an end to his Enterprize at once . He was encamp'd on the Bank of a River , which swell'd so much in one Night , that if the Sentinels , who perceiv'd the Water was apace getting ground of 'em , had not warn'd 'em of their Danger , they had been all drown'd ; but at the Alarm they gave 'em they soon secur'd themselves by making towards the Cottages of the wild People , and Pizarre resolv'd to return to Zumaque , not knowing what other course to take . From thence he proceeded again with all his Men , and after a March of four Leagues , he met with a great Village call'd Ampua , govern'd by a Cacique , and found a great number of the Inhabitants in a posture of Defence expecting their Enemy . But there was another and a greater Obstacle in his way than this Cacique and all his Troops , and that was a River so wide and deep , that he could have no thoughts of venturing to swim over it . He could therefore find no better Expedient than to enter into a Treaty with the People of the Country , and to desire the help of their Canoos to cross this River . The Cacique receiv'd this Proposal with great Civility , offer'd 'em what they ask'd , and gave 'em as many of those little Boats as they desir'd , and Pizarre made 'em a return of a great many little Spanish Toys by way of Requital . This Cacique having receiv'd Advice of the ill Treatment many of his Neighbours had receiv'd from the Spaniards , thought of nothing more than how to get rid of them : And to deliver himself from the danger of the Company of such bad Guests , endeavour'd to make 'em believe there were great Riches to be found among the People that dwelt upon this River some days Journey lower . Pizarre both by his Actions , and by the Mouth of his Guides , who were his Interpreters , return'd him Thanks for his Courtesy : but finding no appearance of those pretended Riches , he return'd to Zumaque , very much dissatisfied with his Expedition . However , he had too much Courage to return back to Quito just as he came ; he had a mind therefore to attempt some great Exploit , and by the Discovery of some other Peru , to render himself as considerable as the Marquess of Pizarre his elder Brother : He open'd his Mind to Francis Oreillane , a Gentleman of Truxillo in Spain , who was come to join him in the Valley of Zumaque with fifty Troopers well appointed : He very much encourag'd his Design ; and tho the Rainy Season was not yet past , that did not hinder him from advancing forward ; he left his little Army at Zumaque , and having taken a hundred effective Souldiers , and some Indians for Guides , and to carry Provisions , he march'd directly to the East . CHAP. IV. The first News he receiv'd of this famous River , and of the Riches of the People that dwell near it . EIther the Ignorance of his Guides , or the Hatred they bare him engaged him in a Country all full of Mountains , Forests and Torrents , so that he was necessitated to make Ways where he found none , and to open himself a Passage through the Woods with Hatchets , where none had ever gone before . At length after many days March he pierc'd through as far as the Province of Coca . The Cacique of which Province came before him , and offer'd him all the Accommodations the Country afforded for his Refreshment . Gonzalles promis'd himself much from this kind Entertainment , and by the Assistance of his Guides enter'd into Conversation with the Cacique . He inform'd him that the Country through which he had pass'd , which was so full of Mountains , Forests and Brooks , was the only Passage he could have taken to come thither ; that it was extremely difficult to get through it , but that if he were willing to embark on the River he saw before him , or to follow it by Land , he might assure himself , that along the Banks of another River much greater than this , he should find a Country abounding with all things , whose Inhabitants were cover'd with Plates of Gold. There was no need of saying any thing more to Pizarre to incite him to any kind of Enterprize ; who presently sent two of his Guides to Zumaque with Orders to his Officers to come and join him , who march'd immediately , and surmounting all the Difficulties of the way , arriv'd much fatigued to the Town of Coca . Pizarre having rested 'em some few days , and afterwards put them in Battalia before the Cacique , who was much terrified at them ; he amass'd almost all the Provisions of his whole Province to make a Present of them to Pizarre , that by this Magnificence he might civilly acquit himself of his new Acquaintance , who was more impatient of his stay than the other ; and the next Morning having filed his Troops along the River , he took his leave of the Cacique , presenting him with a fine Sword , and put himself at the head of his Cavalry , and followed the pleasant Course of the River . This good way did not last long , but they had Rivulets to swim over , must go up-hill and down-hill in uneven ways , and march forty three days without finding any Provision for his Troops , or any Fords or Canoos by which to pass the River . CHAP. V. The Discovery which Pizarre made of the River of Coca , and Oreillane's floating on this River by Pizarre's order , and so entering into the River of Amazons . THis long March having mightily fatigued our Travellers , they were stop'd by a very surprizing sight : The River was press'd by two Rocks , one on each side its Passage , at no more than twenty foot distance from one another ; and the Water going through this Strait , precipitated it self into a Valley , and made a Leap of two hundred Fathom . Here it was that Pizarre caus'd that famous Bridg to be made for his Troops to pass over , which is so much boasted of by the Spanish Historians . But finding the Way not at all better on the other side , and their Provision growing more and more scarce every day , Pizarre resolv'd to make a Brigantine to carry by Water all his sick Men , Provisions , Baggage , and a hundred thousand Livres in Gold which they had got amongst ' em . This was no small Difficulty , but Industry and Necessity surmounted it ; and the Vessel being finished , Pizarre embark'd all in it that hindred his March , and gave the Command of it to Francis Oreillane with fifty Souldiers , giving him express Order not to part far from him , but to come every Night to the Camp. He observ'd this Order exactly , till his General seeing all his Men were much pinch'd with Hunger , commanded him to go and seek some Provisions and Cottages , where his Men might be refreshed . Oreillane had no sooner receiv'd his Orders , but he launched out into the middle of the River ; and the Rapidity of the Stream carry'd him as fast as he could wish , for he made above a hundred Leagues in three days without the use of either Sails or Oars : The Current of Coca carried him into another River which was much larger , but nothing near so swift ; he made his Observation of it one whole day , and seeing that the farther he went down , the more the River widen'd , he did not doubt but this was that great River which had been so often and in vain sought after . The Joy he conceiv'd at his good Fortune so transported him , that it made him quite forget himself ; so that he thought of nothing but the Enjoyment of this good Success ; and trampling upon his Duty , Oath , Fidelity and Gratitude , he had now nothing in view but how to bring about the Enterprize he was contriving . CHAP. VI. Oreillane hoping for an extraordinary Success from the Discovery of this River ; and being willing to have the sole Glory of it , leaves his General , and makes himself the Head of this Enterprize . TO this end Oreillane perswaded his Companions that the Country whither they were arriv'd , was not the same with that which their General had described ; that it had not that great Plenty the Cacique had told him he should find at the joining of the two Rivers ; that they must certainly float along farther to find that pleasant and fertile Country , where they might store themselves with Provisions ; and besides that , they all saw there was no likelihood of getting up this River again , which indeed they came down in three days , but , as he believ'd , could not make the same way back again in the space of a whole Year ; that it was much more reasonable to wait for their Company on this new River , and that in the mean time it was necessary for 'em to go seek Provisions . Thus concealing his Design , he hoisted up the Sails , and abandoning himself to the Wind , to his Fortune , and to his Resolution , he thought of nothing but of pursuing the course of the River , till he should discover it quite to the Sea. His Companions were startled at the manner of his putting in execution the Design he had been proposing to 'em , and thought themselves oblig'd to tell him that he went beyond the Orders of his General ; and that in the extreme want he was in , they ought to carry him the little Provision they could find ; and that he had given sufficient Evidence that he had some ill Design , because he had neglected to leave two Canoos at the Bank of the two Rivers , as the General had appointed him , for his Army to pass over in . These Remonstrances were made to him chiefly by a Dominican Frier nam'd Gaspard de Carvajal , and by a young Gentleman of Badajos in Spain , call'd Fernand Sanches de Vargas . The Consideration they had for these two Persons occasion'd a Division of the Company in this little Vessel into two Parties ; and from Words they were like to have fallen to Blows , but that Oreillane stifling their Gratitude by his Dissimulation , by fair Protestations and great Promises appeas'd this Disorder . By means of the Friends he had in the Vessel he gain'd most of the Souldiers that were against him to his side ; and seeing the two Heads of the other Party left almost alone , he caus'd Fernand Sanches de Vargas to be set ashore , leaving him quite alone , without Victuals and without Arms , in a dismal Wilderness , bounded on one side with high Mountains , and with a River on the other : He had more Prudence than to treat the Frier after the same manner , yet he gave him to understand , that it was not for him to penetrate any more into the Pretensions of his Commander , unless he had a mind to be severely chastis'd : After this he continued his Voyage ; and the next day being willing to know if he might depend upon all that were with him for the success of his Resolutions , he let 'em know that he aspir'd to a much higher pitch of Dignity than what he might have obtain'd in the Service of Pizarre , that he ow'd every thing to himself and his King ; and that his Fortune having as it were led him by the hand , to the greatest and most desirable Discovery that was ever made in the Indies , namely , the great River upon which they were sailing , which coming out of Peru , and running from West to East , was the finest Channel in the new World , through which one might pass from the Northern to the Southern Sea : that he could not without betraying them all , and without ravishing from them the Fruits of their Voyage and Industry , make others share in a Favour which Heaven had reserv'd for them alone . That as for himself , his Design was to go into Spain , to beg of his Catholick Majesty the Government of this great Country all along this noble River ; he promis'd them they should be all Governours of Castles and Towns , and have other Recompences proportionate to their Valour and Generosity ; that they should only follow him ; that they knew him well ; that he was not uncapable of the Post he design'd to ask of the King , and that it was certainly due to him for having made a Discovery of the Country . That as for the Oath he had taken to Pizarre , he disingag'd himself of it ; that he was resolv'd to be commanded by him no longer ; that he renounc'd the Power he had receiv'd from him , and would have no other Authority nor Command but what he ask'd of them , and what they would give him in naming him chief Commander , under the King their Master , in the Discovery of this great River . CHAP. VII . Oreillane gives his Name to this River . The Change of the Name he had given it by a Fable himself compos'd , to render his Discovery the more famous . HIS Harangue was followed with a general Consent to make him the Head of this Enterprize . He began to use his Authority in giving his Name to this great and famous River , and not content to know the course of it , he was desirous of discovering the Country it water'd . He therefore went ashore to get Provisions , and to acquaint himself with the Inhabitants : But he found the People able to defend their Bread , and had several Battels with the Natives , who let him know they were not without Courage ; nay , they were so stout and resolute in the defence of their Country , that the Women mix'd themselves with the Men in the Battel , and seconded them with admirable Bravery both in shooting of Arrows , and in standing their Ground . 'T was this that gave occasion to Oreillane , that he might render his Discovery more considerable and glorious , to tell that he had enter'd into a Country of vast Extent along this River , which was govern'd by Amazons , a sort of Women who had no Husbands , who destroy'd all their Male-Children ; and who came arm'd at a certain time every Year in a Body to the Frontiers of their Neighbours , there to choose themselves Paramours , to prevent the Extinction of so extraordinary a Nation : And this was the reason why this River he had first call'd after his own Name , was since call'd the River of Amazons . However Oreillane pursued his Course with a great deal of Success , and the more he advanc'd , the more all things seem'd to concur to prosper his Infidelity . As he went farther down , he found other People , not so warlike and savage as the others : They receiv'd him with a great deal of Civility , and admir'd all that he and his Company did , and all that they had , their Persons , their Clothes , their Arms , their Vessel , and every thing else : They look'd upon 'em as a sort of extraordinary Men , were willing to enter into an amicable Treaty with 'em , and gave 'em as much Provision as they could desire . CHAP. VIII . Oreillane passes out of this River by an Arm that goes into the Sea near the North-Cape . His Voyage into Spain to beg of the King the Conquest and Government of this Country . His unfortunate Return , and his End worthy of his Treachery . OReillane finding himself in a Post so favourable to his Designs , stop'd here for some time , and caus'd another Brigantine to be made larger than the former , because they were too much crowded in it . He continued there as long as was necessary to inform himself well of the Country ; and having taken his Farewel of the courteous Indians , he set sail . After several days Voyage , he happily came to the place where this River goes out into the Sea , and sail'd out with it ; and taking good notice of the Places necessary to be observ'd for his Return , he coasted along a Cape , now call'd the North Cape , 200 Leagues from the Island La Trinidada , and sail'd directly thither , where he bought a Vessel , in which he pass'd into Spain , and presented himself to the Emperor Charles V. at Vailladolid ; he so charm'd the Emperor with the agreeable recital of his Adventures , and with the fair Promises he made , that he obtain'd three Ships of him in which to return from whence he came , with Orders to build Forts and Houses in those places which he should find most commodious , and to take possession of the Country in the Name of this Prince . His Dispatches were soon given , but the execution of 'em was very tedious ; for he was above seven Years at the Court of Spain before he could put himself in a condition to sail . About the end of the Year 1549 , he imbark'd with all his Men ; but was no sooner got to the Latitude of the Canaries , but a contagious Distemper passing from one of his Vessels into the others , took off part of his Souldiers , a considerable number of 'em was carried off soon after by the same Infection , tho he was got no further than Cape-Verd , when he was advis'd to return back to Spain : He was so rash notwithstanding as to continue his Voyage , and to promise himself the sight of the River of Amazons for all this : And indeed he did see it , and came to the Mouth of it with his Vessels ; but finding he wanted Men , he order'd 'em all to come aboard his own Ship , and quitted the two others . But the number of his Men daily diminishing , having built two Barks in an Island where he had made some stay , he only reserv'd himself one of them , of a pretty large size , and several times attempted to get up higher into the River . He was , in fine , necessitated to yield to his Fortune , which had forsaken him , and suffer'd him to go to the place of his Ruin. He was cast on the Coasts of Caracas , and from thence upon a certain Island call'd St. Marguerite , where he lost the last of his Men ; and dying as well with Despair as Sickness , he made Charles V. lose the great Hopes he had conceiv'd of so daring an Enterprize . CHAP. IX . This Discovery thus begun in 1540 , remain'd imperfect till the Year 1560 , when a Spanish Gentleman nam'd Orsua , ask'd leave of the Vice-Roy of Peru to make this Discovery . His Equipage , and the beginning of his Voyage , and his parting from Quito . THE ill Success of Oreillane's Voyage cool'd the ardent Desire the Spaniards had for the Discovery of the River of Amazons ; and it seem'd quite extinguish'd by the Civil Wars of Peru , till the Marquess de Caguete being Vice-Roy of that Kingdom , a Gentleman of Navarre , nam'd Peter de Orsua , who had always entertain'd Thoughts worthy of his great Courage , turn'd his Designs on this great River , and believ'd he should be more fortunate than Oreillane : He presented himself to the Vice-Roy , and propos'd his Design to him ; who being well acquainted with his Merit , commended his Resolution , and was perswaded , that if so difficult a matter should succeed , it must be by the Conduct of so brave and wise a Commander . He immediately dispatch'd all necessary Orders for him , and caus'd a Publication of his Attempt to be made throughout the Kingdom . Most of the Gentry came to offer their Service to Orsua ; who was so much in every one's Esteem , that there was no Souldier so old , but would leave his Retirement with Pleasure to serve under so excellent a General . His chief trouble was to return his Thanks to so many of 'em as he could not take along with him : he made choice of such amongst 'em as were most fit for his purpose ; and to carry on the famous Conquest he design'd , he made all necessary Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals , to which all the Lords and the Inhabitants of the Towns contributed with a great deal of Freedom and Liberality , being well perswaded that Orsua had Qualities that well deserv'd to be oblig'd . He parted from Cusco in 1560 , with the Acclamations and good Wishes of all the Inhabitants of that Place ; he was attended with above seven hundred choice Souldiers , and with a considerable number of very good Horses . Being well vers'd in the Map of Peru , and having for some time been laying the Scheme of his Journey , he march'd directly to the Province of Mosilones , first to meet the River Moyabamba , by which he was sure of entring into the River of Amazons . CHAP. X. The Tragical End of Orsua by the Revolt of two of his Officers , who were fallen in love with their General 's Lady . The yet more Tragical End of those two Rebels one after t'other . And the Cruelty of one of them against his own Daughter . ONE would have hop'd an Attempt so wisely laid , and so universally approv'd , should have had a happy Issue : Yet never was any Project more unsuccessful ; for Orsua had taken with him one Don Fernand de Gusman , a young Man who was lately come from Spain , and another more advanc'd in Years , named Lopez Daguirre of Biscay , a little ill-favour'd Man , whom he had made his Ensign . These two Wretches fell in Love with their General 's Lady , whose Name was Agnes , and who had accompanied her Husband in all his Travels ; and thinking they had a favourable occasion to satisfy their Lust and Ambition together , engag'd Orsua's Troops to revolt , and assassinated him . After this Tragical Fact the Traitors who committed it , who to the number of seven or eight were in a strict Confederacy , elected Don Fernand de Gusman for their King ; whose Mind was vain enough to receive that Title which became him so little : But he did not enjoy it long ; for those very Persons that had given him the Quality of King , gave him his Death's Wound too , and Daguirre succeeded him , who made himself King , notwithstanding the Remonstrances of others : And naming himself the Rebel and Traitor , he gave all those he had gain'd to his Party to understand , that he intended to make himself Master of Guiana , of Peru , and of the new Kingdom of Grenada , and promis'd 'em all the Riches of those great Kingdoms . His Reign was so bloody and barbarous , that the like Tyranny was scarce ever heard of in the World : Therefore the Spaniards to this day call him the Tyrant . However he commanded Orsua's Vessels , and went down the River Coca into the Amazone , hoping to obtain one of those Kingdoms , and to make a considerable Progress into it . But having enter'd the Amazone , he was not able to master the Current of it , and so was constrained to suffer himself to be carried down to the Mouth of a River above a thousand Leagues from the place where he imbark'd , and was driven into the great Channel which goes to the North-Cape , being the same way Oreillane had taken before him . Going out of the Amazone , he came to the Island of St. Marguerite , which is to this day call'd the Tyrant's Port ; there he kill'd Don Irean de Villa Andrada , Governour of the Island , and Don John Sermiento his Father . After their Death , with the Assistance of one John Burq , he made himself Master of the Island , plunder'd it intirely , and there committed unheard-of Barbarities . He kill'd all that oppos'd him , and past from thence to Cumana , where he exercis'd the same Cruelties : He after that desolated all those Coasts that bear the Name of Caracas , and all the Provinces along the Rivers Venezuella and Baccho . He then came to St. Martha , where he put all to the Sword , and enter'd the new Kingdom of Grenada , designing to march from thence through Quito into Peru. In this Kingdom he was forc'd to a Battel , in which he was utterly defeated , and put to flight , but all Ways being stop'd , he found he must perish ; and therefore begins his Tragedy with a sort of Barbarity without Example . He had a Daughter by his Wife Mendoza , that had follow'd him in his Expeditions , and whom he lov'd entirely . Daughter ( says he to her ) I must kill thee ; I design'd to have plac'd thee on a Throne , but since Fortune opposes it , I am not willing thou shouldst live to suffer the Shame of becoming a Slave to my Enemies , and of being call'd the Daughter of a Tyrant and a Traitor . Die , my Child , die by the Hand of thy Father , if thou hast not Courage enough to die by thy own . She surpriz'd at this Discourse , desir'd him at least to give her some time to prepare for Death , and to beg of God the Pardon of her Sins : This he granted ; but thinking her too tedious in her Devotion , as she was praying upon her Knees he shot her through the Body with a Carbine ; but having not kill'd her out-right , he stuck his Dagger into her Heart . She falling down at the Stroke , cry'd , Ah , Father , 't is enough ! Soon after her Death he was taken and carried Prisoner to the Island La Trinidada , where he had a considerable Estate . His Process was made , and he condemn'd to be quarter'd ; he was publickly executed , his Houses raz'd to the Ground , and the places where they stood sow'd with Salt , as may be seen to this day . CHAP. XI . This Discovery by these sad Accidents continued thus without any farther Advancement , from the Year 1560 to 1606 , when two Jesuits ventur'd to go and preach the Gospel along this River , and were there martyr'd . Many other Attempts form'd since by great Persons without Success . THE unhappy Issue of these two Enterprizes abated the Desires of others after this Discovery to that degree , that the last Age past without any farther knowledg of this great River : But our Age has been more happy , and we have seen this great Design perfectly executed in our days . In 1606 , and 1607 , two Fathers of the Jesuits Society mov'd with the desire of the Conversion of those barbarous People , went from Quito , and pierc'd as far as the Province of the Cofanes , who inhabit those Parts where the Springs of the River Coca rise . Those good Fathers were willing to begin the Publication of the Gospel among these People : But the Hour of their being call'd to the Knowledg of God was not yet come ; for they found these Men so cruel , and so uncapable of hearing the Word , that they kill'd one of these Fathers nam'd Raphael Ferrier , and made the other fly for his Life . In the Year 1621. under the Reign of Philip IV. King of Spain , Vincent Delos Reyes de Villalobos , Serjeant-Major , Governor and Captain-General of the Country of the Quixos , resolv'd to attempt the Navigation of the River Amazone ; but receiving an Order to quit his Government , he was oblig'd to lay aside the thoughts of this Adventure . Alonze Miranda form'd the same Design , prepar'd his Equipage , and took all necessary Precautions to overcome all the Difficulties of the Attempt , but had no better success than the others , for he dy'd without having so much as seen this famous River . Before either of these two the General Joseph de Villamayor Maldonado Governor of the Quixos , incited by the same Motives of the Glory of God , the Grandure of the King his Master , and the Salvation of so many Infidels , had consum'd all he had in the World in endeavouring to settle himself among those People that dwell on the Borders of that wonderful River . CHAP. XII . The Commission the King of Spain sent to the Governour of Brazil to make this Discovery . THE Spaniards were not the only Conquerors of the new World , that expressed so earnest a desire to render themselves Masters of those unknown Nations . The Portuguez were no less eager in the same Design , and knowing they were not far distant from the Mouth of the River , they were willing to believe this Discovery was reserv'd for them . In the Year 1626 , Bonito Macul then Governour of Para receiv'd a Commission from Philip III. King of Spain , to put to Sea with some good Ships for this purpose , and try if he could overcome the Difficulties of this Discovery ; but he could not put in execution these Orders of his Catholick Majesty , being call'd away by others more pressing , which oblig'd him to go into the King's Service at Phernambuc . In 1633 , and 1634. the King of Spain being extremely impatient to see that Enterprize at last succeed , which had so many times been in vain attempted , sent very pressing Orders to Francesco Coello Governor and Captain-General of the Island of Maraguan , and of the Town and Fortress of Para , to arm a considerable Force to attempt an effectual Discovery of this River : And directed him in his Orders , in case he had no Officer near him upon whose Conduct he could depend for the execution of this Design , to go in Person himself , because he was resolv'd absolutely to know whether it were impossible to go up this River , and to find the Source of it , and consequently its length . Carvallo could not obey the King his Master , because he did not think himself in a Condition to absent himself from his Government , and to divide his Forces at a time when he expected to be attacked by the Dutch , who were unwilling to lose any opportunity of making their Descents into Brazil : But what he did not think feasible , without the help of a good number of Men and Vessels , was happily accomplished by the good Fortune of two Lay-Friers of the Order of St. Francis , after the following manner . CHAP. XIII . That which so many brave Men were not able to perform , was accomplish'd by two Lay-Friers of the Order of St. Francis , who escaped the hands of the Indians . THE Town of St. Francis in the Province of Quito is one of the finest in America ; it is built upon one of those stupendous Mountains , which the Spaniards call Cordeliers , and Tierras , half a degree South of the Equinoctial Line ; yet is it of the most agreeable Temperature , and the most plentiful and healthful Place in all Peru , and is never incommoded by excessive Heat . In 1635 , 1636 , and 1637 , Captain John de Palacios having undertaken to attempt the Discovery of this River , to that end made a small Provision of Arms , desiring rather to acquaint himself with the Country , and to people it , than to subdue the Inhabitants of those Provinces by force of Arms. Several Monks of the Order of St. Francis were desirous to accompany him to essay the Conversion of these Barbarians , and promis'd themselves more Success in this Work than the Jesuits had , who 30 Years before had made the like Attempt , till they saw one of their number Father Raphael Ferrier martyr'd by these Infidels , as above related . These march'd with more Precaution , and after a long Fatigue arriv'd at the Province of the long-hair'd Indians : This Country they found well peopled , but not being able to make any Establishment here by reason of the rough Treatment they met with from the Inhabitants , some of them gave over the Attempt , and return'd to Quito , but others were more resolute , and continued with Captain de Palacios , together with some few Souldiers that were always faithful to him : But these being almost all destroy'd in several Battels , in one of which at last the Captain himself was kill'd , the Monks made their Escape as well as they could , and the two Lay-Friers we have spoken of , one of whom was Dominic de Britto , and the other Andrew de Tolede , dexterously sav'd themselves from the hands of the Indians ; and having got to their Bark , with six Souldiers that remain'd , abandon'd themselves to Providence , and suffer'd their Bark to be driven at the Pleasure of the Winds and Streams . It pleas'd God so to favour their Voyage , that after they had been carried from Province to Province upon this great River , they happily landed at Para , a City in Brazil , forty Leagues distant from the Mouth of the Amazone Southward . The Portuguez possess it , and have made it a good Garison , belonging to the Government of Maragnon . The two Lay-Friers and the Souldiers were inquir'd of about their long and strange Voyage , but they were all eight of 'em so stupid , that they had made no particular Remark on any thing ; only they said they had pass'd through divers Provinces of different Barbarians , who eat the Men which they take in War. The two Cordeliers offer'd to return to the place from whence they came , provided they might have a Vessel and Men granted 'em to conduct 'em , hoping they should again find the same Passages of the Rivers by which they came down , and so get back again as far as Quito . They were brought from Para to the City of St. Lewis in Maragnon , James Raimond de Norogna being then Governor of that Place , who having a Zeal for the Service of God , as well as that of the King , was willing to examin these Cordelier Friers more particularly than had been done at Para. He discours'd 'em with so much Patience and Sweetness , that he made 'em talk reasonably : They told him they went from Peru , that their Monastery was in the City of Quito ; that they came out with many of their Brethren to labour to convert the wild People , but that the Indians had a greater mind to eat 'em , than to hear 'em preach ; that their Captain being dead , and their Brethren put to flight , they with six Souldiers had put themselves into a Bark which miraculously came ashore at Para ; and that they were ready to return to Peru , if they could meet with a convenient Passage . The Governor having deliberated on this Report , believ'd God had offer'd him a fair occasion to serve his Religion and his Country , and that he ought to attempt that Design in which so many others had fail'd . CHAP. XIV . The Governor of Brazil on the Report of these two Cordelier Friers , attempts the Discovery of this River . The Preparation he made for it , and the Commission given to Don Pedro de Texeira , who parted from Para in the Year 1637. DOn Pedro de Norogna resolv'd to make Preparation for this Enterprize , and caus'd it to be publish'd : at this News many offer'd themselves to serve on this occasion . The Governor retain'd such as he thought most proper for his Design ; and that he might have a Man capable of giving him an exact account of all he should see during so long a Voyage , he chose Capt. Peter de Texeira , a Man of Courage , Conduct , and Probity , to command the Fleet. This Gentleman with a great deal of Joy receiv'd a Command so sutable to his Inclinations , for he had been all his Life seeking occasions of serving his King to the prejudice of his own private Interest , and in the peril of his Life : and according to his desire he had the Glory of accomplishing the most difficult , and most illustrious Enterprize of his time . He parted from Para the 28th of October 1637. with forty seven Canoos of an indifferent bigness , wherein besides Ammunition and Victuals he embark'd seventy Portuguez Souldiers , and twelve hundred Indians to row and to bear Arms , who together with their Wives and Servants made two thousand Persons : They enter'd into the mouth of the River on that side that is nearest to Para , and happily avoided those Rocks that come just to the surface of the Water , and stop the Passage of Vessels in many places . However they were almost a Year without seeing the end of their Voyage : indeed having no Guides upon whose Fidelity and Experience they could depend in steering their Course ; and besides , being sometimes carried to the South , and sometimes to the North by the Violence of the Streams , they did not make the Advance they would have done if they had been us'd to navigate the River . Besides , Texeira being obliged to provide for the Subsistence of all those People he carried with him , and perceiving his Provisions diminished considerably every day , was forc'd from time to time to send Parties in some of the Canoos to make Descents sometimes on Islands , and sometimes on the Continent , to procure a Supply . CHAP. XV. The Difficulties Texeira found in his Voyage , both from the People he carried with him , and from the length of the way ; and the happy Descent of his advanc'd Squadron into the Country of the Quixos , belonging to the Government of Quito . OUR Travellers were not advanc'd half way their Voyage , before the Indians were weary of their Labour , and quitting their Oars , began to murmur , and make loud Complaints that they had been engag'd in so tedious a Voyage . 'T was in vain to tell 'em they would soon be at the end of it : they desir'd Texeira to dismiss 'em , and finding he put 'em off from day to day , many tack'd about and return'd to Para. The General perceiv'd , that on this occasion he must use Prudence rather than Force , therefore he did not cause them that were fled back to be pursu'd , but endeavour'd with all imaginable Mildness to hinder others from following their Example : To this end he treated the Indians that remain'd with very kind Words , and so extremely pleas'd 'em with his Discourse , that those that heard him convey'd it from one Canoo to another with those external Demonstrations of Joy and Satisfaction , which they use to express in their Assemblies , so that they unanimously cry'd from all the Canoos , that they were willing Texeira should continue his Voyage , and that they would never leave him . The General having given 'em his Thanks for their goodwill , caus'd some Brandy to be distributed through all the Canoos , assuring 'em they would in a little time arrive at the Place design'd . And not content in having spread this Report among 'em , to fix the Indians the more firmly in their Resolution , he thought it necessary to do somewhat that might still make a greater appearance for their Encouragement . To this purpose he visited all the Canoos , and chose out eight of the best of 'em , which he loaded with Provision , Souldiers and Rowers . He made Colonel Benedito Rodriguez d'Olivera , a Native of Brazil , Commander of this Squadron ; and having communicated his Design to him , sent him away with a Charge to send him often such News as might be most agreeable to the Indians . Olivera was no ordinary Man , he had naturally a quick and piercing Wit ; and having been all his Life brought up with the Indians , he had so well studied their Actions and Countenances , that they could hardly dissemble so well , but he could with one cast of his Eye discover what was in their Minds ; so that they look'd upon him as a Man that could divine what others thought ; and from this Conceit they had not only a great Veneration for him , but stood so much in awe of him , that they yielded him a blind Obedience in what he commanded ' em . It is not to be question'd after this , whether those in the eight Canoos which he was to command were very willing to go with him . His Men were so industrious one while at their Oars , and another while at their Sails , that they overcame all the Obstacles that presented , and safely arriv'd on the 24th of June 1638 , at the place where the River of Pagamino enters into the Amazone . There is a Port near that place call'd after the Name of the River , where the Spaniards had fortified themselves , and had built a Town to keep the Quixos in subjection , who had not yet been well accustom'd to the Yoke . CHAP. XVI . The Descent of General Texeira , and the Orders he gave for the Preservation of his Army in his Absence . IF the Impatience they were in to make their Descent had not stop'd 'em at this place , they would in sailing some time longer have met with the Entrance of the River Napo , of which some account shall be given hereafter ; where they would have met with better Entertainment , and would have been less expos'd to the Losses and Inconveniences which they suffer'd in this Country . The very day they landed Colonel Benedito dispatch'd a Canoo to his General , to give him advice of the Success of his Voyage , and in how little time he might also arrive at the same place . This News being spread through the Fleet , inspir'd them with new Vigor , when their Courage was almost exhausted with the tedious length of their Toil and Hunger together . Texeira made an Improvement of this good Success like a prudent Man , and confirm'd the Assurance that had been given 'em of their near approach to the place where they were to land , and follow'd Benedito with great Expedition : The Portuguez and the Indians perform'd their Duty with great Emulation , and every day that came about they concluded the next would be the last of their Voyage . In fine , the Day so much long'd for appear'd ; and the General , to acquit himself of his Promise , landed all his Men at the mouth of a River that descends into that of the Amazones through the Province of those Indians that wear their Hair as long as that of Women . These People formerly kept a good Correspondence with the Spaniards , and consented to their Establishment in their Country : but having been forced to take up Arms against Captain Palacios for the ill Treatment they had receiv'd from his Souldiers ; and having kill'd the Captain himself in a Battel , they remain'd implacable Enemies to the Spaniards . The Portuguez General who had never been inform'd of this Rupture , was desirous to refresh his Troops in this Country , finding it to be a very fine , fruitful and commodious place ; he therefore pitch'd his Camp in the Angle of Land which was form'd by the two Rivers , and having well intrench'd it towards the Plain , he there plac'd his Portuguez and Indians , and made Captain Peter Dacosta Favotta , and Captain Peter Bajou the chief Commanders over ' em . These two wise and valiant Officers gave their General the greatest Proofs imaginable both of their Conduct and Fidelity . They continued encamp'd in this place for eleven Months , in which time they endur'd extraordinary Inconveniences , for they were often oblig'd to fight with these long-hair'd Men to obtain a little Food to live upon ; and many of the Souldiers fell sick , partly by the bad Disposition of the Air , which could not be wholsome between two Rivers , and partly from so tedious a Confinement to their Camp. CHAP. XVII . The Arrival of the Portuguez at Quito . The general Joy , and the Emulation of the Portuguez and Spaniards on the account of this Discovery . TExeira for his own part made the best of his way with a few Men in some of his Canoos , to join Col. Benedito ; and having receiv'd an account of him , he left his Bark where the River ended , and went on foot to find him in the City of Quito , whither he had arriv'd some days before . The coming of General Texeira compleated the Joy which all the People of Quito , as well the Clergy as others , had receiv'd from a Discovery so much desir'd by 'em all . All the Portuguez were entertain'd and caress'd by the Spaniards with the Endearments of Brethren , not only because they were all Subjects of the same King , but because by their means they were assur'd of a Way which they had never hitherto been able to pass , on the side of Peru , and which they saw was now discover'd from the Sea quite to the Sources of this famous River . The Spaniards boasted that they were the first that had navigated it from its Source to the Sea ; and the others bragg'd that they had not only sail'd upon it , but had pass'd quite up it , made a thorow Discovery of it , and knew it from its Mouth on the side of Brazil to its very Source near Quito . All the Religious Orders of that City were fill'd with extraordinary Joy , thanking God for the Favour he had shewn 'em in calling 'em to dress a Vineyard that had not been yet cultivated ; and all offer'd themselves with great Readiness to go and preach the Gospel in those Regions . CHAP. XVIII . The Return of General Texeira to Brazil by the River Amazone , and the Commission given to the Reverend Father Christopher d'Acugna a Jesuit , to observe all the Particulars of this Discovery , and to give a Relation of them . QVito is a Royal Seat , where there is a President and Assistants : These Officers considering the Importance of this Discovery the Portuguez had made , and how much both the Interest of Religion , and that of his Catholick Majesty might suffer , if an Affair of this Consequence should be neglected , were unwilling to take any measures of their own , but only to write about it to the Count of Chinchon , who was then Viceroy of Peru ; who having deliberated on the matter with the principal Men of the Council of Lima , which is the Soveraign Court of that great Kingdom , return'd an Answer to the President of Quito , who was then the Licentiate Don Alonze de Salazar , and requir'd him by an Order dated the 10th of November 1638 , to send General Texeira to Para with all his Men by the same way he came , and to furnish him with all things necessary for his Voyage ; he likewise order'd him to choose two Spanish Gentlemen of good account , and to agree with the Portuguez General that they might imbark with him , to make a faithful Report of the whole Course they should steer in this long Voyage , that his Catholick Majesty might receive from Eye-witnesses , and those of an unreproachable Reputation , a good account of what they had discover'd , or might farther observe in their Return . Many Persons , zealous for the Service of the King their Master , presented themselves to have a share in so great an Enterprize ; amongst others Don Vasques d'Acugna , Knight of the Order of Calatrava , and Lieutenant to the Captain General of the Vice-roy of Peru , and Corregidor of Quito , offer'd himself to go on this Expedition . The Respect he bare to his Prince made him seek this new occasion of serving him with the same Affection he had done for above fifty Years himself , and his Ancestors all their days on the like occasions . He desir'd of the Vice-roy that he would permit him to furnish the Ammunition and Equipage for this Adventure at his own proper Charge , without pretending to any other Interest in the matter , than that of seeing his Master well serv'd . But the Vice-roy not knowing how to spare him from the Post he was already in , after having commended his Zeal for his King , and the Greatness of his Offers , engag'd him to continue in his present Station ; and to gratify him , nominated his Brother Father Christopher d'Acugna in his place , who was animated with no less degree of Generosity than the other , and counted it no small Happiness to be able by these means to serve his Prince on so important an Occasion . CHAP. XIX . The Departure of Father D'Acugna . The way the Spaniards and Portuguez took together to get to the River Amazone . THE Portuguez General being prepar'd for his return to Para by the River Amazone ; and the Royal Audience of Quito having well consider'd that it might very much turn to account for some Jesuits to make this Voyage with him , that they might take exact notice of every thing worthy of Observation on this great River , and carry the Relation of it into Spain to his Catholick Majesty , signified their Mind to the Provincial of the Jesuits , which at that time was Father Francis de Fuentes , who taking it for a great Honour , that so much Confidence should be put in the Members of his Community as the discharge of so important an Affair , confirm'd the Nomination that had been made of Father Christopher D'Acugna , tho he was Rector of the Jesuits College at Cuence under the Jurisdiction of Quito , and gave him Father Andrew Dartieda , Professor of Divinity in the same College , for his Companion . These two Jesuits receiv'd their Orders by Patents issued from the Chancery of Quito ; the Purport of which was , that they should go without delay with the Captain Major Peter de Texeira , and that after they were arriv'd at Para they should go into Spain , to give the King an Account of all they should observe in their Voyage . These Fathers readily obey'd the Orders they had receiv'd , and accordingly set forward on the 16th of January 1639 , to begin a Voyage that lasted ten Months before they arriv'd at Para , where they enter'd into Port the twelfth day of December in the same Year . As they left Quito , they took the way of those high Mountains on foot , from which that great River of the Amazones derives its Sources , a River which has nothing in its rise wherein it excels other Rivers , but is so very much augmented in its Course , that the Mouth of it is eighty four Leagues in breadth . These Jesuits took all the care they could , and labour'd with all possible Accuracy to observe every thing that was worth a Remark ; they took the Latitudes in every place of the River where they could do it ; they took an account of the Names of all the Rivers that run into it , and of all the Nations that inhabit the Borders of it : They took notice of the Quality of the Lands , of the Goodness of the Fruits , of the Temperature of the Climates , and of every thing that is serviceable to the Life of Man ; they enter'd into Commerce with the People of the Country : In a word , they forgot nothing that they thought might conduce to furnish them with a perfect Knowledg of those Provinces , which had never been entirely discover'd till then . Therefore they that read this Relation , are desir'd by one of those Fathers , who undertook to expose it to the World , not to disbelieve what he has written , because he can prove that what he affirms for a Truth , is really so , by above thirty Spaniards and Portuguez that accompanied him in this Voyage ; and he hopes the Reader will not imagine he makes no Conscience of affirming things that are untrue in a matter of this Weight and Importance . CHAP. XX. The general Idea which Father D'Acugna gives of this River , and the Elogiums he gives it after he had view'd it throughout . ON the famous River of Amazons is the richest , most fertile , and best peopled Country of Peru ; and without an Hyperbole 't is the largest and most eminent River in the World ; it passes through divers Kingdoms of a vast Extent , and enriches more Provinces than the Ganges , that vast River that waters part of the East Indies ; than the Euphrates , which after it has run through Persia , comes across Syria to throw it self into the Sea ; or than the Nile , which comes out of the Mountains of Cuama , and passing through Africa , and the most barren Countries in the World , turns them into fruitful and delicious Provinces by the overflowing of its Waters . In a word , the River Amazone nourishes an infinitely greater number of People , and carries its fresh Water a great way further into the Sea , than any of those mighty Rivers , altho these have given their Names to entire Gulphs , or troubled the Sea with their Waters to a considerable length . A great many more Rivers fall into the Amazone than into the Ganges ; and if the Banks of the latter are cover'd with gilded Sand , those of the former are fill'd with a Sand of pure Gold , and the Waters that always wash them are continually discovering Mines of Gold and Silver in the Bowels of the Earth . In short , the Places it waters are an Earthly Paradise ; and if Men did but lend their Assistance ▪ Nature in that Country as they 〈…〉 , all the Borders of that great River would be full of large Gardens perpetually fill'd with Fruits and Flowers : It sometimes overflows its Banks , and thereby renders all the Ground fruitful through which its Waters pass , and that not only for one , but for several Years . After all these extraordinary Improvements , the change of Seasons is not necessary to the Provinces situate near this great River . They find every thing near 'em , abundance of Fish in their Waters more than they can wish ; a thousand different kinds of Animals in the neighbouring Mountains , all sorts of Birds in such plenty as can hardly be imagined : The Trees always loaded with Fruit , the Fields