A42950 ---- The Revival, or, Directions for a sculpture describing the extraordinary care and diligence of our nation in publishing the faith among infidels in America and elsewhere compared with other both primitive and modern professors of Christianity. 1682 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42950 Wing G972 ESTC R42054 23303476 ocm 23303476 109537 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42950) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109537) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1701:17) The Revival, or, Directions for a sculpture describing the extraordinary care and diligence of our nation in publishing the faith among infidels in America and elsewhere compared with other both primitive and modern professors of Christianity. Godwyn, Morgan, fl. 1685. 1 broadside. Printed by J. Darby, London : 1682. Attributed to Godwyn by Wing. Reproduction of the original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Evangelistic work -- Early works to 1800. Slavery and the church -- Early works to 1800. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The REVIVAL : Or Directions for a Sculpture , describing the extraordinary Care and Diligence of our Nation , in publishing the Faith among Infidels in America , and elsewhere ; compared with other both Primitive and Modern Professors of Christianity . FIrst , Draw in a Quarter on the right Hand , the Vision of the Sheet let down , Acts 10. representing the Gospel to be preached to all sorts of People thro-out the World : St. Peter himself placed on the House top , and delivering this Oracle , God is no respecter of Persons , but in every Nation , &c. Over this write , St. Peter's Vision , Acts the 10th . Under it , Veritas Christiana : or this , Nothing common , &c. On the left Hand opposite to this , Draw St. Philip preaching to , and baptizing the Ethiopian Eunuch , according to the usual Figures thereof : therein shewing the Calling and Conversion of the Blacks or Negro's , comprehended more at large in the former Vision , but herein more particularly expressed . Over it write , St. Philip and the Eunuch , Acts 8. Under it , Fac similiter , St. Luc. 10. 37. Under the former right Hand Quarter , describe in another like Quarter , some one or more of the Preachers of New-England , in their customary and usual Habit , preaching to the Natives there . Over this , write their known Motto , Come over and help us , Act. 16. 9. Underneath it put , The Shame of others . Opposite again thereto , place the Friars and Roman Missioners , with their shaven Crowns , Crosses and Habits , preaching to the Heathen , as well of Africa , as of Asia and America . Over this , ( to those that shall less value their Conversions and Labours therein ) write , Fac meliora ; And underneath , The Reproach of Protestants . Under all these describe in one piece at large , an Overseer ( or Baily to some English Planter in America ) whipping and most unmercifully tormenting a poor Negro-Slave under his Governance , for no other Crime , but for having been that day ( Sunday ) baptized . In his right Hand ( held aloft ) place a long Willow Rod with five smart Sprigs growing out of one Joint about one third part from the end of it ; and by him a large Bundle of the like Rods to be spent upon the Wretch , for that Offence : Out of his Mouth these Blasphemous Words proceeding , Ye Dog , as you were baptized in the Morning with Water , so in the Afternoon ye shall be baptized in Blood. The Negro tyed by both his Wrists up to a Rafter or Beam ; deep marks of each Stroak appearing upon his Flesh , and drops of Blood in abundance issuing or starting out of his Body , * stript quite naked ; he withal expressing this pathetical Expostulation , How long , Lord God! Over this write , English Zeal for promoting Christianity among Infidels ; or this , Valiant for the Truth , Jer. 9. 3. And close under it , There was no such Deed done nor seen , &c. Judg. 19. 30. Last of all add this of St. Paul , Rom. 11. 14. If by any means I may provoke to Emulation , &c. Or this , of 1 King. 18. 27. Peradventure he sleepeth , and must be awaked . Here write , Place this Figure before , p. 111. of The Negro's Advocate . Be not ashamed to confess wherein thou hast transgressed , and resist not the Truth . Ecclus. 4. 25 , 26. London , Printed by J. Darby , 1682. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42950-e10 * Tho but a few were concerned in this horrid Fact , yet our whole Nation are guilty by conniving at , or not protesting against their Impiety in the suppression of Christianity . A47141 ---- An exhortation & caution to Friends concerning buying or keeping of Negroes Keith, George, 1639?-1716. 1693 Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47141 Wing K162 ESTC R14277 12937450 ocm 12937450 95821 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47141) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95821) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 717:12) An exhortation & caution to Friends concerning buying or keeping of Negroes Keith, George, 1639?-1716. 6 p. Printed by William Bradford, [New York : 1693] Caption title. By George Keith. cf. Bibliographical essay by Wilberforce Eames in New York printing MDCXCIII ... by D.C. McMurtrie. Chicago, 1928, p. 27. "Given forth by our monethly meeting in Philadelphia, the 13th day of the 8th moneth, 1693." Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Society of Friends. -- Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. Slavery and the church -- Society of Friends. 2005-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-07 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Exhortation & Caution TO FRIENDS Concerning buying or keeping of Negroes . SEing our Lord Jesus Christ hath tasted Death for every Man , and given himself a Ransom for all , to be testified in due time , and that his Gospel of Peace , Liberty and Redemption from Sin , Bondage and all Oppression , is freely to be preached unto all , without Exception , and that Negroes , Blacks and Taunies are a real part of Mankind , for whom Christ hath shed his precious Blood , and are capable of Salvation , as well as White Men ; and Christ the Light of the World hath ( in measure ) enlightened them , and every Man that cometh into the World ; and that all such who are sincere Christians and true Believers in Christ Jesus , and Followers of him , bear his Image , and are made conformable unto him in Love , Mercy , Goodness and Compassion , who came not to destroy mens Lives , but to save them , nor to bring any part of Mankind into outward Bondage , Slavery or Misery , nor yet to detain them , or hold them therein , but to ease and deliver the Oppressed and Distressed , and bring into Liberty both inward and outward . Therefore we judge it necessary that all faithful Friends should discover themselves to be true Christians by having the Fruits of the Spirit of Christ , which are Love , Mercy , Goodness , and Compassion towards all in Misery , and that suffer Oppression and severe Usage , so far as in them is possible to ease and relieve them , and set them free of their hard Bondage , whereby it may be hoped , that many of them will be gained by their beholding these good Works of sincere Christians , and prepared thereby , through the Preaching the Gospel of Christ , to imbrace the true Faith of Christ . And for this cause it is , as we judge , that in some places in Europe Negroes cannot be bought and sold for Money , or detained to be Slaves , because it suits not with the Mercy , Love & Clemency that is essential to Christianity , nor to the Doctrine of Christ , nor to the Liberty the Gospel calleth all men unto , to whom it is preached . And to buy Souls and Bodies of men for Money , to enslave them and their Posterity to the end of the World , we judge is a great hinderance to the spreading of the Gospel , and is occasion of much War , Violence , Cruelty and Oppression , and Theft & Robery of the highest Nature ; for commonly the Negroes that are sold to white Men , are either stollen away or robbed from their Kindred , and to buy such is the way to continue these evil Practices of Man-stealing , and transgresseth that Golden Rule and Law , To do to others what we would have others do to us . Therefore , in true Christian Love , we earnestly recommend it to all our Friends and Brethren , Not to buy any Negroes , unless it were on purpose to set them free , and that such who have bought any , and have them at present , after some reasonable time of moderate Service they have had of them , or may have of them , that may reasonably answer to the Charge of what they have laid out , especially in keeping Negroes Children born in their House , or taken into their House ▪ when under Age , that after a reasonable time of service to answer that Charge , they may set them at Liberty , and during the time they have them , to teach them to read , and give them a Christian Education . Some Reasons and Causes of our being against keeping of Negroes for Term of Life . First , Because it is contrary to the Principles and Practice of the Christian Quakers to buy Prize or stollen Goods , which we bore a faithful Testimony against in our Native Country ; and therefore it is our Duty to come forth in a Testimony against stollen Slaves , it being accounted a far greater Crime under Moses's Law than the stealing of Goods ▪ for such were only to restore four fold , but he that stealeth a Man and sell●th him , if he be found in his hand , he shall surely be put to Death , Exod. 21. 16. Therefore as we are not to buy stollen Goods ▪ ( but if at unawares it should happen through Ignorance , we are to restore them to the Owners , and seek our Remedy of the Thief ) no more are we to buy stollen Slaves ; neither should such as have them keep them and their Posterity in perpetual Bondage and Slavery , as is usually done , to the great scandal of the Christian Profession . Secondly , Because Christ commanded , saying , All thing● whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you , do ye even so to them . Therefore as we and our Children would not be kept in perpetual Bondage and Slavery against our Consent , neither should we keep them in perpetual Bondage and Slavery against their Consent , it being such intollerable Punishment to their Bodies and Minds , that none but notorious Criminal Offendors deserve the same . But these have done us no harme ; therefore how inhumane is it in us so grievously to oppress them and their Children from one Generation to another . Thirdly , Because the Lord hath commanded , saying , Thou shalt not deliver unto his Master the Servant that is escaped from his Master unto thee , he shall dwell with thee , even amongst you in that place which he shall chuse in one of thy Gates , where it liketh him best ; thou shalt not oppress him , Deut. 23. 15 , 16. By which it appeareth , that those which are at Liberty and freed from their Bondage , should not by us be delivered into Bondage again , neither by us should they be oppressed , but being escaped from his Master , should have the liberty to dwell amongst us , where it liketh him best . Therefore , if God extend such Mercy under the legal Ministration and Dispensation to poor Servants , he doth and will extend much more of his Grace and Mercy to them under the clear Gospel Ministration ; so that instead of punishing them and their Posterity with cruel Bondage and perpetual Slavery , he will cause the Everlasting Gospel to be preached effectually to all Nations , to them as well as others ; And the Lord will extend Peace to his People like a River , and the Glory of the Gentiles like a fl●wing Stream ; And it shall come to pass , saith the Lord , that I will gather all Nations and Tongues , and they shall come and see my Glory , and I will set a sign among them , and I will send those that escape of them unto the Nations , to Tarshish , Pull and Lud that draw the Bo● to Tub●ll and J●van , to the Isles afar off that have not heard my Fame , neither have seen my Glory , and they shall declare my Glo●y among the Gentiles , Isa . 66. 12. 18. Fourthly , Because the Lord hath commanded , saying , Thou shalt not oppress an hired Servant that is poor and needy , whether he be of thy Brethren , or of the Strangers that are in thy Land within thy Gates , least he cry against thee unto the Lord , and it be sin unto thee ; Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him , for ye were strangers in the Land of Aegypt , Deut. 24. 14 , 15. Exod. 12. 21. But what greater Oppression can there be inflicted upon our Fellow Creatures , than is inflicted on the poor Negroes ! they being brought from their own Country against their Wills , some of them being stollen , others taken for payment of Debt owing by their Parents , and others taken Captive in War , and sold to Merchants , who bring them to the American Plantations , and sell them for Bond-Slaves to them that will give most for them ; the Husband from the Wife , and the Children from the Parents ; and many that buy them do exceedingly afflict them and oppress them , not only by continual hard Labour , but by cruel Whippings ; and other cruel Punishments , and by short allowance of Food , some Planters in Barbadoes and Jamaica , 't is said , keeping one hundred of them , and some more , and some less , and giving them hardly any thing more than they raise on a little piece of Ground appointed them , on which they work for themselves the seventh dayes of the Week in the after-noon , and on the first days , to raise their own Provisions , to wit , Corn and Potatoes ▪ and other Roots , &c ▪ the remainder of their time being spent in their Masters service ; which doubtless is far worse usage than is practised by the Turks and Moors upon their Slaves . Which tends to the great Reproach of the Christian Profession ; therefore it would be better for all such as fall short of the Practice of those Infidels , to refuse the Name of a Christian , that those Heathen and Infidels may not be provoked to blaspheme against the blessed Name of Christ , by reason of the unparallel'd Cruelty of these cruel and hard hearted pretended Christians ▪ Surely the Lord doth behold their Oppressions & Afflictions , and will further visit for the same by his righteous and just Judgments , except they break off their sins by Repentance , and their Iniquity by shewing Mercy to these poor afflicted , tormented miserable Slaves ! Fifthly , Because Slaves and Souls of Men are some of the Merchandize of Babylon by which the Merchants of the Earth are made Rich ; but those Riches which they have heaped together , through the cruel Oppression of these miserable Creatures , will be a means to draw Gods Judgments upon them ; therefore , Brethren , let us hearken to the Voice of the Lord , who saith , Come out of Babylon , my People , that ye be not partakers of her Sins , and that ye receive not her Plaegues ; for her Sins have reached unto Heaven , and God hath remembred her Iniquities ; for he that leads into Captivity shall go into Captivity , Rev. 18. 4 , 5. & 13. 10. Given forth by our Monethly Meeting in Philadelphia , the 13th day of the 8th Moneth , 1693. and recommended to all our Friends and Brethren , who are one with us in our Testimony for the Lord Jêsus Christ , and to all others professing Christianity . THE END . A29712 ---- Barbarian cruelty being a true history of the distressed condition of the Christian captives under the tyranny of Mully Ishmael, Emperor of Morocco, and King of Fez and Macqueness in Barbary : in which is likewise given a particular account of his late wars with the Algerines, the manner of his pirates taking the Christians and others, his breach of faith with Christian princes, a description of his castles and guards, and the places where he keeps his women, his slaves and negroes : with a particular relation of the dangerous escape of the author and two English men more from thence, after a miserable slavery of ten years / by Francis Brooks. Brooks, Francis. 1693 Approx. 103 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29712 Wing B4973 ESTC R2320 12016473 ocm 12016473 52536 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29712) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52536) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 84:10) Barbarian cruelty being a true history of the distressed condition of the Christian captives under the tyranny of Mully Ishmael, Emperor of Morocco, and King of Fez and Macqueness in Barbary : in which is likewise given a particular account of his late wars with the Algerines, the manner of his pirates taking the Christians and others, his breach of faith with Christian princes, a description of his castles and guards, and the places where he keeps his women, his slaves and negroes : with a particular relation of the dangerous escape of the author and two English men more from thence, after a miserable slavery of ten years / by Francis Brooks. Brooks, Francis. [3], vii-xxiv, 118, [2] p. Printed by J. Salusbury ... and H. Newman ..., London : 1693. "Decemb. 8, 1692. Imprimatur, Edmund Bohun"--P. [1] Advertisements ([2] p.) at end. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ismāʻīl, -- Sultan of Morocco, d. 1727. Slavery -- Africa. Morocco -- History -- 1516-1830 -- Sources. Africa, North -- History -- 1517-1882 -- Sources. 2006-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Decemb. 8. 1692. Imprimatur , Edmund Bohun . Barbarian Cruelty . BEING A True History of the Distressed Condition of the Christian Captives under the Tyranny of Mully Ishmael Emperor of Morocco , and King of Fez and Macqueness in Barbary . In which is likewise given a particular Account of his late Wars with the Algerines . The manner of his Pirates taking the Christians and Others . His breach of Faith with Christian Princes . A Description of his Castles and Guards , and the Places where he keeps his Women , his Slaves and Negroes . With a particular Relation of the dangerous Escape of the Author , and two English Men more from thence , after a miserable Slavery of ten Years . By FRANCIS BROOKS . LONDON , Printed for I. Salusbury at the Rising-Sun in Cornhil , and H. Newman at the King's Arms in the Poultry . MDCXCIII . To Their Sacred Majesties , William and Mary , Of Great-Britain , France and Ireland , KING and QUEEN . Most Gracious Soveraigns , AMidst the throng of those weighty and important Cares that fill Your Royal Breasts , it is indeed a high presumption , in one so inconsiderable as I am , to offer the interrupting them by this Address . But since such is your Royal Clemency , as not to deny Access to the meanest of Your Subjects , Permit me , with awful Reverence and Humility , to lay the ensuing Narrative at Your Majesties Feet , with hopes You will vouchsafe to shelter it under Your Royal Patronage . The deplorable and miserable Condition , wherein many of Your Majesties Subjects , with other Christians , now lie groaning in Slavery , and under the barbarous Tyranny and Inhumanity of Mully Ishmael Emperor of Morocco , is a Subject that may perhaps not altogether be thought unworthy the Cognizance of Your Majesties ; it being manifest to all the World how much it has been the Glorious Design of Your Majesties whole Life and Reign , to set Mankind at Liberty , and to free the Distressed from the Yoke of Tyranny and Oppression . May that Almighty Hand that has framed Your Majesties for the Support and Joy of the Universe , continue to Crown all Your Affairs with uninterrupted Success , giving You more and more the Hearts of Your Subjects , and the Necks of Your Enemies . And after Your Majesties have reaped many Harvests of Lawrels , may You plant such an Olive of Peace , under the Branches whereof all Europe may for successive Ages rejoice . Which is and shall be the constant Prayer of Your Majesties poor and distressed , tho Loyal Subject , Francis Brooks . TO THE READER . Courteous Reader , THough I must own my self incapable to write upon this Subject , any thing worthy to be exposed to the publick View , since my Education hath not given me those Advantages of Stile and Composition , altogether necessary for such an Undertaking : Yet considering I had the miserable Experience of what hath been barbarously inflicted on me , with many others my Fellow Sufferers , who are still groaning under the most insupportable Miseries ; I thought my self bound in Duty to publish , as well as I can express it , what was plain Matter of Fact , to the end it might more powerfully move your Compassion , and excite your Charity for the Redemption of those who remain to this Day under their Egyptian Task-masters . A full Account of which you have in the ensuing Relation , wherein I have made it my Business , to give you a clear and particular View of the most remarkable Passages that happened during the unfortunate time of my Confinement among those barbarous Savages . I shall offer nothing but Truths , which ten Years Sufferings have made me too long acquainted with . We were not only banished from our Native Country , ( being English-men , and my self born in Ratcliff-Parish in Bristol ) but from all the Spiritual as well as Temporal Comforts . We were confin'd amongst those whose Religion was composed of Cruelty , whose Customs were Extravagant , and whose Usages almost Intolerable ; what from the hardness of our Labours , and the coarsness of our Provisions , we were reduced to the most pressing