with a plentiful Crop , and the Bowels of the Earth consisting of precious Mines of all sorts of Metals . In fine , among the vast number of People that dwell along the Banks of this River , there are scarce any to be seen but what are handsome , well made , and very ingenious in all things they are concern'd about . CHAP. XXI . The Source of this River , and the Emulation of all the Provinces of Peru about it . TO enter into a particular History of this River , I shall begin with its Original : and as there have heretofore been great Contests between eminent Cities about the Birth of divers Hero's of former Ages ; so there is no less Emulation among the Provinces of Peru , which of them should be the Mother of this great River , because the true Source of it is unknown to this day . The City of Lima , as magnificent and as potent as it is , boasts that she has the Mountains of Ganneo and the Cavaliers within her Jurisdiction , and the Fountain-head of the Amazone seventy Leagues above her : But this is not the Source of it , but of another River that runs into the Amazone . Others maintain that the Source of this great River proceeds from the Mountains of Moida in the new Kingdom of Granada , and is call'd the River Caquetta : but they are mistaken too , and confound the matter ; for the Caquetta and the Amazone run separately above seven hundred Leagues , and when they come near together , the Caquetta seems to turn its Course , and running on the side of the Amazone at a considerable distance , thus continues it , till having at length pierced through the Province of Agnos , it comes to add its Waters to that vast River . But in a word , Peru in general claims the Original of this great Work of Nature . But the truth of this matter is , that the City of St. Francis , commonly call'd Quito , has the sole Glory of producing this great Wonder of the World. Eight Leagues from this City is found the true Source of this River beyond those vast Mountains that divide the Jurisdiction of this City from that of the Quixos , at the foot of two great Rocks , one of which is call'd Guamana , and the other Pulca , which stand at near two Leagues distance one from another . Between those two Mountains is a great Lake , and in the midst of this Lake is another Mountain , which has been torn up by the very Roots by an Earthquake , and so overturn'd in the Lake , which is very deep and large : 'T is from this Lake that the great River of Amazons proceeds , within twenty Minutes of the Equinoctial Line , Southern Latitude . CHAP. XXII . The Course of this River , its Length , its different Breadth and Depth . THis River runs from West to East , it continually coasts along the South side of the Equinoctial Line , and is not distant from it above two , three , four or at most five Degrees in the greatest of its Windings : From its Rise to the Place where it empties it self into the Sea , it runs not above 1276 good Spanish Leagues , tho Oreillane makes it 1800. It always proceeds in a winding Course , and by its great Turnings , which are like so many Arms , draws into its Channel a great number of Rivers as well from the South as the North side of it . It s breadth is different ; in some places 't is a League wide , in others two , three , and more ; in other Places it does not widen it self any more for a long space , as if it were to amass all its Waters , and its whole impetuous Force together , to discharge it self by a Mouth of eighty four Leagues broad into the Sea. The narrowest Place of this River is a quarter of a League , or a little less , in two Degrees two thirds of Southern Latitude . This Strait by the Providence of God , is fitly situated for the building of a Citadel to stop the Course of the strongest Enemy that should enter by Sea through the Mouth of this River ; and if an Enemy should come down by a River that runs into the Amazon call'd Rionegro , by building a Fort just where this River enters into the Amazone , this Passage may be so secured , that any that should attempt to get through it may be easily hindred . This Strait is three hundred and seventy Leagues from the Mouth of the River , from whence with Canoos and other light Vessels with Sails and Oars , timely Advice might be given in eight days of the Arrival of any Vessels , that the Fort at this Strait might put it self in a posture of Defence , and stop the Enemy's Passage . The Depth of this River is in some Places so great , that no Bottom is to be found : from the Mouth of it , to the River Rio-negro , which is near 600 Leagues , there 's always at least thirty or forty Fathom of Water in its greatest Channel . From thence upwards the Depth of it is uncertain , sometimes twenty , sometimes twelve , and sometimes eight Fathom : But at its Beginning it has Water enough to carry the largest Vessels : For tho the Current be very swift ; yet every day without fail there rise certain Eastern Breezes , that continue three or four Hours together , and sometimes a whole day ; which hold back the Waters , so as to retain the Stream in a degree of Motion that is not violent . CHAP. XXIII . The great number of Islands in this River , and the means the Inhabitants use for the Preservation of their Roots at the time of its Inundations . THis River is all full of Islands of all Sizes , and in so great number , that they are not to be counted , many of them being very near one to another . There are some four or five , others ten , and others 20 Leagues in compass . That which is inhabited by the Toupinambi , of whom we shall speak hereafter , is above 100 Leagues about : There are a great many very small Islands , which the Inhabitants of the Country use only to sow their Seed in ; but all of these , and the greatest part of the large ones , are overflowed by the River every Year ; and these regular Inundations do so enrich them with the Slime and Mud it carries along with it , that they would never become barren , tho they should be every year sown with Yuca or Magnioca , which are a sort of Roots , which serve the Natives instead of Bread , and with which the Earth furnishes them in great abundance . Tho these frequent Inundations seem to be attended with great Inconveniences ; yet the Author of Nature has taught these Barbarians to make a good Improvement of them . Before these Floods come , they gather in all their Yuca , of which Root they make a sort of Bread called Cassave , which is ordinarily used in all the Coasts of Brazil , and in many other Places both of the Continent and Islands of America . They make great Caves in the Ground , wherein they put these Roots ; and having well stopp'd them up with Earth , leave 'em there as long as the Flood lasts : this is an infallible way of preserving those Roots which otherwise would be subject to rot with the excessive moisture of the Ground . When the Waters are run off , they open these Caves , and take out their Roots , and eat them , without finding them at all the worse for lying in the Earth . Thus as Nature has taught the Ant to store up Food enough to nourish her all the Year , no wonder she has taught the Indians , as barbarous as they are , how to preserve their Provisions , seeing the Divine Providence takes a more particular Care of Men than of Beasts . CHAP. XXIV . The Bread and Drink made by the Inhabitants to these Islands , and other Places that border on this River ; and the various sorts of Fruits , Roots and Grain they live upon . THe Roots of Yuca we have been speaking of , serve these People for Bread , which they eat with their other Food ; besides this they make a Drink of it , which they all generally esteem as the most delicious and excellent Liquor in the World. To make the Bread , they squeeze out all the Juice of the Root , and then beat and pound it , till 't is become a kind of Meal , of which they make great Cakes , and bake them in an Oven ; this they call Cassave , which has a very pleasant Taste when 't is new , but after one day becomes very dry , so that it may be kept several Months ; they ordinarily put it on the tops of their Huts , that it may keep the more dry . And when they have a mind to make their Drink , they take these dry Cakes , and temper them in Water , which they boil as long as they think sufficient , over a gentle Fire : This Paste boil'd thus in Water , makes a Drink so strong by its great Fermentation , that it fuddles 'em like our Wine . They use this Drink at all their Assemblies and Entertainments , as when they inter their Dead , when they receive any Guests , when they celebrate their Feasts , at their Seed-time , and Harvest ; in a word , at all times when they meet , this Liquor is the Spirit that animates 'em , and the Charm that holds 'em together . They make besides this , another sort of Drink , with a great deal of wild Fruit , of which they have extraordinary plenty ; this they peel , and put in Water , with which when it is well mix'd , it soon by Fermentation acquires such a Savour and Strength , that it often has a more agreeable Relish than Beer , which is so much in use in many Nations . They keep these Liquors in great Earthen Vessels , as they do in Spain , or in lesser ones , which they make of the Trunk of a hollow Tree ; or else in Baskets made of Rushes , which they cover within and without with a sort of Pitch , so that they don't leak in the least . This Bread and Drink are not the only Provisions they live upon ; they have many other sorts of Food in use amongst 'em , besides Fruit of various kinds , as Bonanes , Ananas , Gouyaves , Amos , and a sort of very pleasant Chesnuts , which at Peru they call Almandras de la Sierra , that is Mountain-Almonds ; but the Truth is , they are rather of the Figure of a Chesnut than of an Almond , because they grow in Hulls that are bristly , like those of our Chesnuts : They have Palms of various kinds , Coco-Nuts , and Dates that are very well tasted , tho they are wild , and many other sorts of Fruit , that are produced only in hot Countries . They have likewise divers kinds of Roots , that are good Food , as Batates , Yuca , Mensa , which the Portuguez call Machachora , and Cajas , which are like our Saligots , and others , which are good both to rost and boil , have a pleasant Relish , and are very nourishing . CHAP. XXV . The great Plenty of Fish in this River , and which is the best sort of them . FIsh is so common with 'em , that when any one offers it to 'em , they proverbially say , E'ne put it in your own Dish . There is so great a number of 'em in the River , that without any other Nets than their Hands , they can take as many as they please . But the Pege Buey is as it were the King of all the Fish that swim in the River Amazone , from its Source till it discharges it self into the Sea. 'T is not to be imagin'd what a delicious Taste this Fish has , any one that eats it would think it to be most excellent Flesh well season'd : This Fish is as big as a Heifer of a Year and a half old , it has a Head and Ears just like those of a Heifer , and the Body of it is all cover'd with Hair , like the Bristles of a white Hog ; it swims with two little Arms , and under its Belly it has Teats with which it suckles its young Ones : The Skin of it is very thick , and when 't is dress'd into Leather it serves to make Targets that are Proof against a Musquet Bullet . This Fish feeds upon Grass on the Bank of the River , like an Ox , from which it receives so good Nourishment , and is of so pleasant a Taste , that a Man is more strengthen'd and better satisfied in eating a small quantity of it , than in eating twice as much Mutton : This Fish has not free Respiration in the Water , and therefore often thrusts out its Snout to take Breath , and is by this means discover'd to them that seek after it . When the Indians get the sight of it , they follow it with their Oars in little Canoos ; and when it appears above Water to get Breath , they throw at it their sort of Harping-Irons made of Shells , with which they stop its course , and take it : when they have kill'd it , they cut it into good pieces , and broil it upon Wooden Grates , which they call Boucan ; and being thus dress'd , 't will keep good above a Month : They have not the way of salting and drying it to keep a great while , because they have no great quantity of Salt , and that which they use to season their Meat is very rare with 'em , and is made only of the Ashes of a sort of Palm-Tree , so that 't is more like Salt-Peter than common Salt. CHAP. XXVI . The Means the Indians use to preserve their Fish in those Seasons wherein they can neither fish nor hunt . THO the Indians don 't know how to keep their broil'd Fish very long , yet they sustain no great damage by it , because Nature has given them Industry enough to get fresh Meat all their Winter , which is the time of the Rains , during which they can neither hunt nor fish . For this purpose they make choice of some fit places where the Floods can never come , and there they dig a kind of a Pond of a moderate depth , to hold a good quantity of Water , which they inclose round with a Palisado of Stakes ; they bring Water into these Ponds , and keep 'em always full , that they may use 'em as Reservers for their Winter Provisions . At the season when the Tortoises come ashore to lay their Eggs , the Indians go to lie in Ambush in the places where they know they ordinarily come ; and when they see a sufficient number upon the shore , they go and turn 'em upon their Backs , to hinder 'em from retreating ; and when they have thus secur'd 'em , they begin at their leisure to carry 'em to their Reservers : for this end , when they are at any considerable distance from their Huts , they string all their Tortoises together with great Cords through holes that they make on the top of their Shells , and turning 'em upon their Feet lead 'em to the Water , where they tie 'em to their Canoos , and so make 'em follow them home : when they are got home , they put 'em in their Reservers , and unloose 'em , feeding 'em with the Leaves and Branches of Trees which they throw into them , and take 'em out to spend as they want ' em . One of these Tortoises is enough to feed a numerous Family some time ; so that 't is not to be wonder'd at , that these Indians are never reduc'd to Scarcity , seeing they make Provision of so great a number of Tortoises , having commonly above a hundred in each Reserver ; so that the proportion they provide for each Person in their Families is enough to maintain several People . These Tortoises are as large as those Targets Souldiers formerly us'd to defend themselves withal , and their Flesh is as good as that of a Heifer . At the time of their laying , some Females are found with two or three hundred Eggs in their Belly bigger than those of Pullets , and as good , tho not of so easy Digestion . At one Season of the Year they are so fat , that a good Barrel of Fat may be taken out of 'em , which is as good as Butter , and being salted a little , tastes extraordinary well , and keeps very well too ; this will not only serve to fry Fish , but is likewise as good for Sauces as the best Butter in the World : so that these Barbarians have no absolute need of our Commodities , but make as good Provision for their Necessities , as the most civiliz'd Nations in the World can do . 'T is not amiss further to remark two things in respect of these Tortoises ; one is , that after they have made a Hole in the Sand above the Bounds of the highest Tides , they lay all their Eggs at a time , one after another , after which they carefully cover them up with the same Sand they have digged up to make their Nest , so that 't is impossible for any to discover the place of it . Then they return backwards into the Water , to prevent the notice of their true Track , and never come ashore again till the next Year , leaving their Eggs to be hatch'd by the Heat of the Sun , which is always accomplish'd in forty days ; after which the young ones are seen to creep out of the Sand , being about the bigness of a Crown , and thus in a train , like Ants , they make to the Water . The other Remark is , that the Sea-men bone 'em , and salt them , and so carry 'em into all the Colonies of the Antego Islands , a Trade in which many Captains and Merchants have found their Account . CHAP. XXVII . The Prudence these People have been taught by Necessity , and the Confidence they have in the abundance of all things which they enjoy . THE Indians of this happy River make this prudent Provision I have been speaking of , for a Season wherein they seem to want every thing ; but their Winter being past , their Fears are carried away with it , and they have plenty of all things ; so that they never take care for the Morrow : and because they don't think of wanting any thing the ensuing day , they make no other Provision for it , than in feeding themselves well to day , that they may be the stronger and more ready in seeking their Food to morrow . They have all imaginable Dexterity in catching all sorts of Fish that are in this River , and have as many ways for it as there is diversity of Seasons . When the Inundations diminish , and leave Lakes in the lower parts of the Lands that have been overflow'd , they have a very pleasant Trick to take the Fish that are left in those places : They strike the Water with two or three flat Sticks , with the noise of which the Fish are no sooner stunn'd , but they come up to the top of the Water , as if they were dead , and suffer themselves to be taken up with the hand : Not that it is the Noise that produces this Effect , but the Quality of the Wood , which makes the Fish drunk . The Galibis who are the Natives of Cayen , and of one part of Guiana , make use of it , and call it Inecou . But the most common way of fishing which they use at all times , and on all occasions , is with an Arrow which they dart with one hand from a smooth little Board which they hold in t'other . This Arrow having pierc'd the Fish , serves instead of a Cork to shew which way it moves when it is wounded ; they pursue it in their Canoos , and getting hold of the end of the Arrow they draw up the Fish with it : they catch all sorts of Fish after this manner , neither small nor great can escape their Weapons . And there are so many sorts of 'em in this River , and all of 'em so excellent , that it would be too tedious a business to give an ample Description of ' em . There is one amongst the rest which the Indians call Paraque , which resembles a great Eel , or rather a small Conger , which has a very strange Property ; for if a Man takes it in his Hand while 't is alive , immediately a Coldness and Shivering seizes him , as if he were taken with a fit of an Ague ; but the shaking presently ceases upon letting it go out of his Hand again . CHAP. XXVIII . The abundance of Game that is found near this River ; and the divers sorts of Animals the People of these Countries live upon . TO prevent the Disgust these wild People might have of Fish , tho it were never so good , if they should always be forc'd to feed upon it , and to satisfy the Desire they might have of sometimes eating Flesh , Nature has render'd the Land as favourable to 'em as the Water ; for it produces Animals of all kinds , as well for the Necessity as for the Delight of its Inhabitants . But among others there is a Creature call'd Dautas , of the bigness of a Mule , and very like one both in Colour and Shape , the Flesh of which is as good as that of a young Bullock , only it has a more faint and waterish Taste : They have likewise a sort of Hogs in the Mountains , that are neither of our domestick , nor of our wild kind of Swine , but of a particular Species , which have a sort of Vent upon their Backs , like a Navel . All the West Indies are stor'd with this kind of Animals : Their Flesh is very good and wholsome , and at least may compare with that of the wild Swine that are taken in some Forests in Europe . Besides these , there is another sort resembling our Domestick Hogs : they have also Renados , Pacas , Cotias , Ignanats , Agotis , and other Animals which are peculiar to the West Indies , and are as good as the most delicious sorts we have in Europe . They have also Partridges , and tame Poultry like ours , which have been brought to 'em from Peru , and which from one to another have been spread throughout the Coasts of the River of Amazons . The many Lakes they have up and down breed a multitude of Geese , and other Water-Fowl . 'T is very remarkable how little Pains their Game costs 'em : We often had experience of it in our Camp. Every Evening when our Men went ashore , after they had caus'd the Indians that were of our Party to make us as many Huts as were necessary to lodg us ( which took up some time ) ; our Company separated , some went a hunting in the Mountains with their Dogs , others went upon the River with their Bows and Arrows , and in a few hours time we should see 'em return loaded with more Fish and Venison than all our Men could eat ; and this was not once or twice only , but throughout our whole Voyage , not without our great Admiration ; which gave us occasion to attribute this great Abundance to the mighty and liberal Providence of that God , who once fed five thousand Persons with five Loaves and a few Fishes . CHAP. XXIX . The agreeable Temperature of the Air in all this Country ; what it is that makes Winter there , and whether the Heat be great , it being under the Line . That there is but one Inconveniency there . ALL along this River , and in all the neighbouring Provinces , the Air is so temperate , and the Seasons of the Year so regular , that there 's no Excess either of Heat or Cold , nor any troublesome variety of Weather : For tho there is every Year a kind of Winter , yet it does not proceed from the different Course of the Planets , or Distance of the Sun , for that always rises and sets at the same hour . That which most incommodes 'em is the frequency of the Inundations , which leave a great Dampness in the Ground , and by their overflowing the Plains , hinder 'em several Months from sowing and gathering in the Fruits of the Earth . By these Floods they distinguish the Winter from the Spring throughout all Peru : they call all that time wherein the Earth produces no Crop , the Winter ; and they call that Season the Spring , which they employ in sowing , and gathering in not only their Maze , which is the principal part of their Harvest , but all the other Product of the Ground , whether that which grows spontaneously , or by Cultivation . These Inundations happen twice a Year all along the whole Extent of this River . We have observ'd , that those who dwell near the Mountains of Quito , suffer more Heat than those that inhabit along this River towards the Sea ; the reason is , because there come Breezes from the Coast of the Northern Sea , that continue two , three or four hours in a day , and sometimes more ; these Winds extreamly refresh the Air , and are a great Comfort to those People that are less remote from the Sea. However , it must be said that the highest degree of Heat , even in the Mountains themselves , is no greater than is at Panama , and at Cartagena : for however violent it be in it self , it is every where moderated by the gentle Winds , which blow every day , and not only render the Air tolerable and agreeable to the Inhabitants , but have besides the Property of preserving all their Victuals and Stores from corrupting . I have had the Experience of it my self in the Wafers we carried with us , which at the end of five Months and a half since we parted from Quito , were as good as if they had been newly made . This made me and my Companion wonder the more , because in our Travels in almost all other Parts of America , we observ'd , that Bread and other things of the least Substance corrupted in a little time . And tho all this long stretch of Land is so near the Equinoctial Line , yet the Heat of the Sun is not at all hurtful , nor the Evening Air neither , tho it be very cool and moist . I have good reason to testify this , for during our whole Voyage I have commonly pass'd whole Nights in the open Air , without getting the least Pain in my Head , or the least Defluxion of Rhume ; and yet in all other Places , the least walking abroad in a Moon-shiny Night , has very much incommoded me . 'T is true , at the beginning of our Voyage , almost all of our Men that came from cold Countries had Agues , but were all cur'd by bleeding three or four times . We neither felt , nor heard of any such bad Air along this River , as there is in almost all other places of Peru that have been discover'd , where People are sometimes in a moment taken with violent Rhumatisms throughout all their Limbs , which could not proceed but from a sudden Corruption of the Humours , and which in some degenerated to an incurable Palsy , and cost others their Lives . In a word , were it not for the Heats which are in most of the inhabited Parts of Peru intolerable , the Country of the River of Amazons might without Exaggeration be term'd an Earthly Paradise . CHAP. XXX . The Beauty of this Country , and the abundance of Medicinal Simples , Plants and Trees it yields . THis sweet Temperature of the Air causes all the Borders of this River to be cover'd with a thousand kinds of lovely Trees , the pleasant Verdure of which is perpetually preserv'd by the moderate Disposition of the Air : a thousand Landskips were presented to our Eyes still more and more fine , and more diversified , as if they emulated one another , and made us confess that Art had yet a great deal to learn of Nature , when she discovers her self after so excellent and surprizing a manner . The Ground is very low in most places near the Banks of the River , but rises gradually at a distance , with little Hills that adjoin to curious Plains all cover'd with Flowers , without so much as a Tree ; beyond these are lovely Vales all cloth'd with Grass and Herbs , preserv'd continually green by the refreshing Rivulets that run through ' em . Beyond all this Extent of Ground are Hills rising one above another , till they make those high Mountains which extend from one end of Peru to the other , call'd Cordeliers , because they are rang'd in order , as if they were plac'd by a Line or Cord. There are a great many Thickets that produce all sorts of Simples , which the Indians know how to use for the Cure of their Diseases . There grow Cassia-Trees , which bear the best Cassia in all the Indies . There is excellent Sarsaparilla , Gums and Rosins , that are very good for Wounds and Bruises ; and a prodigious quantity of Honey , which the Bees on all sides make in such abundance , that the store of it is not to be exhausted . This is as good to eat , as it is for the Composition of various Medicines : The Bees also make a sort of black Wax , which is however very good , and burns as well as that which is white or yellow . There are a kind of Trees , call'd by the People of the Country Audirouas , from which there runs an Oil of extraordinary Virtue for curing Wounds : There is another Tree call'd Copayba , which yields a Balm surpassing the best that is to be had in the East . In a word , there grows a multitude of different kinds of Herbs and Plants of very great Virtue , besides those that are not yet known , which would suffice to make a new Dioscorides , and a second Pliny : And it would be a matter of no small Difficulty to give an account of all the Properties of so many different Simples . CHAP. XXXI . The Multitude of Trees that grow in this Countrey , Cedars , and other kinds fit for the building of Vessels ; and the Providence of Nature in furnishing this Part of the World with all Necessaries for that purpose , except Iron . THE Trees that grow along this River are innumerable , and of a surprizing Tallness and Bulk . I measured a Cedar that was thirty Hands breadth in Compass ; the Poplars are almost all of that size , and excellent Timber for building either for Sea or Land. Those Trees which are known in the Country , are for the most part Cedars , Coibos , Palohierro , and Palocolorado , and other such like , which are no sooner cut down , but they may be safely used ; and the Vessels that are made of 'em may be launched as soon as they are finished . There is no need of any of the Materials of Europe for the building of 'em in those Parts ; but only of Iron for the forging of Nails , and other pieces of Smiths Work necessary to the building of great and small Vessels . All other things are found in this Country in great Plenty : The Inhabitants make Cables of the Bark of Trees ; they have Pitch and Tar as good as are to be had in Europe ; and they have Oil either to render it firm and solid , or to temper its Hardness ; one sort of which they draw from Fish , and another sort they get from Trees . They make a sort of Tow , which they call Ambira , so good , that no better can be used for the caulking of Vessels , and to make Musket-Match . Their Cotton abundantly furnishes 'em with Stuff to make Sails , and this grows the best of all the small Seeds they sow in their Fields . And after all , there are so great numbers of People , that one might have as many Work-men and Sea-men as one pleas'd for the building and manning of as many Galleons as one should think meet to put upon the Stocks . CHAP. XXXII . Four things which abound on the Banks of this River , which are capable of inriching great Kingdoms . THere are four things along this River , which being well manag'd , would be capable of enriching many Kingdoms ; the first is Wood for building , of which there is some found of a rare and particular Colour , like fine Ebony ; and there is so prodigious a quantity of common Wood , that is worth transporting , that how much soever should be carried away , the Country can never be exhausted . The second thing is the Coco-tree , which serves for the Composition of Chocolat ; with these the Banks of the River are covered , and throughout our whole Voyage , our Men cut scarce any thing else to make Huts of for our Camp. This Tree is very much esteem'd for its Fruit throughout all New Spain , and in all other Places where it is known what Chocolat is . Every Foot of this Tree will produce eight Silver Rials , all Charges paid . And it may easily be suppos'd there 's no need of great labour to cultivate these Trees along this River , seeing Nature , without the Assistance of Husbandry and Art , makes 'em bring forth Fruit in so great abundance . The third is Tobacco , of which there is a prodigious quantity along this River , which is very much esteem'd by all the Natives ; so that if it were raised with that Care this Plant requires , it would be the best Tobacco in the World ; because in the Judgment of those that understand it , there can't be desired a better Soil and Climat for this sort of Plant , than what is to be found on this River . But that which is the most considerable of all , and for the sake of which in my opinion it would be very well worth the while to make firm and substantial Establishments along this River , is Sugar : This is the fourth thing ; and the Traffick of it is more honourable , as well as the Profit more sure and greater for a Nation than that of the rest . And now since we are ingag'd in a War with the Dutch , it ought to excite an Emulation in us , and make us endeavour to furnish our selves with those Commodities our Enemies bring from Brazil * ; and we ought to establish our selves with all Expedition in this Countrey , and set up Mills and other Sugar-Works ; which would neither require very much Time , nor Labour , nor Charge , which last is that which is most fear'd now a days . The Ground is as good for the planting of Sugar-Canes , as any is in the whole Continent of Brazil ; and of this we can give Assurance , as having seen and known all those Provinces . The Soil on the Banks of this River is white and fat , of as good a kind as can be desired by those that know what belongs to the Cultivation of these Plants ; and it becomes so fruitful and rich by the Inundations of the River , which by continuing a few days improve the Ground , that there is more reason to fear too great than too little a Crop. 'T will be no new thing to make Sugar-Canes grow in this Country , because we found throughout the whole Length of this great River , such as gave us sufficient Proof of the great abundance to which they might be multiplied whenever any People should apply themselves to cultivate 'em , and to make Sugar-Mills , which might be done with a little Charge at any time ; not only because there 's all sorts of Wood in great plenty , as I have already said , but also because there is the Conveniency of Water for 'em in as great quantity as one can desire . There is nothing wanting but Copper , which we may supply in sending it thither from our own Country , and which we may be sure will turn to a considerable Account . CHAP. XXXIII . Many other Commodities profitable for Traffick , which are found in this Country . BEsides these four sorts of Commodities that may be brought from these Lands that are discover'd , capable of inriching the whole World , there are also many others , which altho less rare , would not fail to bring a considerable Profit to a Nation ; such as Cotton , that grows there abundantly , Rocou , that our Dyers use to make fine Scarlet , which is so esteem'd by all Nations that have Commerce with us ; Cassia , and Sarsaparilla : there are made also several Oils for the healing of Wounds which equal the best Balsams ; there are found Gums and Rosins of an admirable Scent , and a certain Plant call'd Pita , which yields the best Thred in the World , and which the Ground produces in vast plenty ; and a thousand other things , the Usefulness and Advantages of which are discover'd every day . CHAP. XXXIV . Convincing Reasons to shew that many of the Mountains of this Countrey must needs contain Mines of Gold and Silver . I Do not speak of the many Mines of Gold and Silver , which are discover'd in the conquer'd Countries , nor those which Time may further discover there ; but I am mightily mistaken in my Judgment , if many others may not be found in this Countrey more rich than all those of Peru , tho the famous Mountain of Potosi be comprehended in it : I speak not this without ground , nor only with a design to advance the Value of this great River , but found what I say upon Reason and Experience ; because I have seen a great deal of Gold among the Indians whom we met as we went down the River , who gave us very certain Assurances , that there were a great number of Gold and Silver Mines in their Country . This great River receives all the Waters of the richest Countries of America . On the South-side , those rich Rivers , some of which have their Sources round about Potosi , others at the Foot of Guanico , which is a Mountain near the City of Lima , flow into it ; others come down from Cusco , others from Cuenca , and from Gibaros , which is the richest Country for Gold of any that has been yet discovered ; so that on this side all the Rivers , Sources , little Springs and Rivulets , which run into the Sea for the space of 600 Leagues , that is from Potosi as far as Quito , render Homage to the River of Amazons , and pay it Tributes of Gold ; as all the others likewise do that descend from the new Kingdom of Granada , which is no less rich in Gold than all the other Provinces of Peru. And seeing this River is the great Channel and principal Passage to all the richest Places of Peru , one may reasonably be assured , that it is the Soveraign Mistress of them all : besides , if that golden Lake hath all the Gold which the common Report ascribes to it ; if the Amazons inhabit the richest Mountains in the World , as many that say they have seen 'em assure us ; if the Tocantins abound so much in precious Stones and Gold , as some of the French , who have travell'd in their Country , do affirm ; if the Omagnas with the Reputation of their vast Wealth , were once capable of casting all Peru into confusion , and of forcing the Viceroy to send a great Army under the Conduct of Pedro de Orsua to conquer their Country ; all these Places adjoin to the River of Amazons : The Golden Lake , the Amazons , the Tocantins , and the Omagnas are upon the Banks of it , as shall be shewn hereafter ; and in fine , this is the River that seems to be ordain'd by the Hand of God to be the Depository of those immense Treasures , which the Divine Providence has reserved to inrich the Greatest , most Valiant , and happiest Prince upon Earth . CHAP. XXXV . The prodigious Extent of the Countries along this River . THE vast Extent of Land along the Banks of this great River , is as much as an Empire of 4000 Leagues in Circuit : I think I am not much out of the way in my Computation ; for if it contains in length 1276 Leagues exactly measur'd ( tho Oreillane , who first discover'd and past through it , accounts it 1800 Leagues ) if each River which enters into it either on the North or South-side , runs above 200 Leagues in length , and in many places above 400 , without approaching any Country that is peopled by the Spaniard on any side , there being only various Nations of Indians that are yet unknown , to be found from this River to those Places so far distant , it must be granted that the breadth of this Empire would contain above 400 Leagues at least in the narrowest part of it , which with the 1126 Leagues in length of our Account ( or 1800 Leagues by Oreillane's Computation ) makes very little less than 4000 Leagues in Compass by the Rules of Cosmography and Arithmetick . CHAP. XXXVI . The many different Nations which live in those Provinces , to the number of abov● one hundred and fifty . ALL the new World ( it may well be so call'd ) is peopled with Barbarians dispers'd in different Provinces , who make so many Nations , of which there are more than 150 , of whom I can speak with good assurance . I shall give an account of their Names , and describe the Situation of their Countries , having seen part of 'em my self , and receiv'd Information of the rest by those Indians that have convers'd with 'em ; the diversity of their Language makes the Distinction of those Nations , which are as large and as well peopl'd with Inhabitants as any of those we have seen in our whole Voyage : the Country is so well peopl'd that their Huts are near one another , and this not only in the extent of one and the same Nation , but throughout ; so that the utmost Plantations of one Nation border so near to those of another , that they can hear one another cutting Wood from the last Village of one Nation into divers Plantations of the other . This near Neighbourhood does not at all serve to keep 'em in Amity one with another , but on the contrary , they are in continual War , and are daily killing and making Slaves of one another ; this is the ordinary Misfortune of great multitudes , and if it were not for this , there would not be Ground enough to contain ' em . They appear valiant and resolute among themselves , but yet we never saw any in our whole Voyage who would stand their ground against our Souldiers ; and none of these Barbarians had so much Boldness as to put themselves in a posture of Defence , but only made use of that shift which those that are cowardly and faint-hearted have always imbraced , which is to betake themselves to flight , a thing very easy to them , because they go upon the Water in certain little Vessels so extremely light , that they make to the shore as swift as Lightning ; and taking these Boats at their Backs , retire towards some Lake , of which there are a great many made by the River , where putting their Vessels again into the Water , when they are got in 'em , they defy all their Enemies let 'em be who they will , because they can't do the same with any Vessels they can have . CHAP. XXXVII . The Arms which these People use both Offensive and Defensive . ALL their Arms consist in Javelins of a moderate length , and in Darts made of very hard Wood , which they work to so sharp a Point , that they can easily pierce a Man through with 'em , they throw 'em with so much dexterity . They have besides these another sort of Weapon call'd Estolicas , in the using of which the Souldiers of the great Irica King of Peru were very well skill'd ; this is a Staff of about six Foot long , and three Fingers broad , made as flat as a Board ; at the end of it on one side they fix a Bone made like a Tooth , to which they fasten an Arrow of six Foot long , the Point whereof is likewise headed with a Bone , or with a very hard piece of Wood , which they cut in the form of a barb'd Arrow-head ; so that where it hits , it remains fast , and hangs at its whole length : they take it in their Right-hand , with which they hold this Weapon by the lower end , and fixing the Arrow in the Bone that is in the upper end of it , they cast it with so much Force and Exactness , that they never miss doing Execution within 50 Paces . These Weapons serve 'em for War , for Hunting , and especially for Fishing ; so that whatever kind of Fish they can perceive in the River , they shoot it , let it be never so much cover'd under Water : and that which is yet more to be admir'd is , that with these Weapons they pierce Tortoises , when , after they are run into the River to hide themselves , they thrust their Heads out of the Water to take breath , as they commonly do from time to time after small Intervals ; they strike 'em with this Arrow through the Neck , which is the only place in which they can be wounded , because it is not cover'd with the Shell . For Defensive Weapons they make use of Targets , which they make of Canes split in two , and which they so fitly and closely join one with another , that tho they are much lighter , yet they are no less strong than those others which they make of the Skin of the Fish Pegebuey , of which I have spoken before . Some of these Nations make use only of Bows and Arrows , which are esteem'd among all the others for the force and swiftness of ' em . There are abundance of venomous Herbs , with which some of these Nations make so subtile a Poison , that their Arrows being rub'd with it , never draw the least Blood without taking away the Life at the same time . CHAP. XXXVIII . Their manner of living together . Of their Commerce , and of their making Boats for their Traffick . ALL the Nations that live on the Banks of this great River dwell together in great Colonies , and all their Commerce and Traffick is carried on by Water as it is at Venice , or at Mexico , in little Barks which they call Canoos ; these they make with Cedar-wood , and the Providence of God provides these for 'em in such abundance , that without their being at the trouble of cutting 'em down , and of drawing 'em from the Mountains , they are sent to 'em with the Current of the River , which to supply the Necessities of these People , tears up Cedars for 'em from the highest Mountains of Peru , and brings 'em down to the foot of their Cottages , where they may every one chuse which they think most fit for their purpose : but the wonder is , that among so great number of Indians , every one of whom has need of one or two of these Trunks of Trees for the Service of his Family to make a Canoo or two ( for indeed they all have of 'em ) there 's none of 'em has any more trouble to procure 'em , than that of going to the River side , and tying a Cord to the first Tree that floats along , and bringing it over against his Hut , where he stops it till the River retires ; and as soon as it is dry , they with the same Industry apply themselves to hollow them , and make such Canoos of them as they want . CHAP. XXXIX . The Tools which they use to cut and cleave Wood , to plain it , and to make their Houshold Stuff . ALL the Tools which they have either to make their Canoos , to build their Huts , or to do other necessary Jobs , are Axes and Hatchets , not such as have been forg'd by ingenious Smiths , but such as have been form'd in their Fancies by Necessity , which is the Mother of Invention , and has taught 'em to cut the hardest part of the Tortoise-shell ( which is that under the Belly of it ) into Leaves of about a hand's-breadth , and not quite so thick as ones Hand . After having dry'd it in the Smoak , they whet it upon a Stone , then fasten it to a wooden Helve , and make use of this Tool to cut every thing they fancy , as well as if it were the best Ax that can be , but with a little more pains . They make their Hatchets of the same matter , and the Handle they put to 'em is a Pegebeuy's Jaw-bone , which Nature seems to have purposely fitted to this use . With these Instruments they finish all their Works , not only their Canoos , but their Tables , their Cupboards , their Seats , and their other Houshold Goods , and that as compleatly as if they had the best Joiners Tools that are in use among us . There are some among these Nations who make their Axes of Stones , which they grind to an Edg with main Strength ; these are much stronger than those of Tortoise-shell , so that they will cut down any great Tree which they have a mind to fell , with the less fear of breaking 'em , and with much more speed . Their Chizzels , Plains and Wimbles , which we use for the finest Works of Joinery ( in which they work excellently well ) are made of wild Hogs Teeth , and of the Horns of other Animals , which they graft in to Wooden Handles , and make use of 'em as well as we can do of the best that are made of Steel . Almost all these Provinces produce Cotton more or less , but the greater part of 'em make no use of it for Clothing , but on the contrary , the most of 'em go stark naked , as well Men as Women , and are no more asham'd of appearing so than if they were in the primitive State of Innocency . CHAP. XL. The Religion of these People , and what they believe concerning their Idols . The Discourse of a Cacique on this Subject . THE Religion of these barbarous People is much alike , they all worship Idols , which they make with their own Hands ; to one of them they ascribe the Authority of governing the Waters , and put a Fish in his Hand in token of his Power ; they chuse others to preside over their Seed-time , and others to inspire 'em with Courage in their Battels ; they say these Gods came down from Heaven on purpose to dwell with them , and to shew them Kindness . They don't signify their Adoration of these Idols by any outward Ceremonies , but on the contray , seem to have forgotten 'em as soon as they have made 'em , and putting them in a Case let 'em lie , without taking any notice of 'em so long as they imagine they have no occasion for their Help ; but when they are ready to march out to War , they set up the Idol in which they have plac'd the hopes of their Victories , at the Prow of their Canoos : so when they go a fishing , they take that Idol with 'em to which they attribute the Government of the Waters ; yet they have not so much Faith in any of 'em , but that they freely acknowledg that there may possibly be a God who is greater and more powerful than these . I made this Judgment upon what pass'd between us and one of these Savage People , who yet shew'd nothing in his Conversation that savour'd of a barbarous Education : This Indian had heard some of our Men speak of the Almighty Power of God ; and considering what he had seen with his own Eyes , that our Army had navigated this great River throughout its whole Course , and after having pass'd through so many different Warlike Nations , was return'd without having receiv'd the least Damage or Prejudice from any of 'em , he thought this could not be , unless the Assistance and Power of God had conducted us : upon this Imagination he came to meet us , and with a great deal of Concern and disquiet of Mind signified to us , that for all the kind Entertainment he had given us , he desir'd no other Recompence but that we would leave him one of our Gods , seeing they were so good and powerful , that so he might take him and his Vassals into his Protection , that he might make 'em live in Peace and Health , and continually give 'em whatever they stood in need of for their Preservation . Our Men did not fail to promise him whatever he desir'd , and would fain have set up the Standard of the Cross in his Village for a certain Mark. This is a Custom the Portuguez have introduc'd throughout all places where Idols are worship'd ; I know not whether they do it from a true Principle of Zeal , as the Action it self seems to signify , for there is a great deal of reason to doubt that they set up the sacred Sign of the Cross only for a specious Pretext to make Slaves of the poor Indians , whom they carry away from their very Houses , either for their own Service , or to sell 'em to others ; which gave me an extreme Compassion for these People who don 't seem unteachable , and might be more easily brought to the Knowledg of the true God by a courteous and gentle Carriage , than by all the Rigor that can be us'd upon ' em . What I have said is certainly true , that when the Portuguez have been kindly receiv'd and well treated by these honest and charitable Indians , they in return to all their Hospitality only leave 'em the Sign of the Cross , which they set up in the most eminent place of their Habitations , commanding 'em to keep this holy Sign with so great Care that it may never be defac'd ; and after this when this Cross happens either to be thrown down by the Injuries of the Weather , or to be worn out , or it may be to be maliciously broken in pieces by some of those Idolatrous Indians who bear no respect to it , the Portuguez never fail to condemn 'em all as guilty of the Profanation of the Cross , and as such , declare both them and all their Children and Childrens Children perpetual Slaves . This was the main reason that ingag'd me to forbid the Portuguez to leave the Cross among these People ; besides , I was not willing that this Cacique that had ask'd us for a God , should have any occasion to believe that our God was a piece of Wood , and that this had the Power and Divinity of him that sav'd us on the Cross , for fear of confirming him in Idolatry . I therefore comforted him the best I could , and told him the God we worship'd would be always with him , and advis'd him to pray to him for whatever he wanted , and to put his Trust intirely in him , telling him I believ'd he would one day favour him with the Knowledg of the true Religion . By this it appears that this Indian did not believe his Idols were powerful Gods , seeing he was so ready to forsake 'em to worship a greater Deity , if we would have given him one . CHAP. XLI . The Discourses of two other Caciques , which shew the Capacity of those Peoples Minds . ANother of these Barbarians gave us to understand that his Sentiments were not different from those of the former which we have been relating . This Indian who had more Knowledg , but less Honesty than the other , knowing that there was no Divinity , nor any Power in his Idols , set up himself for the God of all his Country . We receiv'd Information of this some Leagues before we arriv'd at the place where he dwelt , and sent him word that we were coming to bring him Tidings of the true God , who was much more powerful than he could pretend to be , and entreated him not to retire from his House , but to wait for our Arrival . He did so , and we had scarce set our Feet to Land on the shore of this Country , but he came to us big with Curiosity to enquire what News we could tell him of that God , about whom we had sent such a Message to him . I held a long Discourse with him , to inform him what God was ; but because he would needs see with his own Eyes the God that I preach'd to him , I was forc'd to leave him in his own Blindness : He told me himself was God , and begotten by the Sun ; affirming that his Soul went every Night into Heaven to give Orders for the succeeding Day , and to regulate the Government of the Universe ; such was the Insolence and Pride of this Savage Creature . Another of 'em shew'd himself much more reasonable ; for when I was enquiring of him how it came to pass , that seeing his Companions retir'd into the Mountains at the approach of our Fleet , he alone with a few of his Relations durst come near us , and expose themselves to lie at our Mercy without fear . He answer'd that he had consider'd that such Men as had once got up that River in spight of so many Enemies , and were return'd in like manner without receiving any harm , could be no less than the Lords of this great River , and would be sure frequently to return to bring it into Subjection , and to people it with new Inhabitants ; and the case being thus , he was not willing to live always in fear and dread in his House , but chose rather to render himself to 'em in time , and willingly to acknowledg them for his Masters and Friends , whom the others would one day be constrain'd to receive and serve by Force . CHAP. XLII . The Veneration they have for their Wizards , and the Ceremonies of their Funerals . LET us now resume the Thred of our History , and return to the Customs of our Indians . 'T is very remarkable how much Esteem ▪ and Respect all these Nations bear to those Wizards they have among 'em , which proceeds not so much from the Love they have for 'em , as from the continual Fear they live in of receiving some Mischief or other from their Hands . There is a certain House devoted to the use of these Sorcerers , in which they perform their superstitious Exercises , and converse with the Devil , ( a very common thing with 'em in this Place ) which serves for no other purpose . They also keep the dead Bones of these Sorcerers with as much Veneration as if they were the Reliques of Saints : when they have put their Bones altogether , they hang 'em in the Air in the same Cotton Beds those Wizards us'd to lie in while alive . These are their Masters , their Preachers , their Counsellors , and their Guides : They have recourse to them in their Doubts to obtain the Resolution of 'em ; and when they are in the greatest Rage against their Enemies , they apply themselves to these Conjurers for poisonous Herbs , by which they execute their Revenge upon ' em . For the Burial of their Dead there are different Ceremonies among 'em ; for some keep 'em in their own Houses , that by having 'em always before their Eyes , they may ( as they pretend ) on all Occasions be put in mind of Death : But certainly if they did it for this intention , one would think they should keep the Remains of their Dead in better order than they do . Others burn their Carcases in great Pits , and with them all the deceased Party possess'd when alive : But in short , they all , one as well as another , celebrate their Funerals for many Days together , with continual Mourning and Weeping , which they only interrupt with Drinking , and that they do even to the Excess of Drunkenness . CHAP. XLIII . The Constitution of their Bodies , and the Disposition of their Minds ; their Dexterity , Manners , and Inclinations . IT may be said in general , that all these People are well made ; they have an agreeable Air , and a Complexion much less tauny than that of the Brazilians ; they have a ready Wit , and a great deal of Dexterity in the Exercise of their Weapons ; their Conversation is sweet and peaceable , and their Inclinations very agreeable . We had sufficient Opportunity of knowing this by the Commerce we had with many of them : For they presently had such a good Opinion of us , that they did not make the least difficulty of trusting their Lives and all they had besides in our Hands . Some of them continued with us a considerable time , eating and drinking with our Men without shewing the least Suspicion or Apprehension of Danger : Nay they had the Civility to give us their Huts to lodg in , while several of their Families crowded themselves in one or two , that we might have the Accommodation of the rest . The Indians we had with us offer'd 'em a thousand insolent Affronts , and we could not possibly hinder 'em from insulting over 'em ; but they patiently bore all , and without the least Resentment . All this , together with the slender Veneration they seem to have for their Idols , give us great ground to hope , that if ever the Knowledg of the true God of Heaven and Earth , and the Doctrine of the Gospel should be preach'd to 'em , there will be a great prospect of their becoming good Christians . CHAP. XLIV . The principal Mouths by which the River of Amazons empties it self into the Sea , and the chief Rivers of Peru that run into the Amazone . WE have hitherto treated in general of this Noble and Famous River of Amazons ; now 't is but reasonable we should enter upon the Detail of our Account , and speak particularly of its Sources and Passages : I shall therefore give a Relation of its Ports , and distinctly observe all the Rivers that seed it , and maintain its prodigious Greatness . I shall even advance into all the Countries it waters : I shall make observation of its Depths in several Parts of it , and of the particular Inclinations of the many sorts of People it maintains . I design to omit nothing that 's worthy of notice , because I have been an Eye-witness of it ; and having been sent by one of the greatest Monarchs in Christendom , on purpose to make accurate Observations on every thing upon this great River , it may be I am more capable than another to give an account of what was given me in charge . I shall say nothing of the principal Mouth of this River into the Ocean on the side of Para ; for it has long since been known by all that sail into America ; it is well known that it lies under the Line at the utmost Confines of Brazil : Nor shall I say any thing of that Mouth of our River by which the Tyrant Lopez Daguyrre invaded the Island of La Trinidada ; because I never saw it , and those that have been there have told me there is no direct Entrance into the River of Amazons by the Mouth , it being the Mouth of another River that has Communication with the Amazone by several Arms , which from one space to another extend themselves far from it , and enter into the Sea with this other River . My Intention is only to give the Inhabitants of the conquer'd Countries of Peru an account of the Passages they have to the River of Amazons , or rather of the Rivers of each Province that empty themselves into it . I have already said , that as we came down it we saw its Banks open'd by many Rivers and Rivulets both on the South and North sides : Therefore if any embark on these Rivers , they must necessarily fall into the Amazone . But because 't is not certainly known from what Provinces they draw their Original , and upon what Towns their Sources border ; and because 't is yet less known in those places whence they spring , whether they fall into this great River or no , I shall endeavour to remove these Doubts , and shall treat of eight of 'em , which I have taken particular notice of , and all that know these Provinces will confirm the Report I give . Three of 'em pass from the side of the Amazone , and go down toward the new Kingdom of Granada : Four others we saw on the South-side ; and there 's another , which runs under the Equinoctial Line , and at length empties it self into this great River . CHAP. XLV . Of the Rivers of Caqueta , Putomayo , and Aguarcio , which come from the new Kingdom of Granada , and enter into the River Amazone on the North-side . THe first Entrance that we discover'd to fall into this River ( which may be termed a Sea of fresh Water ) on that side that looks towards the new Kingdom of Granada , is through the Province of Micoa in the Government of Popayan , following the Current of the great River Caqueta , into which all those others that descend on the side of St. Foy , Bogota , Jimanas , and Cagnan , come to render Homage as to their Lady and Mistriss . This River is very famous in the Countrey for the Numbers of Indians that inhabit the Banks of it . It has a great many Arms that extend themselves into very remote Provinces , and return to join themselves to that Body from which they separated from a great multitude of Islands , that are all inhabited by an infinite number of wild People . This River continually takes its Course parallel with the Amazone , always running along by it , tho at a considerable distance , and from one Place to another sending Arms of Water towards it , big enough to be taken each of 'em for whole Rivers ; at last gathering it self together at the Latitude of four degrees , it discharges it self into our River : and 't is by that Arm of it , which is nearest to the Province of the Aquas , that one must directly take ones Course to go down unto the Amazone , because there are some Arms that tend towards the North ; and they that shall be so imprudent as to embark on this Arm , will certainly be expos'd to the same Danger that befel Capt. Fernand Perez de Quesada , who having embarked on the Caquetta with 300 Men , and suffered himself to be carried along the side of St. Foy , arrived in the Province of Algodonal , from whence he was forced to retire with much more haste than he came , tho he was so well attended with a good number of Men. The second most remarkable Entrance we find on the North side is by the Town of Pasto , which also depends on the Government of Popayan . From this Town you must cross the neighbouring Mountains called the Cordeliers , which is a difficult incommodious Journey , because of the badness of the Ways , which you must travel partly on Foot , and the rest on Horse-back . You 'l at length arrive at the River Putomayo , on which you must embark ; and sailing down it , it will bring into the famous River of Amazons , at the Latitude of two Degrees and a half , and 330 Leagues below the Port of Napo . The same Way that leads to the River Putomayo , leads in like manner to the River Aguarico ; because when you leave the Mountains , 't is but turning near Succombios , and near that Town you meet the River Aguarico , otherwise call'd the golden River : you need only follow the Stream of it to enter into the Amazone , and the Entrance of it is almost under the Line , where the Province of the long-hair'd Indians begins ninety Leagues below the Port of Napo . This is the third Passage , which is discover'd into the River of Amazons on the North side . CHAP. XLVI . Of the River Coca , and the River Pagamino , which enter into the Amazone on the South side . UNder the Line there is another River , by which one may descend into the Amazone ; it passes across the Province of Quixos , and is nearest to the City of Quito , beginning at the City of the Cofanes , where it takes the Name of Coca , and from all along hence it amasses together such great Quantities of Water , that it may well be said to make the principal of all those Channels that compose this great Fresh-water Sea. The Navigation of this River is very troublesom and difficult , by reason of the great Sreams of Water that trouble it all along , till it meets the River Napo ; but this last , and the others that enter into the Amazone on the other side of the Line toward the South , are navigated with much more ease . The first of these is the River Pagamino , which is none of the most commodious and pleasant : it is three days Journey by Land from the City of Avila , which likewise belongs to the Government of the Quixos . 'T was by this River the Portuguez Fleet enter'd , and landed within the Jurisdiction of Quito . This River enters into the Amazone below the River Quito , and the Napo , at a place call'd La Junta de los Rios , twenty five Leagues below the Port of Napo . When the Portuguez returned , we found a better way to join their Fleet than that which they lighted on in coming into this Country : For we went strait from Quito to Archidoua , which likewise belongs to the Government of the Quixos , and is under the Jurisdiction of Quito ; from whence by one day's Journey only ( which we travelled on foot , it being in the Winter , that is in the time of the Rains , but might be performed on Horse-back at any other Season ) we arrived at the Port of the River Napo . This River is great and rich , and all the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Ports under the Government of Quito account it the Depository of their Treasures ; for they every Year gather from its Shores all the Gold they need to defray the Expence of their Families . Besides , this River abounds with Fish , and the Fields near it are full of Game ; the Soil is very good , and requires but little Charge to cultivate it : It returns the Husbandman prodigious quantities of all sorts of Grain : This is the principal and best Way that can be taken to go from the Province of Quito to the River of Amazons ; 't is much more commodious and easy than all the rest . Yet I have heard on that side , that near the Town of Ambatte , which is 10 Leagues from Quito on the River Bamba , there is another River that comes to discharge it self into the Amazone , and that there is in it but one fall of Water caus'd by the Currents , that at all obstructs the Navigation of it : This way is very commodious to bring one into this great River about 60 or 70 Leagues lower than the Port of Napo , by which means we may cross through the whole Province of the Quixos . CHAP. XLVII . Of the Rivers of Curaray and Maragnon . THE seventh way of coming at the River Amazone is on the side of the Province of the Macas , which also appertains to the Government and Jurisdiction of Quito ; from the Mountains of this Province there descends a great River call'd Curaray , by following the Course of which you 'l fall into this great River at 2 degrees Latitude , and 150 Leagues below the Port of Napo : all the space of Land is well peopled with several different Nations . The eighth and last Passage into our great River is on the side of St. Jago , from the Mountains of the Province of the Maguas , the most powerful of all the Rivers that render Tribute to the Amazone : It waters all that great Country so distant from it , and is there call'd Maragnon ; but at its Mouth , and some Leagues higher , it bears the Name of Tumburagna . This River enters into the Amazone at four degrees Latitude , and more than 300 Leagues above the Mouth of it ; it is so deep , and has such impetuous Currents , that the Navigation of it is troublesome , and somewhat dangerous : but the Assurances we have that there are great numbers of Idolatrous and Barbarous Indians inhabiting these large Countries it waters , will make those that are animated with Zeal for the Glory of God , and the Salvation of Souls , easily surmount some Difficulties . It was to make an Essay of so noble an Enterprize , that in the beginning of the Year 1638 , two of our Society pass'd through the Province of the Maguas in quest of these large Countries , from whom I receiv'd a great many Letters , in which they give an account of the endless Extent of this River , and of the innumerable Provinces they receiv'd certain Intelligence of from time to time . This River Maragnon joins with Amazone 230 Leagues below the Port of Napo . CHAP. XLVIII . Of the River Napo . THis River Napo , of which I have had occasion to speak so often , has its Source at the foot of a great Desart call'd Aulizana , which is 18 Leagues from Quito ; and , which is very wonderful , tho this Place is so near the Equinoctial Line , yet this as well as many other Plains that are upon those Mountains call'd the Cordeliers , is always cover'd with Snow , that serves to temper the Heat under the Torrid Zone , which is so excessive , that one would think it should render all those Countries not habitable ( as St. Augustin says of them ) which yet by means of this perpetual Refreshment , are the most temperate and serene Regions that have been discover'd since the Age wherein that great Saint flourish'd . This River of Napo from its Source takes its Course between great Rocks , which render it unnavigable till it comes to touch that place which is call'd the Port of Napo , where the Vezinos , or Inhabitants of Archidoua , have their Plantations and Gardens ; there it becomes more smooth , and less rapid , and bears upon its Waters those little Canoos the Indians use for their Traffick : however , it retains something of its Roughness and Impetuosity for five or six Leagues below this Port ; and then all on a sudden becomes calm and smooth , and so remains till it enters into the River Coca , which makes the space of about 25 Leagues ; during which space it has a good Bottom , and a smooth Course , and affords the largest Vessels a very safe Passage . The Conjunction it makes with the River Coca is call'd La Junta de los Rios , the joining of the Rivers ; and this is reported to have been the place where Francis d' Oreillane and his Men arriv'd , and made that Brigantine in which he sailed and discover'd all the River of Amazons . CHAP. XLIX . Of the Town of Anose where Capt. John de Palacios dwelt , with whom there were the two Lay-Friers who made their Escape down to Para ( spoken of before . ) FOrty seven Leagues below the place where these Rivers join , on the South-side , is situated the Town of Anose , which is a Plantation made by Capt. John de Palacios , who ( as I said before ) was kill'd by the Inhabitants of the Country : 18 Leagues below this Town on the North-side lies the River Agarico , which enters into the Amazone ; this River is sufficiently famous not only for its Air , which is none of the best , but also for the quantity of Gold that is found in its Sands , from whence it has had the Name of the Golden River these hundred Years . At the Mouth of it on one side as well as t'other of the River of Amazons begins the great Province of the long-hair'd Indians , which extends on the North-side for above 180 Leagues , and continually receives great quantities of Water from the Amazone , which makes divers Lakes of a great Compass and Depth . The first Notices that the Inhabitants of Quito receiv'd of this Country gave 'em a very great desire to make a Conquest of it , because of the great number of Indians with which this Province is peopled . And indeed there have been at several times some Essays of this kind made , but always in vain , witness the last of 'em that had such bad Success , when Capt. John de Palacios was kill'd , as has been already said . CHAP. L. The Place where General Texeira left his Fleet of Portuguez . 'T Was in this Province of the long-hair'd Indians at the Mouth of the River which bears their Name , and enters into the Amazone 20 Leagues below the River again , that by the Order of General Texeira forty Portuguez of his Fleet , with 200 of the Indians they brought with 'em , continued constantly for the space of eleven Months : At first they found nothing but good Entertainment of all sorts from the Inhabitants of the Country , to whom in return they gave all Necessaries they had occasion for ; but this did not continue long . This was too great a Familiarity for Men that knew themselves guilty of the death of the Spanish Captain ; for they being the Authors of this Fact , knew well enough that the Blood they had shed cry'd for Vengeance against 'em , and therefore being under Apprehensions of being chastis'd for their Boldness on the least occasion that should offer , they mutinied , and after they had kill'd three of our Indians , took up Arms to defend their Lives and Lands . The Portuguez on this occasion acted like themselves , and presently sought to be reveng'd ; for it being contrary to their Humour to put up Injuries , or to suffer Indians to take the liberty of acting with so much Insolence as this , they betook themselves to Arms , and with their wonted Courage , for which they are so famous , flew upon their Enemies , and repuls'd them with so much Vigor , that with the loss of a very few Men they killed a considerable number of Indians , and took above 70 of 'em Prisoners ; some of whom died in the places of their Confinement , and the rest made their Escape , so that in a little time there was not one of them left . These Portuguez did not get much by their Victory , for they now found themselves reduc'd to such Extremity , that they saw they must either perish for want of Food , or else be oblig'd to go with their Swords in their hands to fetch Provision out of the very Mouths of their Enemies . Accordingly they resolv'd to make Incursions into the Country , and either by fair means or soul to get a Supply for their pinching Necessities . Some of 'em went out to fight , and others kept the Camp ; but both the one and the other in spite of all their Bravery did not fail to meet with frequent and violent Insults from their Enemies , who omitted no fit occasion to give 'em all sorts of Alarms , and to do 'em all the Mischief they could , especially upon the River , where they surpriz'd a great many of their Vessels , some of which they pillaged , and brake others of 'em in pieces : and yet this was not the greatest Damage they did our Men ; for they laid Ambuscades for our Indians , and cut the Throats of all that fell into their hands : 'T is true , for every Man they kill'd , the Portuguez kill'd six of them ; but this Chastisement was nothing comparable to what the Portuguez used to make the Indians suffer for such kind of Revolts . These People were call'd by the Spaniards who saw them first , the Hairy Indians , because throughout this Province the Men as well as the Women wear their Hair quite down to their Knees . Their Weapons are Darts , their Houses are Huts made very neatly and curiously with the Branches of Palm-Trees : Their Food is like that of all the other Indians upon the Amazone . They are always in War with their Neighbours at the Head of this Province of the long-hair'd Savages on the South-side ; on the other side of the River of Amazons , they have for their Neighbours the Avixiras , the Yurusnies , the Zaparas , and the Yquitos , who are on one side enclosed by the River Curaray , and on the other by the Amazone , into which the former empties it self 4 Leagues below the Province of the long-hair'd Indians , at near two degrees Latitude . Eighty Leagues below Curaray on the same South-side , the famous River Tumburagua , which , as I said before , descends from the Province of the Maynas , by the Name of Maragnon , enters into the Amazone ; and is so impetuous and violent , that it preserves its Waters entirely together , while it runs with its ordinary Swiftness several Leagues forward into the Amazone without mixing with it , which makes it extend above a League in Breadth at its Mouth : at length it acknowledges the Superiority of the Amazone , and pays it not only the ordinary Tribute , which the other Rivers render it , but another more considerable Advantage besides of many sorts of Fish , that are not found in the River of Amazons , till you come to the Mouth of this River . CHAP. LI. The Province of the Aguas , their Manners and Customs . SIxty Leagues below the River Tumburagua begins the Province of the Aguas , which is the most fertile and spacious of all the Provinces we found along this great River of Amazons ; the Spaniards vulgarly call it Omaguas , by a corruption of its proper Name , and to make it answer to the Situation of their Dwellings ; because the Word Aguas in their Language signifies without , or abroad . This Province is above 200 Leagues in length , and is so well peopled , that the Villages are situate very close one to another ; so that almost as soon as you are past one , you discover another . The Breadth of this Country in all appearance is but of small extent , it being no greater than that of our River ; for the Habitations of these People are in all the Islands throughout the whole Length of it , which are in great number , and some of which are very spacious : and considering they are all either peopled , or at least cultivated for the Sustenance of the Inhabitants , one may easily imagine there must needs be vast numbers of Indians in a Country that extends 200 Leagues in Length . This Nation is the most reasonable and best civilized of all those that dwell along this River . This Advantage they received from those that not long since went down amongst 'em from the Countrey of the Quixos ; where after having had Peace with the Spaniards for a long time , they were at last wearied with the ill Treatment they received from 'em , and embarking in their Canoos , suffered themselves to be carried down with the Stream of the River , till they met with other Indians of their Nation , upon whose Strength and Power they could rely , and accordingly took up their Residence with ' em . These last Comers introduc'd among the others several things they had seen practised by the Spaniards , and taught 'em how to live after a more civil and regular manner . They were all clothed , both Men and Women , with all the Decency imaginable ; their Garments are made of Cotton , of which they gather a prodigious quantity ; and they do not only make Stuffs enough for their own use , but make a great many to sell to their Neighbours , who are mightily taken ( and that not without reason ) with the Beauty of those pretty Works with which they deck their Stuffs : they make some very thin Clothes , which are not only woven with Threds of different Colours , but the Paint of 'em is disposed with so much Art in the weaving , that the different Threds can't be distinguished one from another . They are so submissive and obedient to their principal Caciques , that these whom they look upon as their Princes , need speak but a Word to have whatever they command put in execution . This whole Nation has been so long accustomed to make their Heads flat , that as soon as their Children are born they put them in a kind of Press ; forcing Nature after this manner with one little Board , which they hold upon the Forehead , and another much larger , which they put behind the Head , and which serves them for a Cradle ; and all the rest of the Body of the new-born Infant is as it were inclos'd with this piece of Wood : they lay the Child upon his Back , and this Board being bound fast to that which is upon the Forehead , they make the Head of the Child almost as slat as ones Hand ; thus there being no room for the Head to grow , but by spreading it self wide from one Ear to the other , they are extremely disfigured by this violent Artifice . The Aguas have perpetual War with several other Nations both on the one and the other side of the River . On the South side among other Enemies they have the Curinas , who are so numerous , that they not only very well defend themselves on the side of the River from innumerable Multitudes of the Aguas ; but at the same time likewise sustain the Efforts and Shocks of other Nations , that come a great way down the Countrey to make War with them . On the North side the Zoeunas are Enemies to the Aguas , and are , by the Accounts I have had of them , no less numerous , nor less stout than the Curinas ; which appears in that they maintain a War against a great number of Enemies , that come down from Places a great way up in the Country . CHAP. LII . The Love these People have for the Captives they take in War , and the Calumny they bie under in being reported to eat ' em . THese Aguas make Slaves of all the Prisoners they take in War , and use 'em for all kinds of Service ; however they treat 'em with so much Love and Kindness , that they make 'em eat with themselves ; and there 's nothing in the World displeases 'em more , than to desire 'em to sell 'em , as we found by experience on several occasions : I remember once at our Arrival at an Indian Town , they received us not only with all the Marks of Peace and Amity , but even with all the Tokens of extraordinary Joy : They offer'd us all they had for our Sustenance , without requiring any thing in return : We on our parts shewed that Civility to them that became us ; we bought their painted Cotton-Cloth , which they very willingly parted with ; we desired 'em to sell us some Canoos , which are better to them than the best and swiftest Horses , and they presently offer'd 'em to us ; but when we began to talk with 'em about their Slaves , and to importune 'em to sell us some of 'em , this was to them the most uncivil and inhumane Discourse that could be : one of them presently gave us to understand that he would no longer keep company with us ; another shew'd himself mightily troubled at the matter : On the one hand they were very diligent to hide 'em from us , on the other to get some of 'em that were with us out of our Hands ; in a word , they gave us Signs enough to convince us , that they had a greater esteem for their Slaves than for all the rest of their Goods , and that they had rather part with all they possess'd besides than part with them . And this being the truth of the matter , 't is a malicious thing of the Portuguez to report that the reason why the Aguas are unwilling to sell their Slaves , is because they fatten 'em , and keep 'em to eat at their Feasts : This is a Calumny they have invented , to palliate the Cruelties they have exercised upon these poor Wretches . I may farther add , that at least as far as concerns the Nation of the Aguas I have found the contrary true by the Testimony of two Indians that were Natives of Para , who came up with the Portuguez as far as Quito , and ran away when they were arriv'd there ; who falling into the hands of these People , were made Slaves , and remained with them eight Months : these assured me they had been out with them at their Wars , and that they never saw 'em eat any of their Enemies , when they had taken 'em , and made Slaves of 'em : 't was true indeed ( they said ) when they had taken any of their Enemies that had the Reputation of being Valiant and Great , they kill'd 'em at their Feasts and Assemblies , only out of fear of sustaining some considerable Damage by 'em , if they should suffer 'em to live ; but that they did not eat these neither when they had kill'd 'em , but when they had cut off their Heads , which they us'd to hang up in their Huts as Trophies , they roll'd their Bodies into the River . I don't deny that there are some Caribees in those Parts that eat their Enemies without any Sentiments of Horror ; but this is a Custom peculiar to them , and is not practised among other Indians . And this I desire may be taken notice of and credited , that Human Flesh has never been sold in any of the Publick Shambles of this Nation , as the Portuguez have reported ; who under the pretence of revenging such kind of Cruelties , commit those that are incomparably greater themselves , since they are so inhuman and barbarous , as to make Slaves of those that were born free and independent . CHAP. LIII . The great Cold in those parts under the Line in June , July and August , and the reason of it . AFter we were got down about 100 Leagues more or less into the Country of the Aguas , and so had pass'd about half way through this vast Province , we arriv'd at a Town of this Nation , where we were obliged to continue three days ; we there felt it so extreme cold , that those of us that were born and bred in the coldest Province of Spain , were constrain'd to put on more Clothes . This so sudden change of the Temper of the Air surpriz'd me , and gave me the Curiosity to enquire the Cause of it , of the People of the Country : they told me it was no unusual thing in their Quarters , that every Year for three Moons ( for thus they count and mean for three Months ) they felt the same Cold ; these three Months are June , July and August : but this Answer did not satisfy me , who was willing to have a more solid and perfect knowledg of the reason of this so piercing Cold. Upon Consideration I found that the Winds passing through that vast and mountainous Desert , which is situate a great way up in the Country on the South-side , all those three Months , and so bringing along with them the cold Air occasion'd by the Snow with which those Desert Mountains are cover'd , cause these surprizing Effects in the Neighbouring Countries under the Torrid Zone . And for this reason I don't question but the Situation of this Country is capable of making the Ground produce good Wheat , and all other sorts of Grain and Fruits , that grow in the Soil of Quito , which is in like manner situated under the Line , or very near it , and yet is made very fertile and fit for all sorts of Grain and Fruits , and this by reason of that fresh Air brought thither by the Winds that come off from the Mountains which are cover'd with Snow . CHAP. LIV. Of the River Putomayo , which comes from the new Kingdom of Granada , and the River Yotau , which comes from the Neighbourhood of the City of Cusco . SIxteen Leagues below the place where we felt so much Cold , on the North-side we met with the great River Putomayo , which is so famous in the Government of Popayan in the new Kingdom of Granada . This is a very great and wide River , because it receives 30 other very considerable Rivers before it falls into the Amazone . Those that inhabit the places about its Mouth call it Iza , it comes down from the Mountains of Pasto in the Kingdom of Granada : there 's abundance of Gold found in the Sand and Gravel of it ; and we were assur'd that the Banks of it were extremely well peopled , so that a Troop of Spanish Souldiers coming upon this River , found Enemies enow to constrain 'em to retire with some loss . The Names of the Natives that inhabit these Parts are the Yurinas , the Guaraicas , the Parianas , the Zyas , the Ahyves , the Cuvos ; and those that are nearest the Source dwell on both sides of the River , as being the Lords and Masters of it , and are call'd the Omaguas ; the Aguas of the Islands call 'em the true Omaguas . Fifty Leagues below this Mouth of Putomayo , we found on the other side the Mouth of another fine large River , which takes its Rise near Cusco , and enters into the Amazone at the Latitude of three degrees and a half ; the Natives call it Yosau , and 't is esteem'd above all the rest for its Riches , and for the great number of People it maintains ; the Names of whom are these , the Tepanas , the Gavains , the Ozuanas , the Morvas , the Naunos , the Conomamas , the Mariavas , and the Omaguas , which are the last Nation that dwell upon this River towards Peru , and by consequence are the nearest Neighbours the Spaniards have on that side . This Nation is accounted to be very rich in Gold , because they wear great Plates of Gold hanging at their Ears and Nostrils : and if I don't mistake , these Indians are the same with those I have read of in the History of the Tyrant Lopez Daguirre , to whose Country Pedro d' Orsua was sent by the Vice-roy of Peru to make a Discovery of it , because of the great Reputation they had of being the most wealthy People in America ; however , Pedro d' Orsua miss'd his way , and instead of taking the River Yotau , sail'd upon an Arm of another River which enters into the Amazone some Leagues below the other ; so that when he was fallen down into the Amazone , he found himself so far below these People , whose Country he went to discover , that he perceiv'd it impossible to get up to 'em , not only because of the Impetuosity of the Currents , against which he was afraid to hazard himself , but likewise because of the Discontent all his Souldiers express'd at so difficult an Enterprize . This River Yotau abounds with Fish , and its Banks with all sorts of Venison and wild Fowl ; and is besides very Navigable , because it has a good Bottom , and a very gentle Current , by what I have been able to learn from those that dwell upon its Banks . CHAP. LV. The utmost Borders of the People call'd the Aguas , who possess the space of 54 Leagues along this River , and the River Yurva which comes from the side of Cusco . IN following the Course of the River of Amazons we came down about fourteen Leagues lower , and arriv'd at the utmost Bounds of the long Province of the Aguas , which is a Town well peopled , wherein they keep a strong Garison ; this being the principal Fort they have on that side to resist the Irruptions of their Enemies for the space of above 54 Leagues along this River . They are the sole Masters of its Banks , so that their Enemies don't possess an Inch of Land there : but the Bounds of their Country are so narrow , that from the Banks of the River you may see the remotest Villages they have on the Continent . They have a thousand small Rivers that fall into the Amazone , and that serve to convey 'em into the Country for what they want ; on the North-side the Curis and the Quirabas are their Enemies , and the Cachiguaras and the Jucuris on the South-side . We could not come at the sight of these Nations , because our Orders would not permit us to go so high into the Country ; but we discover'd the Mouth of a River which we may with good reason call the River of Cusco , because , according to the Relation which I have seen of the Voyage of Francis Oreillane , this River goes North and South from the City of Cusco ; it enters into the Amazone at the Latitude of 5 degrees , and at 24 Leagues distance from the last great Village of the Aguas . The Natives call it Yurna ; the Country is well peopled , and on the Right-hand , as you enter into this River against the Stream , are the same People I have spoken of before , who inhabit the Banks of the River Yotau ; for they extend themselves from the Banks of one of these Rivers to the other , and so dwell between 'em both , almost as in an Island ; and , if I am not mistaken , it was by this last River that Pedro d' Orsua came down from Peru into the Amazone . CHAP. LVI . Of the Nation of the Curuzicaris who possess the space of 24 Leagues along this River : Of their Husbandry , and Ingenuity in making all sorts of Vtensils , and Earthen Ware. TWenty eight Leagues below the River Yurva , on the same South-side , begins the great and potent Nation of the Curuzicaris , in a Country all cover'd with Mountains and Precipices . This Nation inhabits only the Bank of the Amazone on the South-side , and possesses above 24 Leagues of it in length . This People is so numerous , that their Villages are very near one another , so that we could scarce make four hours sail , but we found new Plantations ; and sometimes we found their Towns so long , that we could not get clear of 'em in half a day . We found abundance of those Villages without one Soul in 'em , all the Inhabitants being frighted away with the false News , that we put all to Fire and Sword , and that the least Evil they were to expect from us , was to be all made Slaves : The greatest part of 'em retir'd as far as the Mountains : But tho these People are so timerous , that they may well be term'd the greatest Cowards upon the River of Amazons , yet we saw in all their Houses the Marks of a great deal of good Husbandry and Neatness ; for we found abundance of Provisions which they had laid up in store , and which is more , a great deal of Houshold-goods , amongst which , the Vessels they had made to eat and drink in , were the neatest and most commodious of any we had yet seen through the whole Course of this great River . They have in the Marshy Places where they dwell , a sort of Earth very good to make all kinds of Vessels ; of this they make great Pots or Jars , in which they make their Drink and knead their Dough , and Pans and Pots to boil in , and a sort of Ovens in which they bake their Bread ; they likewise make Drinking-Cups and Basons of it , and very neat Frying-pans : They make great quantities of all these Utensils to carry on the Trade they have with all the neighbouring Nations , who having occasion for all these pieces of Houshold-stuff come from all Quarters to procure 'em in this Country , and carry them away in great Burdens , giving in exchange for 'em all sorts of things this People want , which are not produc'd in their own Country . The first Village the Portuguez of our Fleet met with in coming up the River of Amazons , they call'd the Golden Town , because they found some pieces of Gold there , which these People had receiv'd in exchange from those Indians that wear Plates of Gold at their Ears and Noses . This Gold was carried to Quito , and upon trial the greatest part of it was found of the ●●ineness of twenty three Carrats : But the Natives observing the Greediness of our Men , and how eagerly they hunted after more of these little Plates of Gold , took care to hide ●em all , so that in a little time they were none of 'em to be found . And they took such exact care of the business at our return , that altho we found a great many of these Indians , yet there was but one of 'em that had these Far-pendants , and those very small ones , which I bought of him . CHAP. LVII . Of the Golden Mine , and the River Yquyari which springs out of it , and yields all those Plates of Gold , of which those People make their Pendants . THE Portuguez Fleet , as they came from Para to discover this great River of Amazons , could not get any certain knowledg of many things that are to be met with there , because they came away without Interpreters , and could obtain none to inform 'em and give 'em a faithful account of things : So that if the Portuguez pretend to give a good account of any Matter , it must be only from what they have learn'd of the Indians by Signs , which are ordinarily very uncertain and equivocal , because every one is apt to apply them to what his Fancy leads him ; these Difficulties ceas'd at their return , and it pleas'd God to favour us with such good Interpreters , that I can affirm that all that is contain'd in this Relation , is written upon the certain Knowledg and ample Discovery of all things by the means of the Interpreters we carried with us . 'T is from them I have the Account I am now going to give of that Mine from whence the Natives have those Golden Pendants for their Ears and Noses which we saw . Over against this great Village a little higher on the North-side , there enters into the Amazone a River call'd Yurupaci ; going up this River you arrive at a place where you are to go ashore , to cross the Country for three days Journey , at the end of which you meet another River call'd Yupara , by sailing on which you meet with the River Yquiari , which is that the Portuguez call the Golden River ; it springs from the foot of a Mountain hard by : Here the Natives amass Gold together in prodigious quantities ; they find it all in Spangles , or Grains of a good alloy ; they beat these small Grains of Gold together till they form those little Plates which they hang at their Ears and Noses , as we have said before . The People of this Country that find this Gold , trade with it among their Neighbours , who are call'd the Mavagus ; as for the other they are call'd the Yuma Guaris , which is as much as to say , the Metal-gatherers ; for Yuma signifies Metal , and Guaris those that gather it up : and under this general Name of Yuma they understand all sorts of Metals , therefore they call'd all the Iron Tools that we had , as Axes , Hatchets , Bills , and Knives , by the same Name of Yuma . The way of getting to this place seem'd to me to be very troublesome and difficult , because of changing the Rivers so many times , and of making so long a Journey across the Country ; which giving me no satisfaction , I could not be at rest till I had discover'd an Advantage more easily attainable , of which I shall discourse hereafter . CHAP. LVIII . The Affectation of this People to have great Holes made in their Ears and Nostrils , at which they hang their Plates of Gold. THese Savages go all naked both Men and Women , and their Riches only serve 'em for a small Ornament with which they deck their Ears and Noses ; for they put the Gold they get out of the Mines to no other use than that of adorning themselves : they all generally have their Ears bored for this end , and they affect to have the Holes made so vastly wide , that one may almost thrust ones Fist through the Hole in the tips of some of their Ears ; this is the place at which they hang their Jewels , and they commonly wear in them a handful of Leaves made up close together , to keep their Ears constantly in the same Figure . This passes among 'em for the greatest piece of Finery in the World. On the other side of the Amazone , over against this high Country which the Curazicaris possess , there is a flat Country all intersected with Rivers ( and particularly with several Arms of the River Caqueta ) which run along through it : so that this Country is all made up of Islands inclos'd by great Lakes , that extend several Leagues in length , till at last all these Waters crowd together , and pour themselves into the Rionegro , and so fall into the Amazone . All these Islands are peopled with many different Nations , but those that possess the most Land are the Zuavas . CHAP. LIX . Of the River Yupara , and the short Cut it makes to the Golden Mountain . FOurteen Leagues below the Village which the Portuguez call the Golden Town , on the North-side , we saw the mouth of the River Yupara , which is that by which one may enter into the Golden River ; and this is the most direct , the most sure , and shortest way to come at that Golden Mountain that is so vastly rich . This Mouth is at the Latitude of two degrees and a half , and so is that Village which is situate four Leagues lower on the South-side on the Edg of a great Precipice , at the foot of which is the Mouth of another great and fine River , which the Natives call Tapi , the Banks of which are inhabited by a great number of Indians call'd the Paguavos . I have already said that the Nation of the Curazicaris takes up above four and twenty Leagues of the Length of this Country ; and I add , that all their Lands are very high Ground , where you may see very pleasant Fields and fine Pastures for Cattel ; there are also Groves of Trees that extend a great length , and a great many Lakes that abound with Fish ; which would be a great advantage to any that should make Plantations in those parts . CHAP. LX. An Account of many other Nations , and of divers Rivers that descend into the Amazone ; and of the Golden Lake that is so famous in Peru. TWenty six Leagues below Tapi the River Catua falls into the Amazone , at the Mouth of it it forms a great Lake of Water , that looks green ; it has its Source far up in the Country on the South-side , and its Banks , as well as those of other Rivers , are peopled with Indians : Yet 't is said , another River , that comes on the North-side , and falls into the Amazone six Leagues below Tapi , and is called Agaranatuba , far exceeds all the other Rivers for the multitude of different Nations that inhabit its Banks . One may also have Communication with the River Yupara , of which we have spoken above , by the way of this River . The People it maintains are called the Yacarets , &c. All these Nations speak two different Languages , and 't is in their Country ( if what is talked in the new Kingdom of Granada be true ) that this so much desired Golden Lake is to be found * , which has so long made the Inhabitants of Peru very uneasy . I don't affirm this as a Certainty : It may be it will please God one day to put this Matter out of doubt . There is another River that enters into the Amazone sixteen Leagues lower than Araganatuba , and bears the same Name ; but it is to be observ'd that these two are indeed one and the same River divided into two different Arms , and therefore both bear the same Name , till they empty themselves into the Amazone . Two and twenty Leagues below this last Arm of Araganatuba , are the utmost Limits of this great and rich Nation of the Curazicaris , who inhabit one of the best Cantons of Land we have met with in all the Extent of this great River . CHAP. LXI . Of the warlike People called Yorimaus . TWO Leagues lower begins the Country of the most renown'd and warlike Nation of any all along the River of Amazons ; these People made all the Portuguez Fleet tremble when they went to land in their Countrey , as they came up from Para. They are call'd the Yorimaus , they dwell on the South-side of the River , and not only possess all the Continent along its Banks for above sixty Leagues successively , but likewise the greatest part of all those Islands the Amazone makes in that long space : for tho the Extent of Land this People possess is confin'd within the Space of a little above sixty Leagues on the River Amazone , yet having all the Islands besides within the same space , and all the Continent a good way up in the Countrey , they are as numerous as any Nation we saw wherever we set foot to land all along the River . The greatest part of the Yorimaus are well made , and of a better Shape than the rest of the Indians ; they go naked as well as others , but one may well see by the Air of their Countenances , that they have a greater dependance upon their Courage than the other Savages : they came amongst us , and went from us with the greatest Assurance that could be ; and there pass'd no day , but above 200 Canoos full of Women and Children came aboard our Admiral , bringing with them all sorts of Fruits , Fishes , Meal and other things , which we bought of 'em in exchange for Glass-Buttons , Needles and Knives . This was at the first Village of the Yorimaus , which is built at the Mouth of a fine River , that seemed to us to be very impetuous , by the great Force with which it repuls'd the Waters of the Amazone , as it ran into it . I don't doubt but the Banks of it are inhabited , as well as those of all the others , by many different Nations ; but we could not learn the Names of 'em , because our Fleet only pass'd by the Mouth of it . CHAP. LXII . The Length of the Country which these People possess , and the great Islands they inhabit in the River of Amazons . TWo and twenty Leagues below this first Plantation of the Yorimaus , we met with the greatest Village we had yet seen on this great River : The Houses joined to one another , and continued so to do above a League in length : each of these Houses contains not only one Family , as is customary in most Cities in Europe , but in those that were least filld there dwelt 4 or 5 entire Families , and more in the greatest part of ' em . By this may be conjectur'd what an incredible multitude of people must needs live in that one Town . We went to their Houses , and found all there in profound Peace . They waited for our coming , without being at all alarm'd by it , and furnished us with all necessary Provisions , which our Fleet began now to want . We continued five days in this Place , and stor'd our selves here with a Provision of above five hundred Measures of Meal of * Magnioc ; so that we had more than enough of it to accomplish our Voyage , which as we continued from thence , we perpetually met with the Villages of this Nation one soon after another ; at last we arriv'd at a place thirty Leagues below this great Town , which in all appearance is the chief Strength of this Nation . 