Extremities , which caused us to think and contrive all Ways and Means to procure our desired Liberties ; which considering how narrowly we were watch'd , and how closely kept , was almost impossible to be effected . I need not mention here how I made my Escape , with two others of my Companions , since I have given you an exact Account of it , with all its Circumstances , in the following Relation , with what happened afterwards to the Person who was instrumental in our happy Deliverance , for which we are in Duty bound , during the whole Course of our Lives , to own the particular Providence of God , to whose Assistance and Protection we owe our present Safety . The chiefest Design of my publishing this Book , is to Caution all Seafaring Men , whose particular Voyages carry them into the Streights , that they take all possible care not to be trapan'd by these subtile Pirates who in●●…st those Coasts , where we unfortunately fell into their Hands ; and that reflecting on the Barbarities they must expect to suffer from those merciless Enemies , it will be their surest Interest to defend themselves to the utmost of their Power , even to the last Extremity , Death it self being to be preferred before that , or any other Slavery . Another Motive is , That I hope what I write , may be a Means to procure Liberty for these my Country-men , who are now labouring under the most pressing Miseries , and who would be very serviceable at this Time against the Common Enemy ; whose deplorable Condition hath been not long time since published and recommended in a Brief to be continued for two whole Years , as followeth . WIlliam and Mary , by the Grace of God , King and Queen of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defenders of the Faith , &c. To all and singular Arch bishops , Bishops , &c. Whereas a great number of Our good Subjects , peaceably following their Emploments at Sea , have been taken by the Turkish Pirates of Algiers , Salley , Barbary , and other Places on the Coast of Africa , and now remaining Slaves , in Cruel and Inhumane Bondage , without any Days of Rest , either on the Turkish Sabbath or Ours , except four Days in a Year , being kept to extream Labour ; from which some endeavouring a little Rest , several of them were barbarously Murdered . Neither is their Diet any more Tolerable than their Labour , great Numbers being allowed no other Food than decayed Barley , which stinketh so , that the Beasts refuse to eat it : And often they are not permitted to go from their Labour to fetch Water , which is their only Drink ; and sometimes driven about by Black-a-moors , who are set over them as Task-masters ; and some by them have been so severely whipp'd , that they have dropp'd down Dead . Whose miserable Conditions being represented to Us , and We having now an Offer from the Emperor of Fez and Morocco , by his Envoy sent hither to Treat about a general Redemption of all the English that are his Slaves ; and the Dey of Algiers having now also invited Us to redeem Our Subjects there in Slavery , &c. So that if the before-recited End may have its desir'd Success , it will make sufficient Amends for any Censures or Reflections that may be made on me , upon the account of my imperfect Performance : therefore I shall only refer their distressed Case to your Benevolence and Charity , as I do my Book to your Pardon and Candour ; which , I hope , will neither be denied to them , nor Your Humble Servant , F. B. An Impartial Relation of the poor Captives under the Emperor of Morocco , &c. IN November 1681 , I went on Board the William and Mary of Bristol , of 120 Tuns Burden , 7 Guns and 4 Paterero's , William Bowry Commander , being bound from Bristol to Plymouth for a Convoy , from whence we went with our Convoy ( the Turkish Tyger ) to Cales , where she left us ; when the Fleet was safe arrived , we staid there for good Company or Convoy ; but none coming , our Merchants went to a French Commander of 26 Guns that was bound for Marseilles ; who agreed with them to carry us safe thither : In order thereunto he went aboard and fired a Gun , which hearing , we set sail after him . We were not above three Leagues out of Cales , but he hoisted his Top-sails , and left us ; however we got safe to Malaga , where we again waited for a Convoy : but after we had staid there a considerable time , expecting we should have met with one , we were forced to go without , being loaded with Herrings which were likely to be spoiled . From thence we went to Allicant , where we met with two Flemmings bound for Marseilles , one of 16 Guns , the other of 22 , with whom we set Sail about Four a Clock in the Morning : and four hours after we met with the Bristol Frigat , who enquired from whence we came ? We gave them account whence we came , and whither bound . We ask'd from whence they came ? they answered , From Algier . We enquired what was the best News there ? they answered , Good News , for they had made Peace with Algier ; so we brought to , and our Master hoisted out his Boat , and went aboard them , and procured a Copy of the Articles of Peace made between the English and Algerines : after which he sailed with the two Flemings in Company to Marseilles , where we lay 19 days for Pratique , which being gained , we went into the Mould and delivered our Loading ; after which our Master was very urgent for us to take in our Loading , and so return ; but the Merchants said we must wait a while , and we should have it ; so we took in our Ballast , and our Master took in the Merchants at Santra Pee : and afterwards we went to Santra Pell , and took in Loading of Oil , and set Sail for Bristol : but coming homewards , we put into Malaga , where there was a Ship that came from Tunis , bound for London , in which were two Lions and two Barbary Horses , being a Present for the late King Charles the Second , whose Commander came on board us , to give our Master a Visit . We enquired of him whither he was bound ? he said , To Tangier , but to make no stay but one day . Our Master told him he should be glad of his Company homewards : who said he should be likewise glad of his Company ; upon which our Master went ashoar , having some Concerns with the Merchants . The same day the Londoner sail'd away , leaving us behind . Next day , being the 2 d of August 1681 , in the Morning we set Sail alone ; and coming within six Leagues of Tangier , we saw a Ship give us chase , when they came up with us , ask'd us whence we came ? we said from Marseilles . We enquired the same of her ; who answered , From Algier : so he bid our Master hoist out his Boat : our Master answered , he would not for any Ship he should meet withal . Our Master further told him , he should hoist out his Boat if he had any thing to do with him , and if he came to him , he should see he had a Pass ; so he sent his Lieutenant aboard us in his own Boat , to whom our Master shewed his Pass , and he acknowledged it to be good , and calling to his Commander , told him the same , who nevertheless desired our Captain to come abord with his Pass : our Master told him , that if the Lieutenant would stay on board us , one of our Men should go aboard , and shew him the Pass . The Lieutenant agreed thereto , and when the Captain had viewed the Pass , the Moors went into their own Ship , and loading their Pistols they stuck them in the Waste-band of their Drawers under their Coats , and every one of them had likewise a Cutlass stuck on their Waste : so they entred aboard us all at once , firing their Pistols , and cut and wounded us with their Cutlasses . * They had on board them 300 Men and 16 Guns ; when they had thus taken our Ship , they carried us to Sally , and sent our Ship into Memora , having secured us in a place under Ground : our Diet they gave us was a little black Bread and Water . There they kept us four days , and then sent us to Memora to discharge the Ship they took from us , and sent the Oil with which we were loaden , in Skins , upon Camels and Mules , to the Emperor of Morocco . After we had work'd there very hard all Day in delivering the Ship , they put us down in the Hold of their Ship in Irons , and afterwards sent us to Macqueness , where the Emperor's Castle is , and where he keeps all his Slaves , and we were delivered up to the Vice-Roy , ( the Emperor being then in Camp against a City to the Southward , called Tarradant in Barbary ) and by his Negroes we were driven to work all day , driving and cursing of us , bidding us turn Moors , and at Night we were driven to a place where the rest of the Christians lay , being like a Vault under ground . In the Year 1680 , the English Captives that were under this inhuman Tyrant , the Emperor of Morocco , bewailing their own Condition , making moan to one another , and praying to God for Deliverance , at last concluded amongst themselves to draw a Petition to our late King Charles the Second of Great Britain , giving him to understand their miserable Condition in this Captivity : which being done , the King took it into Consideration , and sent over Captain Francis Nicholson ; who being come , and seeing the Cruel Bondage his poor Country-men were in , their hard Labour and cruel Fare , having therewith many cruel Stripes and Blows , he could not but lament their Condition , and prayed God that he might come to some Composition with that Hellish Tyrant for them . The Emperor at the same time sent for the Shack , or Chief over all the Jews in his Dominion , and bid him build a Town , which would be better for the Jews than the Cane Houses , ( his Name was Abraham Memoran ) and at that time Captain Nicholson made an Agreement with the Emperor for the Christians , and the English and Portuguese were delivered him up , the Emperor wishing them a good Journey to Tangier ; the Captain took them out of the Town that Night , which the Shack of the Jews hearing of , that came to the Emperor , telling him , if he would let him have the Christians to build the Jews Town , he would give him as much Money as the Captain had agreed with him for : the Emperor bid him come again in the Morning . Then the Shack or Chief of the Jews went immediately home to his House , and got a Present ready , and sent it in to the Emperor's Wife , that she might follicite the Emperor for him : which having received , she sent word back by the Eunuchs , that she would endeavour to prevail with him , which she did . And the next Morning he spoke again with the Emperor , who immediately sent out his Negroes to drive back the Christians , which were hurried again to their Works in a cruel manner . The Moors of his City Macqueness seeing that , cursed the Jews for doing it : But the Captain could in no wise prevail with this grievous Tyrant the Emperor , ( notwithstanding the Captain had done what in him lay to have got the Christians away ) who said he would not part with them till the Town was finished . So they went to work with great Chops , and Baskets to carry Earth in ; and the Negroes were set over them to keep them at it from Morning to Night . When the Town was finished , he put in his Negroes : but the Curse of the Jews fell upon their own Governour , his Mischief returned on his own Head , as will shortly be shewn . In the mean time the poor Christians were grievously hurried and punished by those Hellish Negroes at the Command of this wicked and inhuman Tyrant the Emperor , and had scarce time to take any Nourishment , or eat any of their bad Bread that was allowed them , but with a great many Threats , Stripes and Blows by the Negroes , bidding them turn Moors . In which condition they prayed to God to preserve them in their Faith ; in which , through his Assistance , they remained constant . Sometime after Captain Nicholson being gone from thence , the Emperor laid Siege against a City called Tarradant , in the South-part of that Dominion , being kept by a King whose Name was Mully Hammet : and having been there a considerable time , he sent to the Chief of the Jews , to bring him up some Goods which he wanted from Macqueness . When he had gotten Mules , and carried them to the place where Emperor was in Camp , the Vice-Roy's Son being there with the Emperor , went to the said Shack or Chief of the Jews , and desired him to assist him with some Money , and his Father would repay him , when he , viz. the Chief of the Jews , should return to Macqueness . He told him his Father owed him already several thousand Ducats , and would not pay him any , for as yet he could get none from him : and said moreover , if he should die and perish , he would not lend him a penny . Of which Passages he acquainted his Father , writing a Letter thereof to Macqueness . Afterwards the Chief of the Jews went to Macqueness to the Vice-Roy called Coid Birry , and told him he had acquainted the Emperor of the Care he had in his Absence of his Castle and Business ; he taking little notice of him , but returning him Thanks for his Kindness , he went away . But Coyd Birry the Governour ( being so called in the Emperor's Absence ) ordered one of his chief Negroes in a little time after to go and take such a Horse which he described to him , and go to the place where the Country-People kept their Market , to see if he could find the said Chief of the Jews ; and if he saw him , take little notice of him ; but if he had an opportunity , watch as he went home to his House , and kill him . The Negro did as he was ordered , and espying the Shack , or Chief of the Jews , going home to his House , in a Road which lay through a parcel of Olive-Trees , the Negro came to him , pretending Kindness to him , being glad to see him , &c. and riding by his side along on Horseback , spied his opportunity very diligently , so spurred his Horse over him , rode upon him and trode out his Brains . Word thereof was quickly carried to the Vice-Roy , that the Chief of the Jews was killed , at which he seemed to be sorry , that the People might take no notice thereof , and acquainted the Emperor therewith , and had made search , but knew not who had done it . The Emperor sent him word back , that if he did not find out who did it , he would cut off his Head , and ordered the said Vice-Roy to put the Governour of the Jews Son to be the Chief in his stead ; but the old Jew was soon forgoten by the Emperor . When the Emperor had laid Siege some Years against Tarradant , and could not take it , he returned home to Macqueness . After he had been at home a certain time , he went against that City with about 70000 Horse and Foot , and declared that if any Christians knew what belonged to mining , he would set them to work ; and if they took the Town , they should have their Liberty ; so four English Men undertook the Work , the Moors digged , and they gave Directions . The Mines being finished , and 30 Barrels of English Powder rowled into the Mine , and a Train laid ; the Christian that fired it was blown up : and a Breach was made in the Castle-Wall , but they could not enter , their Enemies fired so thick upon thm , killing a great many of Mully Ishmaell the Emperor's Men. They mined again under the Burges , or small Forts : after Powder was put in , and a Train laid , he that gave fire to it , had his Arm struck off , the Burg was blown up with the People thein . And the Emperor Mully Ishmaell coming to view the Breach , and being told by the People , the Christian had lost his Arm , he ordered his chiefest Doctor to take care and heal him ; for in case he did not see to him carefully , he should lose his Head. Mully Hammet got up his People to the Breach , and kept out the Emperor and his Forces , that they could not enter . Afterwards Mully Hammet went out of his Castle with a small Guard , and meeting with some of the Emperor's Scouts , one of them knowing Mully Hammet , cock'd his Piece and shot him to death : Then Mully Hammet's Guard fought with Mully Ishmael's Scouts , and there were several killed on both sides . Some of Mully Hammet's Guards retired into the Castle , and acquainted the chiefest of them that were in the Castle , that their King was killed : presently they proclaimed Mulle Rann ( being the chiefest of the Governours in Mully Hammet's time ) to be their King. Which News being carried to the Emperor by his Scouts , he enquired who had killed Mully Hammet ? they told him one of the Scouts , which he sent presently for by a Messenger , and bid him acquaint him that he should have a good Reward for killing him ; he being brought before the Emperor , expecting a great Reward for so doing , after he had examin'd him , he rewarded him with calling of him Dog , and said he should die for killing Mully Hammet , and immediately caused him to be made fast to a Mule's Tail , and so had him dragged through the Camp , and ordered one to go before and declare , that it was for killing of Mully Hammet ; he was dragged so long till his Body was torn in pieces ; after that he had him put in a place where the Country People used to come into the Camp. Mully Ran kept the Castle and City , and the Emperor's Forces made more Mines in order to take the City and Castle , which being finished , they blew up the Town-Walls , and several small Forts , with the People in them , and made so great a Breach that Mully Ishmaell entred his Men and took both the City and Castle , and promised the People he would be kind to them : but when he took the Town , he secured their Arms , Ammunition and Treasure , and carried the People of that place to Macqueness : and being come down to Macqueness , he put all the Christians , and several hundreds of the Natives to work there to make a Court , and Houses for his Women . And coming on a certain time , ( as he uses constantly to do ) although it rained very fast , as he was going into one of the Houses , the Master-Workman and his Assistants going to hoist up a piece of Timber , the Rope that held it broke , and the Timber fell , with which he suddenly retired back , and sent for the Master-Workman in great Passion , threatning him for taking no better care : he told him he was as careful as he could be for his Life in doing it , saying , it was a Mischance he could not prevent ; nevertheless he took a Piece out of one of his Boys Hands , and shot him to Death , and went among the Christians raving and tearing as if he would have killed them all , setting his Negroes and Guard to beat both the Moors and the Christians that were at work ; which they did with such Violence , that many of them had their Heads and Arms miserably broken , making his Buildings more like a Slaughter-house than a place of Work ; and at the same time ran two of his Moors through with his Launce . So that he makes no more to kill a Man at his Pleasure , than to kill a Dog. In a little time after the Emperor was come to Macqueness , the three Christians that were Miners , desired their Liberty as he had promised : He granted it , and ordered a Letter to the Governour of Sally , that he should send them away by the first opportunity ; a Ship being ready , they desired their Liberty , being at Sally , in order for their Journey ; but the Governour instead of granting it , abused and railed on them , saying , they should pay him so much a Head , or they should not go . The English Man that lost his Arm , turned back and acquainted the Emperor thereof , telling him what the Governour said , who wrote a Letter and sent him with two of his chief Negroes , saying , If he would not let them go off , he would cut off his Head : The Governour hearing that , durst not detain them any longer . So the three English Men , whose Names were William Chalender , Robert Jackson , and Benjamin Newman , through the Goodness of God arrived at London , and came again to their own Country . In the Year 1683 , Captain Venetia the younger , a Pirate belonging to Sally , met with one Mr. Bellamy , an English-Man , who was bound for Leghorn in a Pink of 8 Guns , to whom he gave Chase : and when he came up to Mr. Bellamy , the Pirate examined him from whence he came ? he answered , From London ; and enquired likewise of him whither he was bound ? who said , To Leghorn . Mr. Bellamy asked him from whence he came , and what Place he belonged to ? he said , To Algier . The Pirate commanded Bellamy to hoist out his Boat , and bring his Pass aboard , who answered , he should hoist out his own if he had any business with him , which he did , and sent his Lieutenant aboard on Bellamy . One of Mr. Bellamy's Men that had been a Captive in Sally , knowing the said Pirate , told the Master he knew him very well , and that he belonged to Sally . When the Lieutenant came to Bellamy's side , Mr. Bellamy placed some of his Men with their small Arms at the entring , and said , one Man should not enter him save the Lieutenant , who viewed Mr. Bellamy's Pass , acknowledging it to be good . The Lieutenant returning aboard their own Ship , acquainted the Captain , saying , We 'll fire at them and afright them ; in order to which , he commanded them to make ready ; the Pirate firing at Mr. Bellamy , he fired at them again , so they fought a considerable time : Mr. Bellamy killed and wounded about thirty of his Men , and he wounded some of Bellamy's Men : but for want of Powder Mr. Bellamy was forced to yield . When Venetia had taken him and his Company , and brought them aboard his own Ship , leaving several of his own Men in their stead , he began to examine Mr. Bellamy why he had killed and wounded so many of his Men ? Who answered , he would have killed all the rest , and him too , if he had had Powder ; with that the Pirate cut him down with his Cutlass , and rip'd him open , and said , there was an end of a Dog , so threw his murdered Body into the Sea , and carried all his Men into Sally , and from thence to Macqueness . Thus have these bloody Heathenish Crew deceived many of our Country-men , telling them they belonged to Algier , when they belonged to Sally . I pray God keep all my Country-men , and all good Christians out of the Hands of that barbarous and inhuman Crew , the worst that live upon the Earth ! and that all may beware of them , hath caused me thus to write ; being one that by sad Experience , and from a certain Knowledg I have had of them , can assure these things to be nothing but a real Truth ; and bless God , that he has thought me worthy to escape them , and that I am now come safe to the Land of my Nativity . In the Year 1685 , a Ship being bound from London to Barbadoes , in which were four Women , two of them being Mother and Daughter ; one of those Heathenish Pirates meeting them , gave them Chase , and coming up to them , examined them strictly from whence they came , and whither bound ? who told them as afore , From London to Barbadoes ; ( the Pirate was Venetia the younger , who had 300 Men , and 18 Guns ) after the Commander had enquired the same of them , he understood what they were , they telling him , that they came from Algier ; so they demanded of him to shew his Pass , and said he must hoist out his Boat ; they seeing him not provided with Guns to defend himself , could make no Resistance , which being done , the Captain of the Pirate took them into his Cabin , and would shew himself kind to them , treating them , and giving them Dates . In the mean while the Lieutenant and Moors girded their Pistols and Cutlasses on their Wastes , and with the English-man's Boat went aboard his Ship , and took all that were aboard him , with the four Women . And the Captain asked who the young Woman was , and whether she was ever married ? Account being given him concerning her , he ordered her to be put in the Cabin , lest any of his own barbarous Crew should offer to lie with her , and so sailed away for Sally . Being come there , the Captain of the Pirate brought them they had taken to Macqueness , and the Women were carried before the Eunuchs . The Captain giving an account to the chief Eunuch , that one of those Women was a Virgin ; but for the Men , they were driven by the Negroes to hard Labour . And afterwards all the Christians of the Ship and the 4 Women were brought up to Macqueness ; the Women were brought before the Emperor's Eunuchs , and an account given to the Chief of them by the Moors Captain , that one of them was a Virgin , and she was immediately sent to the Emperor's Women : and the Eunuch sent to the Vice-Roy , acquainting him how he had disposed of the Virgin , who ordered the other Women to be brought to his House , and ordered the Negroes to drive the poor Christians to hard Labour , who at Night were lock'd up amongst the other Christian Captives , having no Sustenance allowed them for that day ; and what their poor Brethren offered them , they could not eat , being such Bread as I have already described , so bad , that the Beasts in that place refused to eat it : and what betwixt their Diet and Lodging on the cold ground , together with the Negroes hard Usage , many of them fell sick . And to add to their Extremity , were threatned and abused by the Negroes to turn Moors ; but they daily prayed to God to strengthen them in their Afflictions , and in his great Mercy work some way for their Deliverance out of this dreadful Bondage . Afterwards the chief Eunuch sent word to the Emperor , that he had a Christian Virgin amongst the rest of his Women . The Emperor ordered him to send her up to the Camp , with a parcel of his Eunuchs to guard her thither . When she came to the Camp , the Emperor urged her , tempting her with Promises of great Rewards if she would turn Moor , and lie with him . She earnestly desired of the Lord to preserve and strengthen her to resist his earnest Perswasions , and great Proffers , which he used , to have his Desires fulfilled . When he could not prevail so , he fell to threatning her , and put her amongst his Negro Women , and threatned to kill them if they offered to shew her any Kindness , where they kept her , beating and abusing her for several days . She prayed still to the Lord to strengthen her , and held a Resolution to withstand him ; who again sought to prevail with her , tempting and promising of her great things , if she would turn , which she still refused : so he caused her to be stript , and whipt by his Eunuchs with small Cords , so long till she lay for dead ; and he caused her to be carried away out of his Presence that time , and charged his Women none of them should help her till he sent for her , which was not till two days after , and in the mean time to have no Sustenance but that black rotten Bread : at which time he sought again to prevail with Promises and Threats , which she still withstood , praying to the Lord that she might be preserved from him , and be delivered from his cruel Hands . Then he prick'd her with such things , as commonly his Women use instead of Pins , being as sharp . Thus this beastly and inhuman Wretch by all ways he could invent , sought to force her to yield , which she resisted so long , till Tortures , and the hazards of her Life forced her to yield , or resign her Body to him , tho her Heart was otherwise inclined . So he had her wash'd , and clothed her in their fashion of Apparel , and lay with her ; having his Desire fulfilled , he inhumanly , in great haste forc'd her away out of his Presence ; and she being with Child , he sent her by his Eunuchs to Macqueness ( who delivered her with the Emperor's Charge concerning her ) to the chief Eunuch , and after that she was delivered of two Children . About four Years ago , two English-men and a French-man being at Memora ; and as they were passing along the River , on a certain time in a Boat , with some Moors , one of which was a Lieutenant , he ordered the Christians to go on Shore to fetch a little of their black Rusk and Water : And as they were passing along the River to take their Pleasure , the Christians said one to another , Now is the time , with the Lord's leave , for us to see for our Liberty : The French-man said , The Moors would be too many for them : The English-men said , Fear not , let us trust in the Lord , and he 'll deliver us . So they going aboard with their Bread and Water , the Lieutenant bid them get out their Oars , and pull up like Dogs as they were ; which they bore patiently . At Night some of the Moors lying down , they fell upon those Moors that were awake . They then fearing the Christians would be too hard for them , called out , and awaked the other Moors . Then the Lieutenant and other Moors came , and he drew his Knife , and stabb'd one of the English-men to death , the other knock'd him down , and they fought so long till Blood was spilt on both sides . The next day the English-man and French-man were carried up to Macqueness in Irons , before the Emperor , and by the Moors was informed of what was done . The Emperor upon Examination , told them if they did not immediately turn Moors , he would kill them . The French-man yielded : the Emperor then threatned the English-man , if he did not turn , he would quickly kill him . He made Answer , God's Power was greater than the Devil 's ; and let him do what he would , he should not make him turn Moor. The Emperor called for his Sword , and immediately fell to cutting him , threatning him still to turn ; he said he was brought up in the Faith of Jesus Christ , and he would not forsake it . Then this inhuman Wretch in great spleen cut him till he fell down , and hack'd and hewed him as if he had been butchering an Ox , and caused the Negro Boys to run his Body full of Holes with Knives , till his Body was as full of Holes as possible it could be ; when he had so done , Bring , saith he in his own Language , four English Dogs to fetch that Dog away : and as they carried his Body away , the Negro Boys stoned them , saying , that should be the end of them if they did not turn Moors ; but they were glad to go quietly without answering again ; if they had made any Reply , they had certainly been fallen upon by the Negro Boys . So their greatest Satisfaction was , his dying in the Christian Faith , and his counting that more precious than his own Life , holding the same stedfast before that cruel Tyrant , whilst he had Breath in his Body . Then they carried him to the place where they lodged under ground , so took off his Irons and kept him there all Night , and the next Morning carried him where he was to be buried , the Negroes still stoning of them as they went along . As soon as they had laid his Body in the Ground , they were hurried by the Negroes to work again after their usual manner . The Tyrant coming a certain time to view his Work , examining what was the reason they went no faster on ? They answered , Several of the Christians were fallen sick : So this inhuman Tyrant went to the place where they lay , which was under Ground ( acting the part of Herod , in killing at his Pleasure , as well as of Pharaoh , who of old encreased the Israelites Bondage , in causing them to make Brick , and allowing them no Straw . But we read of the End of those cruel Tyrants . ) So by the Emperor's Order his Negroes fell to haling and dragging them out of that place , when in that weak and feeble condition that they could not stand on their Legs when dragged before him ; he instantly killed seven of them , making their Resting-place a Slaughter-house . The very Moors were terrified to see so inhuman and bloody an Action . It is a Proverb , The more Rain , the more Rest : but God knows it was most commonly our Lot to be driven and kept closest at our Work when it rained ; yea , when it rained most fast , our Work was nothing lessened , but the more encreased : and besides the Christians , he sets thousands of his own Natives to work with great Chops , and to carry Earth on their Heads in Baskets from one place to another . And let it rain never so fast , ( there falling store of Rains in the Winter Season ) he 'll stay by them , setting his Negroes to drive them with Whips of small Cords and Sticks from Morning till Night ; and if he 's minded to eat , he often sends home to his Castle , and hath his Victuals sent him , lest the Slaves should neglect his Work. He hath great Buildings in his Castle , which will not be finished in his time , and there he keeps the poor People at work , in order to suppress and keep them low . His small Forts at his Castle are more for a show of great Strength , to make his Enemies afraid , than for any use he puts them to , making them into Store-houses , and turning them to such-like uses . In the Year 1688 , the Tyrant coming out one time to see his Works , as constantly he did , a sort of stuff they used instead of Mortar , being Earth , Lime and Sand mixed together , to build their Walls with ; and taking up a handful thereof , he did not like it : upon which he sent his Negroes to fetch the Master-Workman to him , which being haled by the Neck before him , he asked why more Lime was not mixt with the Earth ? he made answer he wanted Lime , and that was the reason the Stuff was no better : he sent for the Shack of the Negroes and Christians that were at work , examining him after the same manner ? who said he wanted Mules to bring them Lime : he then sent for the Mules to see how many there were , and wanting one of his number , which the Negro said he had at his House , and was lame , he ordered his Negro Boys to keep him fast , while he sent some of the rest to enquire whether the Negro said true ? but they finding not the Mule that was wanting , he ordered the Negro , immediately to be stript unto his Drawers , and fastened to a Mule's Tail , which was done , and he was dragg'd so the space of half a Mile to Prison , there to remain ; and had the Master-Workman stretch'd out by four Negroes , two at his Hands and two at his Feet , beating of him till he could not turn himself , bidding him take care of his Mules , saying , if when he came again he found such bad stuff for his Work , he would cut off his Head. So immediately he sent his Negro Boys to fetch the seventy Christians that were at hard Labour making a Wall ; so asked one of them if he could speak his Language ? who said he could , examining him in like manner about the Stuff ? who answered , he durst not for fear acquaint him of the Badness of it : so he took one of his Sticks they used to carry after him , and calling him Dog , bid him hold his Head fare to strike at : having strucken him down , he knocked down all the rest with his own Hands , and broke their Heads so miserably , that the place was all bloody like a Butcher's Stall , and none of them durst make Resistance , for if they had , he would presently have killed them . So he bid them rise like Dogs as they were , saying , if they used any more such bad Stuff in his Work , he would kill them all . In 1689 , the Emperor sent down to the Coyde , or Governour of Tangier , to take a view of Alarache , where was a Garison belonging to the King of Spain . The Governour taking view thereof , he sent him farther Orders to prepare for the taking it , if he could possibly . So sending back to the Emperor to provide him Forces , the Emperor sent him down 40000 Horse and Foot , besides the Forces he had there : And he laying Siege to the Place , the Spanish Boats fetch'd off the Officers Wives and Children . They afterwards raised a small Fort , to keep all small Vessels or Boats from fetching any Thing off . Which the Friars taking notice of , hoisted up a Flag of Truce ; and came to a Treaty with the Governour of the Moors , till they had been with the Emperor at Macqueness . When come thither , they told him , that if he would let them go , and take what was their own with them , they would give him the Place , with the Christians , and all the Ammunition and Guns . To which he agreed , saying , He would . They returning again to Alarach , ordered the Governour of the Moors to make a Feast ; and going to their own Garison , told their own Governour , that they had made an Agreement with the Emperor , and that they should march into Ceuta in their own Arms , saying , They had better do so , than go into Slavery amongst the Christians . The Governour , and the Governour of the King of Spain dining together : When Dinner was over , he bid him send for his Men , and send them with all speed to Ceuta . They being come , he commanded them to lay down their Arms ; which he , ( to wit , the Moors Governour ) quickly secured , telling them , they must go up to the Emperor at Macqueness , for he had a mind to see them , and afterwards they must return to Ceuta . So the Moors took the great Guns , with their Carriages , Muskets and Powder , carrying them all to the Emperor , with a Band of Men to guard them thither . Being come thither , he set his Negroes to drive them to work ; ordering the great Guns to be unmounted , and laid flat on the Ground betwixt the two Walls , with those Guns that were brought from Memora . So the Negroes kept them at hard Slavery , beating and whipping them all day long ; and at Night they were to lodg under-ground ; allowing them such Bread as his other poor Captives have , and Water to sustain them alive . After the poor Christians had undergone their hard Labour and cruel Stripes , for the space of five Months time , many of them fell sick and died : then this Tyrant came and enquired , what was become of them ? they gave him account , that seven hundred of them were turned Moors , and five hundred were dead . After that the poor Christians concluded to draw a Petition to the King of Spain , and lay before him their miserable Condition under this Tyrannical Emperor , having but now and then rotten Bread , and Water when they could catch it , and therewith cruelly punished to add to their Extremity . The King of Spain received their Petition ; and viewing it , declared to his Council what a Condition his poor Subjects were in under this cruel Tyrant the Emperor of Morocco . And the said King took it into consideration , and sent over an Ambassador to the Emperor , to see if he could agree with him for his Subjects that were there in Slavery . The Ambassador being come , an Agreement was made betwixt them , that the King of Spain should give a thousand Moors for an hundred Christians . And for the Souldiers Wives that were not carried off , and young Children , they agreed for 4 Moors a Head. The Ambassador bargained with the Emperor , to have the Christians down to Tittivan , lying near unto Tangier , and there to remain till the Moors were brought over , and left at Ceuta , a Place not far from thence . After which the Ambassador returned home to the King of Spain , acquainting his Master what a miserable Condition his poor Subjects were in , working from Morning to Night , allowing them nothing but old rotten Barley-bread and Water ; not suffering them to have any thing to lie upon , after their hard Labour and cruel Usage by the Moors , nor no Apparel to wear , but daily beating them , and often with his own Hands , to force them to turn Moors . The King of Spain ordered his Ambassador to take as many Moors as he had agreed for : So he went and got the Moors together , and went over to Ceuta with them ; when being come thither , he went to Tittivan ; and leaving the Moors in Ceuta , he spoke to their Governor , told him the Moors were ready at Ceuta , and that as many Christians as he was pleased to send to Ceuta , there should be so many Moors surrendred as they had agreed for . When the Moors were all delivered up , and the Christians brought in ; The Moors Governour brought them up to Macqueness to the Emperor ; the Emperor enquired of them how they had fared in Christendom ? They answered , they had allowed them a Jacket and a pair of Breaches once a Year ; and for their Provision , they had a certainty of Rusk , and hot Beans once a Day . But being come to their own Country , they began to lament the Christian Captives poor Condition , seeing daily what they endured with Hunger , Cold and Stripes ; and many times the Tears fell from their Eyes for Grief to see it ; some of the Moors saying , We are Christians , ( privately to them ) but durst not publickly own it : And at another time told the Captives , ( when they saw the Emperor's Cruelty , often murdering one or other at his Pleasure ; and themselves had nothing allowed them but a little of that rotten Barley-bread , and a little Butter that stunk ) that they had rather be in Spain than there . And some of the Moors got back again into Spain , acquainting the People there what a cruel Tyrant their Emperor was , and how miserably he used the poor Christians . And when the Spanish Ambassador returned with the Christians , into their own Country , the King asked them how they had fared ? Who gave a large Account , as aforesaid , of the hard Bondage and Slavery the Emperor of Morocco had kept them in whilst they were under him . The King said , it was well they had kept their Faith , as they had done , whilst there . And his Ambassador drew a Petition to the King his Master , imploring his Favour to remember them that were left behind , and take their suffering Condition into his Christian Consideration ; which he did , and ordered them some Relief . Those that were left behind , likewise petitioned him to allow them something Yearly : Which was done , and care taken that it should be sent over for their Use : As likewise our Factories at Cales and Portugal , having enquired how it was with them ; and understood the English fared no better than the rest , contributed towards their Necessities , and sent it over from Cales to Tittivan , to one Mr. Anthony Packer a Merchant there , desiring him to order it them for their Relief : Who accordingly did , and they therewith bought them a few Clothes to cover their Nakedness . So they wrote back to Mr. Anthony Packer , and to the Factories , returning them Thanks for their Kindness in remembring them , praying to God to prosper them in their Affairs . And I beseech God to open the Hearts of our Gracious King and Queen of England , as he hath done others , to grant some Relief for their distressed Subjects that are yet in that place , whose cruel Sufferings I could do no less than acquaint them with , being when I left them , in as poor a condition as ever . The poor Christian Captives that are taken by any of those Hellish Pirates belonging to the Emperor of Morocco , are brought up to Macqueness , being kept at hard Work from Day-light in the Morning till Night , carrying Earth on their Heads in great Baskets , driven to and fro with those barbarous Negroes by the Emperor's Order : and when they are drove home by the Negroes at Night to their Lodging , which is on the cold Ground , in a Vault or hollow place in the Earth , laid over with great Beams a-thwart , and Iron Bars over them , they are told in there like Sheep , and out in the Morning ; and if any be wanting , he quickly secures the Negroes , and sends out a parcel of his Guard to look for them . Their Food is Bread made of old rotten Barley , and their Drink Water when they can get it : Many times when they are