'T is a great Island made by one Arm of the Amazone , as it goes to join it self to another River that comes to fall into it ; and both together run against the Banks of this last River , which are inhabited by so great a Multitude of people , that 't is not without reason that their Neighbours fear and respect 'em , if it were only for their Numbers . CHAP. LXIII . The Extent of the Province of the Yorimaus , and of the River of Cuchiguara . Of a People so ingenious in working of Wood , that they equal the best Masters in Europe . TEN Leagues below this Island the Province of the Yorimaus ends ; and two Leagues farther we found on the South-side the Mouth of a famous River which the Indians call Cuchiguara ; 't is navigable , tho there are Rocks in it in some Places , and 't is very full of Fish , and well stock'd with Tortoises ; its Banks are loaded with Maze and Magnioc . In a word , it has every thing necessary to make the Navigation of it easy and agreeable . All the Banks of this River are peopled with different Nations , which I shall name one after another successively , beginning with those that dwell at the Mouth of it , going on with those that dwell along the River upward , which are the Cuchiguaras , and bear the same Name with the River Cuchiguara , &c. and in fine , all the last are call'd the Curiguiris ; who , according to the Report that Persons who have been with them , and offer'd to conduct us to them , gave us , are Giants of sixteen Spans height , and very stout ; they go naked as well as the others , and wear great Plates of God at their Ears and Nostrils : We were informed that 't would be a Journey of two Months to go into the Province of these Giants from the Mouth of this River . When we had passed some space farther , we found on the South-side the People call'd the Caupunas and the Zurinas , which are the most ingenious and curious handy-craft Men that we saw in all the Country . Without any other Tools than such as I have spoken of before , they make Chairs in the Form of Beasts , with so much Curiosity , and so commodious for a Man to sit at his Ease , that I think the Invention of Man cannot contrive better . They make Estolicas , which are their ordinary Weapons , of a very slender Stick , with so much Art , that 't is not to be wondred at that other Nations in the Country are very desirous of them ; and which is very strange , they 'll cut a rais'd Figure so much to the Life , and so exactly upon any coarse Piece of Wood , that many of our Carvers might take Pattern by them . 'T is not only to gratify their own Fancies , and for their own Use , that they make these Pieces of Work , but also for the Profit it brings them ; for they hereby maintain a Trade with their Neighbours , and truck their Work with them for any Necessaries to serve their Occasions . CHAP. LXIV . Of the River Basurara , and the great Islands it forms : Of the People that inhabit those Parts : Of their Arms , and the Commerce they have with the Dutch that inhabit Cayenne . THirty two Leagues below the Mouth of Cuchiguara we met the Mouth of another River on the North-side , call'd Basurara by the Natives : This River extends it self a great way up in the Country , and forms several great Lakes , so that the Country is divided into divers large Islands , which are all peopled with an infinite Number of Inhabitants . These Lands lie very high , and are never overflow'd by the Inundations , let them be never so great . This Country abounds with all sorts of Provision , as Maze , Magnioc , all kinds of Fruit , Venison , Wild-Fowl , and Fish , and yields its Inhabitants a liberal Maintenance ; which makes it abound as much in Men as in all other things . All the People that live in the large Extent of this Country are call'd by the general Name of Carabuyavas , and are divided into particular Provinces , some of which are call'd the Ceraguanas , &c. All the Indians use Bows and Arrows ; and among some of them I saw Iron Tools and Weapons , as Hatchets , Halbards , Bills and Knives . I asked them , by our Interpreters , from whence they had those Instruments of Iron : they answered , that they bought them of the People of that Country that dwelt nearest the Sea on that side , who had their Goods in exchange for 'em ; that they were white Men like us , and made use of the same Arms , as Swords and Guns , and had Houses upon the Sea-Coast ; that the only difference between them and us was , that they had all light-colour'd Hair. These Tokens were sufficient to assure us that these were the Dutch that were in possession of the Mouth of the Smooth River , or the River Philippe , some time before . It was in the Year 1638 , that they made a Descent into Guiana , which depends on the Government of the New Kingdom of Granada , and not only made themselves Masters of the whole Island , * but came upon it by such a Surprize , that the Spaniards had not time to carry away the Holy Sacrament of the Altar , but left it in Captivity in the Enemies hand : They promised themselves a great Ransom from us to get this holy Pledg out of their hands , knowing what Respect and Love the Catholicks have for the precious Body of their Saviour ; but our Men took another Course , which was , to betake themselves to their Arms , and compose good Companies of Souldiers who were resolved to go with the Courage of Christians to expose their Lives to deliver their Saviour from the hands of his Enemies . They were big with these just and pious Resolutions , which could only be inspired from Heaven , when we parted from thence to return into Spain , to render an Account of our Voyage . CHAP. LXV . Of the great River called Rionegro , [ or the Black River ] because its Waters are so clear , that they look black again : and of a fit Place to fortify upon this River , which would be a means to obtain the Sovereignty of the Amazone by the way to it from the North-Cape through the River call'd Riogrande . ON the same North-side , thirty Leagues or something less from Basurara , we met with the largest Mouth , and the finest River of any that come to throw themselves into the Amazone . It runs a Course of 1300 Leagues in length ; the Mouth of it is a League and a half wide , which is at the Latitude of four degrees ; and to speak a little pleasantly , one may say , this mighty River is so haughty , that 't is offended to meet with a greater than it self ; and as the incomparable Amazone stretches out its Arms to receive it , this proud River disdains to be so embrac'd as to lose it self in the other's Waters , and therefore keeps separated from it , and fills up half the Bed of the Amazone it self for above the length of twelve Leagues , so that the Waters of the one may be easily distinguished from the other by those that sail in this Channel . The Portuguez had some Reason to call this the Black River , because at its Mouth , and many Leagues above , its Depth , together with the Clearness of those Waters which are pour'd into its Channel from several great Lakes , make it appear black , as if it were dyed , tho when it is put in a Glass it looks as clear as Crystal . It takes its Course from West to East at its beginning , but has such great Windings , that in a very little space it changes its Course to different Points ; but the Course it runs for several Leagues before it empties it self into the Amazone , is again from West to East . The Indians that live upon the Banks of it call it Curiguarura ; but the Toupinambous , of whom we shall speak presently , give it the name of Vrama ; , which signifies [ Black Water ] in their Language . They also give another name to the Amazone , which it retains in those Parts , namely , Pajanaquris , which is as much as to say [ the Great River ] , to distinguish it from another , which tho it be a great River , however is much less than this , and named Pajanamira , which enters into the Amazone on the South-side , a League below the Black River . We were assur'd that this River was inhabited by a great number of People of different Nations , the last of which wear Clothes and Hats like ours , which sufficiently convinc'd us that th●se People were not remote from our Cities in Peru. Those that dwell on the Banks of the Black River , possess a great deal of Ground ; they are call'd Canicuaris and Curupatabas ; and the last Nation is that of the Quaravaquazanas , that dwell upon one Arm of the Black River : and 't is by this Arm , as we were sufficiently inform'd , that one may pass into the Riogrande , the Mouth of which goes into the Sea at the North-Cape , near which River the Dutch have established themselves . All these Nations make use of Bows and Arrows , the most of which they poison with the Juice of Herbs . All the Lands upon this Black River are situate very high , the Soil is very good , and if manur'd , would yield plenty of all sorts of Fruit ( even such as we have in Europe ) in some places that lie well to produce ' em . There are a great many fine and pleasant Fields all cover'd with excellent Pasturage sufficient to nourish an innumerable stock of all sorts of Cattle . There are likewise abundance of good Trees , the Timber of which is very good for all sorts of Carpenters Work , whether for Land or Water : And besides this great plenty of Wood , the Country yields very good Stones , and that in vast Quantities , fit for the noblest Buildings . The Borders of it are stor'd with all sorts of Game . Indeed it has but a few Fish in comparison with the River of Amazons ; the reason of which is from the exceeding Clearness of the Water : But to make amends for this Defect , the Lakes which are in the Country , and pour their Waters into this River , yield the Inhabitants more Fish than they need . This River has at the Mouth of it the best Situation in the World for the making of a Fort , and plenty of Stones to build it , which would be very proper to hinder our Enemies from coming by this River to enter into the great Channel of the Amazone ; not that I think this to be the best place of all for a Fortification for such a purpose , but rather several Leagues above this Mouth , in an Arm that goes to cast it self into the River call'd Riogrande , whose Mouth ( as I have already said ) is in the North Sea : there we might place all our Forces with the greatest Certainty of entirely stopping the Passage of our Enemies into this new World , which they so passionately desire to discover ; and which they will some time or other attempt , if they are not prevented by securing this Passage . I dare not affirm that this River call'd the Riogrande , into which the Arm of the Black River enters , is the Smooth River , or the Philippe , for both enter into the Sea toward the North Cape ; but by all the Observations I have made , I am very inclinable to believe that it is the River Philippe , because 't is the first considerable River that enters into the Sea beyond the Cape . But this I know for certain , that the Riogrande is not the River Orenoque , because the principal Mouth of it into the Sea is over against the Island of La Trinidada , which is above a hundred Leagues below the Place where the Philippe empties it self into the Sea. It was by this River that the Tyrant Lopez Daguirre pass'd into the North Sea ; and seeing he made this Voyage very well , some body else may as well succeed in the same Attempt , and follow the Course which another has steer'd before him . CHAP. LXVI . A Mutiny happens in the Portuguez Fleet , when they see themselves so near home without having got any Treasure : they take up a Resolution to go and pillage the People upon the Black River , and to get Slaves , but are prevented by Father D' Acugna . OUR Fleet lay still at Anchor in the Mouth of the Black River on the 12th day of October , in the Year 1639 , when the Portuguez Souldiers calling to mind that they were now almost as good as at home , and had got nothing these two Years since they went out , began to look upon the end of their Voyage as the greatest Misfortune that could befal them , and to tell one another , that since they had reap'd no other Advantage by all the Labour and Hardship they had pass'd through but the loss of two long Years , and the Increase of their Miseries , they ought to consider what they had to do while opportunity offer'd it self ; and that it would be a ridiculous thing to expect of his Catholick Majesty the Reward of those Services they had render'd him in the Discovery of so many Countries , seeing a great many others before them , who had been prodigal of their Blood , and hazarded their Lives for the Advancement of the Grandeur of Spain , had for all that died upon a Dunghil , not knowing to whom to apply themselves for the Relief of their Necessities . These seditious Words being received with Applause by the greatest part of the Portuguez , they immediately resolv'd to speak their Minds to their General , and to engage him one way or other to fall in with their Designs . No sooner had they taken up this Resolution , but they addressed themselves to him , telling him , it was needless for them to represent to him the miserable Condition they were in , since he knew it as well as themselves ; that they had now been for two Years roving up and down upon these Rivers , where they were every day in danger of perishing , either by Hunger or excessive Labour , or by the Arrows of the Savages ; and therefore begg'd him to compassionate their Necessity , and not to take it amiss that they sought some Relief ; that they were sure that only along the Black River they could get as many of those Slaves which the Indians had taken in War , as would turn to a considerable account to them ; and tho they should bring nothing home from their Voyage but these Slaves , they hop'd they should not be ill receiv'd by their Friends at Para , but that if they should return home empty-handed , and should bring no Slaves with them after they had pass'd through so many populous Provinces , the Inhabitants of which durst come to their very Doors to make Slaves of them , they should be reckon'd the most cowardly and infamous Wretches in the World. The General considering he was but one against a great many , and perceiving a Mutiny was already form'd in the Minds of the Souldiers , thought it not his best way to irritate them any more , but gave 'em permission to put this Enterprize in execution , seeing the Wind favour'd their Entrance into the Black River , and seem'd to invite 'em to this Project . The Portuguez were transported with Joy that they had obtain'd this Leave , and there was not one amongst 'em but promis'd himself at least 300 Slaves for his share . This Resolution gave me no small Uneasiness , for I did not well know what were the General 's true Sentiments of this Attempt ; but I soon found both that he had Courage and a great deal of Generosity , and that he was a mortal Enemy of such Violences as the Souldiers were going to commit ; for my part , by the Grace of God , I thought my self strong enough not to need fear any thing , and therefore made a firm Resolution with my self , rather to die a thousand times if it were possible , than consent to any thing that would be against the Glory of God , or against the Service of his Catholick Majesty . At the same time I went to celebrate the holy Mass , and after I had done , I retir'd with my Comrade , that we might consult together by what means to hinder so barbarous and diabolical Resolution ; and we agreed to make an open Protestation against their Rashness and Disobedience . CHAP. LXVII . The Order given to the Fleet to set sail , which was done without noise . And of the River of Wood or Cayary , and the divers Nations that inhabit its Banks , from whence there is a short cut to the Mountain Potosi . I Communicated our Resolution to the General , who was very glad to find me of his Mind , but confess'd nothing could be more bold than my Protestation . However , he gave signal Proof of the greatness of his Courage on this occasion ; for he caus'd the Paper containing my Protestation to be publish'd through the Fleet , at the same time commanding the Sea-men to furl the Sails , and to put all things in readiness to pass out of the Black River the next day , and to return into the Amazone to finish our Voyage . This Order was put in execution , for we went back the day following ; and continuing our Course 40 Leagues lower on the South-side , we found the great River of Wood , which is a Name the Portuguez gave it when they came from Para , because of the vast quantity of pieces of Timber this River carried down with it : But the proper Name of it among the Indians that dwell near it is Cayari ; it comes ( as I have said ) from the South-side , and , as we were told , is form'd of two great Rivers , which meet together some Leagues above the Mouth of it . And in all probability , seeing it was by this River that the Toupinambous came down into this Country , one may venture to affirm , that there is no shorter and surer way to come at the Province of Potosi , than by the way of this River . There are many Nations inhabiting the shores of it ; the first on the side of the Mouth of it are the Zurinas , and the Cayanas , and above them are the Vrarchaus , the Anamaris , the Guarinumas , the Curanaris , the Pepunacas , and the Abacaris . From the Mouth of this River as you go down the Amazone you meet with the Zapucayas , and the Wbaringas , who are excellent Workmen in Wood : below them are the Guaranaquacos , the Maraguas , the Guimajis , the Burais , the Punovis , the Orequaras , the Aperas , and other Nations , of whose Names I can give no certain account . CHAP. LXVIII . Of the Island of the Toupinambous , who came out of Brazil when it was conquer'd by the Portuguez , and made themselves Masters of this Island . TWenty eight Leagues below the River Cayari , as we continued our Course on the Amazone on the South-side , we arriv'd at a great Island 60 Leagues in breadth , and consequently above 200 Leagues in compass . This whole Island is peopled with the valiant Toupinambous , who when Brazil was conquer'd , voluntarily exil'd themselves from their Country , choosing rather to quit all the Province of Fernambuco than to lose their Liberty , and to submit themselves to the severe Government of the Portuguez : They left above 84 great Villages where they had planted themselves , and came away so universally , that there was not one living Soul left in all their Houses . They took their way on the left-hand of those great Mountains call'd Cordeliers , which begin at the Strait of Magellan , and cross through all Southern America , from North to South . They pass'd all the Rivulets and Rivers that descend from those Mountains to discharge themselves into the Ocean . Some of 'em came as far as Peru , and dwelt with the Spaniards towards the Source of the River Cayari : they continued with 'em some time ; but a Spaniard having caus'd one of 'em to be whipp'd for killing a Cow , they could not put up this Injury , but resolv'd all to be gone ; and making use of the Advantage of the River , they all embark'd in their Canoos and went down it as far as this great Island , where they now dwell . They speak the general Language of Brazil , which extends through all the Country that the Portuguez have conquer'd as far as Maragnon and Para : They told us , that when their Fathers left Brazil , not knowing how to get Sustenance all together in the Desarts through which they were to pass , they were constrain'd during a March of above 900 Leagues to separate by reason of their multitude , so that some went one way , and some another ; and by this means all the Mountains of Peru call'd the Cordeliers are peopled with the Toupinambous . This is a very brave and valiant Nation of Indians , as they made themselves appear to be to the People whom they found in this Island , where they are at present estastlish'd . For in all appearance these Toupinambous were very few in comparison of the Inhabitants of this Island when they arriv'd there , yet 't is certain they so often beat , and so entirely subdued all those they fought with , that after they had destroy'd whole Nations , they forc'd the rest to leave their Native Country in fear , and to go and plant themselves in very distant Regions . These Warlike Savages use Bows and Arrows with great dexterity , and have so noble a Courage , and Greatness of Mind , that in these Qualities they seem not to come behind the most accomplish'd Nations in Europe . But tho almost all of 'em are but the Children or Grand-children of those that came from Brazil into this Island , yet it is to be observ'd that they begin to degenerate from their Ancestors , by the Alliances they contract with those of this Country , and by their accustoming themselves to the manner of living us'd by the original Inhabitants . They all receiv'd us with Demonstrations of extraordinary Joy ; and let us know , that they thought to resolve in a little time to enter into a Treaty with us , and to put themselves in the number of the Allies and Friends of the People of Para. This Declaration of theirs pleas'd me very much , and made me hope that no small Advantages would accrue to our Nation by it : For if these valiant People once become of our Party , it must needs be an easy matter for us to bring all the other Nations of the River of Amazons to reasonable Terms , since there is none of 'em but tremble at the very Name of the Toupinambous . CHAP. LXIX . Of the Ingenuity of the Toupinambous ; of their Language ; and the Account we received of the Salt-Pits in Peru. THese Toupinambous are a very ingenious and intelligent People ; and having no need of Interpreters to treat with them , because ( as I have said ) they speak the general Language of Brazil , which many of our Portuguez , that have been born and bred there , speak as well as they , we had the Advantage of a very particular Account of divers things , which I am going to relate , and which may be believed on their Report , because they are a People that have rov'd abroad , and subjected all the neighbouring Countries to their Power . They told us , that on the South-side near their Island there are two Nations among others upon the Continent that are very remarkable ; one of 'em are Dwarfs as small as little Children , and are called Guayazis , the other is a Race of People that come into the World with their Feet turn'd behind 'em , so that those that are unacquainted with their monstrous Shape , and should follow their Track , would run from 'em instead of overtaking 'em ; they are called Matayus , and are tributary to the Toupinambous , whom they are obliged to furnish with Hatchets made of Stone to fell great Trees with , when they have a mind to clear a Piece of Ground ; for they frame these Hatchets very neatly , and 't is their whole business to make of ' em . They told us moreover , that on the other side of the River , that is Northward , there are seven Provinces adjoining one to another , which are very populous ; but because they are a People but of mean Courage and Strength , and only feed upon Fruits and some small wild Animals , without ever fighting one with another when they are angry , or ever taking up Arms to defend themselves from other Nations , they are of no account in the Country . They further told us , that themselves had been a long time at Peace with another Nation , whose Confines extend to those we have just spoken of , and had a regular Trade with 'em for all Commodities , wherewith either Countrey abounded ; and that the principal thing they had from this People was Salt , for which they gave 'em other things in exchange ; and that this Salt came from a Place not far distant from ' em . If this be true , these Salt-pits would be of great advantage to the Spaniards , and would serve 'em not only for those parts of the Countrey that are conquer'd , but also for the more commodious establishing of Colonies on the Banks of this great River . But if there should be nothing in this Story on this side , it is not to be doubted but Salt is to be found in great abundance along those Rivers that come down on the side of Peru ; because in the Year 1631 , when I was in the City of Lima , two Men went from thence at two different times to seek some , and came back with as much as they could carry : they told us they came to a certain Place , where they went on one of the Rivers ( in all appearance one of those lesser Rivers that form that great one , which falls into the Amazone ) and arrived at a Mountain all of Salt , of which the Inhabitants made great advantage , being become very rich by the Traffick they had in exchange for it from those Indians that came a great way to buy it ; not that it is any strange thing in Peru , and in all the Mountains , to see Rocks of Salt-stones , the Salt of which is very good ; for no other is made use of in all that Countrey : 'T is got out of the Rock with Iron Instruments in great pieces , each of which weigh 5 or 6 * Arobas . This Province of the Toupinambous is sixty six Leagues in length , and ends with a great Town situated at the Latitude of 3 Degrees , as is also the first Town of the Indian Aguas , of which we have spoken before . CHAP. LXX . Of the Amazons , an Account of their Manners and Customs . THese Toupinambous likewise confirm'd the Report which is spread throughout this great River of the Renown'd Amazons , from whence it borrows its true Name , by which it has been known from the very first Discovery of it to this day , not only by those who have navigated it , but also by all Cosmographers who have given any good account of it . It would be very strange if the Name of Amazone should have been impos'd on this River without any reasonable Ground ; and that tho it well deserves a Name that might render it famous , it should only be known by a fabulous one : This does not seem at all probable that such a River as this , that possesses so many Advantages above all others , should have deriv'd its Glory from a Title that does not belong to it ; like what we see in some Men , who when they have not Vertue enough to obtain the Glory they desire by their own Merit , are so mean spirited and disingenuous to deck themselves with the advantageous Qualities of others : But the Proofs that give assurance that there is a Province of Amazons on the Banks of this River , are so strong and convincing , that it would be a renouncing of moral Certainty to scruple the giving credit to it . I don't build upon the solemn Examinations made by the Authority of the Soveraign Court of Quito , in which many Witnesses have been heard that have been born in those Parts , and liv'd there a long time ; and of all things contain'd in their Frontier Countries , one of the principal which is particularly affirm'd by 'em is , that one of those Provinces near our River is peopled with a sort of warlike Women , who live together , and maintain their Government alone , without the Company of Men ; that at a certain Season of the Year they seek the Society of Men in order to perpetuate their Race ; but at all other times live together in their Towns , and imploy themselves in manuring the Ground , from which with hard Labour they procure all Necessaries for the Support and Comfort of Life . Nor will I insist on other Informations that have been made in the new Kingdom of Granada , at the Royal Seat of the City of Pasto , where several Indians were examined , and particularly one Indian Woman , who affirm'd that she had been in the very Countrey which these valiant Women inhabit , and whose Account was in every respect conformable to what had been before asserted in the foregoing Relations : but I can't conceal what I have heard with my own Ears , and the Truth of which I have been enquiring after from my first embarking on the Amazone ; and I must say I have been inform'd at all the Indian Towns where I have been , that there are such Women in the Countrey as I have above described ; and every one that gave me an account of 'em did it by Characters so exactly agreeing with the rest , that if there be nothing in it , it must needs be said that the greatest Lie in the World passes throughout all America for one of the most certain Historical Truths . However we had the clearest Information of the Province where these Women dwell , of their singular Customs , of the Indians that correspond with them , of the Ways into their Country , and of those Indians with whom they converse to prevent the Extinction of their Race in the last Village , which makes the Frontier Town between them and the Toupinambous . CHAP. LXXI . The best Account of the Amazons of America . THirty six Leagues below this utmost Village of the Toupinambous , as you go down our Great River , you meet with another on the North-side , which comes from the very Province of the Amazons , and is known among the People of the Country by the Name of Cunuris . This River bears the Name of those Indians that dwell nearest to the Mouth of it : Above these first People higher up the River Cunuris you meet with other Indians call'd Apotos , that speak the general Language of Brazil ; higher still you find the Tagaris , and lastly the Guacaras , who are the People that have the Privilege to converse with these valiant Women , and enjoy their Favours . They dwell upon huge Mountains , that are prodigiously high , among which there is one that lifts its Head a great Height above all the rest , which is so buffeted with Winds , that it is quite barren , and looks very bare ; the Name of it is Yacamiaba . These Women ( as has been said ) are very couragious , and have always maintain'd themselves alone without the help and assistance of Men ; and when their Neighbours come into their Countrey at a time concerted with them , they receive 'em with their Weapons in their Hands , which are Bows and Arrows , and which they exercise as if they were going against their Enemies ; but knowing well that the others don 't come to fight , but are their Friends , they lay down their Arms , and all run into the Canoos or other little Vessels of these Indians , and each Amazone takes the Hammock ( a Cotton Bed they hang up to sleep in ) which she finds next at hand ; this she carries home , and hangs up in a Place , where the Owner of it may know it again when he comes ; after which she receives him as her Guest , and treats him those few days they continue together . These Indians afterward return to their own Dwellings , and never fail to make this Voyage every Year at the appointed time . The Girls which they bear are brought up by their Mothers , and instructed in the use of Arms , as well as inur'd to Labour , as if they were ambitious to advance the wonted Valour of their Predecessors still to a greater Height . As for the Male-Children , 't is not certain what they do with 'em : I saw an Indian who told me , that when he was a Child he was with his Father at such an Enterview , and assured me , that they gave the Male Children to their Fathers the next time they came after their Birth . But the common Report is , that they kill all their Males as soon as they are born : and this is generally suppos'd to be the truest Account . Time will discover the Truth of this Matter . 'T is certain they have Treasures in their Country , enough to enrich the whole World : The Mouth of this River , upon the Banks of which the Amazons dwell , is at the Latitude of two Degrees and a half . CHAP. LXXII . Of the River Vexamina , and the Strait of the Amazone , where it is but a quarter of a League in breadth . AFter having cross'd the Mouth of the true River of Amazons , we came down 24 Leagues more upon our great River , and on the same North-side found another small River call'd Vexamina , which enters into the Amazone just at the place wher , this great and spacious River grows narrow and is so shut up by the Land , that it contracts it self into the space of a little more than a quarter of a League . The Situation is extremely favourable for the building of two Forts on the two Banks of our incomparable River , which would not only obstruct the Passage of an Enemy that should come up this River from the Sea , but would also serve for Custom-houses for the Entry of every thing that should be carried down from Peru this way , if this River should ever be inhabited and stock'd with the People of our Nation . Tho this Strait is at 360 Leagues distance from the Sea , yet the flowing and ebbing of Tides are perceiv'd here ; for the River is seen to increase and diminish every day , altho not so sensibly as some Leagues below . CHAP. LXXIII . The River of the Tapajotos ; their Courage , their poison'd Arrows , and the manner of their treating the Portuguez Fleet. FOUR Leagues below this Strait , on the South-side , is the Mouth of the great and noble River of the Tapajotos , which borrows its Name from that of the Inhabitants of the Province which it waters . This Country is well stock'd with Indians ; the Land of it is very good , and abounds with all sorts of Provision : These Tapajotos are a couragious People , and are dreaded by all the Nations that dwell near 'em , because they invenom their Arrows with so subtile a Poison , that they kill those they wound , there being no Remedy found powerful enough to resist their Venom . This was the only Reason why the Portuguez themselves were so long their Neighbours without having any Commerce or Alliance with them , tho they were very desirous of obtaining their Friendship ; but when they would have obliged 'em to quit their Country , and to come and inhabit the Places which the Portuguez had conquer'd , the Tapajotos would never give their Consent to it , because nothing in the World touches 'em more sensibly , than to talk to 'em of leaving their native Country . Not but that they received our Men very kindly , and with a great deal of Joy , when they landed in their Country : We had large Experience of their Kindness when we lodged at one of their great Towns , which contain'd above 500 Families , where for a whole day they were continually coming to visit us , bringing us Hens , Ducks , Fish , Meal , Fruits , and all other things we wanted , with so much Freedom and Confidence in us , that the Women and Children did not care to go out of our sight : Nay they frankly told us , that if the Portuguez would let them alone to enjoy their own Houses , they should come if they pleas'd , with all their Hearts , to dwell amongst 'em ; and that they would receive 'em , and serve 'em as their best Friends as long as they liv'd . CHAP. LXXIV . The ill Treatment these People receiv'd from the Portuguez at this time . ALL the Civilities of the Tapajotos were not sufficient to touch the Minds of People that mind nothing but Self-interest , and the Gratification of their covetous Humour , such as those that go to conquer these Countries , proposing nothing to themselves in so long and difficult an Enterprize , but to get a great number of Slaves to sell , or truck for other Goods ; who therefore had scarce Patience to hear the Proposals of these poor People , much less so much Justice as to treat 'em with Civility and Reason ; but having got a Notion that these People had abundance of Slaves to wait on 'em , began to treat 'em as Rebels , to commit great Outrages upon 'em , and to menace 'em with a cruel War. All things were in this posture when we arrived at the Fort of the Portuguez call'd Destierro , that is [ the Fort of Banishment ] where their Troops were coming together to put in execution this barbarous Design . I not being able wholly to hinder it , however endeavour'd by the best Methods I could take , at least to suspend the execution of it for a little time , till I could give the Governour of Para advice of it . He that was to command in this Expedition was Benoise Maziel , the Governour of Para's Son , who was constituted in the Office of Serjeant Major of the State. He gave me his Word that he would not advance to put his Enterprize in execution till he had received fresh Orders from his Father . But I had scarce left him before he embark'd as many Souldiers as he could in a Brigantine arm'd with Pieces of Canon , and in other less Vessels , with which he came suddenly upon 'em to surprize ' em . These poor People immediately accepted Peace , with a thousand Testimonies of their good Affection to the Portuguez ; and when they had submitted their Persons to their pleasure , Maziel commanded 'em to bring him all the poison'd Arrows they had , which was what they most fear'd : These poor Wretches presently obey'd , and they were no sooner disarm'd but the Portuguez made 'em all come together , and inclos'd 'em like Sheep in a Fold , securing 'em with a strong Guard ; and immediately let loose a great many Indians of their own Company , whom they brought with 'em , who for doing of Mischief are like so many unchain'd Devils ; and these in a very little time sack'd this whole Town , so that they spoil'd and broke every thing in it ; they seiz'd all the Daughters and Wives of these miserable Creatures , and committed such abominable Violences before their Eyes , that one of the Company that gave me an account of this Action , protested to me , that he had rather never have any Slaves , than to procure 'em at this rate ; and that he would sooner leave all those he had in possession , than see such Cruelties committed again . CHAP. LXXV . That such kind of Treatment makes these People hate the Europeans , and that they have as much Subtlety as Courage to defend themselves . THE Inhumanity of the Portuguez did not stop here ; for they having no other design than that of procuring Slaves , were not satisfied in having the Masters in possession : therefore they endeavour'd to affright these poor Indians , whom they kept under Guard , with terrible Menaces , and made 'em tremble at the thoughts of the new Cruelties they said they would exercise on 'em , if they would not give 'em Slaves ; and on the other hand promis'd them , that if they would , they should not only have their full Liberty , but they would consider 'em as their best Friends ; and besides , would give 'em as many Iron Tools and Cotton Clothes in exchange for 'em , as should fully satisfy ' em . What could these poor Creatures do more than abandon themselves to the Discretion of their Enemies ? They saw they were in their hands , depriv'd of their Arms , their Houses plunder'd , their Wives and Daughters ravish'd . They therefore offer'd to procure 'em a thousand Slaves , and sent some of their Company to get 'em together ; but these poor Wretches were fled away to secure themselves while the Town was pillaging ; therefore they could not possibly get above two hundred : These they deliver'd to the Portuguez , and promising to procure all the rest for which they had engag'd , were set at liberty . In the Condition these poor Creatures were , they would have given their very Children for Slaves , to come to a Composition with their Enemies , as they have frequently done . The Portuguez put all these Slaves in a Vessel , and sent 'em to Maragnon and Para. This I assert as a thing I saw with my own Eyes : This Prey was very grateful to the Portuguez ; and their Success in this Expedition so encouraged 'em , and excited their Avarice , that they soon made preparation to go and seek a greater Booty of this kind in another Province more remote upon this great River . 'T is not to be doubted but they exercis'd still greater Cruelties , because in these Expeditions there go very few that have any Honour or Conscience , who might be capable of assisting him that commands , to restrain the Souldiers Barbarities . These things must needs enrage all the Inhabitants of this River against the Name of the Portuguez . And I doubt not that when an Attempt shall be made to pacify the Commotions , and allay the Hatred these Violences have caus'd among those People , it will be found a matter of that great difficulty that 't will scarce ever be accomplish'd ; whereas in the State we left these People upon the River when we pass'd by their Countries , nothing could have been more easy than to have made a General Peace with them . These are the Conquests of Brazil so much talk'd of , and this is the Traffick the Souldiers live upon : and let me add , this is the true and just Cause for which God punishes these miserable Souldiers to that degree , that they are perpetually in War and Trouble , and have scarce Bread to eat . And I believe , if it were not that God in some sort makes use of 'em to accomplish his Designs upon the Indians , and that they are continually engag'd in War against the Dutch , and have already obtain'd several Victories over those * Hereticks ; if it were not , I say , for these things , I believe our Lord Jesus Christ would have long since extirpated such cruel and abominable Conquerors . But to return to the Tapajotos , and the famous River upon the Banks of which they dwell ; I say , the bottom of this River is very good , so that a great English Vessel some Years ago went a considerable way up it , with a design to make Plantations in this Province , and to settle the Trade of Tobacco with the People of the Country , to which end they offer'd 'em very advantagious Terms : but the Tapajotos would accept of none , but surpriz'd the English unawares , and kill'd all they could come at after they had seiz'd their Arms , which they keep to this day . Thus they made the rest leave the Country in more haste than they come to it ; for they escap'd in their Vessel , and by setting Sail with all speed avoided such another Rencounter , which would have destroy'd 'em all . CHAP. LXXVI . Of the River Curupatuba , and the Account we receiv'd of Mountains of Gold , Silver , Azure , and precious Stones , among the Inhabitants of this River . ABout forty Leagues below the Mouth of the River of the Tapajotos we met with the River Curupatuba , which comes down on the North-side of the Amazone , and gives its Name to the first Indian Town that is at Peace with the Portuguez , and under the Protection of their King. This River is not very big , but very wealthy , if the Natives are to be believ'd , who assure us , that at the end of six days Voyage up the Stream of it , there is a little Rivulet , in the Sand and Banks of which there is a great quantity of Gold found below the place where it washes the foot of an indifferently large Mountain called Yuquaratinci . The Indians moreover told us , that near this River there is another place call'd Picari , from whence they have often taken a sort of Metal harder than Gold , but very white ( without doubt they mean Silver ) with which they were wont formerly to make Hatchets and Knives ; but finding the Tools made of this Metal were apt to have their Edg turn'd when any Stress was put to 'em , they did not make any account of ' em . They further gave us an account , That near the Strait I have spoken of , there are two Hills , one of which by the Signs they gave of it , is in all probability a Hill of Azure ; and it seems the other , which they call Penagara , when the Sun shines , or when the Nights are clear and bright , glitters and sparkles as if it were full of rich Diamonds . They assur'd us that horrible Noises were heard in it from time to time , which is a certain sign that this Mountain contains Stones of a great Value in its Entrails . CHAP. LXXVII . Of the River Ginipape , which has Treasures of Gold in its Banks , and is famous for a good Soil for Tobacco , and Sugar-Canes . THE River Ginipape which comes down on the North-side , and enters into the Amazone 60 Leagues below the Villages of Curupatuba , promises as great Treasures and as rich Mountains as those of which we have just now spoken . The Indians assure us of so much Gold along the Banks of it , that if it be according to their Relation , this one River possesses more Riches than are in all Peru. The Lands this River waters are of the Government of Maragnon , which is in the hands of Benedito Maziel : And without counting the great Extent of this Country , which alone is larger than all Spain join'd together , and that it contains several Mines of which we have very certain knowledg ; I shall only say that generally the Ground of it is of the best kind for the Production of all sorts of Grain and Fruit , and what may turn to the Account of those that inhabit it , that is to be found in all the vast Extent of the great River of Amazons . This Country is situate on the North-side , and comprehends several great Provinces of Savages . But that which is yet more considerable is , that in this Country are those Fields so famous for the Production of prodigious quantities of Tucui . Our Enemies the Dutch have given a Reputation to these Lands , and have often found by Experience , not only the Goodness and Fertility of the Soil , but also the vast Profits with which this alone is capable of inriching its Inhabitants : Therefore they could never forget this sweet place , but have made Plantations there several times , tho to their Damage and Sorrow , because they have been always forc'd out of 'em by the Portuguez . Therefore 't is worth Consideration ▪ that this Place is very good to make great Plantations of Tobacco , and that there 's no part of all the Countries that have been discover'd that is better for the planting of Canes , and for making of Sugar . This Soil returns all the Cultivation that is bestow'd upon it with Usury , and produces all sorts of Provision in extraordinary plenty : There are very fine pieces of Pasture-ground , which in their vast Extent would feed an infinite number of all sorts of Cattle . Six Leagues above the place where this River empties it self into the Amazone , the Portuguez had a Fort which they call'd Del Dostierro , that is [ The Fort of Banishment ] kept only by thirty Souldiers , and some pieces of Artillery , which was of more use to keep the Indians that are reduc'd under the Power of the Portuguez , in Fear and Subjection , and to maintain the Authority of the Governor , than to secure the River and obstruct the Passage of an Enemy . This Fort has been since demolish'd by Benedito Maziel with the Consent of the Governor of Curupa , which is thirty Leagues lower down the River : But it is to be remark'd , that it was situate in a place of some Consideration , seeing their Enemies Vessels were oblig'd to pay Custom for their Passage that way . CHAP. LXXVIII . Of the River Paranaiba . TEN Leagues below the River Ginipape on the South-side is a fine , large and noble River that comes to render Homage to the Amazone , into which it discharges it self by a Mouth two Leagues wide . The People of the Country call it Paranaiba ; there are upon the Banks of it some Villages of Indians that are at Peace with the Portuguez , and that have settled themselves upon the Mouth of this River , in Obedience to the Orders of the Governor of this Province . There are many other Nations further up in the Country , but we could not have any satisfactory Account of 'em any more than of divers other things upon this great River . CHAP. LXXIX . A farther Account of the River of Amazons : Of the multitude of Islands near the Mouth of it , inhabited by an infinite Number of People of different Nations . TWO Leagues below the River Ginipape , of which I have given some account in the 77th Chapter , our River of Amazons begins to divide it self into divers great Arms , which form that great Number of Islands that seem to float upon its Waters , till it enters into the Sea. These Islands are inhabited by Nations that differ one from another , both in their Languages and Customs . Not but that most of 'em understand the Language of Brazil very well , which is the general Tongue in those Parts . The Number of these Islands is so great , and the People that dwell in 'em so different , that 't is not possible for me to give a particular Account of what is observable amongst 'em , without composing another Volume . However I 'll name some of the most considerable and best known amongst 'em , as the Tapuyas , and the valiant Pacaxas , which last dwell on the side of a River ( the Name of which they bear ) that enters into the Amazone eighty Leagues above the River Paranaiba , and upon the Bank of this last River too . These Islands are so well peopled , that there 's no end of the number of the Inhabitants of 'em , nor indeed of their Villages ; insomuch that some of the Portuguez assur'd me , they had seen no Countries better stock'd with People through the whole Extent of the Amazone . CHAP. LXXX . Of the Town of Commuta . FOrty Leagues below the Pacaxas lies the Town of Commuta , which formerly was much noted not only for the multitude of its Inhabitants , but likewise because it us'd to be the place of rendezvous , where the Indians assembled their Armies when they were about to make any Incursions upon their Enemies : But since Brazil has been conquer'd , it is almost uninhabited , the People being retir'd into other Parts ; so that Provision is scarce there , only for lack of a little Care and Pains to manure the Ground , which still retains its former Fruitfulness ; and that 's all that remains there , unless it be a small number of the Natives : Tho 't is the most lovely Situation to dwell in , and has the most agreeable Prospect in the World , so that it would continually furnish those that should settle in it with all the Conveniences and Pleasures of Life . CHAP. LXXXI . Of the River of the Tocantins , and of a French Man that sail'd into this Country to fetch the Sand of it . BEhind the Town of Commuta passes the River of the Tocantins , to throw it self into the Amazone , and has the Reputation in this Country of being very rich , and that not without good reason in all appearance : yet the Worth of it has not been yet known by any , but only by one French Man , who was wont to come ashore upon the Banks of it every Year , and return'd with his Vessels loaded only with the Earth , out of which , by refining , he got a quantity of Gold. 