hurried to their Work in a Morning , not knowing whether they shall be able to undergo their Afflictions till Night : and when they are drove home , expecting Rest , the Tyrant sends some of his Negroes to hurry them again to work , either to hale down Walls , cut Gates , or the like , keeping them both Night and Day many times without either Bread or Water , which is all their Sustenance : when they have done that , the Negroes dare not to drive them home before he gives order , lest they be killed for so doing ; when they have his Order , they drive them home , tell them over , and so lock them up until Day-light in the Morning . And in this Captivity I have been , with the rest of my poor Country-men for the space of Ten Years , being so long since taken ; but now , through the Mercies of God , I am come to see my Native Country , and cannot but condole their Miseries I have left behind under that cruel Tyrant the Emperor of Morocco ; beseeching Almighty God , that none of my Country-men may ever come to have a share under that hard Task-master . There are three hundred and forty English-men , Subjects of our Gracious King , in this sore Captivity . This Emperor , as I have been informed , touching his Birth or Descent , was begotten of a Negro Woman by a white Man , one of the noblest of their Quality in that time , and is a Mollatto by his Colour ; but when he 's in a Passion , he looks just as he is , as black as an Infernal Imp ; which his Natives take notice of , and can tell when he 's angry . For his Apparel , he wears a fine Holland Shirt , with Sleeves so large that will make any ordinary Man a pair of Drawers , besides a large pair of Drawers of the same , with Breeches over them , and next to his Shirt a Garment of as fine Stuff as can be had , made of the fashion of a Wastcoat without Sleeves , and over that a Coat of as fine Cloth as can be bought , made almost of our fashion ; he wears over that a sort of Garment which they call a Shilham , or Barnoose , but we may call it a short Cloak , being wrought all over with Silver and Gold , with a Cap to go over his Head , having at the top of it a great Bob with a Fringe , and at the bottom a great Fringe all round it : on the lower part from his Breast it is open , and the upper part made fast ; and over that in cold Weather he wears a Cloak , with a Cap to put over his Head : upon his Head he wears sometimes a Turbet ( as they call it ) made of Silk ; and when it is hot Weather , he wears a Garment made of a sort of Stuff like fine Crape , and a Hat ; and on his Legs he wears fine red Boots , but different from our Fashion : he 's oftner on Horse-back than on Foot ; his Guard , which are of different Stature , wear some of them Shoes , and have over their Shirts and Drawers only Cloaks with Caps , some light coloured , and some dark : sometimes he has an hundred following him , and at other times fifty , and sometimes more , he having thirty thousand Negroes of his own Slaves . Every one of his black Guard have a Piece , and he has three or four Launces carried after him , and several Pieces ready charged , to kill with at his Pleasure either the Christians or his own Natives . When he falls out with his Guard , he strips and takes their Clothes , from them and puts them in Irons , and sets them to work . He seldom returns home after his going out in a Morning , without killing one or other before he returns , by running of them through with his Launce , shooting them , or dragging them at a Mule's Tail , either Men or Women , seldom repenting for what he has done ; Mahomet their great Prophet possessing them with a Belief , that if he kills any one , he merits Heaven by so doing ; but if any Person should kill him , he cannot avoid going to Hell. He has Water carried after him by a Boy , which he drinks , to make the People believe he drinks nothing else ; and likewise hath short Sticks carried after him daily , to beat the poor Slaves at his Pleasure , which is hourly , to vex and punish them , delighting in nothing more . He was first made a Coyde or Governour of some part of the Country , and by his Kindness and Affability to the People , he gained Respect from them in that Country . Mully Sheade being then King , and living in the City of Fez , there died ; and the Inhabitants there being all Whites , and he a Mollato , they cried up Mully Hammet . Mully Ishmael being then beloved of his own People , he raised a small Army , and went against the said City and won it : having conquered Fez , he still strove to oblige the People ; and one Guillan raised a small Army , against whom Mully Ishmael went. Guillan being a great Friend to our Nation , the Governour of Tangier offered him Assistance if he was pleased to accept it : he returned him Thanks , saying , it was bad enough for himself and his own Army to be conquered , and it would be worse for the Christians if they should go with him ; but engaging himself , Mully Ishmael conquered him , and his People carried his Head up to Macqueness . When I was there , the Emperor kept two of Guillan's Sons in his Castle , and had them at School amongst his own Children , because of their Father's Courage and Stoutness . Our English Governour was concerned at the loss of Guillan and his People . When the Emperor had won most of his Country , and conquered Tarradant , he soon after came to Macqueness , and ordered all his Bashaws or Governours to build Walls and great Houses upon their own Charge , on pain of losing their Lives . Some finished their Houses , and some could not , having not wherewith to do it , being brought so low , he causing it to be so , that they might not rebel against his chief Son called Mully Sedan , for whom he hath the greatest Esteem above all his Sons , thinking he may succeed after his Decease : but I hope in God , and wish it may never be , for the young Tyrant imitates his Father too much in cutting and killing the Slaves as bad as he almost , that the People begin to dread him as well as the old one . The Emperor's Castle hath four Gates belonging to it . The City of Macqueness is an old decay'd place , the Castle standing distant from it , and walled in some places double , and has a few old Iron Guns mounted upon them : For the Brass Guns that were taken from the King of Spain , he 's afraid to leave them with any of his Governours , lest they rise against him , and had them brought up to Macqueness , plac'd within the Castle Gates betwixt two Walls flat upon the Ground . The Buildings within the Walls are very high , and several small Forts round the Castle-Walls . And lately he set the People to build two new Towns , ( with which to plague his Country People , to bring them as low as he can ) which I think will never be finished in his time ; and if he did it on his own Cost and Charge , he would not have so many Buildings . When Taxes are brought him in , he treasures it up , taking but little out again . The common Diet the Emperor uses to eat , is made like a kind of Grain ; they call it Cus●ozoo , being boiled and mixed with their Butter , which is far more loathsome and strong to us than our Butter in England ; being put into Platters , they put thereon Mutton cut in small pieces : So he sits down , and thrusting his Hand into it , he shakes it a little to and fro , crambing it in his Mouth together . When he has done , he calls his Negroes to take what 's lest to eat while he stands over them , and they are in great fear left he kill them ; which he certainly would do , if one should eat more than another . Their Drink is commonly Water ; 't is said , he 'l drink Wine ; wherein he makes invalid the Doctrine of their great Prophet Mahomet , who told the People , It was a great Sin to do it ; yea , and he 'l often be drunk too , ( to the sorrow of his poor Slaves ) ; though if any of the rest , if it be the greatest among them , be found in the like Case , if he comes to the knowledg of it , he 'l kill them . His Guards about him are made up of Negro Boys , of fourteen , sixteen , or eighteen Years old . If he calls for the greatest Man in his Country about the least Crime , they presently run like so many Hounds ; and they come Collering of him , as if he were a Bullock to be slaughtered : When he 's hal'd so before the Emperor , he either kills him , or he 's beaten , or put in Irons , and thrown into Prison ; and after this manner he governs his own People . When he had Business with our Nation , and asked Advice of the Chief of his own Country , none durst say his Concerns would go Well or Ill , for fear he would dislike what they said , although he would often require them to do it : So he first gives his own Judgment of the Matter , and they say as he does . He is seldom true to his Word , having cheated most Kings and Princes that have had any thing to do with him ; as in the Case of the Algerines , who made him pay dearly for it . Whilst I was there , he made Peace with Holland and France ; but soon broke it , taking since that time several Dutch and French Ships , making Slaves of their Subjects . If he swears one thing to Day , he 'l swear quite another on the Morrow . Yet he did not out-wit ( notwithstanding his Falshood and Treachery ) the King of Spain's Ambassador , who surrendred not one of the Moors , till the Christians were got into the Spanish Garison . If any Christian King or Prince sends an Ambassadour to this Emperor , ( as in my Time there have been from England , Spain and France ) when they come thither , he makes them wait a considerable time : And he 's so high in his own Conceit , that except they be Persons of Quality , he regards them not ; and when they come before him , he 'l be either in his Stable , or on Horseback , or sitting on an heap of Earth , and so speaks to them by an Interpreter , ( and he will not allow a Penny towards their Charges , nor any Place to lodg in , be they who they will ) and so sends for several of the White-men , being Bashaws or Governours , the chiefest of his Country , who dare not for their Lives be Judges to speak otherwise than what he says first , for fear of him . About twelve Years since , he sent an Ambassadour over to our late King Charles the Second , to Congratulate his Majesty , and Treat with him for Peace , or the like ; and in the mean time sent out his Pirats to take our English Ships . Our King not thinking him to be so false , sent him a Present over by Hammet Benhado the Emperor's Ambassador ; who is now as barbarous to the poor Christians , as any belonging to the Emperor . He never goes to rest , but when dead Sleep overcomes him , and make him so drowsy , that he can't hold up his Head ; and as he goes to rest , he often kills one or other of his Negroes , at home as well as abroad . Then in one of his Rooms in the Castle , he lies down on a kind of Quilt on the Ground ; and sleeping that Night , he rises early in the Morning , and falls to his old Tyrannous and Inhumane Practices , domineering over his poor Slaves , and sets the Negroes to whip , stone and beat them , to work harder than many times it 's possible for them to think they can hold out or endure till Night . The poor Christians , the English Captives , daily praying to God , if it be his Will , to support them in this distressed Condition , and to keep them and deliver them from under this miserable Oppression they are under , and restrain the Hands of that bloody Tyrant : And when they think of their Native Country , and the Government thereof , they cannot but greatly lament their own Condition , erecting their Prayers to Heaven for the Preservation of their own King and Country ; and that God would be pleased to open their Hearts to remember them in this sad and deplorable Condition . Thus bemoaning one another , they commit their Case to him , who is the wise Disposer and Orderer of all things , without whose Permission nothing can be acted or done , who can in his due Time grant them Relief . On Fridays the Emperor goes to his Place of Worship , having first viewed his Slaves , being of several sorts , both Christians , Negroes , and a sort of People called Brabboes ; the last sort being Natives of the Country , which he suppresseth so much , that they are not able to pay him Taxes , keeping them at as hard Slavery as the rest . If he kills none in the Morning before he goes to Worship , they dread him for fear he will at his return : he rides thither and back again , going about Eleven of the Clock , and returns about One , against which time the poor Slaves order one or another to watch , and are in as great fear when they see him as if they must all be destroyed ; and they all work more hard that day than all the rest of the Week . He killed seven and twenty Moors on one day ; but there 's none can tell the several thousands of poor Souls this unmerciful Tyrant hath slain since his Reign , which is now about two and twenty Years . For his Women I think he knows not the number of them , he hath so many , both Whites , Blacks , Mollatoes , and Copper-colour'd ; and for Apparel they have a piece of Silk of a Red or Yellow Colour , which they wear over their Heads . They wear Shifts or Smocks made of fine Linnen , big enough to make two Shifts , and fine Drawers that will reach down to their Heels , which are open or slit in the middle ; and their upper Garment is fine Flannel , and a Silk Girdle about their middle upon each of their Breasts they wear Silver or Gold Pins , with which they fasten their upper Garment ; and upon the Wrists of their Hands they wear on each a Silver Shackle , and likewise upon the Small of their Legs ; and on their Feet red Slippers . He hath store of Children of several Colours . He hath built within his Castle fine Dwellings for himself to live and lodg in ; and for his Women he hath built very fine Houses , two Courts very sumptuous ; in the bigger of them are seventy two Marble Pillars , each at least three foot thick , to support the fine painted Works above ; in the middle of the greater Court is a Marble Cistern with curious Spring-Water , which springs or boils up in the middle thereof , and comes from a Fountain about two Miles from the Castle . If he desires to lie with any of his Women , he sends an Eunuch to fetch whom he pleases : she being come , he lies with her , after that he bids her begone ; being as inhumane in this as in the rest of his Actions ; and away she goes , lest he kill her . He allows his Women a quantity of Flower , and sends his Eunuchs to measure it them out ; and sometimes goes to look over them himself , lest his Eunuchs cheat him . One of his Women came to him carrying a young Child in her Arms , desiring him to allow her a little more Flower and Butter ; he bid her stay a while , and she should have it ▪ then he called for some of his Eunuchs , and killed her , and caused them to pull the young Child in pieces Limb from Limb. It 's his Pleasure sometimes to shew his Women his fine Buildings : before he goes , he sends his Eunuchs to drive away all the Men out of their sight , riding with a Lance himself before the Women , being two or three hundred following , where he rides in great Pomp , extolling this and the other Work , and admiring the Bravely thereof ; but the Women dare not to speak a word otherwise than as he himself doth . In the Year 1688 , the Emperor of Morocco sent a Letter to the Algerines , acquainting them that he heard they had a great many Christian Slaves ; and since he had a great deal of Work to do , if they would sell him any of them , he would give them 150 Dollars a Head for five hundred of them , and send them away with all speed . They gathered three hundred French Men , and brought them to Tittivan ; being landed there , the Governour had them to Macqueness to the Emperor , to see them , and asked him if he liked them ? who answered , Yes . Immediately by the Emperor's Order they were driven away by the Negroes in a barbarous manner . The Algerines expecting their Money from the Emperor , having waited a long time for Payment , they resolved at once to demand it from him . When they asked him for it ▪ he answered , he did not use to give Money for Christians that were brought into his Land ▪ Then they charged him with breach of Promise , saying , they hoped he would not serve them so . He said , if they did not retire out of his Country , he would cut off all their Heads . So they retiring to Algier with speed , acquainted the King and his Pateroons how they had sped with the Emperor , giving Relation of what he said concerning the Christians . The King presently rais'd an Army of 50000 Men , preparing Ammunition and Field-pieces , who marched through Trimsind , a place at or near the Emperor's Dominions , where they entred without Resistance ; and as they passed along , several of Mully Ishmael's People ran to them : Mully Ishmael's Coydes , or Governours , acquainted him that the Algerines were coming against him : Mully Ishmael hearing thereof , raised an Army of Eighty thousand Horse and Foot , and made his Son Mully Sedan General thereof . Whilst his Army was a preparing , the Algerines were got up as far as a Town called Tezzo , within two days Journey of Fez , where they pitch'd . Mully Sedan went against them ; and being there , the Algerines wrote a Letter to Mully Ishmael , acquainting him , that they did not come to fight with his Son , but to have met himself in Person : he sent them word back that his Son was able enough for them . Soon after they had received his Letter , they engaged Mully Sedan's Army , and slew abundance of them . Many of Mully Sedan's People deserted him , joining with the Algerines . Then he sent with all speed to the Emperor his Father , giving him account what had happened . When Mully Ishmael understood that , he gave out , that if any Christians would help , and stand by the great Guns , if he prevailed against the Algerines , he would give them their Liberty . So eight Englishmen told him they knew what belonged to the Guns , and they would go with him . So he ordered an hundred Moors to assist them , and to take out six great Guns ( that they judged might be most serviceable ) from the place where they lay betwixt the Walls . They told him they wanted Carriages : He sent for Carpenters immediately , charging them to make Carriages strong and good , and that with all speed , upon pain of losing their Heads in case they neglected . Mully Sedan again sent the Emperor his Father word , that if he did not hasten to Battel , the Algerines would be in Fez in four days time . Mully Ishmael hearing that , was forced to go with all speed , raising what Forces he could , leaving for haste his Field-pieces behind him . The Emperor being come where his own Army lay , he made Peace with the Algerines General , and in order thereto , gave forty eighty Mules laden with Gold , and an Horse and Furniture worth 200000 Crowns . About a Month before I came from Macqueness , one of our own Nation , namely Elias Roberts , being by the said Emperor put to look after a parcel of Sheep , he came himself to view them ; and telling them over , found three of his number wanting , who thereupon sent for one of his chief Negroes that kept an account of them , and examined him what was become of them ? he replied , the Christian kept , the Key , and lock'd them up every Night , and carried it with him to the place where he went to sleep under Ground . The Tyrant immediately sent his Blood-hounded Negroes to fetch the poor Christian , who was not far from them ; being come , he asked him what was become of those Sheep that were wanting ? he made Answer , he went home every Night , having first fastned the Door , and that the Negro had a false Key to the Door ; so turning to the Negro , and upon Examination finding him faulty , he presently shot him to Death , running his Launce through his Body in several places , and threatned the Christian for not acquainting him therewith sooner , saying , if he would not turn Moor , he would kill him , as he had done the Negro , who lay dead before them . The Christian boldly replied , he was brought up in the Faith of Jesus Christ , and he would not turn Moor , and that he feared God , whose Power was greater than his ; so the Emperor fell to cutting him , and afterwards had him very inhumanly stretched out by those bloody Negroes , and beaten till he was left for dead . Then he went away to his Works where English Captives were , and told them he had killed one of the Dogs their Brother , for taking no better care of his Sheep , calling them Dogs in his own Language , and bidding them fetch that Dog away ; five or six of them went and brought the poor Man away , who had been so cruelly beaten by the wicked Wretch , his Body was so exceedingly bruised , he could not stir neither hand nor foot ; neither could he feed himself for several days , but as we help'd him . Yet through God's Mercy , he was pretty well recovered before my Departure from thence . And thus when the poor Captives are by this unmerciful , and rather , as we may term him , inhuman Brute , beaten and killed at his pleasure , none dare make any Complaint to him ; for instead of taking any Pity of them , he matters no more to kill a Christian than to kill a Dog ; and if any of them seeks for Favour from this Tyrant , he 's either killed , or sorely beaten by either him or his bloody Negroes . A Moor , one of the Natives of the Country , having Compassion on me , and seeing my sad Condition that I was kept daily in , which I cannot at