'T is said he inrich'd himself with this Trade , without ever daring to let the Natives know the Value of the Earth he carried away , for fear they should become his Enemies , when they came to know what Riches were in their Sands , and so should take up Arms against him to hinder him from transporting this Commodity as he was wont to do . Some Portuguez Souldiers going from Phernambuc some Years ago , with a Priest in their Company , past over all the Cordelier Mountains , and arriv'd at the Source of the River of the Tocantins , with a design to make some new Discovery , and to seek for some Golden Mountains ; and having a mind to know this River , and to go down quite to its Mouth , were so unhappy as to fall into the hands of the Tocantins , who kill'd 'em every one . And 't is not long since the Chalice was found in the hands of these Indians , with which the good Priest celebrated Mass during his Travels . CHAP. LXXXII . Of the Fort of Para which is in the hands of the Portugeze , and of the Island du Soleil , or of the Sun , and the Commodiousness of it for Plantations . THE Great Fort of Para is built Thirty Leagues below Commuta , it belongs to the Portugeze , and is under the command of a Governor , who has the oversight of all other Officers of Garrisons belonging to this Government ; he has for his Garrison ordinarily Three Companies of Foot , under the Command of as many Captains , who are oblig'd to be always ready at hand for the preservation and defence of this Fort ; but the Officers as well as the Governor of the Place , are under the Jurisdiction of the Governor of Maragnon , and are absolutely to obey his Orders . The Government of Maragnon is at above 130 Leagues distance from Para down along the River , and then up towards Brezil , which occasions great inconveniencies in the Conduct of Affairs in relation to the Government of Para. And if we should ever be so happy as to plant this River with our People , it will be necessary to make the Governor of Para Independant , and Absolute , as the Person who possesses the Keys of the whole Country . Not that the place where the Fort of Para is now Situated , is the best that can be chosen in the Opinion of many Persons of good Judgment ; but if this Discovery be further Improv'd and Advanc'd ; it will be an easie matter to change it ; and I don't find any place more proper for it than the Island du Soleil which is Fourteen Leagues below the Mouth of the River : This is doubtless the place to be absolutely fix'd on , not only because it affords abundance of Advantages for the Accomodation of Life , the Ground being extraordinarily Fertile , and capable of maintaining as many People as one can desire to settle there ; but also for the convenient harbouring of Vessels : 'T is a great Harbour shelter'd from all sorts of bad Winds , in which Ships may ride with great Safety , and when they have a mind to Sail , they need only wait for the full of the Moon , at which time the Sea is higher than ordinary , and they may pass over all the Sands , which renders the entrance of this River difficult ; which is none of the least Conveniencies . This Island is above Ten Leagues in Compass ; there is very good Water in it , and abundance of both Sea and River-Fish , there is an infinite number of Crabs , which are the ordinary Food of the Indians , and other poor People ; and is now the main support of Para ; for there is no Isle all there about , wherein they go more a Hunting for the Subsistance of the Garison , and Inhabitants of it , than in this . CHAP. LXXXIII . Of the Mouth of the River of Amazons , Eighty Leagues in Breadth , joyning to the North-Cape on one side , and to the Coasts of Brezil on the other . TWenty Six Leagues below the Island of the Sun directly under the Line , this great River of Amazons is 84 Leagues wide , bounded on the South-side by Zaparara , and on the other side by the North-Cape , and here at last discharges it self into the Ocean . It may be said to be a Sea of Fresh-Water , mixing it self with the Salt-Water-Sea . 'T is the Noblest and Largest River in the whole known World. This is the River otherwise call'd Oreillane , and by some Maragnon , so often desir'd , and so much sought after , and so often miss'd by the Spaniards of Peru ; and here at Length it flows into the Sea , after it has water'd a Country of 1276 Leagues in Length , after it has furnished a multitude of Nations with its Fruitfulness and Plenty ; and in a word after it has divided America into Two Parts , almost in the widest Place of it ; and furnish'd the Natives with a great Channel into which the Best , the Richest and most Pleasant Rivers , that come down from all the Mountains and Coasts of the New World discharge their Waters . And 't is farther remarkable , that against the Mouth of it , for above 30 Leagues at Sea , you may take up Fresh-Water during the Ebb of the Tide , which is an extraordinary refreshment to those Ships especially that , in coming from Europe , have Sail'd ●2000 Leagues before they Arrive here . Thus in short I have given a Relation of an ample Discovery of this great River . Which tho' it possesses so great Treasures , yet excludes no Nation in the World from 'em , but on the contrary , invites all sorts of People to reap the Profits of the Riches with which 〈◊〉 abounds . It offers to the Poor a plentiful Maintenance , to the Labourer the Liberal Recompence of his Toil ; to the Merchant a Profitable Trade ; to the Souldier an Occasion of Signalizing himself ▪ to the Rich an Improvement of their Wealth ; to Gentlemen Honorable Employments ; to Noblemen Large Provinces ; and to Kings themselves Empires , and a New World. But those who of all others are call'd upon to promote such new Conquests , and ought to be most heartily concern'd in 'em , are such as with the greatest Affection , seek the Advancement of the Glory of God , and are Zealously bent to design the Salvation of the Souls of an Innumerable Multitude of Idolatrous and Heathenish Indians , who want the Help and Light the Faithful Ministers of the Gospel should furnish them withal , to dispel the shadows of Sin and Death , with which those poor Wretches have been so long benighted . And let none Excuse themselves from an Attempt of this kind : Here 's Work enough to employ every one of us , and how great a Number soever of Labourers should devote themselves to it , there will still be more wanting for so great a Harvest . This New Vine-yard will still want more hands to Cultivate and Dress it , how able and how fervent soever they should prove , who shall be engag'd in this Service , But it is rather to be wish'd than expected , that we shall ever see this New World Subjected to the Keys of the Church of Rome . I hope all the Illustrious Catholick Princes of Christendom , ( to whom may it please the Almighty to grant many and happy Years , ) will each of 'em be inspir'd from Heaven with Zeal for so Holy an Enterprize as the Conquest of Souls ; some by their wonted Liberalities , for the Maintenance and Subsistence of Priests and Ministers of the Gospel , and others by their care to provide and convey Clergymen into those Countries : And all of 'em have reason to esteem it a great happiness for them that in the Age wherein they live , this difficult and troublesom way should be open'd , to bring more Nations , and those more populous at once into the Bosom of the Church , than all the rest that have been hitherto discover'd in the whole New World. CHAP. LXXXIV . A Computation of the Longitudes , Latitudes , and Distances of Places upon this Great River . FROM the Mouth of Napo , which is on the South of the Amazone , to Anete , are Forty seven Leagues . Anete is under the Line , on the South-side of this great River . From Anete to the Aguarico , Eighteen Leagues . The Mouth of this River , is on the North-side of the Amazone and under the Line also . From the Aguarico to the Chevelus Twenty Leagues . The Mouth of this River is also on the North of the Amazone , and declines a little from the Line towards the South . From the Chevelus to the Curaray , Forty Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South of the Amazone , in the Second Degree of Southern Latitude . From the Curaray to the Maragnon , Eighty Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South of the Amazone , having Four Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three Hundred and Seven Degrees and Fifty Minutes of Longitude . From the Maragnon to the beginning of the Province of the Omaquas , Sixty Leagues . All this Province consists in great Islands . From the beginning of this Province to a certain great Habitation of the same , One Hundred and Nineteen Leagues . This is an Isle , on the South-side of the Channel of the Amazone , having three Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three hundred and twelve Degrees , and Fifty five Minutes of Longitude . From this Habitation to the Putomayo , Seventeen Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the great Amazone . From the Putomayo to the Yetau , Fifty ▪ Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South-side of the Amazone , and hath Three Degrees Thirty Minutes of Southern Latitude . From the Yetau to the end of the Province of the Omaquas , Fourteen Leagues . In this place there is a great and puissant Habitation in an Isle . From the end of this Province to the Cuzco , Twenty five Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South-side of the Amazone having Five Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three Hundred Fifteen Degrees , and Fifty Minutes of Longitude . From the Cuzco to the Village of Gold , Twenty eight leagues . This place is on the South-bank of the Channel of the great Amazone . From the Village of Gold to the Yupura , Fourteen Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the Amazone , and hath Three Degrees of Southern Latitude . From the Yupura to the Tapi , Four Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South-side of the Amazone . From the Tapi to the Catua , Twenty five Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the South-side of Amazone , and towards the Green Lake , which is formed by the great Amazone . From the Catua and the Green Lake to the First Mouth of the Araganatuba , Six Leagues . This is on the North-side of the Amazone . From the First Mouth to the Second of the Araganatuba , Sixteen Leagues , on the North-side of the Amazone . From the Second Mouth of the Araganatuba to the end of the Province of Curusiraris , Twenty two Leagues . All this Province is on the South of the great River . From the end of Curusiraris to the beginning of the Province of Yoriman , Two Leagues , on the South-side of the Amazone . From the beginning of Yoriman to a great and very long Habitation , Twenty three Leagues , on the South of the River to Four Degrees of that Latitude , and Three hundred nineteen Degrees , and Thirty Minutes of Longitude . From this long Habitation to the Isle Yoriman , Thirty two Leagues . On the South-bank side of the Amazone . From this Isle to the end of the Province of Yoriman , Ten Leagues ; on the South-side of the Amazone . From the end of Yoriman to the Cuchuguara Two Leagues . The Mouth of this River is also on the South of the Amazone . From the Cuchuguara to the Basurura Thirty two Leagues . The Mouth of this River is on the North-side of the Amazone , and hath Four Degrees , Thirty Minutes , of Southern Latitude . From the Basurura to the Rio Negro , or Black River , Thirty Leagues . The Mouth of this River is also on the North-side of the Amazone , having Four Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three Hundred Twenty Two Degrees , and Twenty Minutes of Longitude . From Rio-Negro unto the Modera are Four Leagues ; the Mouth of this River being on the South of the Amazone . From the Modera to the beginning of the Isle Topinambas Twenty Eight Leagues . This great Isle is in the River of the Amazons , towards the South-side . From the beginning to the end of this Isle , Sixty two Leagues . In this place is a Great and Puissant Habitation of the Topinambi having Three Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three Hundred twenty seven Degrees , Thirty Minutes of Longitude . From the end of Topinambas to the Cunuris , Thirty Leagues ; the Mouth of which River is to the North of the Amozone . From the Cunuris to the Bosphore of the Amazone , Twenty four Leagues . This Strait hath Two Degrees and Forty Minutes of Southern Latitude ; and Three hundred and twenty eight Degrees , and Fifty Minutes in Longitude . From the Bosphore to the Tapajosos , Forty Leagues ; the Mouth of which River is on the South-side of the great Amazone . From the Tapajosos to the Curupatuba , Forty Leagues ; the Mouth of which River is on the North-side of the great Amazone . From the Curupatuba to the Fort of Destierro , Fifty four Leagues ; which Fort is also on the North-side of the great River . From the foresaid Fort to the Ginipape , Six Leagues ; the Mouth of which River is on the North-side also , having Two Degrees of Southern Latitude , and Three hundred thirty one Degrees and Fifty Minutes of Longitude . And about Two Leagues from this Ginipape towards the Sea , the great River of Amazons begins to open by little and little towards its great Mouth into the Sea. From the Ginipape to the Paranaiba , Ten Leagues ; the Mouth of which River is on the South-side of the Amazone . From the Paranaiba to the Pacaxas , Forty Leagues ; the Mouth of which is also on the South of the Amazone . From the Pacaxas to Commuta , Forty Leagues . This place is also on the South-side of the Amazone . From Commuta to Para , Thirty Leagues . This Town is also on the South-bank of the great Mouth of the Amazone , having one Degree and Thirty Minutes of South Latitude . From Para to the Isle du Soleil , Fourteen Leagues . This Isle is also near to the same South-bank . And from Para to Zaparara , Forty Leagues ; which is a Cape on the extremity of the South-bank of the great River , having Thirty five Minutes of South Latitude , and Three hundred thirty seven Degrees and ten Minutes of Longitude . So the whole length of this great River of Amazons , is One thousand two hundred seventy six Leagues . From the Ginipape to Corupa , which is on the North-side of the Mouth of this River , Thirty Leagues . From Corupa to the North Cape , the distance is not well known : This Cape is on the extremity of the North-bank of the great River , having Forty five Minutes of North Latitude , and Three hundred thirty three Degrees , and Fifty Minutes of Longitude . The End. AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE UP THE River de la Plata , And thence over Land to PERU . With Observations on the Inhabitants , as well Indians and Spaniards ; the Cities , Commerce , Fertility , and Riches of that Part of America . By Mons . Acarete du Biscay . LONDON : Printed for Samuel Buckley , at the Dolphin over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet . 1698. A MAP of the Provinces PARAGUAY and TUCUMAN with the River Plate ▪ London Printed for S : Buckley ▪ map of the Plate River A Relation of Mons . Acarete du Biscay's Voyage up the River de la Plata , and from thence by Land to Peru , and his Observations in it . THE Inclination I always had to Travelling , made me leave my Father's House very young , but I can truly aver , that I was not so much prompted to it out of pure Curiosity to 〈◊〉 Forreign Countries , as out of hope 〈◊〉 acquire Knowledge and improve my ●●dgment , which for the future might 〈◊〉 helpful to me , not only in my private concerns , but likewise render me more ●●●viceable to my King and Country , which I declare was the chief aim of my Voyages . I went first into Spain , where 〈◊〉 tarried long enough to learn their language , particularly at Cadiz . The fancy took me to go to the West-Indies possess'd by the Spaniards , for I often heard them talk of the Beauty and Fertility of the Country , and the great Riches they draw from thence , but then I was at a loss how to bring it about , because 't is very difficult for a Stranger , to get into those Parts ; but there happen'd a conjuncture which favour'd my Design , and gave me an opportunity to proceed in it , in the manner following . In the Year 1654 , Oliver Cromwell at that time Protector of the Common-wealth of England , sent Admiral Blake with a Squadron of Men of War towards the Coasts of Algarve and Andalousia , to wait for the Spanish Gallions which come yearly from the Indies . The Spaniards being advertis'd of it , resolv'd to equip a Fleet with all expedition to oppose the English and frustrate their design : To this end they set out 28 Men of War and 6 Fireships , under the Command of Don Paul de Contreras , whose Vice-Admiral was the Amirante Castana , on board whom was I. The Two Fleets came up with each other , near Cape St. Vincent , where they staid many Days ; but the English perceiving they were like to make nothing on 't , retir'd towards Lisbon , and the Spaniards stood into Cadiz , where all the Gallions safely arriv'd in the beginning of the Year 1655 , except the Vice-Admiral , which was lost in the Channel of Bahama upon the Coasts of Florida . Sometime after this , the English having declar'd War against the Spaniards more openly , by taking Jamaica , the Navigation to the West-Indies was a long time interrupted , by their Cruisers hovering about Cadiz ▪ and San Lucar , where they intercepted some Ships coming from the Indies richly laden , took one of the biggest , burnt Two others , and put the rest to flight , and afterwards went to the Canaries , where they burnt most of the Flota that were arriv'd there from New Spain , and waited orders from Madrid , what course to take to escape falling into the hands of the English . While these things were doing , the Dutch who sought to make their advantage of the Troubles that the Spaniards were embroil'd in , sent several Ships to the River de la Plata , laden with Goods and Negroes , which they took in at Angola and Congo : These Ships being arriv'd in that River , and come up to Buenos Ayres , the Inhabitants of the place who had a long time been depriv'd of the Supplies which they had us'd to receive by the Spanish Gallions ( who were hinder'd by the English from making their constant Voyages ) and were besides in want of Negroes and other things , wrought so far upon the Governor , that for a Present which they oblig'd the Hollanders to give him , and satisfying the Customs due to the King of Spain , they were permitted to Land and Trade there . Mean time the Spanish Ministers ( apprehending lest the Interruption of the Commerce , and the scarcity of European Commodities in those Parts , might constrain the Inhabitants to Traffick with Strangers ( which 't is their Interest to prevent as much as they can ) thought fit to grant Licences to several of their private Subjects to Trade to the Indies at their own proper risque . A certain Cavalier took one of them , and fitted out a Ship at Cadiz , where I abode at that time ; I resolv'd to go in her , and that the more willingly , because I had formerly had some dealings with him . He very friendly consented to let me go under his Name for his Nephew , that I might conceal my being a Forreigner , which if known would have stopt my Voyage , because in Spain they allow none but Native Spaniards to go in their Ships to the Indies . We set Sail about the latter end of December 1657 , in a Ship of 450 Tuns , and in 105 Days reach'd the Mouth of the River de la Plata , where we met a French Frigat , Captain Foran Commander , and fought her some time , we got clear of her , and continued our Course till we came before Buenos Ayres , where we found 22 Dutch Ships , and among them 2 English , Laden homewards with Bulls-hides , Plate , and Spanish-wool , which they had receiv'd in exchange for their Commodities ; a few days after 3 Dutch Ships going out of the Road encounter'd Captain Foran and another Frigat , nam'd the Mareschale , Commanded by the Chevalier de Fontenay ; after a tough dispute the Hollanders boarded and took the Mareschale , put all her Men to the Sword , and the Chevalier among the rest . This accident alarum'd those of Beuenos Ayres , and made them put themselves upon their guard , imagining there was a French Squadron come into the River to make an attempt upon their Country . Whereupon they resolv'd to send for aid to Count Albaeliste , Viceroy over all the Spanish Acquisitions in America , and Resident at Lima in Peru ; who caus'd to be Levy'd with much difficulty and some force but 100 Men , which were not sent to them till 8 or 9 Months after , under the Command of Don Sebastian Comacho . But before I proceed further , 't is fit I deliver my Observations concerning the River de la Plata , and the Countries through which it runs . In those Parts 't is call'd the Paraguay , but more vulgarly the Great Parana ; probably , because the River of Parana falls into it above the Town de las Corrientes . ' Its Mouth ( which lies in the 35th . Degree of Southern Latitude , on that side the Equinoctial Line ) is between Cape de Castillos and Cape de Sant Antonio , about 80 Leagues distant from each , Tho' it be deep enough every where , yet the commonest Road into it , and most us'd by Sailors is on the North-side , from Castillos to Montvidio , which is half-way to Buenos Ayres , and notwithstanding there is a Channel on the same North-side from Montvidio to Buenos Ayres , the shallowest place in which is Three Fathom deep , yet for more security they cross over against Monvidio into the South Channel , because 't is broader and has Three Fathom and a half Water at least where 't is shallowest ; all the bottom is muddy till within 2 Leagues of Buenos Ayres where lyes a sand Bank , there they take in Pilots to Steer them to a place call'd the Posso just before the Town , distant a Cannon shot from Shore , wherein no Vessels may enter but such as have a Licence from the King of Spain , those that have no such permission are oblig'd to Anchor a League Lower . The River is full of Fish , but of them there are hardly more than Seven or Eight sorts good to eat , there are abundance of those Whales call'd Gibars , and Sea-dogs who commonly bring forth their young ashore , and whose Skin is fit for several uses . I was told that about 5 or 6 Years before I came there , the River was almost dry'd up for some days , no Water being left but only in the middle Channel , and there so little , that they forded it on Horseback , as one may do most of the Rivers that fall into that de la Plata , in which there are likewise a great many Otters , with whose Skins the Savages Cloath themselves . The Country on the North-side of the River de la Plata is of great extent , Inhabited by none but Savages , call'd Charuas ; most of the little Islands that lie all along the River , and the Shore sides are cover'd with Woods full of Wild Boars . From Cape de Castillos up to Rio Negro , as well as from the same Cape to San Paulo bordering upon Brasil ; the Coasts are uninhabited , tho' the Country , especially along the River seems to be very good , having little Rivulets running down from the Hills thro' the Plains . The Spaniards settled first there , but afterwards remov'd to Buenos Ayres , because 't was troublesom to cross over the great Parana to go to Peru. I went ashore frequently beyond Rio Negro , but never farther than Three quarters of a League into the Land , there are but few Savages to be seen , and they have their Habitations a good way up in the Country ; those I met with were well made , with long Hair and very little Beard ; they wear nothing but a great Skin , made of little ones patch'd together , that hangs down to their heels , and a piece of Leather under their Feet , ty'd with Straps about their Ankles . For Ornament they bind a Fillet of some Stuff about their Heads , which comes over the Fore-head , and keeps the Hair back behind . The Women have no other Garment but these Skins , which they gird about their Wastes , and cover their heads with a sort of little Hats made of Rushes of divers Colours . From Rio Negro to Las Corrientes and the River of Parana , the Country is well stockt with Bulls and Cows , there are likewise a great many Stags , whose Skins they sell for right Buff. The Savages about Rio Negro are the only People from the Sea thither , that keep Correspondence with those of Buenos Ayres , and the Casiques , and Couracas their Leaders do Hommage to the Governor of that Place , from whence they are but about 20 Leagues distant . One of the chief Spanish Towns on that side is Las Siete Corrientes , Situate near the place where the Two Rivers Paraguay and Parana meet . Upon the Parana stand Three or Four Villages pretty far from each other , and thinly Peopled , tho' the Country be very proper for Vine-yards , and has enough planted already to supply the Neighbouring Parts with Wine . The Inhabitants are under the Jurisdiction of a Governour resident at Assomption , which is the most important Place the Spaniards have in that Country , and stands higher up the River Paraguay on the North-side ; 't is the Metrapolitan City , a Bishop's Seat , has several very neat Churches and Convents , and is well crowded with Inhabitants , because a great many Idle People , and such as have run out their Fortunes and can live no longer in Spain or Peru , flock thither as to their last refuge . The Land abounds in Corn , Millet , Sugar , Tobacco , Honey , Cattle , Oaks fit for Shipping , Pine-Trees for Masts , and particularly in that Herb , call'd , the Herb of Paraguay , which they drive a great Trade in all over the West-Indies ; and this obliges the Merchants of Chili and Peru , to hold a Correspondence with those of Paraguay ; because , without that Herb ( with which they make a refreshing Liquor with Water and Sugar , to be drank lukewarm ) the Inhabitants of Peru , Savages and others , especially those that work in the Mines , could not subsist , for the Soil of the Country being full of Mineral Veins , the Vapours that rise out of the Ground suffocate them , and nothing but that Liquor can recover them again , which revives and restores them to their former Vigour . In this City of Assomption , the Native Indians , as well as Spaniards are very courteous and obliging to Strangers . They indulge themselves in a great deal of liberty , even with respect to Women , insomuch that being often necessitated to Sleep in the open Air ( because of the excessive Heat ) they spread their Quilts in the Streets , and lie there all Night Men and Women together : Nor is any Body scandaliz'd at it . Having plenty of all things good to eat and drink , they give themselves up to Ease and Idleness , and don 't much trouble themselves with Trading abroad , nor heaping up Money , which upon that account is very scarce among 'em , contenting themselves with trucking the Commodities of their own Product , for others more necessary and useful to them . Further up in the Country , that is to say , towards the Head of the River Vrugay , in the Province of Paraguay , are many Settlements of Colonies , transplanted thither by the Jesuits Missionaries , that prevail'd upon the Savages in those Parts , who are naturally tractable , to quit their Woods and Mountains , and come and dwell together in Villages in a Civil Community , where they instructed them in the Christian Religion , taught them Mechanicks , to play upon Musical Instruments , and several other Arts covenient to Human Life . Thus the Missionaries who came upon a Religious Motive , are largely recompenc'd by the Temporal Advantages which they reap here . The report that there were Golden Mines in this Country , could not be kept so close , but that the Spaniards had some inkling of it , and among others , Don Hiacinto de Laris Governor of Buenes Ayres , who about the Year 1653 , had orders from the King of Spain , to go and visit these Settlements , and examine into their Wealth . At first coming he was well receiv'd , but perceiving that he began to inspect their Riches , and search for Gold , The Savages who are shy of working in the Mines , took up Arms , and forc'd him and his Followers Fifty in Number to depart out of their Country . The Governor who succeeded him , inform'd himself more particularly of this matter , and to make the best use of his Intelligence , inter'd into a strict Alliance with the Jesuits of his own Government , who hold a Correspondence with the rest of their Fraternity ; and having got a considerable Sum from the Hollanders for leave to Trade at Buenos Ayres , he engag'd the Jesuits to furnish him 100000 Crowns in Gold for the value in Silver , for lightness of Carriage . But this same Governor being arrested by the King of Spain's Order , for permitting the Dutch to Trade at Buenos Ayres , his Gold was seiz'd and confiscated , which upon trial prov'd to be much finer than that of Peru , and by this and other Circumstances , they discover'd , that it came from the Mines found out by the Jesuits in these parts . On the South-side of the River de la Plata , from Cape Sant Antonio , to within 30 Leagues of Buenos Ayres , 't is dangerous Sailing , because of the Banks that lie in the way ; wherefore they always go on the North-side , as I said before , till they come up so far , then they cross over to the South-side which is very safe ; especially when the Wind blows against the Stream of the River and swells it ; for when a Westerly Wind blows from Land , the Water falls ; however when the Water is at the lowest , 't is Three Fathom and a half deep , both in the North and South Channels . When we enter'd into the South-Channel , we came in sight of those Vast Plains extending to Buenos Ayres , and thence as far as the River Salladillo , 60 Leagues short of Cordoua , which are so cover'd with all sorts of Cattle , that notwithstanding multitudes of them are daily destroy'd for their Skins , there 's no Sign of their diminution . As soon as we arriv'd at the Cape of Buenos Ayres , we gave notice of it to the Governor , who understanding that we had the King of Spain's Licence for coming thither , ( without which he could not have permitted us entrance into the place , unless he would have broke his Orders ) he sent the Kings Officers on board to visit our Ship , according to custom , which done , we landed our Goods , and laid them up in a Ware-house hired for the time of our stay . They consisted chiefly in Linnen Cloath , particularly that made at Rouen , which goes off very well in those Parts , as also in Silks , Ribans , Thread , Needles , Swords , Horse-shoes , and other Iron-work , Working-tools of all sorts , Drugs , Spices , Silk and Wollen-Stockings , Woollen-Cloath , Serges , and other Woollen-Stuffs , and generally in every thing fit for Cloathing : which as we were inform'd were proper commodities for those Parts . Now the Custom is , that as soon as a Licens'd Ship ( that is to say which has the King of Spain's Permission ) comes to Buenos Ayres . The Governor of the Place , or Captain of the Ship dispatches a Messenger to Peru , with the Letters from Spain , if he has any ; or else to acquaint the Merchants with his Arrival , whereupon some of them immediately set out to Buenos Ayres , or else send Commissions to their Correspondents , to buy up what Wares they think convenient . 'T was my fortune to be sent upon both these Errands , for among a great many Letters that we brought with us , was a large pacquet from his Catholick Majesty for Peru , enclos'd in a Leaden Box , as all the Dispatches from the Spanish Court to the Indies commonly are ; to the end , that if the Ship that carries them should be in eminent peril of falling into an Enemies Hands , they might be flung over board and sunk . This Pacquet was entrusted to my care , wherein were many Letters to the Vice-Roy of Peru , and other Prime Officers in those Parts , signifying the Birth of the Prince of Spain : and I carry'd likewise an Inventory attested by the Kings Officers at Buenos Ayres of the greatest part of our Lading , to be shewn to the Merchants of Potosi ; they rely'd upon the conditions of the Goods as specified in the Inventory , and so bargain'd for what they lik'd , but their effects did not come to 'em till Seven or Eight Months after . A Description of Buenos Ayres . BEfore I say any thing of my Journy to Peru , I will set down what I observ'd remarkable at Buenos Ayres whilst I tarry'd there . The Air is pretty temperate , much as 't is in Andalousia , but not quite so warm , the Rains fall almost as often in Summer as Winter ; and the Rain in sultry weather usually breeds divers kinds of Toads , which are very common in this Country , but are not venemous . The Town stands upon a rising Ground on the side of the River de la Plata , a Musquet shot from the Channel , in an Angle of Land made by a little Rivulet , call'd Riochuelo , which falls into the River a quarter of a League from the Town ; it contains 400 Houses , has no enclosure , neither Wall nor Ditch , and nothing to defend it but a little Fort of Earth surrounded with a Ditch , which commands the River , and has Ten Iron Guns , the biggest of which is a Twelve Pounder ; there the Governor resides who has but 150 Men in Garrison , which are form'd into Three Companies Commanded by Three Captains , whom he appoints at will , and indeed he changes them so often , that there is hardly a Wealthy Citizen but has been a Captain ; these Companies are not always full , because the Souldiers are drawn by the cheapness of Living in those Parts to desert frequently , notwithstanding they endeavour to keep them in the Service by a large pay , which is per diem Four Reals , worth 1 s. 6 d. English , and a Loaf of 3 d. ob . which is as much as one Man can eat . But the Governor keeps 1200 tame Horses in a Plain thereabouts for his ordinary Service , and in case of necessity to mount the Inhabitants of the Place , and form a small Body of Cavalry . Besides this Fort , there is a little Bastion at the Mouth of the Rivulet wherein they keep Guard , there are but Two Iron-Guns mounted upon it , each carrying a Three Pound Ball ; this commands the place where the Barks come ashore to deliver or take in goods , which are liable to be visited by the Officers of the Bastion when they lade and unlade . The Houses of the Town are built of Earth , because there is but little Stone in all those Parts up as far as Peru ; they are thatch'd with Canes and Straw , have no Stories , all the Rooms are of a Floor , and are very Spacious ; they have great Court-yards , and behind their Houses large Gardens full of Orange-trees , Lemon-trees , Fig-trees , Apple-trees , Pear-trees , and other Fruit-trees , with store of Herbs , Cabbages , Onions , Garlick , Lettice , Peas , Beans , and especially their Melons are excellent , the Soil being very fat and good ; they live very commodiously , and except Wine , which is something dear ; they have plenty of all sorts of Victuals , as Beef , Veal , Mutton , Venison , Hares , Coneys , Pullets , Ducks , Wild-geese , Partridges , Pidgeons , Turtles , and all kind of Wild-fowl ; and so cheap , that one may buy Partridges for a Penny a piece , and the rest proportionably . There are likewise abundance of Ostriches who herd in Flocks like Cattle , and tho' they are good Meat , yet none but the Savages eat of them . They make Umbrellas of their Feathers , which are very commodious in the Sun ; their Eggs are good , and every body eats of 'em , tho' they say they are of hard Digestion . I saw one thing of these Creatures very remarkable , and that is , while the Hen sits upon the Eggs , they have the Instinct or Foresight to provide for their Young ; so five or six days before they come out of the Shell , they set an Egg in each of the four Corners of the place where they sit , these Eggs they break , and when they rot , Worms and Maggots breed in 'em in prodigious numbers , which serve to nourish the Young Ostriches from the time they are hatch'd till they are able to go farther for their sustenance . The Houses of the better sort of Inhabitants are adorn'd with Hangings , Pictures , and other Ornaments and decent Moveables , and all that are tollerably well to pass are serv'd in Plate , and have a great many Servants , Blacks , Moulatos , Mestices , Indians , Cabres , or Sambos , who are all Slaves . The Negroes come from Guinea ; the Moulatos are begotten by a Spaniard upon a Black ; the Mestices are born of a Spaniard and an Indian , and the Sambos of an Indian Man and a Mestice , all distinguishable by their Colour and Hair. They employ these Slaves in their Houses , or to cultivate their Grounds , for they have large Farms stock'd with Grain in abundance , as Wheat , Barley and Millet , or to look after their Horses and Mules , who feed upon nothing but Grass all the Year round , or to kill Wild-Bulls , or in fine to do any kind of Service . All the Wealth of these Inhabitants consists in Cattle , wich multiply so prodigiously in this Province , that the Plains are quite cover'd with 'em , particularly with Bulls , Cows , Sheep , Horses , Mares , Mules , Asses , Swine , Deer , and others , insomuch that were it not for a vast number of Dogs , who devour the Calves and other young Beasts , they would over-run the Country , they make so great profit of the Skins and Hides of these Annimals , that a single Instance will be sufficient to shew how far it might be improv'd by good hands : The 22 Dutch Ships that we found at Buenos Ayres were each of them laden with 13 or 14000 Bull-hides at least , which amount to above 300000 Livers , or 33500 l. Sterling , bought by the Dutch at Seven or Eight Reals a piece , that is under an English Crown , and sold again in Europe for Twenty-five Shillings English at least . When I express'd my astonishment at the sight of such an infinite number of Cattle , they told me of a Stratagem sometimes made use of , when they apprehend a descent from any Enemies , that is matter of greater wonder , and 't is this ; they drive such a Herd of Bulls , Cows , Horses and other Animals to the Shore-side , that 't is utterly impossible for any number of Men , even tho' they should not dread the fury of those Wild Creatures , to make their way through so great a drove of Beasts . The First Inhabitants of this place , put every one their mark upon those they could catch , and turn'd 'em into their enclosures , but they multiply'd so fast , that they were forc'd to let 'em loose , and now they go and kill them according as they want 'em , or have occasion to make up a quantity of Hides for Sale. At present they mark only those Horses and Mules which they catch to tame and breed up for Service . Some Persons make a great Trade of sending them to Peru , where they yield 50 Patagons , or 11 l. 13 s. 4 d. Sterling a pair . Most of the Dealers in Cattle are very Rich , but of all the Trading People the most considerable are they that Traffick in European Commodities . Many of whom are reputed worth 2 or 300000 Crowns , or 67000 l. Sterling . So that a Merchant worth no more than 15 or 20000 Crowns is look'd upon as a mean Retailer ; of these last there are near 200 Families in the Town , that make 500 Men bearing Arms , besides their Slaves who are three times that Number , but are not to be reckon'd of any Defence , because they are not allow'd to bear Arms : Thus the Spaniards , Portuguese , and their Sons ( of whom those that are born upon the place are term'd Criolos , to distinguish them from the Natives of Spain ) and some Mestices are the Militia , which with the Souldiers in Garrison , compose a Body of above 600 Men , as I computed them in several Musters , for they draw out on Horse-back Three times a Year near the Town on Festival Days . I observ'd there were many Old Men among them that did not carry Fire-arms , but only a Sword by their side , a Lance in hand , and a Buckler at their shoulder : Th●●● are also most of them Marry'd and Matters of Families , and consequently have no great stomach to Fighting . They love their Ease and Pleasure , and are entirely devoted to Venus ; I confess they are in some measure excusable in this point , for most of their Women are extreamly pretty , well shaped , and clear skin'd ; and withal so faithful to their Husbands , that no Temptations can prevail with them to loosen the Sacred Knot : But then if their Husbands transgress , they are often punish'd with Poison or Dagger . The Women are more in Number than the Men. Besides Spaniards , there are a few French , Hollanders , and Genouese , but all go for Spaniards , otherwise there would be no dwelling for them there , especially those that differ in their Religion from the Roman-Catholicks , because the Inquisition is settled there . The Bishop's Revenue amounts to 3000 Patagons , or 700 l. Sterling per Annum . His Diocess takes in this Town and Santa Fe , with the Farms belonging to both ; Eight or Ten Priests Officiate in the Cathedral , which is built of Earth as well as the Houses . The Jesuits have a College ; the Dominicans , the Recollects , and the Religious de la Mercy , have each a Convent . There is likewise an Hospital , but there are so few poor People in these Parts that 't is of little use . Monsieur Acarete du Biscay's Journey from Buenos Ayres to Peru. I Left Buenos Ayres , and took the Road to Cordoua , leaving Santa Fe on my right hand , of which place take this account , 't is a Spanish Settlement dependant upon Buenos Ayres , the Commander is no more than a Lieutenant , and does nothing but by order from the Governor of Buenos Ayres . 'T is a little place containing 25 Houses , without any Walls , Fortifications , or Garrison , distant 80 Leagues from Buenos Ayres Northward , Situate upon the River de la Plata , large Vessels might come up to it , were it not for a great bank that obstructs the passage a little above Buenos Ayres . Nevertheless 't is a very advantageous Post , because 't is the only passage from Peru , Chili and Tucuman to Paraguay , and in a manner the Magazine of the Commodities drawn from thence , particularly that Herb already spoken of , which they cannot be without in those Provinces . The Soil is as good and Fertile here as at Buenos Ayres ; and the Town having nothing remarkably different from what has been observ'd of Buenos Ayres , I leave it , and proceed upon my Journey . 'T is counted 140 Leagues from Buenos Ayres to Cordoua , and because some parts of the Road are uninhabited for a long way together ; I furnished my self at my departure with what I was inform'd I should stand in need of ; so I set out having a Savage for my Guide , with Three Horses and Three Mules , some to carry my Baggage , and the rest to change upon the way when that I rid upon was tired . From Buenos Ayres , to the River Lucan , and even as far as the River Recife , 30 Leagues , I pass'd by several Habitations and Farms cultivated by the Spaniards , but beyond Recife to the River Salladillo , I saw none . Let it be observed by the way , that these Rivers as well as all the rest in the Provinces of Buenos Ayres , Paraguay and Tucuman , that fall into the River de la Plata are fordable on Horse-back ; but when the Rains or any other accident swells them , a Traveller must either swim over , or else get upon a bundle in the nature of a raft , which a Savage hawls over to the other side . I could not Swim , and so was forc'd to make use of this expedient twice or thrice when I could not find a Ford. The way was this , my Indian kill'd a Wild Bull , flead the Hide off , stuffed it with straw , and ty'd it up in a great bundle with thongs of the same Hide , upon which I plac'd my self with my Baggage ; he swam over hawling me after him by a Cord ty'd to the bundle , and then he repass'd and swam my Horses and Mules over to me . All the Country between the River Recife and Salladillo , tho' uninhabited , abounds in Cattle and all sorts of Fruit-trees , except Walnut and Chesnut-trees ; there are whole Woods of Nectarine-Trees , Three or Four Leagues in compass , that bear excellent Fruit , which they not only eat raw , but bake them , or dry them in the Sun , to keep , as we in France do Prunes : They seldom use any other than the Wood of this Tree for common firing at Buenos Ayres , and thereabouts . The Savages that dwell in these Parts are distinguish'd into two sorts , those that voluntarily submit to the Spaniards are call'd Panpistas , the rest Serranos , both cloathed with Skins , but the last set upon the Panpistas as their mortal Enemies wherever they meet with them . All Fight on Horse-back , either with Lances pointed with Iron or Bones sharpen'd , or else with Bows and Arrows , they wear Bulls-hides fashion'd like a Doublet without sleeves , to defend their Bodies . Their Chiefs that command over them in War and Peace , are call'd Couracas . When they take any one of their Enemies , alive or dead , they meet all together , and after they have reproach'd him , that either he or his Relations were the death of their Kindred or Friends , they cut and tear him into pieces , which they roast a little and eat , making a drinking Bowl of his Scull . They feed mostly upon flesh either raw or dress'd , and particularly Colts flesh , which they like better than Veal . They catch abundance of Fish likewise in their Rivers . They have no settled places of aboad , but ramble up and down , several Families together , and live in Tents . I could not inform my self exactly what Religion they were of , but I was told that they look'd upon the Sun and Moon as Deities , and as I travell'd along , I saw a Savage upon his knees with his Face to the Sun , who cry'd out and made strange gestures with his Hands and Arms. I learn'd from the Savage that accompany'd me , that he was one of those they call'd Papas , who in the Morning kneel towards the Sun , and at Night towards the Moon , to supplicate those fancy'd Divinities to be propitious to them , to give them fair Weather , and Victory over their Foes . They make no great Ceremony in their Marriages ; but when a Relation dies , after they have rubb'd his body with a certain Earth that consumes all but the Bones , they preserve them , and carry as many of them as they can conveniently about with them in a sort of Chests , and this they do in token of their affection to their Kindred ; indeed they are not wanting in good Offices to them during their Lives , nor in their Sickness and Death . Along the River Salladillo , I took notice of a great many Parrats , or Papagays , as the Spaniards call them , and certain Birds , call'd Guacamayos , which are of divers Colours , and twice or thrice as big as a Parrat . The River it self is full of the Fish , call'd Dorado , which is very good to eat . There is also a Creature in it , whether 't is Meat or Poyson no body knows , it has Four Feet and a long Tail like a Lizard . From Salladillo quite to Cordoua , you go along a very fine River , that abounds with Fish , which is neither wide nor deep , for it may be forded over . On the Bank of it you meet with little Plantations every Three or Four Leagues ; which are like Country Houses inhabited by Spaniards , Portuguese , and the Natives , who have all the necessary accomodations of Life they can wish , and are very Civil and Charitable to Strangers ; their principal Wealth is in Horses and Mules , in which they Trade with the Inhabitants of Peru. Cordoua is a Town Situate in a pleasant and fruitful Plain upon the side of a River , bigger and broader than that I have just spoken of : 'T is compos'd of about 400 Houses , Built like those of Buenos Ayres . It has neither Ditches , nor Walls , nor Fort for its defence ; He that Commands it is Governor of all the Provinces of Tucuman ; and tho' it be the place of his ordinary Residence , yet he is wont now and then , as he sees occasion , to go and pass some time at St. Jago de l' Estro , at St. Miguel de Tucuman , ( which is the Capital City of the Province ) at Salta and at Xuxui . In each of these Villages there is a Lieutenant , who has under him an Alcalde and some Officers for the Administration of Justice . The Bishop of Tucuman likewise usually resides at Cordoua , where the Cathedral is the only Parish Church of the whole Town ; but there are divers Convents of Monks , namely of Dominicans , Recollects , and those of the Order de la Mercy : and one of Nunns . The Jesuits have a College there , and their Chappel is the finest and richest of all . The Inhabitants are Rich in Gold and Silver , which they get by the Trade they have for Mules , with which they furnish Peru and other Parts ; which is so considerable , that they sell about 28 or 30000 of 'em every Year , which they breed up in their Farms . They usually keep 'em till they are about Two Years old , then expose 'em to Sale , and have about Six Patagons a piece for ' em . The Merchants that come to buy 'em , carry 'em to St. Jago , to Salta and Xuxui , where they leave 'em for Three Years , till they are well grown and become strong , and afterwards bring 'em to Peru , where they presently have Vent for 'em , because there as well as in the rest of the Western part of America , the greatest part of their Carriage is upon Mules . The People of Cordoua also drive a Trade in Cows , which they have from the Countrey of Buenos Ayres , and carry to Peru , where without this way of Subsistance 't is certain they would have much ado to live . This kind of Traffick makes this Town the most considerable in the Province of Tucuman , as well for its Riches and Commodities , as for the Number of its Inhabitants , which are counted to be at least 5 or 600 Families , besides Slaves who are three times the number . But the generality of 'em of all degrees have no other Arms but a Sword and Poignard , and are very indifferent Souldiers , the Air of the Country , and the Plenty they enjoy , rendring them Lazy and Cowardly . From Cordoua I took the way of St. Jago de l' Estro , which is 90 Leagues distant from it . In my Journey I from time to time , that is Seven or Eight Leagues , met with single Houses of Spaniards and Portuguese , who live very solitarily ; they are all Situate upon small Rivulets , some of 'em at the Corners of Forrests which are frequently to be met with in that Country , and are almost all of Algarobe-wood , the Fruit of which serves to make a Drink that is sweet and sharpish , and heady as Wine ; others of them in open Fields , which are not so well stock'd with Cattle , as those of Buenos Ayres , but however there are enough of 'em , and indeed more than needs for the subsistance of the Inhabitants , who also make a Trade of Mules , and Cotton , and Cocheneil for dying , which the Country produces . St. Jago de l' Estro is a Town of about 300 Houses , without Ditches or Walls , Situate in a flat Country , surrounded with Forrests of Algarobe ; it lies on an indifferently large River , Navigable for Boats , and pretty well stor'd with Fish . The Air is very hot , and sultry , which makes the Inhabitants lazy and effemminate . Their Faces are all very Tawny ; they are mightily given to their Divertisements , and mind Traffick very little . There are 300 Men that can bear Arms , taking in as well the Savages as Slaves , and they are all ill Arm'd , and but very mean Souldiers . The greatest part of the Women are handsome enough , but have generally a kind of swelling in the Throat , which they call Coto in the Language of the Country , and seems to be much the same with what we call a Wen. The Country is sufficiently stor'd with Wild-Fowl , Venizon , Wheat , Rye , Barley ; and Fruits , as Figgs , Peaches , Apples , Pears , Plumbs , Heart-Cherries , Grapes , &c. There are abundance of Tigers , that are very fierce and ravenous ; Lions that are very gentle ; and Guanacos that are as big as Horses , with very long Necks , little Heads , and very short Tails , in the Stomachs of these Creatures the Bezoar-stone is found . There are Four Churches in this Town , namely the Parish-Church , that of the Jesuits , that of the Recollect Friers , and one more . Here the Inquisitor of the Province of Tucuman has his residence ; he is a Secular Priest , and has Commissaries or Deputies under him , whom he places in all the other Towns of the Province . After I had continued Three Days at St. Jago , I went from thence to Salta , which is 100 Leagues from it , and leaving St. Miguel of Tucuman on the left hand , which is a Town under the Jurisdiction of St. Jago , I took the Road of Esseco , finding in my way some little Villages of Spaniards here and there , and very few Savages . The Country is flat , and consists partly of Fruitful Plains , and partly of Forrests full of Algarobe and Palm-trees ; which bear Dates somewhat less than those in the East-Countries , as well as many other sorts of Trees and Plants , amongst others , those that yield Pitch , and those that produce Cocheneil and Cotton . There are divers small Lakes , about which there are great quantities of Salt produc'd , which is us'd by the People of that Country . I stay'd one day at Esseco , to prepare my self some Provisions to live upon . It 's Situation is upon a very handsome broad River , which yet may be foarded on Horseback . This Town was formerly as big and as considerable as Cordona , but is now ruin'd , there being not above 30 Families left in it , for the rest deserted it , because of the great number of Tigers that infested 'em , devouring their Children , and sometimes Men when they could surprize 'em , besides an incredible number of Venemous Flies , that sting very smartly , with which the Country is fill'd for four or five Leagues about the Town ; so that there 's no going abroad without being mask'd . This Country is also sufficiently Fruitful in Wheat , Barley , Vines , and other Fruit-trees ; and would abound in Cattle if the Tigers did not devour ' em . From Esseco to Salta is 15 Leagues : And this space of Land , would be like that I have just now spoken of , but that it is Gravelly in some places . One may easily discern Salta about 2 Leagues before one comes at it ; because it stands in the middle of a fine Plain , which is fertile in Corn , Grapes , and other sorts of Fruit , Cattle , and other necessaries of Life : Encompass'd in some places with Hills , and some pretty high Mountains . The Town is upon the bank of a Little River , over which there is a Bridge : It may contain about 400 Houses , and 5 or 6 Churches and Convents , the Structure of which , is like that of those I have before describ'd . 