large insert here , came to me , speaking his own Language , being Arabick , knowing I could understand him ; and he asked me if I would go to my Native Country ? I replied , Are you in earnest or not ? he answered , Yes , and would direct me , and go along with me himself to Marsegan , a Garison belonging to the King of Portugal . I told him , if he expected any Reward or Satisfaction from me for his Pains , I had nothing to give him ; he said he knew that by my Condition . So I enquired of him where he lived ? he answered , at a place called Assimore , which is not far from the Christian Garison ; and he said , he would trust to the Benevolence of the Governour of that place , provided I would speak to the said Governour for a Gratuity for him , when we should arrive there : I told him I should be worse than a Jew , if I did not do that ; and they themselves count the Jews the worst and falsest of all People . Then I asked him in what time we should provide for our Journey ? he said , as soon as I could find convenient opportunity ; and I farther prevailed with him to take in two more English-men along with us , whose Names were Tristram Bryan , born in Plymouth , and Edward Tucker , who came from New-England . And in five days time after we were fitted with a small quantity of Bread for the Journey , supposing we might accomplish our Journey in ten Nights time , for we must of necessity hide our selves in the Day for fear of being discovered ; yet we found it difficult enough to perform in two and twenty days , in which time we were put to great Hardships and Necessities on the way . The Particulars are as follow . On the 26 th of June , 1692 , in the Evening , we set forward from Macqueness , and travelled as far as we could that Night in great fear of being pursued , with our Moor to direct us in the way , knowing that if they had found us , we had been killed , if not burnt , which would have been the Moor's Lot had we been taken : towards day we had a great River to pass ; when we were got over , we found a small Coppise or Wood , where we rested the Day following , being the 27 th . In the Evening when the Sun was set , our Guide was forward to be going , not knowing how the Event would prove , and I had much ado to perswade him from going before 't was dark . When we came into the Road out of the Wood we met ten Moors , and Mules and Asses laden with Goods for the Emperor , being Iron , which they had taken from one Savage an English Master that came from Bilboa ; so we followed our Guide the Moor , who gave them the time of the Night , and they him likewise ; and so we passed that time without any further trouble , they supposing us to be Moors , being we had on their sort of Apparel . So we travelled that Night , making what haste we could , and still in great fear , lest we should have been discovered by the Moors : when we rested , it was towards Day , in some Brambles or Bushes , seeing them pass along by us , driving of Sheep and Bullocks ; but through Mercy they did not see us . And the next Night , being the 28 th , we travelled all Night ; and when Day appeared , we could not find a convenient place to lodg in , which we sought for ; and about Sun-rising we found a place betwixt two Mountains where were Holes made with the Winter Rains coming off the Hills near a Path-way , to which we made , and espied several Moors who went along the Road , that had Mules and Asses loaden with Iron , who saw us not . Some part of the Day we slept ; and the Moor and I watcht ; in which time the Moor gathered Palm , and made a Sling , to sling Stones at Lions and other wild Beasts that appeared . So in the Evening , after Sun-set , ( being the 29 th ) we travelled till we came to a River-side , where were a great parcel of Moors and Mules a baiting , that had Bail-Goods , which the Sally-Moors had taken in Prizes , to carry to the Emperor at Macqueness ; who strictly enquired of our Moor , from whence we came , and whither we were going ? He made answer , To Salley , and came from Macqueness , and so our Moor bad them Good-night ; and we travelled on ( without further enquiry ) along the River-side before we could get over . When we were over , there were a great many Bramble-bushes and Rush-bushes ; and our Moor feared there were Lions in that Place , so we made what haste we could up a Hill , on the top of which was a great Plain ; and being very thirsty , we travelled on a good way further , and heard a noise of Frogs and Toads ; to which Place we came , and found a standing Water , which stunk ; however we drank thereof to stay our Thirst , and 't was sweet to us : and so went on till we found a ruined Castle , which had formerly belonged to the Portugues , at which our Moor would fain have rested ; but I told him there might happen to be Moors there , because they usually rested in such Places in the Night . So we went further , till we came to a place where grew a great parcel of high Weeds , and there we rested that Day . The 30 th at Night , after Sun-set , we set forwards ; but were very thirsty , the Sun having shone hot upon us that Day , having lain without shelter , only the Weeds . I asked our Moor , how long it would be e're we could find any Water ? He said , A little further there was a small River ; but we thought it a long way to it , our Throats being so parch'd with Drought ; so we drank Water , and eat a little Bread , which did greatly refresh us ; and we went forward till near break of Day , where we rested in some Weeds till about two in the Afternoon ; at which time three Women disturbed us two or three times , but saw not our Faces : So we three went forward , and our Moor stood , and enquired of them the way to Salley . Then the Women asked from whence we came ? Who answered , From Tapholet , which was a City in that Country . They further asked , if he had lain in that place all Night ? and asked what they were that were with him ? He told them , Three of his Neighbours , and that they had lain there all Night , being Strangers . They said , It was a wonder that the Lions had not destroyed us , there being so many in that place , they devoured some of their Cattel almost every Night ; and they told him it was about four Leagues to Salley . After Sun-set ( July 1. ) we travelled till we came to a Wood , where the Moor would have had us to rest ; but seeing of Lights which the Country People had in their Tents , and hearing a Lion roar thereabouts , we went further , and came to a ruined Tower , where was a good Spring of Water ; we drank and refreshed our selves , but durst not stay for fear of Moors being in that place ; and going a little farther , we came into a Valley , where was a Hole the Winter Rains had made , there we rested ; and after the Sun was risen , two Moors came to cut Palm : At which I awaked our Moor , who spoke to them , and gave them the time of Day , and they likewise to him . They enquired of him from whence he came , and whither he was going ? He told them , he came from beyond Tapholet , and was going to visit a great Saint at a Town called Temsnah ; and asked further , if there were none with him ? He answered , there were three more . They asked , if we had lain there all Night ? He said , we had ; They said , it was to be wondred that the Lions had not devoured us ; and came to look at us where we lay , speaking Arabick ; but the Moor told them , we could not speak that Lingua ; and we were covered all over with our white Blankets , being such as the Moors commonly wear . So they went away and left us , telling us , We did well in going to visit the Saint . So we got up , and espying a parcel of Bushes a little distance off , we removed thither , lest the two Moors should have informed of us at Salley , and so have come back to the place and found us . The Bush where we were hid , was near a River-side , but we durst not go to drink thereat , by reason of People which passed to and fro there by us all Day long . July 2. After Sun-set , we attempted to go over the River ; but it being so strong a Stream , and deep , we could not pass over it : And in our going a great way further up the River-side , there happened to be several of the Moors ; yet being Night , they saw us not , save only one Man of the Natives , which had tied up a bundle of Canes fast together to pass over the River with them ; to whom our Moor gave the time of the Night ; and he answering with the like to us , we parted : and going higher up , we found a place not so deep as the other part of the River ; so got over , and travelled up a Hill on the other side , where we found some Bushes , and there we rested , and our Moor lay on the out-side of them . In the Morning when the Sun was risen , came by us two Moors with two Asses , who said one to the other , it was wonder the Lions had not devoured that Man , meaning our Moor , who they saw lying by the side of the Bushes . On the third Instant , after the Sun was set , we set forward , endeavouring to get to the Sea-side : but there being several People in the way , watching with their Dogs to keep the wild Beasts from their Gardens ; which we hearing , were fain to flee further from them : so we travelled a little further , and rested among some Rushes . The next Night , being the 4 th of July , we travelled after Sun-setting as far as we could , being weary and faint , and rested On the 5 th ; on which Day after Sun was set , we set forward , and travelled till we came to a place where was a standing Water , being thereto led by a noise of Frogs ; which although the Water stunk , yet drinking thereof , it was sweet to us ; with that , and a little Bread , we were much refreshed ; but at this time our Bread was gone , so we travelled a little further , and rested . The 6 th Instant , after Sun-set , we went forward , and discovered a great many Lights which the Natives had in their Tents where they lodg : So we parted a while one from another , to find out the Roads . At length I came to a place where the Country People use to go to Market , where we again met together ; and travelling awhile , we heard some Dogs , as I thought , did scent us ; and near that place we met with a Lion lying by the Way-side ; which the Moor seeing , before he roused , he struck him fair over the Head. So the Lion roared at him , and followed us half a Mile or more ; but our Moor kept slinging of Stones at him so fast , that he left us . Then we came to a Valley , where was a Wood on each side : When Day appeared , we rested in the Wood , having no Bread to sustain us ; but we durst not enter the Wood till it was Day-light , for fear of the Lions : We then found a piece of Pot in the Wood , with which our Moor brought us some Water out of the Valley ; for we durst not fetch it our selves , lest the People saw us : so when the Moor had brought us a Pot full of Water , ( but in the mean time we were lamenting our sad Condition for want of Bread , having then no Sustenance but Palm-Berries , Grass and Weeds , and any thing we could eat , which was sweet to us ) he said , in his own Language , God was great . So went from us about the space of four Hours ; in which time he sold his Sash , and bought us a small quantity of Bread ( about a pound and an half ) therewith , and brought us a little of it , which we ate ; and he fetch'd us a little more Water in the Pot : After we had eaten and drank of the Water , we went to sleep , two of us watching . On the 7 th , after Sun-set , we travelled on ; and the Moor slung Stones , whilst we passed through the Wood , lest there should be Lions lurking thereabouts : having refreshed our selves with the Bread and Water , we rested amongst some Brambles , but could find no more Water that Night . Then on the 8 th Day at Night we came to another Wood , in which we travelled a great way , and kept two of us awake to watch against Lions and other wild Beasts . On the 9 th we set forward , and travelled in the same Wood , and still had no Water . The 10 th , after Sun-setting , we went till we came to an Hill of Rocks ; at the bottom whereof we found a Spring of Water , and drinking thereof , we were greatly refreshed : and there was a little River , from which we went , till we came to some Trees or Bushes , and there rested . About eight a Clock in the Morning , July 11. ( it raining fast ) we ventured to travel that Day , after we had rubb'd out a little Corn , and eaten , that the Moor had brought us , having no Bread to eat : so went to the top of an Hill , on which grew a Tree , which we climb'd upon , and espied the Sea at a great distance from us . We travelled all that Day , and the Night following , till towards Day , that we rested , but had neither Bread nor Water . On the 12 th at Night , after Sun-setting , we travelled a good way , and heard a noise of Frogs and Toads ; to which we made , and found Water , which we drank of ; and although it was very brackish , yet it was pleasant to us , by reason of our sore Drought . A little from thence we met with a Person of Quality , as we judged by his Habit and Attendance , having ten Men with him ; to whom our Moor paid his Respects , and gave him the time of the Night . He answered him again in his own Language , and asked him whither we were going ? Our Moor answered , To Santa Cruse : So he bid us , God speed : Afterwards our Moor asked him from whence he came ? He answered , From Assimore . So we departed away , and travelled till we found some Bushes , wherein we rested that Day . July 13. After Sun-setting we set out , and came so near to Assimore , that , listening , we heard the People in it , and saw the Town , which stood on the South-side of a Hill , and a River by the Town , which was so deep , that we could not get over , because one of our Men could not swim . Then we travelled along the North-side of the River , till we came to a place where Cains grew , and there we rested by the River-side . July 14. After it was Day , our Moor went to see his Family which dwelt there in that Town . We having been a considerable time without Bread , I requested our Moor to bring us a little , ( which he did ) and likewise to see if he could find any thing to carry my Country-man over the River ; and about four in the Afternoon he returned with some Bread , and said , he had found a Tree . After Sun was set , we went to view it , and found it not fit to swim withal : So we returned , and went back to the Cains , and there staid . On the 15 th Instant , when the Sun was risen , I desired our Moor to go and enquire of the People , where we might pass over the River ? The People told him , there was no other Passage but by a Boat at the Town . So our Moor went about a League further in the Country , where he saw a Man and a Woman upon a Mule crossing the River , and marked the place with some Stones , that we might find it , and so returned to us , and rested till Sun-setting . So we set forward , and had gone but a little way before we heard a Lion roar , but he did not come in our sight ; then we came to the place where the Moor laid his Mark , and sat down to consult how to pass over there , we hearing of People in a Garden were near at hand : And in the interim , we heard a Lion just behind us ; so we hastened and got over the River , and travelled a little further , and rested . July 16. After Sun-setting we travelled about a Mile further , where we saw a Town , that our Moor said was a Saint's Town , to which the People , that were not able to pay their Taxes to the Emperor , fled for Refuge . July 17. After Sun-setting we travelled ; and going till about Midnight we came within call of the Garison , * which was at Mersygan , belonging to the King of Portugal : So I called out , and the Souldiers made answer to me , and asked what we were ? I replied , We were three Christians and a Moor : Which they presently acquainted the Governour of , and bid us hasten nearer , lest there should be any Moors in the hearing of us . Which we did , and running to a wrong place , they called to us again to make to the two Draw-bridges , where we sate down . So the Governour , and the rest of the Officers , came to the Wall ; and after he had examined us , he and the Guard let us in ; and he ordered his Servants to bring us into the House , and to give us some Relief ; and he himself came to us , and wondred that so little satisfied us in our eating and drinking : So had us into another Room , and asked me , If I did not know of three Men that were taken by the Moors from that Garison ? I answered , I knew of two , but not the third . He bid me speak to the Moor , and ask him , If he would undertake to bring them thither to that place ? So I spoke to the Moor , who bid me tell the Governour , That he would endeavour it to the utmost of his Power . So the Governour ordered us a Lodging ; and in the Morning ordered his Clerk to write a couple of Letters , and gave them to the Moor , with forty pieces of Eight for bringing us thither , saying , If he did bring the two Portugueses , he would give him as much more as should maintain him and his Family as long as he lived . The Moor said , He would do his endeavour . So the Governour ordered Dinner for us : And about four a Clock he again sent for me and the Moor ; and bid me tell him , in his Language , That if he feared any thing in his Return , he would send some of his Troopers to conduct him on the Way . The Moor made answer , He should go more safe alone . After Sun was set , the Governour gave him Victuals to serve him , till he could shift for himself . And the Moor taking his leave , returned , and went on his Journey . About three Weeks after , a Portuguese Man of War came into that Garison to fetch about 1800 Souldiers off from thence : So I desired of the Governour we might go aboard with them : Which he was willing , and in four Days after we had been aboard , most of the Souldiers being come off , the Captain sent a Letter to the Governour , by the Coxon of the Pinnace , desiring him to hasten the remainder away . When the Pinnace went ashore , his Crew wondered to see any Moors there , and asked , What they did there ? The Portugues told them , They came with a Flag of Truce , to treat for three Moors they had taken . They offered the Governour two thousand Dollars for them , being one of them was a Shack , or Governour ; or Bullocks , or Sheep , or Corn , in lieu of Money . He answered , No ; for they had taken three Troopers belonging to his Garison ; and he heard that two of them were at Macqueness . They replied , They knew by whom he heard that , for the Christians that the Moor brought , had acquainted him therewith ; but he had paid dearly for it , for , said they , he was taken with the Pieces of Eight , and Letters about him , and carried up to the Emperor and burnt : At which the Governour was very sorry when he heard it . The Governour then told them , he heard two of his Troopers vvere alive at Macqueness , but he feared the third vvas dead , because he heard nothing of him ; and bid them go up to the Emperor , and prevail vvith him , if they could , for the two Christians , and bring them , and they should have the three Moors . They told him , they could not do that . He made answer , Then they should never have the Moors . So at Night when they came on Board , I asked them what was the best News ? Who said , Very bad ; for they had seen a parcel of Moors , who had given account to the Governour , that the Moor that brought us to the Garison , was taken and burnt . At which I was much grieved , knowing the poor Moor's true-heartedness towards us , in bringing and directing us on our Journey , vvhen vve made our escape from Macqueness . So setting sail for Lisbon , through God's Mercy we safely arrived there , and vvent to the King's Palace , giving him Thanks for the Kindness the Governour had bestowed upon us , and the Moor that brought us to the Garison . When vve came thither , several of the Nobility enquired of us , What Nation vve vvere of ? and told us , if vve desired it , vve might speak vvith the King ; and acquainted him of us , vvho ordered us to come before him ; and enquired of us if vve could speak French or Portuguese ? I said we could speak some Portuguese , and a little Lingua Franc : So he enquired from vvhence vve came ? And I gave him account of our narrow escape from that Slavery vve had been in under the Emperor , &c. and told him how our Bread vvas gone in ten Days time , and that vve had been two and twenty Days in coming from Macqueness to the Garison , and did eat nothing but Reach till the 23 d Night . He much vvondered how vve vvere kept alive the rest of the time after our Bread vvas gone . I told him , through God's Assistance vve had shifted as vvell as vve could ; for our Liberty being sweet to us , had caused us to run these great hazards vve vvere exposed to . He further enquired after those Christians that are still in Slavery ; of vvhich I gave him an Account of all I could remember : And desired him , out of the abundance of his Goodness and Clemency to remember them in their Afflictions . He told me , it vvas more than he ever heard before , and said , he vvould , before Winter came , take care to send them Relief , to buy them Victuals and Clothes ; and enquired of me , Whether any of his Subjects desired me to lay their Condition before him ? I answered , No ; but ( by God's Permission ) I had in part undergone the same Afflictions they were in , and knew vvell enough how it vvas vvith them . He made