'T is not encompass'd with any Walls , Fortifications or Ditches ; but the Wars the Inhabitants have had with their Neighbours , have train'd them in Martial Discipline , and render'd 'em more careful to have Arms in a readiness than formerly : They are about 500 Men , who all bear Arms , besides Slaves , Moulatos , and Blacks , who are three times as many . 'T is a place of great resort , because of the considerable Trade they have , in Corn , Meal , Cattle , Wine , Salted Meat , Tallow , and other Commodities wherewith they Trade with the Inhabitants of Peru. Twelve Leagues beyond it lies Xuxui , which is the last Town of Tucuman on the side of Peru. There are up and down on the Road a great many Cottages or Farms , and more than in any other place , tho' the Country is not so pleasant nor so fruitful , being almost nothing else but Hills and Mountains . This Town of Xuxui contains about 300 Houses : 'T is not very full of People , because of the continual Wars the Inhabitants of it , as well as those of Salta , have with the Savages of the Valley of Calchaqui , who are continually harasing of ' em . The Cause that set these Wars on Foot is as follows ; The Governor of Tucuman , Don Alonso de Mercado , and de Villa Corta , having receiv'd Information , that the House of the last Incas or Kings of Peru , which was call'd the White-house , was in this Valley , and that there was a great deal of Treasure there , which the Natives kept as a mark of their Ancient Grandeur , gave advice of it to his Catholick Majesty , and begg'd leave to make a Conquest of it , and subject it to his Government , as it had far'd with so many other places which he obtain'd . To accomplish his design , he thought meet to employ Don Pedro Bohoriers a Moor , and Native of Estramadura , as being a Person who had been accustom'd to converse with Savage People , and was capable of carrying on Intreagues amongst 'em , and so more fit than another , to make this design succeed ; but the business had a quite contrary Event . For this Bohoriers , when he was got among the Savages of this Valley , and had gain'd their Affections , instead of acquitting himself of his Commission , endeavor'd to establish himself in Power amongst 'em , in which he succeeded so well , that by his Craft and good address , he brought 'em to choose and acknowledge him for their King ; after which he declar'd himself against this Spanish Governor , and began a War with him towards the end of 1638 , and several times routed him and his Forces , which gave occasion to several of the Indian Natives , that were under the Dominion of the Spaniards , to throw of their Yoke , and joyn with the People of this Valley , who by these additions have render'd themselves somewhat formidable . Hither also the Slaves of Peru , particularly those that serve in the Mines , fly , when they can find an opportunity to make their escape : And the safe retreat they find here , draws a great number of 'em to this place ; insomuch that the Spaniards would not have half Men enough to work in the Mines , if they did not get Negros from Congo , Angola , and other places on the Coast of Guinea , by means of divers Genoese that go thither to fetch 'em , and sell 'em to them at a price concerted between ' em . From Xuxui to Potosi they count a 100 Leagues , the way is very troublesome , and there is but this one Road to go from Tucuman to Peru. Two Leagues from Xuxui I began to advance to the Mountains , between which there 's a little and very narrow Valley , that reaches as far as Omagoaca , which is 20 Leagues beyond , and along it there runs a small River , which one is oblig'd to pass and repass very often . Before you are got 4 Leagues in this Road , you meet with Vulcanos , or Burning Mountains , full of Sulphurous matter , which break out in Flames from time to time , and sometimes burst open and throw quantities of Earth into the Valley , which makes the way so dirty when a Rain comes soon after it , as it almost always happens , that sometimes you must be forc'd to stay Five or Six Months , or till the Summer comes to dry it to make it passable . These Vulcanos continue for 2 Leagues upon this Road , and in all this space , there are no Houses either of Spaniards or Savages , but beyond it all along as far as Omagoaca , there are a great many little Cottages , inhabited only by Indians , and depending on some Towns of theirs , which are govern'd by their Chiefs , whom they call Couracas , who have a Cacique over them , whose Orders they obey , and whose residence is at Omagoaca , which is a Town of 200 Houses , built of Earth , and standing in no good Order . The Land about it is none of the best , however they sow Wheat there , and a great quantity of Millet , which the Indians ordinarily use . As for Cattle , they have very few , and commonly eat Beef dry'd in the Sun , which is brought them by those that Trade with 'em ; they have also Goats and Sheep of their own Product . The most of these Savages are Catholicks , and live according to the Rules of the Roman Catholick Religion ; they have a Church at Omagoaca , which is supplied with Priests , who go from time to time to celebrate Mass there : These Priests dwell at Socchoa , which is the Plantation of Don Paulo d' Obaudo , who is a Spaniard , but born in this Country , and is Lord Proprietor of it , which contains not only all the Valley of Omagoaca , but likewise a great space of Land beyond , and is a Country of about 60 or 80 Leagues in extent , where there are a great many Vigognes of whose Wool this Lord makes a very considerable Advantage . He takes these Creatures with a great deal of ease by means of his Subjects the Indians , who have no other trouble than that of making a great Inclosure with Nets about a Foot and a half high , to which they tie a great many Feathers that are blown to and fro by the Wind , after which the Savages hunt these Creatures , and drive 'em within the Nets , as they do Wild-Boars in France into the Toils ; when this is done , some come on Horse-back within the compass of Ground in which they are inclos'd , and while the poor Beasts dare not go near the Nets for fear of the Feathers that play about 'em , they with certain Bowls fastened to Cords , knock down and kill as many of 'em as they please . From Omagoaca to Mayo , they count it 30 Leagues , & there 's nothing to be met with along this way , but a very few Plantations of Savages , because 't is so very Cold here in the Winter , that 't is hard to be endur'd . The way from Mayo to Toropalca is through very pleasant Plains , there are Two hundred Houses in the Town , inhabited by Catholick Savages , only one Portuguese lives there with his Family . Beyond Toropalca , is the Country of Chichas which is very Mountainous , and is stor'd with divers Mines of Gold and Silver , and Work-houses where they prepare the Metal . 'T is 25 Leagues in extent as far as Potosi , where I arriv'd after a Journey of Sixty three Days . A Description of the City of Potosi , and the Mines there . I Was no sooner alighted from my Horse , at a Merchants House to whom I had been recommended , but I was conducted by him to the President of the Provinces of Los Charcas , to whom the Order I carried from the King of Spain was directed , as the Principal Director of his Catholick Majesty's Affairs in this Province , in which Potosi is Situate , which is the place of his Ordinary Residence , altho' the City de la Plata is the Capital . After I had deliver'd the Order to him , I was brought to the Corregidor , to deliver that which belong'd to him , and afterwards to those other Officers for whom I brought Orders ; they all receiv'd me very well , particularly the President , who presented me with a Chain of Gold for the good News I had brought him . But before we go any farther 't is convenient I should give some description of the City of Potosi , as I have done of others . The Spaniards call it the Imperial City , but no body could ever tell me for what reason ; 't is Situate at the Foot of a Mountain , call'd Arazassou , and divided in the midst by a River , which comes from a Lake inclos'd with Walls , which lies about a quarter of a League above the City , and is a kind of reserver to hold the Water that is necessary for the Work-houses of that part of the City , which is on this side of the River , over against the Mountain , is rais'd upon a little Hill , and is the largest and most inhabited part ; for on that which is on the side of the Mountain , there 's scarce any thing but Engines and the Houses of those that Work in ' em . The City has neither Walls , Ditches , nor Forts for its defence , there are reckon'd to be 4000 Houses well built of good Stone , with several Floors , after the manner of the Buildings in Spain . The Churches are well made , and all richly adorn'd with Plate , Tapestry , and other Ornaments , and above all those of the Monks and Nunns , of whom there are several Convents of different Orders , which are very well furnish'd . This is not the least populous City of Peru , with Spaniards , Mestices , Strangers , and Natives ( which last the Spaniards call Indios ) with Moulatos and Negroes . They count there are between 3 and 4000 Natural Spaniards bearing Arms , who have the Reputation of being very stout Men and good Souldiers . The number of the Mestices is not much less , nor are they less expert at a Weapon , but the greatest part of 'em , are Idle , apt to quarrel and Treacherous , therefore they commonly wear Three or Four Buff-wast-coats one upon another , which are proof against the point of a Sword , to secure themselves from private stabs . The Strangers there are but few , there are some Dutch , Irish , and Genoese ; and some French , most of whom are of St. Malo , Provence or Bayonne , and pass for People of Navarre and Biscaye . As for the Indians they are reckon'd to amount to near 10000 besides the Moulatos and the Blacks : but they are not permitted to wear either Swords or Fire-Arms , no not their Couracas and Caciques , tho' they may all aspire to any degree of Knight-hood , and to Benefices , to which they are often rais'd , for their laudable Actions , and good Services . They are also forbidden to wear the Spanish habit , but are oblig'd to cloath themselves in a different manner , in a close-coat without sleeves , which they wear next their Shirts , to which their Band and lac'd Cuffs are fasten'd , their Breeches are wide at bottom after the French fashion ; their Legs and Feet naked . The Blacks and Moulatos being in the Service of the Spaniards , are habited after the Spanish Mode , and may bear Arms , and all the Indian Slaves after Ten Years service are set at liberty , and have the same privileges with the others . The Government of this City is very exact , by the Care which is taken by Twenty four Magistrates , who are constantly observing , that good orders be kept in it ; besides the Corregidor and President of Los Charcas , who directs Officers after the manner of Spain . It is to be observ'd , that excepting these two Principal Officers , as well at Potosi as every where else in the Indies , all the People , whether Knights , Gentlemen , Officers or others , are concern'd in Commerce : of which some of them make so great an advantage , that in the City of Potosi , there are some reckon'd to be worth , Two , some Three , and some Four Millions of Crowns ; and a great many worth Two , Three , or Four hundred thousand Crowns . The common People to live much at their ease , but are all proud and haughty , and always go very fine , either in Cloth of Gold and Silver , or in Scarlet , or Silk trimmed with a great deal of Gold and Silver-Lace . The Furniture of their Houses is very Rich , for they are generally serv'd in Plate . The Wives both of Gentlemen and Citizens , are kept very close , to a degree beyond what they are in Spain ; they never go abroad , unless it be to go to Mass , or to make some Visit , or to some publick Feast ; and that but rarely . The Women here are generally addicted to excess in taking Coca : This is a Plant that comes from the side of Cusco , which when it is made up in Rowls and dry'd they chew , as some do Tobacco ; they are so heated , and sometimes absolutely fuddled by it , that they have no command of themselves at all : 'T is likewise often us'd by the Men , and has the same effects upon them . They are otherwise very Temperate in eating and drinking , tho' they have before dwelt in places well stor'd with all sort of Provisions , as Beef , Mutton , Fowls , Venizon , raw and preserv'd Fruits , Corn and Wine , which are brought hither from other parts , and some from a great distance , which makes these Commodities dear , so that the meaner sort of People ; especially those that have very little before-hand , would find it hard enough to live there , if Money were not very plenty , and easie to be got by them that are willing to work . The best and finest Silver in all the Indies , is that of the Mines of Potosi , the principal of which are found in the Mountain of Aranzasse , where besides the prodigious quantities of Silver that have been taken out of Veins , in which the Mettal evidently appear'd , and which are now exhausted , there is almost as great quantities of it found in places where they had not digg'd before ; nay from some of the Earth which they threw aside formerly when they open'd the Mines , and made Pits , and Cross-ways in the Mountains , they have taken Silver , and have found by this , that the Silver has been form'd since that time , which shews how proper the Quality of this Ground is for the production of that Metal : But indeed this Earth does not yield so much as the Mines that are found by Veins among the Rocks . There are besides these another sort of Veins of Earth which they call Paillaco , which are as hard as a Stone , and of the Colour of Clay , which were slighted heretofore , and yet as Experience has since taught , were not so contemptable as was suppos'd ; since Silver is got out of 'em with so little Charge , that there is no inconsiderable profit found in the Work. Besides the Mines of this Mountain , there are a great many others about the Country at a greater distance , that are pretty good , amongst others those of Lippes , of Carangas , and of Porco ; but those of Ouroures that have been lately discover'd are better . The King of Spain does not cause any of these Mines to be wrought on his own account , but leaves 'em to those Persons that make the Discovery of 'em , who remain Masters of 'em after the Corregidor has visited 'em , and declar'd 'em Proprietors , on the accustom'd Conditions and Privileges . The same Corregidor describes and marks out the superfices of the Ground , in which they are allow'd to open the Mine on the outside , which does not for all that , limit or restrain their work under-ground ; every Man having liberty to follow the Vein he has found , let the extent and depth of it reach never so far , tho' it should cross that which another has digged near it . All that the King reserves for himself , besides the Duties we shall hereafter speak of , is to give a general direction by his Officers , for all the work of the Mines , and to order the number of Savages to be employ'd in 'em ; to prevent the disorders that would arise , if every Proprietor of the Mines should have liberty to set as many of 'em to work as he pleas'd ; which would frequently give occasion to those that are most powerful and Rich , to ingross and have so great a Number of 'em , that few or none would remain for others to employ , to keep their work going forward : for this would be contrary to the Kings Interest , which is to make Provision that that there be a sufficient number of Slaves for all the Mines that are open'd . For this end he obliges all the Couracas or Chiefs of the Savages , to furnish every one a certain number , which they must always keep compleat , or else are forc'd to give twice as much Money as would have been paid in Wages to those that are wanting , if they had been present . Those that are destin'd for the Mines of Potosi , don't amount to above Two thousand and two or three hundred , these are brought and put into a great Enclosure which is at the Foot of the Mountain , where the Corregidor makes a distribution of 'em to the Conductors of the Mines , according to the Number they want , and after Six days constant Work , the Conductor brings 'em back the Saturday following to the same place , where the Corregidor causes a review to be made of 'em , to make the owners of the Mines give 'em the Wages that are appointed 'em , and to see how many of 'em are dead , that the Couracas may be oblig'd to supply the number that is Wanting : for there 's no Week passes but some of 'em die , either by divers accidents that Occur , as the tumbling down of great quantities of Earth , and falling of Stones , or by Sickness and other Casualties . They are sometimes very much incommoded by Winds that are shut up in the Mines ; the coldness of which joyn'd to that of some parts of the Earth , chills 'em so excessively , that unless they chew'd Coca , which heats and fuddles 'em , it would be intolerable to ' em . Another great hardship which they suffer is , that in other places , the Sulphurous and Mineral Vapours are are so great , that it strangely drys 'em up , so that it hinders 'em from free respiration ; and for this they have no other remedy , than the Drink which is made with the Herb of Paraguay , of which they prepare a great quantity to refresh and moisten 'em , when they come out of the Mines at the times appointed for eating or sleeping ; this Drink serves 'em also for Physick to make 'em Vomit , and cast up whatever incommodes their Stomachs . Among these Savages they ordinarily choose the best Workmen to break up the Oar between the Rocks ; this they do with Iron-barrs , which the Spaniards call Palancas , and other Instruments of Iron ; others serve to carry what they digg in little Baskets to the entrance of the Mine ; others to put it in Sacks , and load it upon a sort of great Sheep , which they call Carneros de la Tierra , they are taller than Asses , and commonly carry Two hundred Pound weight ; these serve to carry it to the Work-houses which are in the Town along the River , which comes from the Lake I have spoken of before . In these Work-houses which are a Hundred and twenty in Number ; the Oar is refined , of which take the following account . They first beat it well upon Anvils with certain great Hammers , which a Mill continually keeps at work , when they are pretty well reduc'd to Powder , they pass it thro' a fine Sieve , and spread it upon the Ground about half a Foot thick in a square place that is very smooth , prepar'd for the purpose ; then they cast a great deal of Water upon it , after which they with a Sieve spread upon it a certain quantity of Quick-silver , which is proportion'd by the Officers of the Mint , and also a Liquid substance of Iron , which is prepar'd by Two Millstones , one of which is fix'd , and the other is continuly turning , between these they put an Old Anvil , or some other Massy piece of Iron , which is worn away and Consum'd with Water by the turning Mill-stone , so that 't is reduc'd to a certain Liquid Matter . The Oar being thus prepar'd , they stir it about and mix it , as Men do when they make Mortar , for a Fortnight together , every day tempering it with Water ; and after this they several times put it into a Tub , wherein there is a little Mill , which by its motion separates from it all the Earth with the Water , and casts 'em off together , so that nothing but the Metallick Matter remains at the bottom , which is afterwards put into the Fire in Crucibles , to separate the Quick-silver from it , which is done by Evaporation , for as for the Iron substance , that does not Evaporate , but remains mix'd with the Silver , which is the reason that there is always in Eight Ounces ( for example sake ) Three quarters of an Ounce or thereabouts of false Alloy . The Silver when thus refin'd is carried to the Mint , where they make an Essay of it whether it be of the right Alloy , after which it is melted into Barrs or Ingots , which are weigh'd , and the fifth part of 'em deducted , which belongs to the King , and are stamp'd with his mark ; the rest appertain to the Merchant , who in like manner applies his mark to them ; and takes 'em away from thence when he pleases in Barrs , or else converts 'em into Reals and other Money . This fifth part is the only profit the King has from the Mines , which yet are esteem'd to amount to several Millions ; But besides this , he draws considerable Sums by the ordinary Impositions upon Goods , without reckoning what he raises upon Quick-silver , both that which is taken out of the Mines of Guancavelica , which are Situated between Lima and Cusco ; and that which is brought from Spain , with which Two Vessels are loaded every Year , because that which is taken out of these Mines is not sufficient for all the Indies . They use divers ways of Carriage , to Transport all the Silver that is annually made about Potosi for Spain ; first they Load it upon Mules , that carry it to Arica , which is a Port on the South-Sea , from whence they Transport it in small Vessels to the Fort of Lima , or Los Reys , which is a Fort upon the same Sea , Two Leagues from Lima ; here they Embark it with all that comes from other parts of Peru , in Two great Gallions that belong to his Catholick Majesty , each of which carry 1000 Tuns , and are Arm'd each with 50 or 60 Pieces of Canon ; these are commonly accompanied with a great many small Merchant Ships as Richly Loaded , which have no Guns but a few Petareroes to give Salutes ; and take their Course towards Panama , taking care always to send a little Pinnace 8 or 10 Leagues before to make discoveries . They might make this way in a Fortnights time , having always the help of the South-wind which reigns alone in this Sea ; yet they never make it less than a Months Voyage , because by this delay the Commander of the Gallions makes a great advantage in furnishing those with Cards that have a mind to play on Ship-board , during the Voyage , which amounts to a very considerable Sum , both because the Tribute he receives is Ten Patagons for every Pack of Cards , and because there is a prodigious quantity of 'em consum'd , they being continually at play ; and there being scarce any body aboard , but is concern'd for very considerable Sums . When the Gallions arrive at Panama on the Continent , they put their Lading ashoar , and wait to hear of those from Spain , who commonly about the same time , or a little after , arrive at Portobelo , which is 18 Leagues from the North-Sea ; in the mean time they carry thither part of the Gold , Silver , and other Commodities of this Fleet which are design'd for Europe , upon Mules by Land , and part by Water upon the River of Chiagre , in Boats made of an entire piece of Wood call'd Piragouas . A few days after they are unladen , and after the Gallions are likewise arriv'd from Spain ; a very great Fair is held there , for a Fortnight together , in which they Sell and Barter all sorts of Goods necessary for each Country ; which is perform'd with so much honesty , that the Sale is made only by the Inventories , without opening the Bales , without the least Fraud . The Fair being ended , they all retire to the places to which they respectively belong . The Gallions that are to return into Spain , go to Havana , in the Island of Cuba , where they wait for the Arrival of the Flota of la Vera-Crux in New Spain ; as soon as that has joyn'd 'em , they continue their Course together , passing thro' the Channel of Bahama along the Coast of Florida , they touch at the Island of Bermudos , where they commonly meet with Advice of the State of Affairs in Europe , and with orders to direct them how to avoid any disasters , and to perform their Voyage in safety . As for the Gallions of Peru , after they have taken in a new Cargo at Panama , they return to Lima , steering divers Courses , because of the Contrariety of the Wind , which keeps 'em Two or Three Months at Sea. Being there , they dispose of what they have for Peru : And the rest of the Goods is taken off by the Merchants of Chili , who give a great many Commodities of their Country in exchange for 'em ; as Goats-leather , which in the Language of the Country is call'd Cordouan , Cordage , Hemp , Pitch and Tar , Oyls , Olives , and Almonds , and above all a great quantity of Dust of Gold , which is taken out of the Rivers of Capiapo , Coquinbo , Baldivia , and others which fall into the South-Sea . And now we are speaking of the Commodities of Chili , some small matter must be said concerning this great Province or Kingdom . At the Mouths of those Rivers , of which I have just been speaking , there are good Ports , and Cities , each of which consist of about 4 or 500 Houses , and those sufficiently stock'd with People . The most considerable Cities upon the Sea-Coast , are Baldivia , la Conception , Copiapo and Coquinbo . Baldivia is Fortified , and has a Garrison in it , usually compos'd only of Banish'd Men , and Malefactors of the Indies ; the Three others are Cities of Trade . Farther up in the Countrey is St. Jago de Chili , which is the Capital of all Chili , where there is likewise a strong Garrison , and some regular Troops , by reason of the continual War they have with the Savages , call'd Aoucans . Beyond it in the Mountains , lies the little Province of Chicuito , of which the principal Places are St. Juan de la Frontera , and Mendoca , round about these Towns , there grows a great deal of Corn , and abundance of Vines , which furnish the Country of Chili , and the Province of Tucuman as far as Buenos Ayres . Three Weeks after my Arrival at Potosi ; there were great rejoycings made for the Birth of the Prince of Spain , which lasted for a Fortnight together , during which time all Work ceased , throughout the City , in the Mines , and in the Adjacent places , and all the People great and small , whether Spaniards , Forreigners , Indians , or Blacks , minded nothing else but to do something extraordinary for the Solemnizing of this Festival . It began with a Cavalcade , made by the Corregidor , the Twenty four Magistrates of the City , the other Officers , the Principal of the Nobility and Gentry , and the most eminent Merchants of the City ; all richly Cloth'd . All the rest of the People , and particularly the Ladies being at the Windows , and casting down abundance of perfum'd Waters , and great quantities of dry Sweet-meats . The following days they had several Plays , some of which they call Juegos de Toros , others Juegos de Cannas , several sorts of Masquerades , Comedies , Balls , with Vocal and Instrumental Musick , and other Divertisements , which were carry'd on one day by the Gentlemen , another day by the Citizens ; one while by the Gold-smiths , another while by the Miners ; some by the People of divers Nations , others by the Indians , and all with great Magnificence , and a prodigious Expence . The Rejoycings of the Indians deserve a particular remark , for besides that they were richly cloth'd , and after a different manner , and that Comical enough ; with their Bows and Arrows ; they in one Night and Morning , in the Chief Publick place of the City , prepar'd a Garden in the form of a Labyrinth , the Plats of which were adorn'd with Fountains spouting out Waters , furnished with all sorts of Trees and Flowers , full of Birds , and all sorts of Wild-beasts , as Lions , Tygers and other kinds ; in the midst of which they express'd their Joy a Thousand different ways , with extraordinary Ceremonies . The last day save one surpass'd all the rest , and that was a Race at the Ring , which was perform'd at the Charge of the City with very surpizing Machines . First there appear'd a Ship Tow'd along by Savages , of the bulk and burden of a 100 Tuns , with her Guns and Equipage of Men cloth'd in Curious Habit , her Anchors , Ropes , and Sails swelling with the Wind , which very luckily blew along the Street through which they drew her to the great publick place , where as soon as she arriv'd , she saluted the Company , by the discharge of all her Canon ; and at the same time a Spanish Lord , representing an Emperor of the East , coming to Congratulate the Birth of the Prince , came out of the Vessel attended with Six Gentlemen , and a very fine Train of Servants that led their Horses , which they mounted , and so went to salute the President of Los Charcas , and while they were making their Compliment to him , their Horses kneel'd down , and kept in that Posture , having been taught this Trick before . They afterwards went to salute the Corregidor , and the Judges of the Field , from whom when they had receiv'd permission to run at the Ring against the Defendants , they acquitted themselves with great Gallantry , and receiv'd very fine prizes distributed by the hands of the Ladies . The Race at the Ring being finish'd , the Ship and a great many other small Barks that were brought thither advanc'd to attack a great Castle wherein Cromwel the Protector , who was then in War with the King of Spain , was feign'd to be shut up ; and after a pretty long Combat of Fire-works ; the fire took hold of the Ship , the small Barkes , and the Castle and all was consum'd together . After this a great many pieces of Gold and Silver were distributed and thrown among the People in the Name of his Catholick Majesty : And there were some particular Persons that had the prodigality to throw away Two or Three Thousand Crowns a Man among the Mob . The Day following these Rejoycings were concluded by a Procession , made from the great Church to that of the Recollects , in which the Holy Sacrament was carry'd , attended with all the Clergy and Laiety ; and because the way from one of these Churches to the other had been unpav'd for the Celebration of the other Rejoycings , they repair'd it for this Procession with Barrs of Silver , with which all the way was entirely cover'd . The Altar where the Host was to be Lodg'd in the Church of the Recollects was so furnish'd with Figures , Vessels , and Plates of Gold and Silver , adorn'd with Pearles , Diamonds , and other Precious Stones , that scarce ever could any thing be seen more Rich : For the Citizens brought thither all the rarest Jewels they had . The extraordinary Charge of this whole time of Rejoycing , was reckon'd to amount to above 500000 Crowns . These Divertisements being ended , the rest of the time that I continued at Potosi , was employ'd in compleating the Sale of the Goods , the Inventories of which I had brought with me , and I oblig'd my self to cause these Goods to be deliver'd in a certain time at Xuxui , and to pay all the Charge of Carriage so far . I took most of my Payment in Silver , namely in Patagons , Plate , Barrs , and Pignas , which is Virgin-silver ; and the rest in Vigogne Wool , and when I had quite finish'd the business for which I was sent to Potosi ; I left the place to return to Buenos Ayres the same way I came . I loaded all my Bales upon Mules , which is the ordinary way of Carriage to pass the Moutains which divide Peru from Tucuman . But when I was arriv'd at Xuxui , I thought meet to make use of Waggons , which is much more Commodious , and thus I continu'd my Travels ; and after a Journey of 4 Months happily arriv'd at the River of Lucan ; which is 5 Leagues from Buenos Ayres ; where I met with Ignatio Maleo , who was got thither before me ; he came thither by the River in a little Boat , which we resolv'd to make use of , to convey most of the Silver I had brought with me , privately to our Ship ; we thought meet to take this Course to avoid the risque we must have run of being Confiscated , if we had brought our Vessel by Buenos Ayres , because of the Prohibition of the Exportation of Gold and Silver , tho' this order is not always very regularly observ'd , the Governour sometimes , suffering it to be carried out privately , Conniving at it , for some present , or else not being very strict in taking notice of it . I must not omit here to tell the reason why the Spaniards will not suffer the Silver of Peru , and of other Neighbouring Provinces to be Transported by the River of la Plata , nor all sorts of Vessels to go and Trade there without Permission : It is from this Consideration , that if they should give way to a free Trade on that side , where the Country is good and Plentiful , the Earth Fruitful , The Air wholesome , and Carriage Commodious ; the Merchants that Trade in Peru , Chili , and Tucuman , would soon quit the way of the Gallions , and the Ordinary Passages through the North and South-Seas , and through the Continent , which is difficult and Incommodious ; and would take the way of Buenos Ayres : And this would infallibly cause most of the Cities of the Continent to be deserted , where the Air is bad , and the Necessaries and Accomodations of Life are not to be had in such plenty . When we had secur'd our Silver by the precaution we had us'd , I came to Buenos Ayres with the rest of our Goods ; where I was no sooner Arriv'd , but our return to Spain was resolv'd on . But least any thing should be found on board us to give occasion for any Seizure , when the Kings Officers should make their usual Visit on our Vessel , before it went out of the Port ; we thought convenient at first to Embark only those Commodities that took up the most room , as Vigogne Wool , Leather of several sorts , amongst others 16000 Bulls-hides , with a great many other Bales and Chests belonging to the Passengers that were to return with us , and about 30000 Crowns in Silver , which is the largest Sum that is permitted to be carried away , to supply all necessary charges that may occur in the Voyage , and to pay off the Ship. But after this Visit was made , we made an end of Embarking the Silver we had hidden , which with the rest of the Lading might amount to about Three Millions of Livers . We parted from Buenos Ayres in the Month of May 1659 , in company of a Dutch Vessel , Commanded by Isaac de Brac , which was also richly Laden ; he engag'd us to steer our Course with him , because his Ship leak'd ; and this fault increasing in the sequel of the Voyage , we were oblig'd to put in at the Island of Fernande de Lorona , within 3 Degrees and a half of the Line on the South-side . It prov'd well for us , as well as for the Dutch , that we stop'd here . For having a mind for fear of the worst to take in a new Provision of Fresh-Water here , we perceiv'd the greatest part of that we had taken in at Buenos Ayres was run out , and of a Hundred Barrels , which we thought we had remaining of our Store ; we had but Thirty left . Therefore tho' the Water we found there had a very flat Taste , and had this ill quality , that it presently cast them that drank of it into a Looseness , we were however necessitated to fill our Barrels with it . And an Accident unhappy enough befell those of our Men that went to fetch it from the Rock out of which it sprang , for having stripp'd themselves almost naked , to work the more commodiously , the heat of the Sun scorch'd 'em so vehemently , that it made their Bodies all over red , and afterwards those parts upon which the Sun darted its Rays with the greatest violence , were full of Buboes and Pustules , which were very troublesome , and made 'em very uneasie for a Fortnights Time. I went ashore to see this Island , which is about a League and an half in compass , and uninhabited . One of our Pilots told me that the Dutch possess'd it , while they held Fermanbues in Brasil , and that they had a small Fort there , some small remains of which were still left , that they sow'd Millet and Beans there , of which they had a tolerable Crop , and that they bred up a great many Fowls , Goats and Hogs . We saw a great number of Birds , of which some were good to eat ; we continu'd there Four days , but when we saw the Dutch could not be so soon in a condition to continue their Voyage , being oblig'd to put their Cargo ashore , and to lay their Vessel upon one side to refit ; we set sail , and after a Voyage sufficiently troublesome by the Storms we suffer'd , which sometimes drove us towards the Coasts of Florida , and sometimes upon others , we at last discover'd the Coasts of Spain . Instead of going to Cadiz , being under apprehensions of meeting the English who were still at War with the Spaniards ; we thought convenient to make to St. Andero , where we happily arriv'd about the middle of August . We were immediatly inform'd that the Spanish Gallions came to Moor at the same Port in their return from Mexico , for the same reason that brought us thither , and that they set Sail but Two days before our Arrival . And because the Officers of the King of Spain , that had been sent to 'em were still there , we thought best to treat with them , as well to save the Fine we had incurr'd , for not returning to the place from whence we were sent out , as that we might not be troubled with a visit from them . And for 4000 Patagons , which we presented 'em , we were excus'd and exempted from any search . We therefore put our Silver and other Commodities ashore there , part of which was afterwards sent to Bilboa , and part to St. Sebastian , where in a little time they were sold and distributed to several Merchants , who Transported 'em to divers places to put 'em off . When we had finished the Sale of all our Commodities , there was an exact account stated among those that were concern'd in the Ship , both of their Charge and Profit of this Voyage ; about the detail of which I shall not trouble my head . I shall only say , to give a short account of it in Gross , that the Charge consisted first in 290000 Crowns employ'd in buying the Goods with which our Vessel was Loaded at Cadiz , and in paying the Dues of Exportation from Spain . 74000 Livers for the Freight of the Vessel for 19 Months , at the rate of 3200 Livers per Month , 43000 Livers more for the pay of 76 Seamen great and small for the time , at the rate of 10 Crowns per Month one with another . 