answer , God vvould bless me for it . He likewise asked , If I knew vvhat number of Ships vvere at Salley ? I told him , eleven Sail. He said , He knew Venetia , for he had formerly been at his Palace . I said , It was our late King James's Pleasure to give him his Liberty ; vvith much more that passed betwixt us . VVhen this Venetia returned home to the Emperor , the Emperor ordered him to build a Ship ; and several English-men , that were newly taken Slaves he caused to draw Timber in a Cart from Memora to Salley , ( which was twelve Miles distant ) like so many Oxen , driving and whipping of them in a very barbarous manner . The Name of Venetia caused me to insert this here , to show the barbarous Cruelty of this inhumane VVretch ; and so I shall leave him , and proceed . VVe having taken our leaves here , took our Passage for Holland , where my two Country-men staid ; but I took my Passage for England , where , praised be God for his great Mercies , I arrived safely , being by his good Providence at last delivered from under the Hands of this Inhumane Tyrant , and his Hellish Crew of Negroes ; beseeching Almighty God , that all my Country-men , in all their Affairs and Negotiations , may ever escape from his cruel Hands . Francis Brooks . FINIS . Books printed for John Salusbury at the Rising Sun in Cornhill . THE Certainty of The Worlds of Spirits , fully evinced by unquestionable Histories of Apparitions and Witchcrafts , Operations , Voices , &c. Proving the Immortality of Souls , the Malice and Miseries of the Devils and Damned , and the Blessedness of the Justified . The End of Doctrinal Controversies , which have lately troubled the Churches , by reconciling Explication without much Disputing . Both by Mr. Richard Baxter . The Protestant Religion truly stated and justified , by the late Reverend Divine Mr. Richard Baxter : Whereunto is added , by way of an Epistle , some Account of the Learned Author , never before published . By Mr. Matth. Sylvester and Mr. Daniel Williams . The Harmony of the Divine Attributes , in the contrivance and accomplishment of Man's Redemption by the Lord Jesus Christ . By William Bates , D. D. The Changeableness of this World , with respect to Nations , Families , and particular Persons ; with a practical Application thereof to the various Conditions of this Mortal Life . By Timothy Rogers , M. A. The Duty and Blessing of a Tender Conscience , plainly stated , and earnestly recommended to all that regard Acceptance with God , and the Prosperity of their Souls . By T. Cruse . Five Sermons on various Occasions . By the same Author . The Mirror of Divine Love unvail'd , in a Paraphrase on the High and Mysterious Song of Solomon . By Robert Flemming , V. D. M. The Mourners Memorial , in two Sermons , on the Death of the truly pious Mrs. Susannah Some . With some Account of her Life and Death . By T. Wright and Robert Flemming , V. D. M. The Christian's Converse with God , or the Insufficiency and Uncertainty of Human Friendship , & the Improvement of Solitude in Converse with God , with some of the Author's Breathings after him . By Rich. Baxter . Recommended to the Readers serious Thoughts when at the House of Mourning and Retirement . By Mr. Matth. Sylvester . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A29712-e760 * When they meet with any of our Merchant-Men of small Force , having but 8 or 10 Guns , they often deceive them , by telling them they are Algerines , getting the Master on board them to shew his Pass ; when he and his Men are on board , they enter them , and take their , Ship. * The distance between Macqueness and Marsegan , being two hundred Miles or more ; but travelling in the Night , occasioned our missing the Way : so that we went at least three hundred Miles before we came to the Garison . A04907 ---- A relation of seaven yeares slaverie under the Turkes of Argeire, suffered by an English captive merchant Wherein is also conteined all memorable passages, fights, and accidents, which happined in that citie, and at sea with their shippes and gallies during that time. Together with a description of the sufferings of the miserable captives under that mercilesse tyrannie. Whereunto is added a second booke conteining a discription of Argeire, with its originall, manner of government, increase, and present flourishing estate. By Francis Knight. Knight, Francis. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A04907 of text S108100 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 15048). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 138 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A04907 STC 15048 ESTC S108100 99843789 99843789 8545 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04907) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 8545) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1108:09) A relation of seaven yeares slaverie under the Turkes of Argeire, suffered by an English captive merchant Wherein is also conteined all memorable passages, fights, and accidents, which happined in that citie, and at sea with their shippes and gallies during that time. Together with a description of the sufferings of the miserable captives under that mercilesse tyrannie. Whereunto is added a second booke conteining a discription of Argeire, with its originall, manner of government, increase, and present flourishing estate. By Francis Knight. Knight, Francis. [4], 56 p. : ill., map Printed by T. Cotes, for Michael Sparke Junior, and are to be sold at the signe of the blue Bible in Greene Arbour, London : 1640. The first leaf bears a woodcut. Another state of the edition with Thomas Nicholes's name in the imprint. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Slavery -- Early works to 1800. Algeria -- History -- 1516-1830 -- Early works to 1800. A04907 S108100 (STC 15048). civilwar no A relation of seaven yeares slaverie under the Turkes of Argeire, suffered by an English captive merchant. Wherein is also conteined all mem Knight, Francis 1640 25030 50 0 0 0 0 0 20 C The rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Rachel Losh Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Rachel Losh Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A RELATION OF SEAVEN YEARES SLAVERIE VNDER THE Turkes of Argeire , suffered by an English Captive Merchant . Wherein is also conteined all memorable Passages , Fights , and Accidents , which happined in that Citie , and at Sea with their Shippes and Gallies during that time . Together with a Description of the sufferings of the miserable Captives under that mercilesse Tyrannie . Whereunto is added a Second Booke conteining a Discription of Argeire , with its Originall , manner of Government , Increase , and present flourishing Estate . — Pertot discrimina rerum Tendimus in Patriam ▪ — BY FRANCIS KNIGHT . LONDON , Printed by T. Cotes , for Michael Sparke Iunior , and are to be sold at the signe of the blue Bible in Greene Arbour . 1640. TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVLL , AND WORTHY HONOVRED KNIGHT , Sr. PAVL PINDER . Noble Sir , the Renowne of your Illustrious Vertues in Forraine Nations , by exemplary Pietie at home , hath beene so apparent to me , though a stranger to my Native Country , that I have presumed to present your Worship with his Treatise , ●●iessing my ardent affection for the inlargement of the Multitude of my poore Country-men , groaning under the merciless yoake of Turkish thraldome ; and the rather my selfe having there suffered , losse of my estate , and the misery of 7. yeares slaverie in chaines , and in the Gallies of Argeire , it s not unknowne to your Worship , having beene Resident in those parts , what their sufferings are , as scoffes , threats , blowes , chaines , hunger , nakednesse , with innumberable others , and which is most deplorable , their danger of falling from the Christian and most holy faith , of which sort . I have knowne many who through the extremitie of their sufferings hath renounced their Saviour , and imbraced the Mahomitan and diabolicall Imposture , these miseries and innumerable others , having beene presented to my eyes , though now by the mercy of God , happily escaped , doe still increase my zeale for their liberties , which your worship being an eminent personage in this flourishing Kingdome , may be a worthy instrument to accomplish ; I feare to be too presumptious in craving your worships Patronage to this impolite discourse , and therefore humbly beseech your Worships pardon , and implore the Divine Majestie to conserve your person and honour , in making them long and happie in earth , and in fine to reward you with Eternall happinesse , Thus prayes he that is your Worships most humble Suppliant FRANCIS KNIGHT . To the Reader . THe Subject of this following discourse , neede no Apologie to make way for its entertainement ; seeing none , to my knowledge , hath ever devulged in Print , the estate and condition of Captives in that place of Argeire . I have undertaken thus meanely to present them to your sight , let the Curteous Reader pardon the faults , both of the Authour and the Presse , some whereof are observed in the Errata following , Farwell . ERRATA . PAge 9. line 21. for Geneva read Genava , and l. 24. for Challery , r. Callerie , p. 10. l. s. for towne r. tower , & l 7. for Cap● & Colpe , & l. 18. r. dayes they returned , & l. 33. for began r. Bogiva●● . p. 11. l. 9. for acclamation r. accumelation , & l. 22. for Gr●m●oy● r. ●●annoys , & l. ult. r. concentedly , p. 12. l. 11. for Abdera Mourine , r. Alderam . ● Rice . p. 14. l. 3. for declared r. declaro , & l. 24. for seeming r. seeing , and l. 28. for pertner r. patron . p. 15. l. 1. r. afterward a , & l. 34. for watched , r weighed , & l ult , for trouble r. travell . p. 16. l. 17. f. Forts r. For●es , & l. 35 , for messe● r. messia , l. 36. for Castle r. Coast . A True and strange Relation of seven yeares slavery under the Turkes of Argeire , suffered by an English Captive Merchant . VIcicitudes are incident to Kingdomes , to Cities , and to men , and was to me , in my age of 23. yeares and five moneths of my life : And in the yeare of grace 1631. On the ninth day of December , when it pleased Almightie God to give power to the Infidels to prevaile over me , whereby I became Captive , and interdicted the company of those of my consanguinitie ; prohibited of divine Oracles , and detained from my native Countrey ( to which I am yet a stranger ) but ( praised be God ) in way to survive , to see the naturall place of my habitation , and to re-expostulate with those , one with me in proximitie of blood , in the familiar language of our loves . Having passed those calamities , which as I want imagination to conceive , so am more defective to devulge . Ianuary the 16. day , in the yeare before nominated ; I arrived in that Citie fatall to all Christians , and the butchery of mankind , not that I so terme it in respect it serves as a purgation , to evacuate the Turkish countrey of superfluous people ; my condolation is for the losse of many Christians , taken from their parents and countries , of all sorts and sexes . Some in Infancy , both by Land and Sea , being forced to abuses ( most incorrigible flagitions ) not onely so , but bereast of Christian Religion , and meanes of grace and repentance . How many thousand of the Nazarian nations have beene and are continually lost by that monster , what rationall creature can be ignornnt of ? But farre worse is their condition from whom these peeces had their extraction , in whom their unhappy parents once delighted themselves , with hope they might prove souldiers in the Lords battles . To which intent they fed them with their sweate , nourisht them with their blood , and made their sole joyes ; what affliction is like theirs ? that such living peeces of their bodies should bee extorted from them . And by whom ? buriby a people unknowne , monsters more like then men , where they not onely have their naturall condition changed , and are made their Corrasive : but they do wilfully prove their countries greatest enemy . Who can but religiously condole their misfortunes , whose so prepellent hopes should bee turned to despaires ? Who would not wish his loynes dry rather then fruitfull in such wickednesse : these are not onely the greatest Caxdiators in Barbary , but in all others , not in places of obscuritie , But in the great Turkes Soray , who are his Courtiers ? who his Councellors ? who his Vissiers ? who his Bashawes ? who his greatest instruments , but these denyers , the sonnes of Christians . What hath beene the advancement of their glory ? but our neglect , I meane in the slightings of many poore soules , that in their agony despaired , and with Noah in a fit of their folly discovers these secrets that were hid 600. yeares before . Thus madly doe many of them cast themselves upon the point of those dangers , whereby they have seene so many miscarry : But being forced to that experience which they cannot redeeme , expiate all shame . I doe religiously lament the shipwracke of some of them who were of my acquaintance . To whose denyalls I have beene an occular witnesse . Lord how facile doe these professe the new Religion , priding themselves in Turkish ceremonies , and in a faith once execrable unto them ; whereto , not confidence but vice invokes them . Had they but the grace of a common woman , who with unloosing her Pettycoate looseth shame , but recovering it takes it up againe : there might be hopes of them , that at the hearing of the Cocke crow they might with Peter remember their sinnes , get out of them and weepe bitterly . There is hony to be taken out of the Lyon , and such a plague is opportunitie , that many aregular man is forced to sollicite their friends , and dearely to esteeme of their acquaintance , as well as to the perill ; I will ascribe to the Jeat stone his due . The obligation I owe to some of them I have a just propension to requite them for , but I am not oblieged to duske their vices nor contrarily will maliciously professe calumnies against them , but condoling their destinies with them grace . I was two yeares and fix moneths a slave to one of them : in which terminie I knew not what sufferings was only aflicted by being an occular testator of the calamities of others , I was not imployed in the least servility . His presence did not disturbe me , but I was most a Allegerie in his company , and sure then to fare best ; none of my actions but was to his content , and none so acceptable to him as my selfe . My affabilitie , freenesse of speech , and boldnesse had so obliged his affections to mee as almost the world could not expiate . And indeede , he was an honest morall man . Opportunitie gave me occasion sufficient to register the passages of those times happening in that Citie . The first accident famous for memory in this terminie was in the yeare 1634. on Friday the 20. of Iune , in blowing up the Cassaba or house of Councell , and chiefe foretresse of that Citty . Nature if it once degenerates growes more monstrous and extreame then dispositions borne to cruelties ; many yeares past the Turkes upon surmises of Treason plotted against them by the Collolies , their owne children , for so are they by them called , banished all such of them as were of the Councell , as by denomination Bulla Bashees and Odds Bashees , and performed it with no little subtletie . No word passed in the Citie of these suppositions , nor had the Collolyes any thought that their so secret plots had beene the Turkes intelligences , who knowing the danger neglected , no time to remedy so great a threatned mischiefe ; all rested private , untill the first Duanna day , or day of great councell ; when 60. of the primest of them were banished ; strange that the Colloly should not know his guilt , and more strange it is that the Turkes should banish a faction more powerful then themselves in number , in friends , and in estates , and equall dignities , all speaking one language ; yet the banished departed at the Turkes pleasure , without demanding the cause and knowledge of their offence . The pollitique Turke ordained the place no further then Bugea the next port towne to the Orient , but with two Commissions given the Captaines , to whose charge they were committed , and appointed to open one after the other . Wherein they were commanded to transport them to Tunnis , a City absolute . Vntill the next Councell day , all rested without clamour , and now 200. more of them are banished . The Bellages , Citizens and Natives Murmured , but dare not make complaints of their griefes . They neglected their accustomary course of trade . The Turkes by Proclamation commanded all men to open their shoppes , buy and sell , and not to have any missupposition of their intente or doings , past or to come , betwixt them and their children as being differences among themselves , also giving hopes to the banished in short time to be recalled to Argiere , and raise them to their former dignities . The third great Duanna or Councell day was banished 500. more of them , without any insurrection or stirre made by the Collolyes ; and in fine on the fift day all the rest , consisting of 1574. men , chiefest in the Citie for esteeme ; in that they were descended from the ancient Turkes , which conquered that country , and in substance the richest hope is of that noble and couragions facultie that it commonly brings more then it carries away . No advertisement all this time came to Argiere of the banished transportation from one port to another , nor their friends any way suspecting them to be so farre banished as Tunnis . But time the mother of all truth untaught the Collolyes errour , and now by the experience of many yeares see themselves frustrate of all hopes to returne in a faire way to that terrene paradise . They now combinde with difficultie to possesse themselves of that citie , which once they being possessed of , might facily make retention . 60. of them , of a more undaunted resolutiō then the rest vowed to surprise the Cassaba , prime fortresse of the Citie ; the stratagem to affect it was thus : They went thither in womens apparell , wearing long Mantles to the ground , and their faces covered as is the fashion of that country , and having Cemitaries , coyertly entered the Cassaba , crying Sherillah or demanding Justice ; the day was Friday , and the time the morning . A great advantage to the Collolyes : for it being the Turkes Sunday , most of them that kept the sald Cassaba were in the Citie visiting their friends ; in briefe , some one way , and some another : besides it was the 15. day when the Bashaw makes a feast to the whole Duanna . In this manner 23. of the Collolyes enters this Cassaba , the other 37. of the confederacy not present ; the Turkish Bulla bassawes which carelesly kept the gate , not thinking them to be other then women , the Collolyes now to imbrace their opportunitie , draw their Curlesses , kills all they finde in the Cassaba , shuts the gate , and for a while are masters of this sumptuous Fortresse , and now displayes their Banners upon the walls : which suddaine revolt comming to be the intelligence of the Aga , Generall of the Souldiers , and Bashaw , vice King under the great Turke ; Yet not informed who they were that had surprised their Cassaba , some conjectured them to be the Cookoose , whose mother and sonne to that King was then prisoner in that Cassaba . The jealous Turke makes Proclamation upon paine of death every Collolye to keepe his house , nor any more Allarbyes or Tagarens , subjected people , to take Armes or weare a knife ; so poasted to the Cassaba , and found them to be Collolyes , men polliticke in warre , powerfull in faction , as being thousands of them unbanished , which never had borne office , having also the Allarbyes and Tagarens to their devotion , all supposed enemies to the Turke , who now give the assault . The Collolyes defended from six of the clocke in the morning to ten , at which time usually on all their Churches on Sundayes is hoysted up that ragge of Mahomet , a geene Flagge . The Turkes offered them pardon , and the restauration of their goods detained from them , they deny all composition , and resolve not onely to defend what they had gotten , as their owne patria , but to get more if they could . The Turke now impatient , and well knowing the ensuing danger , if they made not some speedy way before night ; assuring themselves , that all that were weary of their governement , malecontents and others , then would stirre ; and themselves doubtfull of one anothers Loyalties , resolved to make Otote , Obote ; something or nothing : They bring Scales to the walls and enter . The defendants seeing themselves desperated , and unable to make any longer resistance , fired 20000. Quentalls of powder , blew a piece of Ordinance out of the Castle to the Fishgate , a mile in length spoyled many houses and had destroyed the whole citie , but that this Cassaba is seated upon a stupendious mountaine , and the Citie lying all downe right under it , and the nature of pouder to evaporate into a regular elevation , the Skie was darkened with smoak & dust , and nothing heard but clamours in the streets ( as if the day of generall account had beene then ) Had those ignoble spirits , that lived in worse Ignominy then the Iewes , but stirred , they might without an aking finger have extirpated the glory of the Turke there , and honoured themselves with the Lordly command of the most