30000 Crowns spent in Victualling the Ship for that time , as well for the Ships Crew as for the Passengers , there being a very good Provision made , because in those long Voyages beyond the Line the Sailers must have good Sustenance , and the Passengers must have a great many Sweet-meats , good Liquors , and other Costly things . More 2000 Crowns for the Dues of Entry at Buenos Ayres , and in Presents to the Officers of the Place ; and 1000 Crowns in Custom at our going from thence ; more in Expences , Imposts and Charges in carrying our Goods from Buenos Ayres to Potosi , and from Potosi to Buenos Ayres , at the rate of 20 Crowns for a Quintal or 100 weight ; more 4000 Crowns to procure an Exemption from being search'd and visited at our return to Spain . And in fine some other Expences , as well in Customs of Entry , when we Landed our Goods in Spain , as in some other things not fore-seen , which did not amount to any great Sums . These were almost all the Principal Articles of the Charge , which being deducted and paid , the Profit was found to amount to 250 per Cent. Comprehending that which was got by the Hides , which came to 15 Livers a piece , that being the Ordinary Price , tho' they cost but a Crown at the first hand ; and likewise what was got by the Passengers , of whom we had above 50 on board us , as well in going as coming , which was not inconsiderable ; for one Man who had nothing but his Chest paid 800 Crowns , and the rest paid proportionably for their Passage and Diet. We were told at St. Andero , that the Dutch Vessels which we had seen at Buenos Ayres were safely arriv'd at Amsterdam , but that the Spanish Embassador being inform'd that they came from the River de la Plata , and had brought thence a prodigious Quantity of Silver and other Commodities , as well on the account of some Dutch Merchants , as for several Spaniards , who had taken the opportunity of the return of these Vessels to come back into Europe , and had remitted their Money from Amsterdam to Cadiz and Sevil by Bills of Exchange , besides the Dutch Goods which they sent thither , had given advice of it to the Council for the Indies at Madrid , who judged this Money and these Effects liable to Confiscation , because all Spaniards are Prohibited from Trading upon Forreign Vessels , and from Transporting Silver to any other place besides Spain ; and accordingly had seiz'd and confiscated the greatest part of 'em , the rest being saved by the precautions some of the Merchants took , who were not so much in haste as the others . The same Embassador having remonstrated at the same time , what would be the Consequence of Tolerating Strangers to continue to trade in the River of Plata , without putting any restraint upon 'em , the Council had so much regard to his advice , as to Equip a Vessel with all speed at St. Sebastian , which they Loaded with Arms and Men , to send to Buenos Ayres with very strict orders , as well to seize the Person of the Governor for having suffer'd these Dutch Vessels to come and Trade in the Country , as to take an exact account of the Acquaintance and Intelligence the Dutch had gotten there , as also to reestablish things so well there , in fortifying the Garrisons , and in Arming them better than they had yet been in time past , that for the Future they might be in a condition to resist Forreigners , and to hinder their Descent and Communication in the Country . Soon after our Arrival , Ignatio Maleo the Captain of our Ship , receiv'd an Order from the Court of Spain to come to Madrid , to inform the Council for the Indies of the Condition in which he found and left things at Buenos Ayres : He was desirous that I would accompany him thither , which I did . As soon as we arriv'd at Madrid , he gave in the Memories , not only of all he had observ'd in the River of Plata , but also of the means that might be us'd to hinder Strangers from having the least thoughts of Trading there , and that first by keeping Two good Men of War at the Mouth of the River , to dispute and hinder the Passage of such Merchant Ships as should attempt to go up to Buenos Ayres ; in the second place by sending every Year Two Ships Loaded with all things the People of those parts have occasion for . That being this way sufficiently supply'd , they might have no thoughts of favouring the descent and entrance of Strangers , when they should come thither . He moreover made a proposal of changing the usual Way of carrying Goods , which are sent to Peru , and brought them by the Way of the Gallions ; that it might be settled on the River of Plata , from whence he assur'd 'em , the Carriage of 'em by Land to Peru , would be more conveniently perform'd , and at a cheaper Rate , as well as with less Risque , than any other Way . But of all these Proposals the Council of Spain relish'd only that of sending to Buenos-Ayres Two Vessels laden with Commodities proper for the Country . And Maleo having obtain'd a Grant , and a Commission for this Purpose , upon the Assurance of it , we return'd to Guipuscoa , to make Preparation for this Voyage , and to set our Affairs in order ; which we so well dispatch'd , that in a little time , we had a Vessel ready to set sail , which Maleo order'd to be bought at Amsterdam , and to be brought to the Port from whence we were to go , being partly laden with Dutch , and with other Commodities , taken up at Bayonne , St. Sebastian , and Bilboa , bought in gross at a Venture , in which Affair I was employ'd , having undertaken it by Maleo's Commission . During these Preparations , and while we waited for the Dispatch of the Grant , that had been promis'd him by the Council of Spain , it happen'd that the Baron of Vateville being in haste to go into England , in Quality of Ambassador from his Catholick Majesty ; and having Orders to make use of the first Ship that was ready to Sail , took Maleo's Vessel ; which , yet serv'd only to carry his Baggage , the King of Great Britain having sent him a Frigat at the same time , in which he cross'd the Sea. During the Stay , which Maleo was oblig'd to make in England , he made new Provision for his Voyage to the Indies ; and seeing his Grant was not yet sent him , he thought it expedient to take a Commission , from the Baron of Vateville , as Captain-General of the Province of Guipuscoa , in my Name , and that of Pascoal Hiriarte , commanding his Ship to go in pursuit of the Portuguese , on the Coast of Brezil ; that this might serve us for a Pretext , to go into the River of Plata . Being fortified with this Order , we embark'd , and having stopp'd at Havre de Grace to set N — ashoar , who thought good to return to Madrid , to solicite a Commission also from the Council of Spain , for the Two Vessels , with which we agreed , that they should come and joyn us at Buenos-Ayres ; we continued our Course , and after many cross Winds , we arriv'd in the River of Plata : . As we enter'd into it , we met Two Dutch Vessels that came from Buenos Ayres ; the Captains of which inform'd us , that one of 'em could by no means obtain leave to Trade there ; but that the other Arriving there before him , in a conjuncture when the Government was oblig'd to send a very important Message in all haste to his Catholick Majesty , relating to his Service , was so happy , by the promise he made of taking the Courrier , who was order'd for Spain on board him , as to find means of disposing of all his Goods , and of bringing away a very Rich Cargo , in which he spake the very Truth ; for he had the prudence before he came to the Port , to take out his richest Goods , and leave 'em in an Island below , and only reserv'd those of the greatest bulk to be expos'd to the View of the Officers , of which he had made a false Envois at the price of the Country , separate from the general one , and had made the Value of his Cargo to amount to 270000 Crowns . He agreed with the Governor to leave these Goods with him , provided he would give him for 'em 22000 Hides at a Crown apiece , 12000 pound of Vigogne Wool at 4 Livers 10 Sous per Pound , ane 30000 Crowns in Silver to pay the Charges of Equipping his Ship ; which was perform'd accordingly . But under the pretence of his Bargain , and while the Leather was Loading in the Vessel , the Captain under-hand sold his Richest Commodities , and for the Value of 'em which amounted to 100000 Crowns , he got at least 400000. Thus the Captain of the Ship and the Governor both made a great Advantage ; but this Governor whose Name is Don Alonza de Mercado and de Villacorta , being a very disinterested Man , and not at all greedy of Money , declar'd that the Profit of this business was for the King his Master , and gave him advice of it by this Courrier . Being separated from these Vessels , we came to an Anchor before Buenos Ayres ; but for all the Instances and Offers we could make one time after another to this Governor , we could never obtain his Permission to put our Goods ashore , and to expose 'em to Sale to the People of the Place ; because we had no Licence for it from Spain . He only consented to let us go into the City from time to time to procure Victuals for our Men , and such other Necessaries as we wanted . He treated us with this Rigour for Eleven Months , after which there happen'd an Occasion which oblig'd him to use us better , and to enter into a sort of an Accommodation with us . There was another Spanish Ship in the Port , the same that a Year before had brought Troops and Arms from Spain , to reinforce the Garisons of Buenos Ayres , and of Chili , of which I have spoken above ; which contin'd here all this time upon her own private business , but the Captain that Commanded her could not manage his Affairs with so much secrecy , but it came to the Governor's Ear , that he design'd in prejudice of the Prohibition that was made , to carry away a great quantity of Silver , and indeed he seiz'd on a Sum of 113000 Crowns that was just ready to be carry'd of , of which the Captain could have no restitution made ; and fearing a greater disapointment , namely that he should be seiz'd , he set Sail to return into Spain , without waiting for any Letters for his Catholick Majesty , with which the Gouernor would have intrusted him , together with the Information he had receiv'd of the Intelligence the Dutch had gotten in the Country , which he had a mind to send into Spain with all speed , as well as some Persons whom he had seiz'd , that were guilty of holding this Correspondence with the Dutch , among whom there was a Captain , nam'd Alberto Janson , a Dutch-man . The flight of this Spanish Vessel therefore oblig'd the Governor to alter his carriage toward us , and to facilitate the Return of our Vessel , which he thought good to make use of , for want of another to carry his Letters and Prisoners into Spain ; upon condition we would take upon us this Charge , he suffer'd us after a tacite manner to do our business , and to carry off 4000 Hides ; but we having great Acquaintance with the Merchants of the Place , manag'd our Affairs so well , that under the Umbrage of this permission , we sold all our Goods , and brought away a Rich Cargo , in Silver , Hides , and other Commodities , after which without loosing any time we took our Course for Spain . At our Arrival in the River of Corunna in Gallicia , we receiv'd Advice by the Letters which N — sent us to the Ports upon all the Coasts , that there was an Order from the King of Spain to seize us at our return , because we had been at Buenos Ayres without leave . Upon this we resolv'd ( after we had sent the Letters and Prisoners , that were committed to our Charge to the Governor of Corunna by the hand of the Sergeant Major of Buenos Ayres , who came about the Affairs of that Country in our Vessel ) to pass out of that River , and to go 6 Leagnes from thence into the Road of Barias , where I found a small Vessel , in which I loaded the greatest part of what I had on my own account , and that of my Friends . The Governor of Corunna receiving advice of it , dispatch'd a Hoy after me to stop me , but I us'd that precaution and diligence , that this Hoy could never come up with me , so that I happily arriv'd in France at the Port of Socca , where I by this means sav'd the fruit of my Labours and long Voyage . The great Ship which I left in the Road of Barias had not so favourable a Lot , and one may say , was ship-wrack'd at the very Port ; for having left the Road of Barias , to get speedily to that of Santonge , to secure all the Goods she had on board , except 4000 Hides , of which her Bill of Lading gave an account , and having begun to put 600 Hides into a Dutch Vessel that she met there , the bad Weather constrain'd her to put in at the Port from whence she first went out , where she was Confiscated with all her Cargo for the use of the King of Spain , under the pretence before spoken of , that she had not the Permission of his Catholick Majesty for her Voyage . While these things were transacting , the Sergeant Major of Buenos Ayres Arriv'd at Madrid , and the King of Spain having Caused the Informations he brought to be examin'd , which principally insisted upon the necessity there was of sending new Recruits of Men and Ammunition , to augment the Carisons of Buenos Ayres , and of Chili , the better to secure the Country against the Enterprizes of Strangers , and also from the attempt of the Savages of Chili , immediately orderd Three Vessels to be Equipp'd for this purpose , the Command of which was given to N — . There was good store of Ammunition Embark'd in 'em , but for Recruits of Souldiers , there were but 300 Men , of whom the greatest part were sent into Chili . In the same Vessel there were Lawyers sent , to form a Court of Common-Justice , which they call an Audience , at Buenos Ayres , where there were only some Officers for the Decisions of Petty Matters before , the Greater Causes being remitted to the Audience that is Established at Chaquisaca , otherwise call'd la Plata , in the Province of Los Charcas , 500 Leagues from Buenos Ayres . When N — return'd from this Voyage , he came to Oyarson in the Province of Guipuscoa his Native Country , from whence he sent me an account of himself , and we agreed to have a secret Enterview upon the Frontiers ; accordingly we met , and gave one another an account of the Affairs in which we were both concern'd ; and by this account we found there were about 60000 Livers due from him to me , which he has not yet paid . FINIS . A JOURNAL OF THE TRAVELS OF JOHN GRILLET , AND FRANCIS BECHAMEL INTO GVIANA , In the Year , 1674. IN Order to Discover the Great Lake of PARIMA , and the many Cities said to be situated on its Banks , and reputed the Richest in the WORLD . LONDON : Printed for Samuel Buckley . 1698. A LETTER written from the Island of Cayenne , in the Month of September , 1674. Cayenne , Sept. 2. 1674. Reverend Father , THE Discovery that I and Father Bechamel , have made of divers Savage Nations on the Continent of Guiana , near the Island of Cayenne , obliges me to draw up a brief Relation of our Voyage , and to present it to your Reverence , that you may know what Employment we may have here , and how many Missionaries may find a fit Occasion for the Exercise of their Zeal . If I had had some Companions whom I might have left with the Nouragues and the Acoquas , I should have pierc'd much farther into the Country ; but the Nouragues who were our Guides , not daring to advance farther into the Country of the Acoquas , to retain the good will of 'em both , we should have left a Missionary in each of these Nations , that the Acoquas might have conducted us to their Friends , who ( as far as I can conjecture ) reach quite to the Equinoctial Line . We might also have pass'd to the West of the River Maroni , and have enter'd into an Alliance with the Nations that extend to the River of Surinam , upon which the Dutch have planted ( 1 ) a Colony : but since we have confin'd our selves to those Countries that are from Three Degrees of Northern Latitude to the Equinoctial Line , we need not be afraid that the People of any European Nation will trouble us in our Missions , because there 's no gain to be made by 'em ; besides , that we run the risque of being Massacred by the Natives . 'T is from your Reverence that we expect Support and Assistance so far as you are capable , and shall think convenient in sending us Missionaries of a Vigorous Constitution , of great Vertue , and of a Disposition ready to suffer hardships ; because in these parts there can little or no Accommodations be brought to relieve them in case of Sickness ; for the less one carries thither so much the better ; besides that the Ignorance and Barbarity of those People always give a Missionary just occasion to fear , that they take up mischievous Resolutions against him at the very first shadow of dissatisfaction they receive . I expect here a good number of Missionaries to dispose up and down this vast Country ; and I hope your Reverence will not refuse this Request ; which obliges me particularly to recommend my self to your good Prayers , who am Reverend Father , Your most Humble , and most Obedient Servant in our Lord , John Grillet , of the Society of JESVS . A JOURNAL OF THE TRAVELS , &c. THE Reverend Father Francis Mercier having been sent from France , in Quality of Visitor of the Missions of our Society , both in the Islands , and Continent of the Southern America , by the Reverend Father , John Pinet , Provincial of the Jesuits in France ; with the Reverend Father Gerard Brion , Superior-General of the said Missions , and Father Mace , and Father Alarole ; he arriv'd in the Island of Cayenne the 21st of December , 1673. and parted thence Ten Days after : During his Stay there , he regulated divers Affairs , as well Temporal as Spiritual ; and among other Things , finding we had yet no Knowledge of any other People , but the Galibis , and Aracarels , our Neighbours , who dwell near the Sea , and among whom the Fathers of our Society employ'd their Talents , with abundance of Zeal ; he resolv'd to attempt a Discovery of those Nations that lie remote from the Sea. It was my Happiness to be chosen for so pious a Work ; and I was particularly instructed by my Orders , to discover the Acoquas , a very populous Nation , according to the Report , some Nouragues , who frequent the Galibis , gave us ; withal , telling us , they were a Warlike People , and us'd to eat Men. One of these Nouragues being ask'd , Two Months before the Arrival of the Reverend Father-Visitor , If it were true , that the Acoquas us'd to eat their Enemies , answer'd , That he came from 'em Four Months ago , and then they had just made an end of boiling in their Pots , and eating a Nation , which they had destroy'd . I desir'd the Reverend Father , Francis Bechamel , for my Comrade , who has a great Deal of Zeal for these Missions , and has an extraordinary Faculty of learning strange Languages ; besides that , he already understood the Tongue of the Galibis , which many of the Nouragues also speak ; some of whom we were oblig'd to take for our Guides , to conduct us to the Acoquas ; for we yet know no other Way to come at 'em , but through the Country of the Nouragues : And Father Bechamel took care to provide some Galibis , to conduct us to the Nouragues , who dwell above the Source of the River ( 2 ) Vvia , and to buy some Cassave and Paste of ( 3 ) Ovicou for his Voyage , which we counted would be for about Ten Days . This Father having provided all Necessaries ; namely , Three Galibis , some Cassave , and Paste of Ovicou , in hopes of finding by the good Providence of God , either Fish , or Venison , with the Assistance of our Indians , we left the Port of Cayenne the 25th of January , taking our Leave of the Reverend Father Brion , Superior-General , and Father Mace , and Father Bechet ; but particularly of the ( 4 ) Chevalier de Lezy , our Governour , who did us the Honour to conduct us together , with the Fathers of our Society , quite to the Canoo , in which we embark'd in the Afternoon , having our Fisherman to steer the Canoo , and Three Indian Galibis to row with our Two Servants . All of us were of Opinion , That our Canoo was too small , and indeed it would have prov'd so , if we had embarked at the coming up of the Tide , for at that time the Waves are very rough near the Shoar ; but we avoided this Danger by embarking a little before the Tide came up ; so that we were out of all danger when the Tide began to drive us into the River , which gives its Name to this Island ; besides , our Canoo being very light , and not easie to be turn'd , was very fit to get clear of several little Falls that are in the River Vvia , which we were to pass almost quite through , 'till we came to the Entrance of a lesser River , that let us into the Country of the Nouragues , the first Nation that we were willing to be acquainted with , that by their Means we might find a Passage to the Acoquas . Our Way was between the Island of Cayenne , and the main Land ; and in the Evening we arriv'd at the House of one Deslauriers , that had settled himself there ; we continued with him for a certain Reason , all the next Day , being the 26th of January . Since God was pleas'd to protect and lead us by the Hand , as it were in all this Voyage ; we must confess , that it was he who inspir'd us with the Resolution to begin it by the River Vvia ; for we knew but two Ways of entering into the Country of the Nouragues , one by the River Vvia , and t'other by the River ( 5 ) Aproague ; this last is very difficult , because the Falls of the Water are so great , that the Sapayes , and Galibis , that live at the Mouth of this River , require a very large Reward to perform this Voyage ; and indeed , are the more unwilling to undertake it , because they are afraid of those Nouragues , that eat Humane Flesh : So , that when any of 'em go into those Parts , they stay there as little time as they can : Therefore it is scarce possible to go this Way , and if we had gone it , we should have been altogether unacquainted with those Indians , that dwell on the Coasts of the River Vvia , and with the Nouragues that dwell above the Source of it . But without knowing any thing of this before , we chose to pass into the Country of the Nouragues , by the Vvia , and have this Way visited that whole Nation . The 27th of January we left the Sieur Deslauriers somewhat late , and therefore proceeded but a little way that Day : Our Galibis brought us into a Hut of the ( 6 ) Maprouanes , as well to shelter us from a great Shower of Rain , as to lodge us ( 7 ) there that Night . These Maprouanes are about Thirty in Number , who retir'd from their Country , near the River of Amazons , to avoid the Persecution of the Portugese , and of those Indians call'd the ( 8 ) Arianes , who have almost extirpated that Nation : We found nothing there but Cassave and Ovicou ; and to the 6th of February , we had nothing but Cassave , besides Two Fishes , and a Couple of Fowls , which the Galibis took , ( which serv'd us for Four small Meals ) and a little Piece of Fish we met with at another Indian Cottage . The 28th we arriv'd at a Mountain , where a certain Galibi , nam'd Maure , dwells ; this is Twelve Leagues from the Mouth of the Vvia : And Two Leagues below this Mountain , the Land upon the River , which is hitherto very low , and almost always overflow'd , is a high , fine Country , as far as the Dwelling of the first Nouragues . The 29th we lay in a Wood , and so we did on the 30th , having pass'd by a Village of the Galibi's , which contain'd but very few People , to make the bigger Day 's Journey . The 31st we lodg'd in a Galibi's Cottage , whose Family consisted of about Six or Seven , but Three or Four of 'em were absent . The First of February we pass'd the Night in the Woods , and on the Second we lay at a Galibi's Cottage again ; and this was the poorest , and most pitiful Hut that ever I saw among the Indians of this Country ; there was in it only one Man , and his Wife and Children , who had nothing at all that Day to sup on . One of their Children was much swell'd , and in a languishing Condition , with a continual Fever , of which we thought it could never recover ; therefore Father Bechamel baptiz'd it ; and the Consolation this gave us sweeten'd all our past Hardships . The Third we went ashoar in the Country of the Nouragues , after having this Day , and the Day before pass'd Three Falls in the River Vvia , and another in the River of the Nouragues ; but this was nothing in comparison of the Falls of Water we were to pass on the Rivers of Aproague and Camopi . And it was now time to land , for our ( 9 ) Cassave would have been spent if we had had but a little farther to go in those great Desarts , and vast Forests , that are all along upon this River ; upon which there are no other Cottages but those I have been speaking of , and those of some Galibis and Areacarets , who live towards the Mouth of it , and are in all about a Hundred or Sixscore Persons . This River winds very much , and runs a Course of near Fifty Leagues . Our Galibis serv'd us in this Voyage with a great deal of Respect , and gave us Access to the Chief of these first Nouragues , to whom we presented a Hatchet , to engage him to enter into an Alliance with us ; they did not remember , that they had seen above One French Man before in their Country ; so that the Women and Girls , who had never travell'd into the Country of the Galibis , were mightily amaz'd at the Sight of us . If one might judge of the whole Nation by these People , one might very well say , the Nouragues are a very courteous and affable People . Some of 'em could speak the Language of the Galibis very well , and serv'd for our Interpreters . They did all they could to seek Provision , to treat us well ; but being unsuccessful in their Hunting , we had only Cassave , and a little Meat at one of our Repasts , but with great Demonstrations of their Kindness . We bought Cassave of 'em for the Supply of the Men that belong to our Canoo ; and on the Sixth of February , after the Galibis had been treated with a small Feast after the Fashion of the Country , they parted from us at about Ten a Clock in the Morning . We also left this first Cottage of the Nouragues , on the Seventh of February , to go a Journey of Four and Twenty Leagues by Land , over very rugged Mountains ; but went only half a League from thence to lodge that Night , being attended with Two young Nouragues , each of about Sixteen or Seventeen Years of Age , who were to carry our Baggage ; here we were to take another Man , who had promis'd to carry our Provision for us , which consisted of Cassave , and Paste of Ovicou : This Man's Wife , in this Second Hut , was ill of a Cancer in her Breast , which so tormented her , and had so exceedingly wasted her , that seeing her under so terrible a Distemper , without the Help of any Medicine , we suppos'd she could not recover , and that in Probability , she would live morally the rest of her Days ; for these People endure their Pains and Hardships very patiently , as we observ'd in all the Galibis ; therefore we resolv'd to baptize her : In order to this , Father Bechamel took care to instruct her , having already made some Improvement in the Language of this People , and had likewise the Assistance of one of our young Nouragues , who understood the Galibis Tongue . This poor sick Woman receiv'd his Instructions very well , and was baptized , which was an occasion of great Comfort to us . The Eighth , having Bread and Paste of Ovicou enough to serve us Four Days , we set forward with our Three Nouragues , to perform our Journey of Four and Twenty Leagues , over Mountains all the way , which the Nouragues sometimes perform in a Day and a half ; but ordinarily in Two or Three Days , when they have Women in their Company . One of our French Men of Cayenne , that came thence on the 27th of January , follow'd us closely with Seven Galibis , and overtook us where we lodg'd the Second Night , who gave me a Letter from the Reverend Father Brion , our Superior written the day he came away , which gave us no small joy , for it contain'd a great deal of Good Advice , that might be serviceable to us in our Expedition . This French-Man was much fatigu'd with his Journey , and sent his Indians before him the day following , who in that one day being the Tenth of February , went as much ground as we could do in a day and a half , by reason of the difficulty of the ways . He having joyn'd himself to our Company , and comparing our Nouragues with his Galibis , found a great alteration , and could not but admire the Meekness and Patience of these Three Indians , but especially their Respect . They carry'd our Provisions , yet they durst not take any without asking , tho' we had often told 'em that they might take of 'em when they pleas'd . This day we passed the River Aratay , which throws it self into the Aproague . The Aratay is a fine River , which comes from a Country that is Situate between the Source of the River Vvia and the County of the Mercious , which the Nouragues say is a space of Land that extends about Seven days Journey . We were forc'd to pass this River Aratay which is pretty wide and deep , and the Stream of which is somewhat Rapid , in a little Canoo , in much danger of being cast away , as this French-Man that joyn'd us happen'd to be , when he repass'd it in his return , where he lost what he carry'd with him ; which was all he had in the World. After this we lodg'd a third time in the Woods , and on the Eleventh of February , being very weary we about Noon Arriv'd at the Cottage of Imanon the Nourague a Famous ( 10 ) Piaye ( or Physician ) in all that Country , where we found the Galibis that had advanc'd before us the preceding day . These Galibis mutinied against this poor French-Man , and probably were the occasion of hindring the Nouragues of that place from selling any thing to him ; so that he lost his Journey . Nay he was oblig'd to entreat one of our Nourague Guides to carry part of his Iron Wares , which he brought to trade with , because these Galibis refus'd to help him . And there was no remedy for it but Patience , since he was 80 Leagues from Cayenne , in a Nation that had no Commerce with the French. We did not part with our Three Guides without regret ; but we could not detain 'em , because they were oblig'd to return for several good Reasons . The Principal of 'em whose Name was Paratou , told us , for our comfort , that in the place where we now were , which they call Caraoribo , from the Name of a little River that passes by it , we should find a great many Paratous , he meant a great many Nouragues , as good humor'd as himself . But we found a great deal of difference in the Temper of those Guides we had from Caraoribo to the Acoquas , and of those we had before . As soon as these had left us , we enter'd into a good Correspondence with the Chief Camiati the Father of Imanon , by presenting him with a Hatchet ; this is a very Famous Chief , and the Principal one the Nouragues have , and the next to him in Eminence , is the Chief of the Nouragues of Vvia . This Camiati the day after our Arrival came to his Son's Cottage , ( for his own is upon the River Aproague ) he may be about 60 Years of Age , and seems to be still very Vigorous : His Countenace tho' lean has a Warlike Mien , but withal he has a Savage Aspect ; his Humour is but very indifferent toward Strangers , tho' mild enough toward his own People , to whom according to the Fashion of the Country , he every day gives the Good-morrow , and the Good-night , from the Oldest People to Children of Fifteen Years of Age. He promis'd us to conduct us quite to the Acoquas , when his Canoo was made , to whose Country he pretended he would go himself , and desir'd but the space of Ten Days to finish this Canoo ; now tho' we knew well enough after what manner the Indians us'd to reckon , who are often Three Months in doing what they might perform in the space of Ten Days : we resolv'd however to continue with him to have the advantage of being under his Protection ; and to perswade him , if we should find him make too long a delay , to borrow another Canoo , that was at Five Days Journy distance from us ; and in the mean time to acquaint our selves with the Language of the Nouragues as much as we could , which ( as we were told ) differ'd but little from that of the Acoquas and Mercious . The Language of the Galibis , which some of us understood , and which was very Familiar to Father Bechamel was some help to us on this Occasion . This Nouragues Tongue is not of an easie and soft Pronunciation like that of the Galibis , but has a great number of Words that must be pronounc'd with very rough Aspirations , others of 'em can't be pronounc'd without shutting the Teeth ; at another time one must speak through the Nose ; and sometimes these Three difficulties all occur in the same Word . Father Bechamel immediately began to apply himself to the study of this Language ; and I made so much advantge of his Labour in which he succeeded to admiration , that by means of the Galibis Language I made a small Discourse of the Creation of the World ; to make these People know something of their Creator . Imanon the Master of this Hut was the first that took delight in hearing this Discourse , and after him the Chief himself ; and Five or Six others , as they were working would repeat in that very indiffent Galibis I could speak , these Words ; God made the Heavens , God made the Earth , &c. Here were many Men that had each of 'em Two Wives , and one of 'em who had Three ; this did not hinder me from telling 'em in the Account I gave 'em of the Creation of Mankind ; that God made but one Woman for the First Man , and that he did not allow one Man to have Two Wives . And tho' all these Nouragues perceiv'd we condemn'd their Custom of taking Two or Three Wives at a time , yet they said not a word against the Christian Law for not indulging the same Liberty . Seeing these People so docile and pliable , I was willing to try if the Songs of the Church would please 'em , and accordingly I sang the Magnificat in the first Tune , Father Bechamel and our Two Servants joyning in with me . This was so grateful to 'em , that afterwards we ordinarily sang some Hymns three-times a day to their great satisfaction . Nay some of 'em learn'd to answer to the Litanies of the Blessed Virgin , which we sang every Evening . In the mean while our Chief's Canoo went forward but very ( 11 ) slowly , and we thought we had mnch better endeavour to prevail with him to borrow another , with which he comply'd , and sent Two of his Men for this end Five Days Journey from his House , to get a convenient one for us . It was the Twenty eighth of February , when these Men parted from us , and seeing him the next day which was the First of March dispatch away another Company of his Men , we thought convenient to make use of this occasion to engage some of 'em to carry our Baggage , whom Father Bechamel accompany'd , together with one of our Servants , while I and our other Servant remain'd with the Chief , that we might give him no offence ; because we stood in need of his Protection . After I had continu'd a Fortnight with him , making all the Children say their Prayers Morning and Evening , and repeating my little Instrustions to the greatest part of those I was acquainted with , but especially to Three Young Men who were well Marry'd , confirming 'em in the Resolution they had made never to take a Second Wife ; of which promise they seem'd to make no difficulty . I set forward the Fifteenth of March , to seek Father Bechamel , and to wait for the Chief of the Cottage , who was to go by Water Five days after with his Canoo ; I had but Three Leagues to go by Land , whereas it was near Fifteen by Water . From that time I found those People still more teachable , and when the Captain return'd , among Four and twenty Persons , there were not above Three , but signified they took a great deal of pleasure in my Instructions . During our stay here , a Serpent came in the Night in the place where we lay , and bit a Hound , so that he died in 30 Hours after . This Accident was Injurious to us , because the Chief , and the Owner of the Dog attributed it to the Prayers which we sang ; so that I durst not Sing any more , but contented my self to make every body in the Cottage say their Prayers , except three ( as I said before ) namely the Chief Camiati and Two other Old Men. The Ninth of April , after I had much importun'd the Chief , that we might set forward ; he told us , he was not willing to make this Voyage , and that all his Men should go to set us in our way , and should leave us when we went ashore to go by Land to the Rivers that lead to the Acoquas , whether Four of the Company should attend us . We understood that their Voyage was determin'd without any regard to us ; however we did not scruple to pay 'em for it , being willing to make use of this Opportunity , because it was no easie matter to meet with another . However I oppos'd the Design of having so many Men go with us , because the Two Canoos they had were too small for such a Company : This was a great difficulty with us , and was not resolv'd till the next day , when we represented to the Chief , that we would leave him our little Chest , that we would take very few of our ( 12 ) things out of it for our Voyage , that when we return'd I would continue with him ; that if he was not pleas'd to assist us in our Voyage , I must return to Cayenne , that then he must never expect to see any of us again , and would have no more of our Commodities ; this made him resolve to lessen the number of his Men. The Tenth of March we parted , being Sixteen in Number , of which the Chief would needs be one for Three days , that he might bring back his Canoo . In the Evening we went ashore into the Woods , and on the Eleventh , after we had pass'd several Falls of Waters in the way we made the Two days , we Arriv'd at a Cottage of the Nouragues , Ten Leagues from the former ; here we were well receiv'd , and went forward the Third day with a Third Canoo which was very small ; it carry'd only Two Men , a Woman , and a Girl of Ten or Twelve Years Old. We passed Two Falls that were difficult enough , and Arriv'd at a Third , which the Canoo could not pass , which has oblig'd the Nouragues to make a way to draw their Canoos by Land almost half a League , this fall is at Two Degrees , and Forty Six Minutes of Northern Latitude . The Indians drew only the little Canoo by Land ; for the Chief left us and return'd back with the Two others ; and we who were then Fifteen in Number went to Embark in a great Canoo , that was above the Water-fall , which the Two Persons that were sent by Camiati had borrow'd ; Four Leagues higher , we found the Mouth of the River Tenaporibo : and went to lie in a Cottage hard by , which was yet upon the River Aproague , where we found Five Nourague Travellers , who were going to the Country of the Mercious ; besides whom there was a Woman who had a little Girl of Seven or Eight Months Old that was very ill . Imanon ( of whom I have spoken ) was now the Chief of our Company ; he is the greatest Physician ( that is the greatest Juggler ) of the Country : who tho' he is a great Hypocrite , and very much for plurality of Wives ; yet did not scruple to acquaint us , that this Child was very Sick ; when we had examin'd the matter we judged it necessary to Baptize her , which Father Bechamel did , at the time when these Travellers parted from us . I had before Baptiz'd a little Girl in the Cottage of this Imanon immediately after it was born , because the Mother of it when she brought it into the World had left it in the ( 13 ) Dirt , from whence they would not take it up for a long time , being told of this disorder , and finding they would put nothing under the Infant to keep it from the coldness of the Mud , and of the Night I baptiz'd it . The Fourteenth we left this Hutt , and presently enter'd into the River of Tenaporibo , which is very deep and rapid , tho' it winds much ; we were not the First French-Men that had been upon this River ; and we have been inform'd that Three English-Men were kill'd and Eaten there ( 14 ) some Years ago by the Nouragues : 'T is very difficult to Navigate this River , meerly because of its narrowness , and because the great Trees upon the Banks of it when they fall , often extend their Branches to the other side , so that one must either pass over or under these Trees , which is not done without a great deal of difficulty . We lay one Night in the Woods , and on the Fifteenth Arriv'd at a Hutt where we continued to the Eighteenth , which was the last Day we were upon this River , and in the Evening we saw the last Company of the Nouragues on this River , 80 Leagues from the Mouth of it : This Company consists of Four Huts , at a little distance one from another , wherein there are above Sixscore Persons , of a good natural Disposition , and very teachable : There was not one in the Cottage , where we lodg'd , but was taught by us , to pray to God every Day ; this Cottage was compos'd of several Men , some of whom were single Persons , others were married only to one Wife , with whom they liv'd very well ; and there is great Probability of making good Christians of ' em . This Cottage is at Two Degrees , Forty Two Minutes of Northern Latitude , and together with the Neighbouring ones , and two others at Two Leagues distance , might give employ to a good Missionary . We left this Hut , on the Twenty Seventh of April , towards Evening , to go and seek our Guides , who were not far off , with whom we advanc'd by Land , and went only Five Leagues among very difficult Mountains . The Twenty Ninth we travell'd about Ten Leagues , in a Way a little more pleasant , and lay in the Woods as we had done the Night before . Our Three Guides shew'd us Two Rivulets , which they said were Tenaporibo and Camopi , that were very rapid ; and Five or Six Leagues beyond , Tenaporibo is Forty Foot broad , and full Twelve in depth : And at Fifteen Leagues distance , or a little more , the River Camopi is as big as the Sein is below Paris , from whence one may conjecture what Compass it takes in its course . The Thirtieth we went to lodge upon the River Eiski , from whence Two of our Nouragues , went to the Nouragues of the River Inipi , to borrow a Canoo , and so to come again at us , where we lodg'd ; for the River Eiski runs into the Inipi . This they did for our Ease , our Journey having been very hard , considering our Weakness . The First of May they came to us again , with a pretty handsome Canoo , wherein there were Three Nouragues , that never had seen a French Man , or any other European , in their Lives . Their Aspect was very sweet , and they seem'd to be of a very tractable Disposition ; when they had seen us they returned Home , and we embarked in this Canoo , a little after Noon , and came to lodge in the Woods , upon the River Inipi , where our Guides ( 15 ) mended the Canoo ; and the next Day , being the Second of May , having gone down this River , which has a very rapid Stream , about Ten Leagues , we enter'd into the River Camopi , in which we we went Four Leagues more , and that against the Stream : For Inipi loses its Name , and with Camopi makes a great River , which goes and joyns it self to the River ( 16 ) Yapoque , Five Days Voyage from thence . Camopi is very swift , and has so many difficult Falls , that 't is no easie Matter to number them ; we went up this River the Third and Fourth of May , with a great deal of Difficulty and Danger . The Fourth of May we lay upon a flat Rock , where we found a Piece of a Min'd Cottage , the Covering of which our Men mended with Boughs : That Day we pass'd through a perilous Place , not only because of a dangerous Fall of Water ; but likewise , because it was commanded by a Cottage of Nouragues , which is the Last of that Nation , the Master of it is a Morou , the Name of an Indian Nation , one of whom was hang'd at Cayenne , above a Year ago , for killing a French Man : We had Reason to fear , that he would , after the Manner of the Indians , revenge this Man's Death upon us ; but one of our Guides , who was also a Morou , had married his Daughter , and we hop'd the Presence of this young Man , whom we then took to be a Nourague , would divert his ill Humour ; as indeed it happen'd : And after we were got ashoar upon our flat Rock , which is in the Country of the Acoquas , we were greatly comforted to see our Three Guides ask for their Supper by the Sign of the Cross , where no Person had ever done it before ; and that , without having any need to be put in mind of it . But that which still increas'd our Joy , was , that the youngest of our Guides , who might be about Seventeen Years of Age , after Supper , of his own accord , sang in the Tune of the Church , Sancta Maria , Ora pro nobis ; having been yet taught no more than that . I continued the Litanies , and he answer'd me . Towards Evening our principal Guide gave a Signal , with a sort of a Pipe , that may be heard at a great Distance . The next Day , being the Fifth of May , we had a very rainy Morning , which hinder'd us from going forward ; but notwithstanding the Rain about Nine a Clock in the Morning , we saw three young Acoquas , who were sent to know who we were , we went with them towards Noon , and about Three a Clock arriv'd soon after them , at the first Hut of the Acoquas ; which is at Two Degrees , and Twenty Five Minutes of Northern Latitude . They were mightily pleas'd to see us ; for in all appearance , they had some considerable time before heard of our Voyage . They so familiarly acquainted themselves with us , that in Three Days time , there was not one of them that refus'd to pray to God ; and we every Day put 'em upon saying their Prayers Morning and Evening . The Second Day our first Guide brought us to two other Cottages not far off ; where we were entertain'd with as much Kindness , as Strangers could desire of a Savage People : Immediately , those that liv'd about a Day 's Journey more remote receiv'd the News of our Arrival , and came to see us . They all admir'd our Hats , our Cassocks , our Shooes , a Gun ; which we made our first Guide discharge from time to time , in great Companies of 'em ; the Pictures of our Breviaries , our Writing , and the Songs of the Church , which they desir'd to hear a great many times in a Day . They heard our Instructions with Attention ; and seem'd to have very good Sentiments , and to be much affected , when we told 'em , that formerly the People of our Country were ignorant of God , and that some good People came into our Nation , who taught us , that there was a God , who would make us happy for ever in Heaven ; and what we were to do , that we might go to that blessed Place : That we were come to do them the same good Office , that they might go to Heaven as well as we . That which gives me good Hopes of the Conversion of this Nation , is , that they heard those Commands of God with Reverence , which are most opposite to their ancient Manner of living . And this gives me occasion to speak more distinctly of what I have remark'd in these Two Nations . The Nouragues and the Acoquas , in Matter of Religion , are the same with the Galibis . They acknowledge there is a God , but don't worship him . They say he dwells in Heaven , without knowing whether he is a Spirit or no , but rather seem to believe he has a Body . The Galibis call God ( 17 ) Tamoucicabo ; that is as much as to say , the Ancient of Heaven . The Nouragues and the Acoquas call him Maire , and never talk of him but in fabulous Stories : They have a great many Superstitions , which are only like the idle Tales and Fooleries of Children , in which I never observ'd 'em practise any Idolatry : But I am very much afraid their Physicians , by their juggling Tricks , debauch the Women and Maids ; for they have given me great Reason to think so . The natural Disposition of the Nouragues and Acoquas is mild ; but the more remote from the Sea the Nouragues live , the more tractable you 'll find 'em ; for the frequent Concourse they have with the Indians , on the Sea-Coasts , renders 'em more uncontroulable and difficult to be treated with . 'T is certain , the Acoquas are quite another sort of People , than the French at Cayenne imagine 'em to be , who account 'em fierce , cruel , treacherous and perfidious , to those they entertain , For if one may judge of that Nation , by near Two Hundred of 'em , whom we have seen , they are an honest , affable , pleasant People , and are very attentive and ready to receive what is said to ' em . T is true , they not long since exterminated a small Nation , and eat several of them ; but I attribute this Barbarity to the ill Custom of the Country , rather than to the Disposition of the People ; and this seems the more probable , because being inform'd Two or Three Days after our arrival , that there was half a Day 's Journey from us , some of the Flesh of a Magapa ( the Name of a People that are their Enemies ) whom they had newly kill'd with another , while they were watching their opportunity to surprize one or other of the Acoquas alone ; and besides , one of the People of the Cottage having set before us the Jaw of a young Man ; we told 'em , This was not well done , and that God forbids us to kill an Enemy , when we take him Prisoner , and to eat him afterwards : At this they look'd down very much without giving one Word of a Reply . Another time , the Master of one of the Cottages having heard , that the Galibis to hinder us from undertaking this Voyage , had threaten'd us , that we should be roasted by the Acoquas , was fill'd with great Indignation at it , and could not be pacified till I told him , I took those Galibis for Lyars and Fools : Having moreover , told 'em , I had been made Prisoner of War by the English , and restor'd to the French , without receiving any harm ; and that God would not allow us to kill those we took in War ; they seem'd pretty well to approve of this Law. And tho' this barbarous Custom is a Point so much establish'd and receiv'd in all Times among the Acoquas , and among the Nouragues too ; yet it seems , by what I have been relating , to be no difficult Matter to restrain 'em from this Savage Practice , of killing and eating their Enemies . Polygamy is a Second Obstacle which we found against the Christian Religion among these Two Nations of the Nouragues , and Acoquas ; for where there 's one Man to be found , that has but one Wife , there are six , who have each of 'em two or three . The Hope that may be conceiv'd for the eradicating of this Vice , is , not concerning Persons that are already pre-ingag'd in this evil Custom , but only those that have yet but one Wife , and young Men that are not yet married , who might be perswaded to be content with one Wife . I confess , there 's no hope of working upon the others . The Way of Living among the People of these Two Nations , is very agreeable , and has something more courteous in it , than that of the Galibis . For Instance , Among the Galibis , those that are married , dine every one apart , and those that are unmarried eat all together ; and all the Women , Maids and little Children , go to another side of the Hut to eat . The Nouragues and Acoquas do quite otherwise , for the Husband eats with his Wife , or Wives and Children with admirable Agreement and Union . They don't drink ( 19 ) much , but are great eaters ; and are always Fishing or Hunting , in which they spare no Pains , to get their Living . They are all Lyars , as well as all other Indians , that we know . And when they perceive their Lyes are discover'd , they retire , seeming to be a little asham'd , but will not fail to frame a Lye again on the next Occasion . The Nouragues endeavour'd to fright us with a great many Stories of their own Invention , to make us alter our Resolution of going to the Acoquas , that we might spend all our Stock of Goods with them ; sometimes telling us , they had seen the Track of some strange wild Beast ; sometimes that the Caranes , their Enemies , were running up and down their Woods , and that they had observ'd the Steps of Three of that Nation not far from their Hut : But when they saw they could not terrifie us , they did what we would have ' em . This Vice induces 'em to promise much , and to perform but little ; which also is occasion'd by the little Judgment they have , to esteem any thing according to the Value and Importance of it ; for this makes 'em not matter what Injury they do any one , in breaking their Word ; nor how much they dishonour themselves in so doing . To have a thorough Conception , how common this is in these Two Nations ( which is also rife among all the Indian Nations we are acquainted with ) one must compare 'em to little Children , who esteem what they see only by Fancy : They are also subject to Steal ; so that some times they must be narrowly watch'd , or else they will be pilfering one thing or other . The Nouragues make about Six or Seven Hundred Persons , the Mercious , who dwell on the West-side of 'em , are equal to 'em in Number ; the Acoquas are South of 'em , and conceal'd from us the Strength of their Nation ; however , I suppose it may be three or four times stronger than that of the Nouragues ; for having ask'd an old Woman , how many Cottages there were on one side , to which we pointed ; she told us , there were Ten ; then pointing toward the Quarter , where their Chief dwelt , she took a ( 20 ) Handful of her Hair , to signifie to us , the great Number of Cottages there were on that side . Between the Acoquas , and the Mercious , they told us , there was the Nation of the Pirios , which the Acoquas say , are equal to themselves in Strength : On the East and South-East-side are the Pirionaus , and on the East the Pirios and Magapas , and in the midst of all these Nations the Morous , who are very barbarous . These Nations all speak one and the same Language , and are understood by the Caranes , who are the Enemies of the Nouragues . They also say , the Maranes , who are a very great People , understand the same Tongue : On the South South-West of the Acoquas are the Aramisas , whose Language borders on that of the Galibis , having a great many of the same Words in it , tho' they are unacquainted with that Nation . The Acoquas say , these Aramisas are a very great Nation . If there be a Lake of Parima , these People can't be Forty Leagues distant from it on the North-side : We could get no Account of this Lake . There was not one Indian , who when we enquir'd of them , whether they did not know of a vast Place of Water like the Sea , the Sand of which is Caracoli ( for so they call Gold , Silver and Copper ) could give me the least Intelligence of it . These ( 21 ) Aramisas are in the same Longitude , wherein the Maps place the Eastern Part of the Lake of Parima . After we had been with the Acoquas Twelve or Thirteen Days , the Air grew unwholsome , by an excessive Heat , at a time when there was very little Wind ; which seldom fails to blow in those Countries ; and indeed , 't is that that renders 'em habitable . Father Bechamel was taken with a Tertian Ague , and the strongest of our Servants also fell very sick : We therefore press'd our Guides to return , since they were not willing to conduct us any farther , nor suffer the Acoquas to go and fetch their Chief , who dwelt at the Distance of Three Days Journey , from the Place where we were , with whom we would have contracted an Alliance . These Three Guides became insolent , upon the Supposition , that it was to honour them that the Acoquas came in such great Numbers ; tho' in all appearance , it was the Curiosity of seeing us French Men that brought 'em together : They became very troublesome , especially the Morou , who gave sufficient Indications of his wicked Disposition , perswading the Acoquas , that we ought to leave them all our Wares ; these so unreasonable Proposals did not much surprize us ; but to give 'em good Hopes of our Return , we left an ( 22 ) Iron Tool of Half a Crown Price with one of 'em , who had but one Wife , upon Condition , that I should have a great ( 23 ) Hamock when I came again ; promising I would then give him a Bill and a Knife , to make up what this wanted of the Value of it . I made choice of this Man on purpose to signifie what respect I had for lawful Marriages ; and he understood me very well , and promis'd me , he would not take a Second Wife , during the Life of this he already had , with whom he had liv'd at least Eight or Nine Years , for they had a Daughter about Seven Years old ; however , this Project facilitated our Return . The 25th of May we embark'd on the River Camopi , in Two Canoo's ; Father Bechamel was in the least of 'em , with our principal Nourague , and an Acoquas , who had a Mind to go with us to Cayenne ; and I went in the other with our Two Servants , the Morou , and the young Nourague , who not taking care to guide the Vessel right , let it run so near the Precipice of a great Fall of Water , that those in the other Canoo , cry'd out , believing we should be lost : But these Two young Men , with much ado , brought our Canoo under a Rock , that brake the Violence of the Stream , and getting up the Rock , with all their Might , drew the Canoo out of this Danger . 