flourishing City of Africa , 6000. soules perished by that blow , but of the Collolyes hee onely that fired the powder , 22. of them being taken alive were most cruelly tortured , some were crucified , others having their bones broken , were drawled along the streets at horse tailes , others had their shoulders stab'd with knives , and burning Torches set in them dropping downe into their wounds ; The Turkes biting of their flesh alive , so dyed , and some of them being walled in were starved to death . A guiltie conscience projects terrible things . What perplexitie the other Collolyes of the Citie were in I neede not recount . All censured them dead persons , but the councell disagreeing in themselves , their fortunes were better then their deserts . The Turkes now will not permit the Souldiers marriages , and by that meanes extinct so monstrous a Liniage : some of the counsell in detestation of that Race offered to kill their owne children , upon condition all others to doe the like , but others in the surplassage of their loves , countermanded that bloody Decree and unnaturall Acts ; onely inqiusition was made for certaine women which had given entertainement to those Collolyes and were condemned to be all throwne into the Sea ; but being packed from one place to another and not to bee found , at last was published a revocation of the sentence of their deaths , and they escaped and enjoyed their ancient priviledges . These combustions , soone came Solicitours to the King of Cokoose , who takes present occasion to lay siege to a Castle which the Algiers kept to his great annoyance in that countrey , as speedily came newes to the Algiers of the Castles besieging , who were then studious to fetch off 200. of their Souldiers in Garison there , and also ceremonious to conserve their honour , sent for both a Hamper or generall Army , consisting of 5000. foot Turks , and 3000. Swayv●s horsemen : The King of Cokoose , Semper idem , continued the siege , contayning his Forces within the mountaines , whereon is situated the Castle , the Turkes then according to their old custome trusted more to policie than valour . They knew well the danger to assault the enemy at such an advantage , and therefore propounded termes of peace , and fortune helped them , the Turkes were licenced to depart the Castle with honour , and the Army returned to Argiere in peace , and were received joyfully . In August next they enlarged the Prince of that countrey , giving him amongst other presents , a Spanish Christian woman , whom according to the custome of that religion he tooke to wife , and the Queene , mother of that King , and Grandam to the Prince , which also was a runagate of the Spanish nation , and had beene long prisoner in Argiere , They set at libertie . In Iuly 1635. there arrived Mounsieur de Sampson , French Embassadour in a Polacta of Mercellis , with his Kings Flagge aloft bravely . This gallant comes ashore , with his retinue consisting of other Messers visited the Councell and King , his action was stately , The Agga or Generall called a Counsell , sends a Chewse or Sergeant for the Embassadour , who came before them , they demanded his Embassage ; he answered he was sent by his King to demand his Majesties Subjects , by vertue of that interchangeable league mutually conserved betwixt his Majesty and their Emperour , they answered they knew none to command them in their governement . And if his King had sent him to treate for the enlargement of those French which upon just occasion they detayned , or for such slaves as were of that nation , he should have the sole reference unto them . 347. Free French men were then in Argiere , being all taken without fighting , and therefore unsold . But in farre worse condition than those that were , 400. Turkes and Moores were in the Mercillian Galleyes , which Mounsieur offered to exchange for his freemen and the slaves , which were 600. more , which they refused ; but offered Mounsieur the slaves for the price they were sold for in the Market , referring the freemen to the dispose of the Bashawes . Mounsieur now treats with the Bashawe ; Hee demands ten peeces of eight per head for them , Mounsieur stormes ( as I thinke he had good cause to doe ) having promised his King miracles in the accommodation of the French affaires . He demands a second conference , and it is granted him , the slaves are offerd him for the monies they cost in the Market , but the freemen raised to 20. peeces of eight per head ; Mounsieur according to the French fury boyles and illustrates the puissance of his King , Fire and Towe meets together , the Turkes furie is as much as the French chollor , and he is now more affronted ; the Slaves are now become importunate , vexing Mounsieur as the poore widdow did the unrighteous Judge , but his answer to them was Imperiall , hee had brought no moneys for them . The freemen doe now sollicite his propence affection , and implored his Christian care of their estats , they offer to pay the said 20. peeces of eight per head with interest , and the principallest of them , to come in band for satisfaction and securitie ; and in summe , every person to give perticular band to those which had so oblieged themselves . Sure it was most piteous to see how many sufficient men of that Nation were put to most vile services , where at if they had beene sold , many had meanes to have given for their infranchisment , which upon these differences were detained , and most of them unable to comport with such barbarous indurances , miserably perished . Mounsieur demands a third conference , and is admitted , he demands an absolute answer , for that he meant in all hast to bee gone ; the Slaves are offered him upon the former termes , but the freemen now exhausted to 30. peeces of eight per head , Mounsieur departs without any further treatie : the Counsell sends to him to take in his Flag ; hee bids them doe it ; they take his Sailes from the Yard , and Ruther , all which they carry into their Magazine , and with a Branos anissetim leaves him his Flag . Mounsieur demanded licence to depart , they denie him , and having detained him foure moneths after , and cost him some peeces of eight , he is licenced and departs : the poore French having made songs of freedome , and extolled the glory of their grand Chevellier to the skies , are now lest to condole and to new make their forward reckonings , whiles they are derided of all nations , and the Turkes adding Mulct unto them . No man can promise to himselfe an immutable condition , it is two yeares and a halfe since I fell from my Runagatha to Mahomet Agga , a man of the Armenian nation , and heheae now dead without wife , or child , whereby I am slave to Vsuph Basshaw , being February the 16. 1637. and the 13. of Iune with other slaves of his was imbarked on the Galley of Norilla Bay , at midnight as the custome is after the booke was made , we lanched from Argiere , the 16. dicto neare Colla ; The Turke having eight Gallies , met with six of the great Duke of Tuscans Gallies , who at first made an Italian bravada , but in fine , with Saylers and Oars ran away . The Turke now proud that the Argiere Gallies , had chased away the best Gallies of all the Christians , in the height of their spirits , they rounded both Ilands of Sardena , and Corceoa , taking many Towers upon each of them , burning and taking Pollaceas , Saitease , and other Navigation : and now the second time met with the Dukes Galleyes , who would not indure the sight of them ; the Turke pursuing his resolution 19. dayes after our departure from Argiere , tooke a Towne in the Bay of Geneva , where besides rich spoyles they brought from thence 365. persons , and in their returne burned a Flushener , being a brave new shippe , having 18. peeces of Ordnance , loaden with Challery Cheese : and being now in their returne , met the third time with those Legorne Gallies , and chased them , but could not fetch them . In fine this voyage ended in 28. dayes , when they returned in safetie to Argiere with no little riches , glory and applause of the people : and now is come a new Bashaw to that City , and as custome is , the old must packe and be gone . Hee put off all his English , French , and Dutch to Ally Pichellin generall of Argiere , a great man in substance , having besides his Lands and other riches 800. Christians slaves ; and a great Tirant . He respected no man above another , and in truth we were all exquisitely miserable that were his slaves . The 23. of August , Anno 1637. we were re-inbarked on the Galley of Norilla bay : And the first of September they tooke Colpe in Spaine , a little towne eight leagues to the orient of Allicants ; they landed when first Aurora gave her light , and continued the fight till one or two of the clocke in the afternoone , besides the spoiles , they brought from thence 315. Christians ; the women and children the next day they sent upon a Galley for Argiere , but put all the men to the Oare ; the third dicto they tooke the towne of Cape Paul , which resisted from morning till foure a clocke in the afternoone ; in all which time neither there nor at Cape appeared one man either for resistance , or intelligence : they harrowed the Castle , tooke all the Towers to the Castle of Guardell mare , and so westward , till they came to Titewone in Barbary , where the generall tooke in sixty thousand peeces of eight for his accompt proper . And after they returned for the cost of Spaine , as a terrour , and had done much more damage to the Spaniard , but they were twice prevented by English Shippes , they returned for Calpe , and gave Scala Franca to the Spaniards , who visits their forlorne friends , and the unhappy men made spectators of that place where they received their disaster . In summe , good quarter was performed to them , when at the fine of 30. dayes returned to Argiere with acclamations of joy of the inhabatants , all the house tops being covered with women crying Allaluah , Allaluah , with salutation of Canons and generall rejoycing of the people : it was now October , and we hoped that yeares toyle was past , for so hath beene their custome to repose the winter ; I meane from Galley navigations , & to the slaves advantage , for although they worke hard all day on land yet they rest at night , and injoy their fills of water ( which is precious in the Gallies ) but what is not too little for the unsatiable gulfe fo unhumaine desires . Ally the Generall would ingrosse the whole world to himselfe , plus habeo , plus careo . Another voyage must be made this yeare , and was with six Gallies , but ended in the expence , of what they had formerly gotten , their best fortune was , they safely returned to their homes : two Gallies were detained in the port to cary Souldiers to the orient garisons , and my lot fell to goe upon one of them ; and now preferd , began the worst condition of Gally Slaves : our furthest port was but 100. Leagues , to Boma ; a goodly Moores Citie , and famous countrey , I meane for its fertilitie as aboundant in all necessaries for the life of man , and I say famous , in that being a City where Saint Augustine was borne , from whence 129. Souldiers were to goe for Constantina , founded by Constantine the Great , our Countrey man , and first Christian Emperour ; in which City are yet so many apparent footsteps of Christianitie , over whose walls and gates are so many verses , written both in Greeke and Latine of excellent esteeme , for rare antiquities , many whereof were sent me by Runagathars , which went thither of my acquaintance , but my escape hath left them , and that happily in Argiere , as never meaning to returne for their acclamation ; being glad I have so escaped : suddaine and unexpected events are those that cause most admiration . Mounsieur de Ma●●ie , French generall is now at Sea with 15. of his Kings shippes , and commission to infranchise the French Slaves , yet it seemes the god Neptune was wrath with them , for with a storme at Sea , their Fleete was seperated , and most of them forced to returne for Mercelles . Having spent their Masts , and received other misfortunes ; yet all Commissioned if accident should seperate them , Argiere Road should be their randevoos : 400. Turkes and Moores they brought with them to exchange for their French ; very confusedly arrived some of them to the Port. First two sayle , one of 36. peeces of Ordnance , whereof Bro●●noy of Rochell was Captaine , and another of 28. peeces of Ordnance , good quarter was offered them by the Algiers : Gromnoys Purcer comes ashore , without a hostage , professing a visit to the French Councell : at the instant was in the Road , and ready to depart two ships of Argiere , the one of 40. and the other of 28. peeces of Ordnance , both bound for Alexandrea in AEgypt , and well knowne to Forans Purcer ; two such shippes never went out before from Argiere , for besides the excessive Riches of their loading , and passingers of greatest wealth of that Citie , bound in pilgrimage to the solemnities of the Meco , one shippe of them had knowne in her above three hundred thousand Soltanies in Gold , each Soltanie worth their seven shilling English , the Purcer returnes to his shippes , who were both riding without Command , the Councell sends the Trugman to have them come in , or depart their Road , to which they presently obeyed ; nor can I give them any terme of better grace ; they stand to the West , and within an hower after weighes the Turkes , who since have ended their voyage continently , and returned to Argiere with great riches . Three dayes after being the 11. of October arrived that noble Captaine , and glory of the French nation , Mounsieur de Mautie in a goodly shippe of 58. peeces of Brasse Ordnance alone , and anchored without command . The Duana or Councell sends to know what he came for , hee answered to demand his Kings subjects , which they dislegally detained ; with answer returned , the Turkes resends their Trugman , commanding Mounsieur presently to depart , or come under command , other wayes hee should know more from them . Captaines were convocated , and the Duana determined Abdera Manrine , of the Moores nation , a right valiant , and expert Seaman , should be presently armed to goe forth and fetch him in : but Monnsieur weighed , put out his bloody Flagge and departed . The 13. dicto came in another of the same Fleete , and put out a white Flagge , using many other signes to parlie , but in the night went out two Gallies , whereupon the French distrusting the worst , let slip her Cable and Anchor ; and was the next day weighed by the Turke , & carried to their Magazine , which saved them a labour . Ill newes hath wings , it s now the 18. dicto , when advertisement comes to Argiere of the taking Asatiea of Ally the Generals , and they make it the common cause , alledging the French met with her upon the coast of Barbary . A goodly prize she had beene , for in her , besides rich loading , was in ready Cashe 70000. peeces of Eight . The whole inhabitants now boyles , the French Councell is sent for , and without any litigation of his cause is by the great Duana or Councell adjudged to be burnt at Babelwach gate . Also Iacus Santo , that paid the rents of the Bastione condemned to bee hanged at Babashon , usuall places of Christians martirdome ; 18. thousand peeces of Eight a yeare payd the sayd Sancto to them ; A man which formerly had swayed , a person of great experience in the Countrey , and well studied in the Art Machivell , and much hated by the poore French Captives as a perturber to their infranchisments . In fine , no rod is so fit for a mischievous man as his owne , through ●mour of death , they both would have turned Turkes , but not permitted nor could any thing asswage the fury of the Duana , but their deaths ; yet some gave the word , that if they would dye Turkes , they should be permitted , and that for the saving of their soules . Ally the Generall , for so is this gallant called , powerfull in the City , and the Turkes glory , interceded for them , giving many pertinent , and powerfull reasons for their remission . The damage sayd he that is done is to me , as being sole owner of the said vessell , and her essentialls , for which I desire no revenge for my owne perticular : but as I am yours , and all I have obliged to this City , if your honours thinke it requisite to revenge the affront done us , by this late Generall which with one onely shippe outbraved us in our most happy and invinceable Port , famous for vertue , and Ianezaries , whose valour hath shaken , and beene a terrour unto the mes-beleevers of all Nazarine Nations , more then 100. yeares . I have a just propention and am most prompt to adventure my life and substance in this most noble Cities quarrell , and that the time of the yeare is now improper to invade any of the French territories . I esteeme it most convenient there be presently armed six Saile of Gallies , for the surprising of the Bastione , to make a spoyle of what they finde there , as well of people as others , which will be sufficient satisfaction to us for the present , and a reall demonstration to that Traleuian nation , how little we esteemed them . This oration highly esteemed was received as an Oracle , & the Duana commands the expedition of the Gallies , who in two dayes were provided , and the 19. of December at noone , without making booke , thy rowed from Argiere , and in three dayes arived at the Bastwin ; no sooner Anchored , but Mounsieur the Governour with other Messuers comes aboard to kisse the hand of Ally the Generall : in fine many Madmoyssells , and the people there were curious to see so great a man ; the visit and complement ended , the Governour began to take leave of the Generall , who now demands entertainement in the Bastione : Mounsieur promises no man more welcommer , they goe on land together ; but instantly followed such a crew of Turkes as they presently became masters of the Bastione . Mounsieur that had Ciceroes eares , diffident of the event , of so unusuall a change , shifts himselfe from the Generall , takes Horse , and happily recovered to Barko , a Castle of the Ienewayes , and escaped captivitie , 312. were then captivated with 120. thousand peeces of eight in ready monies , 400. Hogsheads of wine was there staved , the lose redowning to the French more then 100. thousand pounds sterling besides the benefit which they made by the Scale of 100. thousand Ductets a yeare declared , and so much for the French affaires with Argiere . Servility and bondage to an ingenious spirit is worse then death , which is common to all , this to the miserable . The danger of the Seas now keepes the Turkes at home , and wee Gally slaves not to be idle , are set to hayling the Cart in lew of Horses , some to sell water , to chop the Vineyard , and others to builde houses : in the interim I am devising some course of way to effect my libertie : five of us combines together to take a Boate some two miles from the Towne which frequently loaded Ballast ; there having constantly but one Turke and two Christians Roars in her ; more Oares must be gotten , a Mast and Sayle , otherwise it had beene madnesse , and to plunge our selves into more mischiefe : in fine , foure Oares , a Mast and Saile , Boraches for water , Bread and Compasse was provided , but all the difficultie was to get them out . For a peece of Eight and halfe I got a French man native of Saint Mallo , who had a good Mule to carry all , hee and I loaded it , our act was just , but none of the wisest ; and the French man fit for the purpose , we went in company to the towne gate without question , but the ward overthrew the carriage , as too suspitious , and layd hands of the French man , who doubting nothing of the sufficiency of my warrant , having told him they were to be carried to my patrons Garden : in sum , I seeming all desperate whiles the French man was looking about for me to make answer , I left him , who could not accuse me , as neither knowing my name , my patron , nor where I dwelt . The poore man afterward with his partner , and a Roague mearely maintained to prevent the escape of Christians , sought me , but I kept house till the wonder was over , and was truly grieved for the detriment the poore man suffered by blowes , not any wayes worthy blame in me , as seeking my libertie ; the poore man afterwards divers times met mee , drew his knife and would have kil'd me , to which hee ever made deepe protestations with a great deale of French fury , which my English resolution cared not for ; it s not the ill event of an action that can disanimate a good Spirit , the weake faint with every succeeding trouble , but the good heart recollects a double courage : In affliction we were afterwards more jolly company , being 13. and all English , who did joyne and make a Purse of 60. peeces of eight ; our desire was to build a Boate , my selfe the man elected to provide all necessaries , and made sole treasurer . My first inquisition was for a convenient Garden , and such a one as was manured by English men ; a very commodious one was found , 27. Deale boards I bought , and had them sawed and carried forth , our Vessell flowred , pitched and chalked ; when within two nights wee should have beene all ready to depart , unfortunately one of our Carpenters discovered himselfe by carrying his Rule open in his hand , when comming without the gate , he thrust it up under his Doublet , was espyed by a Moore , who gave advice to