'T is abundantly more dangerous to go down these Falls , than to get up 'em ; because they chose those places where the Water runs less violently to get the Canoo up with main Strength , whereas in going down 'em they take the swiftest Part of the Stream , so that one runs a greater Hazard of one's Life , than can easily be express'd . After having pass'd these Dangers , the Second Day after we embark'd , our young Nourague , that had never run the like Risque before , said in his own Language , God is good , and is not angry with us . When we came to the Place , where we were to go by Land , betwixt the River Inipi and Tenaporibo , our Guides , who were well loaded with Hamocks , and other things , which they had bought of the Acoquas , were not willing to help us , which yet they would have done , if that Morou had not put 'em out of Humour : They walk'd very fast , as the Indians are wont to do , when they are loaded , and at last left us at Five Leagues distance from Tenaporibo ; but by the Goodness of God we got thro' without losing our Way , by following a Path , in which these Indians had thrown little Boughs , in several places where it was not easie to discern the Track ; to signifie which Way they went. When we came within Three quarters of a League of the first Cottages , we heard some Nouragues calling to us , who brought us Cassave and Fish to eat , and some Ovicou to drink . The First Day of June our young Morou , being drunk , treated us very ill , which made us resolve to return to Cayenne in another Canoo , and in the Company of other Indians , and the rather because our Distempers increas'd upon us . I had a violent Fever , and a great Cough , and Father Bechamel was very ill , as well as the lustiest of our Servants . And now as we had need of the special Assistance of Providence , to find a Conveniency for our Return ; so it pleas'd God to manifest to us , how particular a Care he took of our Preservation , in furnishing us with what we needed ; not indeed , at the Time we wish'd , nor after that Manner we thought best , but in such a Season , and in such a Way , as was most convenient for us , 'till at length we arriv'd at Cayenne . The Second Day of June we made an Agreement with the first Nourague , who had done us some Service at Caraotibo , Three Leagues from Aproague , who was of a very good Temper , and was come thither with two other Nouragues of the same Place , who had a Kindness for us , and were willing to return Home as soon as they could . We determin'd to set forward the next Day , to prevent our Morou , and our other Guides , who were elsewhere , from opposing our Design . We were to go three Leagues by Land , or Seven by Water , to get to this Man 's Canoo ; but I was so ill , I could not go by Land , and our Servant was asbad as I , so that we were forc'd to seek a Canoo , to go by Water , the Providence God provided us a little One , which we hired , that was sunk in the Water , but was big enough to carry Four of us ; namely , the Indian and his Wife , our Servant and my self . Father Bechamel , tho' very weak , had the Courage to undertake the Journey on Foot , with our other Servant . We were desirous to have gone forward the next Day , from the Place where this Nourague's Canoo lay ; but we should not have been able to have undergone this Fatigue : It pleas'd God to provide for our Welfare , on this occasion , in permitting the Indians to detain us Eleven Days in this Place , where there were near Sixty Persons : The Chief of whom , who had a Son in the Neighbourhood of Cayenne , plac'd us in a Cottage by our selves , that we might not be disturb'd , with the Noise of a great Merry-meeting they were going to have , and order'd his Wife to treat us the best she could : This was partly from his good Humour , and partly to secure his Son from receiving any ill Treatment from the French at Cayenne . God was pleas'd , during our stay here , to give us an Opportunity again , to instruct a Woman that was almost eaten up with Cancers ; so that she was at length baptiz'd by Father Bechamel , the Day before we left this Place : This Father was so weak , that he could not repeat his Breviary walking ; and yet the next Day , he was strong enough to walk near a League from thence to embark . There now remain'd but one Difficulty to encounter with , since we were in the Hands of Three very honest Nouragues ; and that was , how to get away from Camiati's Cottage , with our little Chest that contain'd all our Goods ; and to find a convenient Passage to the Mouth of the Aproague ; for I had promis'd Camiati , to continue with him after my return from the Acoquas ; and those People are not very easie , when they see us carry our Commodities out of their Cottages ; so that we had Reason to fear , that he would detain us with him , at least Two Months , before he would conduct us to the Indians , that dwell at the mouth of the Aproague : But it pleas'd God to remove all these Obstructions ; for our Three Nouragues promis'd to convey us to the Sea , upon condition that we would give 'em an indifferent Reward . And as we went by Camiati's Cottage , we found he was gone a Hunting , and those we found in his Cottage were only his Two Wives , and some Strangers , who durst not hinder us from taking our little Chest , and our Three Guides , tho' they were affraid to displease Camiati their Chief , yet knew not how to refuse to lead us to a Cottage that was a League lower , where at that time no body dwelt , and hither they were to go in order to pass by Land to Caraotibo where they dwelt , and to conduct their Wives thither , and then to come back again to us ; tho' they would fain have set us ashore at Camiati's House , and left us there . When we Arriv'd at the empty Cottage , I found my self so ill , that I thought I should have died ; but being somewhat recruited again , and perceiving the Master of the Canoo had a mind to go and speak with Camiati , and that one of our Servants desir'd to go with him , to fetch a Hound he had bought that was run away thither . I gave him an Iron-tool of half a Crown price to present from me to Camiati , that he might order his Wives to prepare me a Hamock , and bid him tell him I would pay the rest at my return , which should be as soon as I had recover'd my Health : this I did to prevent his offering any injury to our Servant , and that he might not oppose us in our design of going back . The Master of the Canoo told the Story of the Affront the Young Morou gave us , and of the ill Condition of my Health , so well to Camiati ; that when he had receiv'd the Present I sent him , he would needs accompany me to the Mouth of the Aproague , to the Cottage of the Chief of the Sapayes , whom he had had a mind to Visit a great while , being his very good Friend . He came accordingly the next day with one of his Sons , who was about Thirthy Years of Age , and his Two Wives , and sent home Two of our Guides , taking their places , he sent the Woman , and one of our Servants one League by Land. Our other Servant continued in the Canoo to row , or to use the Term of the Country to Pagay , with these Three stout Nouragues ; we also remain'd in the Canoo , by reason of our Weakness , which would not suffer us to go this League by Land. They lighted the Canoo thus , that they might the better pass a fall of the River , that was so rough and difficult , that the Indians could not choose but turn pale at the extreme danger we were in . One time amongst others they toil'd so hard to keep the Canoo from being carry'd down a precipice of Water , that when they had made shift to get under a Rock , that breaks the Violence of the Stream , they were forc'd to rest themselves for half a quarter of an Hour , because they were so much spent , that they could scarce fetch their Breath . I have twice been very near being cast away in two Ships , but the sight of this fall of the River was more dreadful to me , than any thing I ever saw at Sea. The Nineteenth of June we pass'd down Two of these Falls , at the first they sent the Women away by Land , and cross'd the River to know of a Galibi that was lately come thither to make a new Cottage , what course they had best take to avoid being over-set , because the Bed of the River declin'd , so that it gave an extraordinary rapidity to the Stream ; and besides there were a great many Rocks under water , against which we were liable to be dash'd , and so cast away . And observing our Men were in a great perplexity in their minds about it , notwithstanding all the directions this Man gave 'em , we intreated him to conduct us through this difficult passage , promising him a Fishing-hook for his pains , which he willingly undertook , and happily perform'd . At the Second which was the last we met with upon the Aproague , we all went ashore and walk'd along the River-side upon very uneven Rocks , and the Nouragues held the Canoo by a Line which they tied behind it , and so let it go gently down this place , which is very dangerous at Low-water , for the Flowing of the Tide covers it , tho' 't is Twenty Leagues up the River . After we had pass'd these many difficulties by the mercy of God ; we at last had no Cassave left , no Meat nor Fish , nor Ovicou , when we were distant a days Voyage and a half from the Cottage of the Sapayes , but God of his Goodness was pleas'd to make Provision for our great necessity ; for as we coasted along the River we saw a Dog barking ; upon which the Nouragues call'd out to know if any body were a Hunting , and presently to their great joy perceiv'd it was their good Friend , the Chief of the Sapayes , who came to us , and saluted us all with demonstrations of Friendship . We did what the Nouragues would not venture to do , that is , to ask him to sell us some Provision ; acquainting him , that neither we nor the Nouragues had any left . When he understood in what necessity we were , he sent to fetch his Canoo , which was a large one , and very well stor'd with Cassave , Ovicou , Meat and Fish ( 24 ) Boucaneed ; which he furnish'd us and the Nouragues , and we paid him for it immediately . He told us his Lodging was a League off , whither he would come and meet us in the Evening , and that because his little half-cover'd Hut had only room enough for him and his Men , we must make another for our selves . He came according to his word toward Night , and the next day he made Father Bechamel and me go into his Canoo , because he thought the Nouragues Canoo was over-loaded . On the 21st we Arriv'd at the Cottage of this Chief of the Sapayes , where we were kindly entertain'd . We were no sooner got thither , but we began to think how we should get from thence to Cayenne ; and we could think of no better way , than to perswade the Chief of the Sapayes to conduct us thither himself , which would have taken up Three Weeks time , and would have been a great charge to us , but the Providence of God had made Provision for us , for the next day we were inform'd that a Chief of the Galibis would come the day following to take a Sapaye with him to go to Cayenne , and from thence to Maroui , from whence he was to fetch his Son , who had been there with the Sapayes for Two Years , as well as the Son of the Chief of the Sapayes . He was willing to take us in his Canoo for a small matter , and we went to Lodge at a small Island , which is in the River at a pretty good distance from the Sea ; here we stay'd the Twenty fourth of June . I observ'd that the Sea came up here Eight Foot high , and concluded from thence , because it covers the last Fall of the River , that it declines but Eight Foot in the space of Twenty five Leagues from the Sea. In the Night they heard the Cry of a Bird , and said to one another in the Galibis Tongue , Hark how the Devil cries ; I reprov'd 'em , telling 'em they were mistaken , and that the Devil had no Body , but was a Spirit as our Souls are , which they confess to be Invisible and Immortal , which yet they do not say of the Devils , but pretend that their Physicians or Piaies kill 'em with great Clubs . The Nouragues of one Cottage made the Figure of a Man in the the way by which they thought the Devil came to their Cottage in the Night , to make 'em Sick ; that so while he stop'd at this Fantome and took it to be a Nourague , the Piaies that watch'd for him might take their opportunity , when they saw him , to knock him on the head . We parted from this Island to go and lodge at Co , from whence the next day we saw a great many Canoos of the Galibis at Sea , which were going toward the River of Amazons , these the Master of our Canoo , and the Sapaye went to visit , drawing their Canoos along over the Mud at Low-water , and found in one of 'em the Two Young Men they were going to seek for at Maroui . They had now nothing to do but to carry us to Cayenne ; and because the Sea was so rough , that they could not well bear up against it , we desir'd 'em to set us ashore at Mahuti , the first place we could land at in the Island of Cayenne , which they compass'd with a great deal of Labour . As soon as I set my Foot upon the Sand , I fell down upon my Knees to thank God for the Protection he had favour'd us with for a Hundred and Seventy Leagues , since we came from the Country of the Acoquas , for our whole Voyage was Two hundred and forty Leagues . We went to lodge at the House of Mons . Fontain , whose Estate lies in this part of the Island ; and he receiv'd us with great Joy. The next day being the Twenty seventh , Father Bechet came to fetch us with Two Horses , and we borrow'd another of ( 25 ) Monsieur Fontaine , and so Arriv'd at the Fort of Cayenne , where the Governor was pleas'd to treat us with all imaginable Friendship . And all the People came about us , to see us , and to signifie the geat affection they had to us . In three Months I hope by the Grace of God to Visit the Marshes of the Aracarets , the Palicours , the Mayes , the Marones , and the Coussades , whose Habitations stand more thick and close one to another , than those I have given an account of in this Relation . Here 's a great Field open'd to the Gospel-Labourers , into which I am ready to conduct those that are willing to employ themselves in it , as well as to discover to 'em a great many other Nations : Being fully resolv'd by the Grace of God to expose my Life for so Glorious a purpose , as the Propagation of the Gospel , and the Conversion of such Numbers of People . NOTES UPON THE TRAVELS OF Father JOHN GRILLET , AND Father FRANCIS BECHAMEL , Jesuits , INTO GVIANA . Note ( 1 ) in the Letter . A Fort which the Dutch took from the English Fourteen or Fifteen Year ago , on which the English Colony depends , which is pretty Numerous , and was Establish'd there Eight or Ten Years before under the Command of the Lord Willoughby . This Fort was built by the French in 1644 , they quitted it in 1646 , for the Reasons that have been reported in divers Relations . Note ( 2 ) P. 3. This River discharges it self into the Sea on the East-side of the Cayenne . Note ( 3 ) Ibid. Of Ovicou they make a sort of Drink of the Consistence and Colour of Milk , by steeping it in Water , it will keep a Month or Six Weeks in a kind of Baskets lin'd with the Leaves of Bonana-Trees , which are 4 or 5 Foot long , and above 2 Foot wide . Note ( 4 ) Ibid. The Brother of the Marquis de la Barre , who was formerly Governor , and the King's Lieutenant General in the American Islands , both by Sea and Land , and is now a Captain of one of his Majesty's Ships . Note ( 5 ) P. 4. The Mouth of this River is 14 Leagues Eastward from Cayenne . Note ( 6 ) P. 5. This is one of the Nations that fled into the Country of the Galibis . Note ( 7 ) Ibid. In these Huts or Cottages the Indians hang their Hamocks or Cotton-beds when the Sun sets , in which they repose themselves all Night . They ordinarily rise with the Sun , and then their Wives take down their Beds and Hamocks , and hang 'em in the Carbet , which is their kind of Hall or Out-house , the Props of which not only serve to support the Roof , which is made of Palm-leaves , but also to hang up all the Beds of the Men and Boys in the Family , and those of Strangers , when at any time they entertain ' em . This Carbet is plac'd Ten or Twelve paces on the upper-side of the Cottage , in which the Women always leave their own Beds . At one end of the Cottage they commonly make Cassave , and their Liquor Ovicou ; this part of it serves for the Kitchin , and for all the Work that belongs to the subsistance of the Family . Some of these Cottages have a Loft above to hang their Beds in in the Night ; and then the lower-part of the Hut serves for the Carbet ; where the Men spend the day ( when they are at home ) in making their Bows and Arrows , and what other conveniencies they want ; for their business is different from that of the Women in these Parts , as well as in most other Places . But there 's one thing belonging to the other Sex which the Men have usurp'd , that deserves to be treated on in a particular Article , of which I shall only speak a word or two here by the by . They go to bed , when their Wives are deliver'd , and receive the Compliments of their happy delivery as if they had endur'd the pain , and accordingly answer their Visitors as the Women do on the like occasion in other places . This Custom is not peculiar to the Galibis , but is us'd in a great many other Nations of Brasil , and in other parts of America . 'T is farther to be noted , that their Carbets are the places where they hold their Consultations , and deliberate on their most weighty Affairs , which is ordinarily done with great Solemnity ; those that are concern'd and invited , assembling together from divers places for this purpose . Note ( 8 ) Ibid. This Nation dwells near the mouth of the River of Amazons . Note ( 9 ) P. 7. This is the ordinary Bread of the Country , made of a sort of Root , which they scrape , and then press to get the Water out of it , which is a cold Poison , and will kill Men , or Beasts if they drink but half a glass of it ; which for all that may be put in Sauces and Pottage , and gives 'em a better relish , provided it be but boyl'd tho' never so little , afterwhich it has no pernicious quality . Note ( 10 ) P. 11. Piaie is a Name which the Galibis give their Physicians , who besides the practise of Physick pretend also to Divination ; but they profess neither , till they have made divers Experiments , one of which is so dangerous that it often makes 'em burst . They stamp the green Leaves of Tobacco , and squeeze out the Juice of it , of which they drink the quantity of a large Glass full ; so that none but those that are of a very robust Constitution , who try this practise upon themselves , escape with their Lives . Besides divers sorts of Plants , Gumms , and Wood they use to cure diseases and wounds , they have a way of sucking their Patients in that part of the Body in which they feel their pain ; and this method is most commonly very successful . Note ( 11 ) P. 15. The reason why they employ so much time in making their Canoos is because after they have chosen and fell'd a Tree , and have with a Hatchet made it hollow , about the breadth of half a Foot , and about the same depth through the whole length of it , they hollow the rest of it with a gentle Fire ; and this work , which goes on very slowly ; continues in proportion to the bulk of the piece of Timber , and to the length they give their Canoo . This way of making their Canoos is very tedious , but tends much to their duration , so that they scarce ever rot , because after they are thus made , the Worm never touches 'em , which is also partly owing to the hardness of the Wood ; there being scarce any betwixt the Tropicks but has this quality . Note ( 12 ) P. 17. The Commodities that have vent among these Nations are Hatchets , Bills , Knives , Looking-glasses , Hooks , &c. Note ( 13 ) P. 19. 'T is the Custom of this Nation to use their Children after this manner . Note ( 14 ) Ibid. In the Year 1625 , the English attempted to make a Settlement at Cayenne , & these Three who were devour'd by the Indians were probably some of 'em , for their Establishment did not succeed , they being defeated by the Indians , for not managing themselves well towards ' em . Their Principal Plantation was at Cayenne , upon the River Remire . The same disappointment befel the Dutch some Years after . Note ( 15 ) P. 21. The Poop of great Canoos being commonly joyn'd to the rest , they caulk it with a sort of fat Earth , which the Water in a little time washes away , and therefore they are oblig'd to put it in a fresh from time to time ; and this they call mending or refitting a Canoo . Note ( 16 ) P. 22. The mouth of this River enters into the Amazone , and into the River of Cayenne , about 20 Leagues from the Aproague ; 't was from hence that Mons . Lecy , the Governor of Cayenne , with 10 Men drove away 6 or 700 of the Dutch , in the last Wars we had with them ; tho' they had a Fort there with some pieces of Canon : At the same time they were likewise twice driven from the River Aproague , where they also had a Fort defended with Canon . Note ( 17 ) P. 25. Tamouci , or Tamechi signifies Old , and Cabo signifies Heaven in the Galibian Tongue . Note ( 18 ) P. 27. Line 9. When the English came from Barbadoes , with 4 or 5 Frigats , to make a descent upon Cayenne in the Year 1666 , Father Grillet was Superior of the Jesuits there , and was some time amongst the English , who left him there with the rest of the Colony when they went away . Note ( 19 ) P. 28. 'T is true , they drink but little or nothing at their ordinary meals till they have done eating , and then commonly drink one draught ; but when they assemble together , either for Warlike Enterprizes , or to begin a Canoo , or to launch it when 't is made , and when they make a Chief , or admit him into their Council , after they have expos'd him to several rude kind of Trials ; they have extraordinary Rejoycings , which frequently hold 3 or 4 days , continuing till they have drank up all their Liquor ; which is what the French call Faire un Vin. For these occasions they make 3 or 4 different sorts of Drink , some of which become very strong by fermentation , as that which they call Palinot , which they make with Cassave that is bak'd more than ordinary : The pieces of which they pile up one upon another when they are very hot , and keep 'em thus till they begin to be mouldy , after which they mix them with Potatoes , which they cut in small pieces as well as the Cassave , and put them in great Earthen Jarrs , then they pour a proportionate quantity of Water upon 'em , and so leave all to ferment and work together till this Liquor is as strong as they desire ; which is after about 5 or 6 days fermentation . They strain it before they use it , and then 't is of the Colour and Consistence of Beer , of a much better tast , but much more heady and intoxicating . They have besides a great many sorts of drink , the diversity of which Results from the different Fruits of which they make ' em . But that which they ordinarily make use of , is as white as Milk , and of the same consistence . It is very refreshing and nourishing , and is compos'd of Cassave bak'd after their ordinary manner , and Potatoes boil'd with it , till they are of the consistence of Paste , this they put into Baskets lin'd with the Leaves of Bonano-trees , in which it keeps good for a Month , and then begins to grow sower , but not quite so soon if it be kept in a cool place . When they use it they steep as much as they have present occasion for in a sufficient quantity of Water , and if they are at leisure they strain it : But they often only steep it , and drink it without straining , and if Sugar or Sugar-cains bruis'd be mix'd with it , it comes very near the tast , and colour , and consistence of Orgeate , the use of which the French have taken from the Italians some Years since . This drink is call'd Ovacou upon the Continent ; and Ovicou in the Islands . 'T is believ'd that the reason why the Europeans can never attain to make it so good as the Indians do , is because these chew the Potatoes and Cassave , before they boil 'em together , and understand better what degree of boyling they require , to give this Liquor its greatest perfection . But the seeing this way of its preparation turns ones stomach more than the reading of it ; and the Wine that washes the dirty Feet of the Grape-gatherers as they tread the Grapes is no less nauseous , but the Fermentation both of the one and the other corrects all this uncleanliness . Note ( 20 ) P. 30. This is their common way of expressing things they cannot number , saying Enoura , which signifies [ thus much . ] Note ( 21 ) P. 31. This Nation is situated towards the Source of the River Maroni , the Mouth of which is about 50 Leagues from Cayenne Westward , and 30 from the River Surinam ; where the Dutch have a Fort , which the French built in the Year , 1644 , and were oblig'd to quit in 1646 , for want of Help from France . This Fort is 3 Leagues from the Mouth of the Surinam , on the Right-hand as you enter into it . The Lord Willoughby retir'd thither in 1648 , or 1649 , with a Colony of 1000 or 1200 English , who endeavour'd to support the Interest of the King of England against Cromwell , in the Barbadoes ; that is , those of the Antilles , or Antego Islands , which the English have ; for the English call all those Islands , the Barbadoes , as the French call all the Antilles they possess , St. Christopher's Islands . Note ( 22 ) P. 32. There are several sorts of Tools proper for the Indians , of the Value of about Half a Crown , Two Shillings , Twenty-pence , Fifteen-pence , &c. as Hatchets or Axes , Bills , with Wooden Handles , others with Iron Handles , in the Socket of which they may be fix'd or taken off at Pleasure ; and such little Planing-Axes , as Cooper's Use ; this Tool serves the Indians in making their Canoos , particularly in hollowing the inside of the Tree , they design for that use : They also use Plains to smooth the outside of the Canoos , as well as for other Works . Note ( 23 ) Ibid. A Hamock is an Indian Bed , made of Cotton ; tho' they all hang 'em up by the two ends , when they would lie in 'em , sometimes upon 2 Trees , at 10 or 12 Foot distance , and sometimes at two of the Posts that support their Houses , or their Carbets ; yet they differ very much both in the Stuff and Work. For Instance , All the Hamocks that are made from the River of Amazons to the Orenoque , are of Cotton , made full , and almost all without Fringe on the sides ; most of 'em colour'd with Rocou , or red Paint , quarter'd in Flourishes that are made with pretty good Proportion and exactness ; these are most esteem'd for Use , especially in the Islands , because they last a great while ; and are stronger than those of Brazil , which are so thin , one may generally see through 'em , and are made of twin'd Cotton , much finer than those of Guiana , which are also made of twisted Cotton-thread , but courser . Those of Brazil have all a great Fringe on each side , and have for the most part very much work about 'em , the Brazilian Women are so ingenious , that there is scarce two of their Cotton Beds in a hundred , which are brought from the same place , that are made just alike : The Galibis paint most of 'em Red , after they are made , and while they are yet upon the Loom . The Brazilian Women make scarce any but white Hamocks ; and if they mix either Red , or Blue , or Green , with the White , or all of 'em together ( as they do frequently ) they work 'em with Thread ready dyed , and so the Men don't touch 'em ; whereas in Guiana these Beds are painted only by the Men , the Women leaving this Work to them , when they have finished the Web : They weave 'em after the following Manner , as well in Brezil as in Guiana . All their Implements are two round Sticks , about 8 or 9 Foot long , and 3 or 4 Inches Diameter ; the two Ends of one of these round Sticks lie a-cross upon two Pieces of Wood , about 8 or 9 Foot from the Ground , more or less , according to the Length the Work-woman is order'd , or designs her self to make her Bed. The other round Stick hangs directly under this , and 't is to these two round Sticks that the Warp of the Hamock is fasten'd , after which they have a kind of Shuttle , which they put through the Threads , to weave it after the Manner of our Gloth : But because they put their Shuttle through Thread by Thread , one above and the other below ; this Work is extreamly tedious , and has need of no less Patience than theirs . Those of Brazil having much more work about 'em , require the more Time and Industry to make 'em ; but one sort and another are very much bought in the Islands , where almost all the Europeans make use of 'em ; and they are very good to use in Europe , especially in those Places , where they have but bad and uncleanly Beds , particularly Spain and Italy , whither one might carry 'em without much trouble , they being very light ; for the biggest of 'em don't weigh above 5 or 6 Pound , and those of Brazil not above half so much , because they are thin and fine ; with 2 Pegs , or 2 great Nails they may be hang'd up any where . The Indians place the Props of their Houses at a convenient distance one from another , for this Purpose : They don't go out far into the Country without these Beds ; and there are always enough left in their Houses for Strangers . This sort of Beds is likewise us'd almost in all Southern America , to carry wounded or sick People in ; those that are put to this use , have at each end a great Ring , through which they put a Pole of a sufficient length for the Bed , and strong enough to bear a Man's Weight : And thus two Indians , one before and t'other behind , carry the sick Man , supported in his Hamock , by the Pole which they bear upon their Shoulders . The Arouagues , the Araotes , and most of the other Nations , toward the River Orenoque , make their Beds of the Thread of Pite , in Net-work , which they hang up after the Manner the other do their Cotton Hamocks . Pite is a kind of Hemp or Flax , but much longer and whiter , of this they make their Cords for the Tackling of the Masts and Sails of their Canoos , as for other Occasions ; this Pite is also much lighter and stronger than Hemp , and nothing near so apt to rot in the Water ; they make very fine Thread of it to mend their Arrows , and for other such uses . Perhaps the Aloe Yuccae foliis , Catal. Plantar . Jamaic . p. 118. Note ( 24 ) P. 40. Boucanee that is , dry'd without being salted , upon a kind of Grate made of Sticks , plac'd about 3 Foot above the Fire , they Boucanee Meat as well as Fish ; and the Word Boucaniers comes from this , because they usually live upon Meat or Fish dress'd after this Manner . This Name was given to the French in the Island of St. Domingo ; because , before they had Houses , as they now have in the Western Part of the Island , they liv'd only upon Beef thus dress'd ; and sold the Hides of the Bulls and Cows , which they kill'd , to the Captains of Ships , for Guns , Powder and Shot , Shirts and Drawers , which was all their Equipage . They were then Vagabonds in the Island , and had no Houses , but now are settled there , and plant a great deal of Tobacco in spight of the Spaniards . They are under the Command of the Governour of la Tortue , a small Island that lies near St. Domingo , on the West-side : And 't is suppos'd , that the Number of these Boucaniers surpasses that of all the rest of the French in those American Islands , call'd the Antilles . These Boucaniers have perform'd such surprizing Exploits against the Spaniards at Porto-Velo , at Panama , in New Spain , and elsewhere , that what we are told in the Accounts of the Country concerning 'em are almost incredible , but that a Spaniard has lately taken care to immortalize their Memory ; who has in his own Language given us the History of divers Expeditions of these Adventurers , in a Volumn in 4to . Printed at Cologne , in the Year 1681 , with Figures . Note ( 25 ) P. 43. Monsieur Fontaine is Commissary , or Assistant to Monsieur Fouret , who has very fine Sugar-Works at Cayenne . A RELATION OF GVIANA , AND OF THE COMMERCE THAT May be Settled there . GViana is a great Country , on the Continent of Northern America , which extends in Latitude , from the Equinoctial Line , to the Tenth Degree , on the side of the Arctique Pole , and in Longitude from the River of Amazons to the Orenoque , which contains near Four Hundred Leagues on the Sea-Coasts , with an immense Stretch into the Countries that border upon Brazil , on the South-side , and New Audalousia on the West . Our French Seamen are wont to call Guiana by the Name , of the North-Cape , because that is the most remarkable Cape on that Coast ; and those that have Business in those Parts , commonly put ashoar there , to get some Knowledge of the Country . This Cape is between the 2 and 3 Degrees of Northern Latitude , and between the 345 and the 346 Degrees of Longitude . This Part of the Continent is water'd with abundance of Rivers , some of which will carry great Vessels up a considerable Way beyond the Mouths of 'em ; and upon the Shoars of 'em ; an infinite Number of Plantations might be made , which would turn to a very considerable Account , as well in regard of the Traffick that might be made with the Natives , and the Fishing-Trade that might be carried on in these Rivers , and along the Sea-Coast , as of the Product of the Labour and Industry of the Planters . The divers Settlements the French have made there at different Times , sufficiently prove the Possibility of living in good Correspondence with the Indians , provided they be treated civilly ; and with more Honesty and Sincerity than * they have done , who have hitherto had the Conduct of these kind of Enterprizes , fall into their Hands . The ill Treatment the Natives have receiv'd from them , for which they have sometimes made themselves amends by way of Reprizal , have not render'd 'em irreconcileable , as we have been taught by Experience , when we have made tryal of it on different Occasions . They are tolerably endued with good Sense , which they have opportunity to cultivate and refine by a long Train of Experiences , with which the many Years they live , furnish 'em : For they count a Man dies young , if he don't live above 100 Years . They have a pretty good Judgment , and have good rational Thoughts , about things within the Compass of their Notice , and within the Reach of the Light of Nature , with which alone they are furnish'd . They observe their Words with great Exactness , and inviolably practise the Maxim , of not doing to others , what they would not have others do to them . They are rather inclin'd to Peace than War , which yet they engage in , either when they have some just Quarrel , or when Revenge or Honour prompt 'em to it . They are sufficiently industrious , and although they have both Patience and Skill in Fishing and Hunting , yet they have the Fore-sight , not to let their Subsistance depend upon Hazard ; and therefore willingly cultivate their Ground , in proportion to their Occasions , and the Bigness of their Families . Before Europe had furnish'd them with Tools of Iron and Steel for this Purpose , they made themselves some of hard Stones ; but besides that the Labour of making 'em was intolerable , the Pains they took in using of 'em , was also so very great , that they laid aside the use of 'em , as soon as they found they could do more Work in a Day with our Hatchets , Bills and Knives , than they could do in 6 Months with their Stone Tools ; which now are good for nothing , but to be kept in the Closets of the Curious , as so many Proofs of the wonderful Patience of those People . They speak a Tongue , which is not only understood by all the Nations , which the Spaniards on one side , and the Portugese on the other , have oblig'd to retire into Guiana ; but is also intelligible to the Carraibes , who are the Natives of the Antilles , and use this Language : Which I have known by the Indians of the Isles of St. Vincent , St. Domingo , and others where I had occasion to converse with them . In short , this Language is spoken for the Space of above Four Hundred Leagues on the Sea-Coasts , and in many Places above Sixscore Leagues up in the Country . They bring up all sorts of tame Fowl , which they exchange with us for Toys , as well as wild Fowl , and other Game , which is there in great Plenty ; as also abundance , both of Sea , and Fresh-water Fish . They build us Houses after their Fashion , which are commodious enough for the Country ; they clear our Ground and carry our Letters , they serve to load and unload Merchant Ships ; and in a Word , there 's scarce any kind of Service but may be obtain'd of 'em by a courteous Carriage , and by giving 'em a few Trifles of a small Value , when they have occasion for ' em . They undertake even to load Ships entirely with a kind of Fish , which they catch in the Rivers with a sort of Harping-Iron ; and this they perform upon such reasonble Terms , that those who follow this Trade by their Means , always find an extraordinary Profit in it ; because the Vent of 'em is always speedy and certain in the Islands , where there is a great Consumption of 'em made ; so that one may say , this sort of Fish , and the Sea-Tortoise , are the Cod-fish of the Continent , and the Antego Islands . And 't is the Manna , upon which the Colonies between the Tropiques live , as much as many of the Europeans , and some others , do upon Cod-fish . This Fishing Trade is practis'd all the Year in most of the Rivers on this Coast , except the Fishing for Tortoise , which holds but 3 or 4 Months in the Year ; during which , the Females come to lay their Eggs in the Sand , beyond the Marks that are left of the highest Tides , and that in so great abundance , ( especially on the Shoars that are least frequented ) as can hardly be imagin'd : For 10 Men can turn as many of 'em in a Night , as 100 can dress in a Week . In the Night , which is the only time they take to lay their Eggs , they wait 'till they have pass'd the Bounds , which the highest Tides have mark'd , and then turn 'em upon their Backs , and being once in this Posture , they can by no means recover themselves upon their Feet to go back into the Sea. Among the Plants which the Indians cultivate in their Plantations , Cotton is one of those that principally employs 'em , especially the Women who make this their particular business ; and thus find means to adorn themselves ; for they know how to spin it as fine as can be desir'd . And if the disorders that have happen'd in the Colonies upon the Continent , had not hinder'd the Establishing a Regular Traffick of it , which might have been easily accomplish'd ; I say , if it had not been for this , all Europe might have been furnish'd with it , in all manner of ways in which it could have been imploy'd , without costing the French any more trouble or charge in a manner , than that of receiving it ; because of the natural and general inclination the Indians have both for Work , and for Finery ; esteeming a grain of Christal to hang about their Neck or at their Ears , as much as we should do a Diamond of the same bigness . Besides , it being well known , that Cotton is one of those Commodities that are consum'd the most in Europe , and the Price of which is least varied , the Inhabitants of the Islands would never have left off cultivating it , if there had been Women enough to spin it , without which it can't be Transported but with a great deal of Trouble , and little Profit . The Hamocks or Cotton-beds which the Indians sell us for a Bill or Hatchet , are afterwards sold in the Islands with considerable Advantage ; every one there having one of 'em , and there are none of them brought from any other Country than Guiana , except from Brasil , and that but rarely , because of the small Commerce the French have there . Their Rocou is a red Die , and valuable when 't is natural , such as the Indians sell us , before it has been falsified by Forreigners , who carry it into Europe . See Vrucu in Catal. Plant. Jamaic . P. 150. There are to be had among 'em likewise divers sorts of Gumms , Woods , and Roots proper for Physick , which are good Commodities in France , as well as several sorts of Wood proper for Dying ; and for making of Cabinets and Inlaid Works , among which is the Letter-wood , which the French call Bois de la Chine , and which grows in no other place in the World but on this part of the Continent . The Natives cut it and carry it in great burthens quite to the Ships so cheap , that a 1000 weight of it comes to but a Crown ; whereas that quantity was a long time sold for a 100 Crowns , and never for less than 150 Livres . Besides those Animals that are fit for sport ; as Apes of divers kinds , Sapajous , Tamarins , Sagovius , Parrots , Arras and Tocaus : I omit a great many other things , which this Country produces ; and one may say , this large Compass of Ground has moreover this Advantage above the Islands of America , that there is no fear of tiring it ; as we are taught by Experience , the Island of St. Christopher , and others have been in a little Space of Time , where the Land is become almost barren , meerly by being over-burden'd with continual Crops , because it can never be suffer'd to rest , by Reason of the small Portion of Ground that every Inhabitant possesses ; which yet does not hinder 'em from raising every Year a prodigious Quantity of Sugar , besides Ginger , Indigo , Cassia , and other Commodities that are cultivated and made there . This Country of Guiana is diversified with Hills , Plains and Meadows ; and there are scarce any Mountains but would turn to a good Account , if they were manur'd : The Land is every where so fertile , that one Man may easily get , with his own Hands , a Livelihood for Twenty People , the Cultivation of it is so very easie . The Fruits of it are excellent , and very plentiful ; and all our sorts of Corn grow there all the Year round , without distinction of Seasons , and that in a very little time : And there being no Winter , the Trees are alternately cover'd with Blossoms and Fruits , and always with Leaves . The Air is very good , and the Climate very Temperate , tho' it be between the Tropiques ; for the Heat is continually mitigated by a fresh East-wind , which blows all the Year , except in the Night , when the Breezes come from the Land , which are only felt one or two Leagues toward the Sea. The Waters are excellent , and keep good throughout the longest Voyages , as has been often experienc'd in Europe , where they are never found to stink at the Return of the Ships , that have taken in their Provision of 'em in this Country . It must not be omitted , that there are on this Coast a great many Islands so proper for the Feeding of Cattle , that provided some necessary Precautions be observ'd , there is no doubt but there would in a short time be as great a Number of 'em produc'd ( if a Stock were carried thither ) in proportion , as in the other Islands , whither Ships go every Day for Hides ; as they do to St. Domingo , and elsewhere . This Account being drawn up only as a Succinct Memoir of Guiana in general , and of Cayenne in particular ; I thought not meet to extend it further , nor to give the Detail of a Country , where the French have now a Colony , from whence a more ample Information may be expected . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65182-e470 † Nat. Sotvelli Bibliothec. Scriptor . Societ . Jesu . Romae , 1677. Fol. * Nic. Antonii Bibioth . Hispan . ‖ Dissert . de M. Villamont , and Hist . du Monde par Chevreau . † Description de la Riviere & Pais des Amazones per M. Le Comte de Pagan 12 o , Paris 1655. * Lopez de Gomara , also Hakluyt , and Purchas in their Collections concerning Guiana . † Herrera , and John de Laet speak doubtfully of these places . * Barth . de las Casas ( obispo de las Chiapas ) Hist . dela destrucion de los Indios , Venet. 1630. Also Hist . novi orbis per Hier. Benzon . And the Comment . Reales delos Yncas , Reyes del Peru. fol. ‖ Pet. Martyr . Decad. 3. cap. 10. ‖ Ant. Galvanos 's Discoveries , 4 o and Fol. * Herrera D. 6. l. 3. c. 18. Notes for div A65182-e2300 * A Castillan is about 5 s. 6 d. English . Note . This Pege Buey is very common in all the Rivers along the Coast of the Continent , and is call'd by the English Manati . There is a great Vend for 'em in the Antilles or Antego-Islands , whither the Captains of Merchant-Ships carry 'em , who buy 'em of the Indians that fish for 'em in the Rivers , for Knives and Bills , and make the Sea-men bone 'em and salt 'em , that they may keep till they have opportunity to sell ' em . * Note . At the time when this Voyage was made , the Dutch , who were at War with the Spaniards , had conquer'd and possess'd themselves of almost all Brazil , the Dutch West-India Company then having Prince Maurice de Nassau for the General of all their Troops both by Sea and Land. * He means the Lake of Parima , which all Geographers place under the Equinoctial Line in Guiana , and upon the Banks of which is that pretended City of Manoa del Dorado , which the Peruvians built when they fled thither to save themselves from the Cruelty and Tyranny of the Spaniards , according to the opinion of many of their Authors ; which has often engag'd that Nation in very expensive Attempts : but the Hopes of finding this rich Countrey have still fail'd of success . The Essay that Sir Walter Raleigh made to this purpose , and which he was so eagerly set upon , was no less unhappy ; for it cost him his Son's Life , who was killed by the Spaniards in this Expedition , as well as his own Head , which was taken off at London by King James soon after his Return from America . And indeed this Manoa del Dorado may be called the Philosophers Stone , or rather the Spaniards Chimera , in search of which they have imploy'd immense Sums to no purpose , at several Times , and under several Commanders , and must needs have lost a great number of Men in above sixty different Expeditions or Attempts which they have made . * This Meal of Magnioc the Author speaks of , is bak'd and eaten instead of Bread or Cassave , as well in this Country he speaks of , as on almost all the Coasts of Brazil , where the Captains of Ships store themselves with it , when they are in want of Bisquet . This kind of Meal will not only keep good oftentimes as far as Portugal , but will sometimes serve again in other Voyages , when they are over-stock'd with it . It has this Property with it , that 't is more fit for long Voyages than Cassave , because it keeps better . 'T is true it becomes very insipid at last , and so would the best Bread we make , if kept as long . And 't is further to-be noted , that this bak'd Meal can't be made into Bread , and that the Indians bake it in great Earthen Basons over the Fire almost as Confectioners do their Sweat-meats ; after which they dry it yet more in the Sun , when 't is prepar'd for long Voyages . When you are past the River of Amazons , the Indians on the other side of the Line know neither how to make it , nor the use of it ; they only make Cassave , which is Bread made of this same Meal of Magnioc before it is bak'd : There is also a particular way of preparing that to make it keep well for long Voyages , but not so well as this bak'd Meal . * The Guiana is a considerable part of the Continent , and not one of the Islands of the Ocean , as our Author seems to signify in this place ; yet it may well enough be said , that he spake more truly than he thought , and that the River Orenoque , or Paria , parting from the River of Amazons , to come afterwards to discharge it self into the Sea over against the Island of La Trinidada , betwixt the ninth and tenth Degrees of Northern Latitude ; it may very well be , I say , that Guiana by these means becomes an Island , comprehending all that Extent of Land between the Mouth of Orenoque and that of the Amazone , quite to the place where these two great Rivers divide to take their Course asunder , till they fall into the Sea at above 300 Leagues distance one from another . All this Interval is what Geographers commonly call in their Maps the Coast of Guiana . In this place the Island of Cayenne is situate , which is so famous either for the divers Adventures which the French Colonies have had at several times in establishing themselves there , or for the divers Battels they have had as well with the Indians as the Europeans , to maintain their Ground there , in which they have succeeded so well , that 't is now one of the most considerable and advantageous Colonies they have in all America . * The Aroba is a Weight of 25 Pounds , as the Quintal is of a 100 Pounds . * Note , That this Discovery was made at a time when the Portuguez were continually driving the Dutch from one Garison or another in Brazil , of which they had possess'd themselves not long before ; and the Conquest the Dutch made of this Country was the occasion of the Establishment of the West-India Company in Holland , as well for the carrying on of Trade in this part of America which the Portuguez possess'd , as for the compleating of the Conquest of it . But 't is now above 30 Years since they have had any thing beyond the Line . On this side of the Line they yet possess Surinam on the Continent , and the Island of Corassol , or Curazao ; and they have still a great many strong Places on the Western Coast of Africa , and several Factories in divers places on that Coast . Notes for div A65182-e32270 * Monsieur de la Barre had not yet made a Settlement there , when this Account was written .