Dell Ishaw the Spie , who with his company tracked him into the Garden , the subtle Roague taking his best advantage hid himselfe untill the evening , and then came upon us naked , hee and his crew came armed , tooke six of us , and carried us to the Bashawes prison , where our patrons redeemed us paying 5. peeces of eight per head , three of my poore Countrey men were cruelly beaten , whereof one dyed , my patron then being Armenie Mahamet Agga bid me welcome without giving me one blow , but if it had beene Ally the Generall , I had lost my eares , and nose which is his custome . I was conscious to the calamities of my poore Countrey men , not that we could impute blame to one another , for I account every Christian oblieged to use all possible attempts for the effecting his libertie ; for a man doth not onely discover a pusilanimous heart , and indocible disposition in neglecting the least opportunitie , but also commit a sinne against God , who hath not given us wings to outflie our enemies , but reason to devise stratagems and hands to execute them . It is many yeares since Charles , the first Roman Emperour of famous memory assaulted that city where he received the losse of many of his Gallies , and his Army dissipated , and it s now the 27. of March 1638. when by a Diver was discovered much of the ruines of that Armado , and watched by the Algiers , the whole side of a Galley entire , and the Timber as new , besides three peeces of Brasse Ordnance , and five peeces of Place , all without hurt or bruise , to which I was an oculer witnesse . Ambition is ever in trouble , and findes no intermission of painefull throwes , untill it hath brought forth its abortive desires : my patron and master of 800. Christian slaves is devising more then usuall imployments , and such as caused great admiration amongst the people , and to adde to his greater fame ; he sends for the most esteemed and best Architects of those countries , and commences most rare and sumptuous architectures , or edifices for the lodging of Souldiers , the thought of which caused a languishing dejection in all of us his slaves , as none of us exempted from those toyles which was to us an interminable vexation , ( onely the divine goodnesse that might prevent it ) neither was this our sole Mulct , but greater was our castigation in being subject to so many Masters ; as Builders , Gardiners , all spectators were our Commanders , and we oblieged to obey . Lord what passions were in us miserable wretches , what with the impertinencie of our detectores , and our assidious labours , as is no marvell that all things seeme offensive to a crased body : Maledictions wanted not to countermaund the period of those Fabrickes ; its time and truth that conquers , what the future of it may bee , is beyond my thoughts to determine : in a vast and confused manner wee left it when we were imbarqued on the Gallies , the ninth of May , 1638. and the eleventh , lanched from Argiere for that presupposed golden voyage , for that now Ally had promised to doe wonders . Prosperitie begets pride , and pride goes before destruction ; combination was timely made the last winter with the Algiers , and Tunessians for the uniting of their Sea Forts , and for what end , but for the performance of some great exploit , eight Gallies of the one , and as many more of the others were prepared , and armed . Who should bee Generall Commander was not questioned ; as who would oppose Ally of Argiere , for greatnesse renowned in all Africa : not onely Turkes presumed to doe wonders , but also the Christians feared it ; the one presuming on their strength , proudly boasted , they feared not all the Gallies of the Messen nations : In summe , Iewes and all made account the whole Orient of the Mediterranian Castle of Christendome should by this Fleete be destroyed , and the common Merchants of Christian slaves , prepared monies to buy , as if so many Slaves had beene ready then in the Markets to be sold . But to the purpose , Tunnis being in the way , the Algiers consent to goe thither and so much the timelier , because Ally would show himselfe in every Port by the way ; the Alerbes flocke from all parts to him and hee being ambitious takes no little pride ▪ and glory in it . On the fourth of Iune wee came to Besert , but the Tunnis Gallies were gone from thence three dayes before with Ordnance and other munition to fortefie Susea . Alley , too great to enter the gates of this inferior Towne , was welcomed by the Senators or Councell without the wall , where he tooke Horse and poasted for Tunnis , whose King and whole Duana meets him upon the way , which was a great addition to his arrogance , and received him into Tunnis a goodly Citie , and was smmptuously entertained and feasted ; the inhabitants thought themselves honored that might have the sight of his person and to raise his glory to the height he is made by the Councell Generall of the whole Navie , and authorised to goe whether he pleased . The Tunnis Captaines all oblieged to his command none mollopolised against him ; Ally sent for his Fleete to Tunnis or the Galletta otherwise the ruines of Carthage : we must not be seene there but in the morning , and that with Flagges , Standards and Streamers waving , command was given to the Slaves to row proudly , which is with a long stroake one in halfe a quarter of an houre ; the action , their heads bowed to the Oares Geroone , their fall with a caper , a princely sport to the spectators , and most royall of navigations , but the most vile of all slaveries to the subjected ; Presents came from the Citie to the Gallies , white bread was not valued , there came such abundance that it fell to the Slaves Pallat , wee having beene there seven dayes most welcome to the Tunnessians . The Tunnies Gallies were arived , who were no sooner discryed , but the Algiers waighes to use the complement of meeting ; and then he was the bravest Gallant that could show most Silke : And certainly their standards were ( for their worth and curiositie of rare verses written in them in Letters of Gold in the Turkish language ) to bee admired . They gave each other their valleyes of small shot and their Ordnance , and so ended their salutation . Their thoughts travelled within them as a woman-in labour , who findes no rest till she be delivered . And they to hasten their designes went to Porta ferinea to tallow , and with all celeritie set forward for the Christian shore . The first ship we met withall was the Love of London , neare the I le of Pautallereia , shee was a goodly shippe and the weather faire , but the Turke had nothing to say to her , wee were next in chase of five Christian Gallies who nimbly got from us : In the morning we arrived at Strombello , where we put ashore a Frigat of Naples , the men all ranashore , three of them whether wilfully or otherwise I know not , but were devoured by those afrighting fiers perpetually burning , able to invoke remorse in the most Flagitious and obdurate hearts , the noyse being like the roarings of Hell . The others advised the Turkes that those Gallies which they had chased were of the Citie of Naples : and not onely so , but which is most to be lamented to see how voluntary Christians are to discover the greatest secrets though to the ruine of their owne countries , for what places hath the Turke taken but by the information of spies , natives of those places , who casting off grace , after their information receive rewards and turne Turke , and are instruments to ruinate their whole posteritie . I have knowne three that have Pilated the Turke to the place where they were borne , and beene instruments in the captivating of their owne fathers and mothers and all their Lineage , taking their parts of the price for which their Parents were sold for in the Market , which served them for spending money , on whores , in Tavernes , and for worse vices . These Neapolitanes advised the Turkes of two Gallies of that Citie , loaden with Silkes ▪ whose Cargassoones were of excessive value , and bound for Ienemay , and must passe that way and that within three dayes , but God turned that counsell to foolishnesse , for had they attended the time they could not have missed them . Ocootr● , a Citie in Galabria , and in the kingdome Naples was next aimed at as a place of riches , and in it esteemed 3000. people at mid day ; having stroke downe their Masts , they Boaged for that place , yet made such delayes as that they came not thither till faire day , but landed boldly ; the people that could , did runne away ; the Turkes tooke the Citie and rifled it , and brought away 115. persons , one whereof was the Bishop of that place , and 15. Nunnes , the chiefe of which was Cosen German to the Prince of Rochella , the other were impotent and aged people : then was the whole Coast in an uproare , and as we were passing by , they let flye their Ordnance at randome , but the Turke to amplifie his glory to the ignominie and reproaches of the Italian , passed through the vally of Messena , that City thundered but to little purpose , onely to shew the Turke what they could doe if they were neerer ; the bold Turke landed upon the maine , and set on fire their houses , burnt fisher boates , passage boates , horses , and travellers , provision , without feare , haryed all the Coasts , killing beeves , and other Cattle , and setting whole fields of corne on fire and committing many other outrages , to the great dammage of the Country : insomuch , as it was disliked by some Turkes themselves , and being now come to Rochella , they met with a Neapolitane ship of 20 gunnes , and having discharged 3. of them , they took his , and afterward set fire on her , and then being insolent were ready to attempt any thing , their prosperity made them mad . Mallapane a Renegado of the Greeke Nation , who runne away with a Gally of the great Turkes , which he sould in Tunnis , for 26000. peeces of eight , informed them of a Citie lately sunke : wherein of many thousand Soules which perished by that disaster , there onely remained about 400 persons possessing great riches , living in cottages errected for their present necessities ; his information was most joyfully received , and the projector not a little proud to be the Instrument of so great a benefit . The attempt was prosecuted , and at midnight 1500 Turkes Landed to captivate and spoyle those imagined more than distracted and forlorne people : Malapane was generall conductour and he brought them to the Citie , which the day shewed them to be standing , and sumptuous , who sent them such Orators , as made them use more haste backe than good speede . This City was well knowne to Allie Captaine Bashaw , who with 80. Gallies , and a power on Land , battered it 3. dayes and returned with shame , it is called Cotroone , and lyes within 6. leagues of Cape , St. Maries , the entring in of the Gulfe of Venice . Thus was Italy the eye of Christendome infestred by these Rovers . The Levant wind being high caused them to continue ●kale there for 7. dayes space within a league of that City , in which time the Turke foreaged the Country , tooke many of the inhabitants that lived in villages , and remote houses , their Galleyes heads all day on Land and they cutting wood , making water , and dressing pillow a chiefe dish , pleasing their pallats : no Native appeared in all this time for resistance , therefore by imagination they Reigned Kings , the wind calming withall celeritie they advance , for their great explot : but he that with his incomprehensible eye seeth the actions and discerneth the intentions of all men , disposing things according to his Divine Will , as celeriously sends an obsticle to perturbe their way . Such a Levant wind as for securitie they were forced to returne to their former place of Randevous . The next intermission of such huge and unwonted gusts , they againe set forward , when not having rowed foure leagues , were repulsed by the like occasion ; no sooner re-ankared , but that furious Element , converts it selfe to calme mildnesse , and now the third time attempts the accomplishment of their high Ambition , and are repulsed , had they not beene more insensate than errationalls , they could not but have repaired to the consideration from whence their so often countermand proceeded : in summe , God reserving them for a greater castigation , calmes the wind , and they joyously advances , and now got Cape S. Maries , the most orientalist part of Italy , and not to be discovered , strikes the Gallies Maste into the Cushea , or downeupon the Decke , and each rowes who shall be the formaste , to arrive to that middle Island in the Gulf of Venice , or as the Italian calls it Ill Isella de Methia , the 3000. Christians promised them by the spie , a man of more than sixtie yeares of Age , and one that had lived a Christian in a Captives estate , 37. yeares , this great bootie is now in an attained aggetation , stately Catria , a Citie in Sclavonia , occulerly presents her selfe unto them , the bagge or stroke of the Oare is reinforced to no little ditrament of the poore Christians ; the All-sufficient God conscious to their indurances , commands the wind to Countermand the inexorable cruelties of their oppressors , by whose furie the Turke is desperated of better fortunes , nor had any of them the least hope but to have perished in that tempest : the Turke ignorant of the coast in this extasie , implors the knowledge of some Christian , to whom the danger of death was alike equall , and obtained , all consenting for the preservation of so many Christians lives , they harboured them in the port of Vollonia in the Duchie of Albaine , but man that is not so sencible of the perfects health , as of the least sickenesse , so no sooner was this dangerover , having recollected good tackling , with other necessaries , they reconsulted whether to goe ; all of them deepely protesting never to returne to Argere without sufficient purchase , answerable to so many difficulties endurances , & so great an adventure , their first project ever approved the best , for that in that Island there were at least 300. Christians ; beside rich pillage and no difficultie in taking it , as being unfortified , yet others contrary opinioned , opposed , alleaged the danger of the sea , which for a time caused a demurre in some of them ; yet concluded that when that should faile , they would fall upon some Greeke Towne , which lived under the Great Turkes obedience , and let his greatnesse take it how he would , they cared not , Sollymon Agga governor of the Country , advertised Allie the Generall the neernesse of Corfue , and of 2 Gallie asses , and 20. Gallies alwayes kept there by the state of Venice to deffend their seas , who without all question , would soone come to have intelligence of their being there , but Allie bravely replies , not to care for all the Gallies of Venice much lesse for those in Corffue ▪ Mahomet Bey a man better considerate and Captaine of the Tunise Gallies , with other Captaines of both Cities intreates him to get some other Port for better securitie , but all Councell , the purchaser of goodnesse is contemned by him , newes is at Corffue of these Gallants being in Vollonia . Marino Capella Proveditore or generall of the Armatha , withall religious care uses more than ordinary expedition , for the Arming his Navie ; in a day and a night they are provided and ready , and Saturday morning , Iune 8. arrives in that Port with his whole Armatha : the Turkish Gallies then at skale , their powers upon the Land ; this Vollonia is a great Bay of 5 Leagues deepe or long , Land lockt on both sides , it hath in the plaine a great Castle and well fortified , and in it a great number of excellent brasse Ordnance ; upon the hill or mountaine of exceeding great height is another Castle over-seeing a great part of the Country , and farre discovering at Sea ; which Castle discovering the Venetian Navie , shot a warning peece , the word now forratendo , for we had then our tents up to keepe us from the weather , which then rained , thundred , and lightned in most terrible manner , it is now time the Turke looke about himselfe , they let slip their Cables , and roade under the great Castle , there being in sight those that before they cared not for now feares them : it is too much to be a speaker and a dooer , the deepest waters are the least heard , whereas the shallowest makes the greatest noyse ; the Turke is now consulting for best order of defence , and by generall consent brings their poopes to the shoare , and their prowes to the Sea , their Gallies lashed one to another , only leaving distance for the slaves to use their Oares , for the Gallies order ; the fowle weather and abundance of raine made the Venetian all improper to give an assault that day . Sunday morning after the performances , and rites of Christianity , they put abroad their flagges , and standard , and with drummes and trumpets , advances in the front where the two Gallyasses thundering with their Artillerie , before the smaller Gallies Ordnance could doe execution . Allie the Generall now solicits the verteous Mustapha Captaine of the Castell to defend his Navie and people from the violence of the Naizerian misbeleevers , which with store of peeces of eight hee effected , as the French Proverbe sayes , silver answers to all ; it is so powerfull a prevailer with that Nation of the Turke , that giving them money with one hand , they may put out their eyes with the other ; powder and Gunners are sent into the Castle , which is not a trivial one but containes an English mile in curcumference : in sum , it is a place strong both by Art & Nature , having in it more than 150 peeces of brasse Ordnance ; the best that ever I saw . Mustapha , the Captaine now displayes the Horse Taile , or royall insigne of the great Turke , and stoutly defends the Barbariscos partie , the fight is hot on both sides , and in spight of the Castle , had the Venetian continued it but halfe an houre longer the Barbariscoes had all lept into the Sea , and left their Gallies and 4500. Christians captives to their vertue , but as to the unfortunate there never wants succeeding troubles ; in the interim this disaster befell us , one of the Captaines of the Gallyasses lost his arme , upon which she retired , dissention falling betwixt the Venetians , the major part of the Captaines commanded a retreate , contrary to the will of that noble Generall Marine Capella , who for his worth and valour may be ranked amongst the greatest Captaines of those times . Thus ended that fight which had continued neare three houres to the glory of the Turke for that present , who for joy gave their feesses or out cries , Alla , Alla , Mahomet , and Rosallah , which is God , God , alone ; and Mahamet his prophet thundering with their great Ordnance and vallies of small shot , in derision of the Christian vertue , whiles the Venetian retired to their place of first ankoring ; Immediatly sent a Gally for Venice to advise the Serinissimo Prince and illusterous Sinate , what accurred ; Demanding their future pleasures concerning those Turkish Pirates : there 's many Snake lies hid under Stawbury leaves for all this great flash of the Turkish glory ; they are yet timerous what the event will be , and to prevent the worst , the same night they difinbarqued all their Christians , carries them a mile into the countrey , and erected Tents in the field for their randavowes , being all well coupled tenne and tenne together in chaines , they also makes a Trench opposite to their Gallies to play the brave fellowes in , and having beene blocked up by the Venetians neare a moneth growes weary and distastefull of such command ● in summe the one and the other having their especialls of each others condition ; the Turke is informed the Venetian to be very slenderly manned , as not having one Gally with another above fortie , some but thirtie Souldiers , which indeed was true : the Turkes are now ashamed , and blames somes cowardlinesse , and withall haste tallowes and prepares their Gallies which are soone accommodated , but before a supply of Souldiers is come to the Venetians from Corffue , but without the Turkes knowledge they now call a councell and concludes to send Mustapha Captaine of the Castle to treate with the Venetian Generall , and under that pretence to spy out and discover their Forces . Mustapha goes to them , parlies with Marine Cappella , and according to their wonted custome , falls to dissimulation , exhibits Allies letter to that Generall ; demands by his permission and favour free passage , for that he came not thether prepensedly , but being bound for Constantinople to serve his Emperour was put into their Seas by extremetie of weather , and to authenticate it , exhibited to the Venetian Generall , the great Turkes letter , but Marine Capella Semper Idem , refuseth all treatie with them , and had good cause of incredulitie by good intelligencers . Mustapha returnes with this answer , that if they would come forth they should bee most welcome , and couragiously received , but to their owne perills ; and that if it fortuned they to carry him , he must have patience : but if it fortune he to carry them , as he hoped in the mercy of Jesus and the vertue of their patron S. Marke he should , they must have the like ; he also saw the Venetians well armed , and having delivered this answer to Ally hee is not a little perplexed ; the Venetian on their parts as vigellent as the Turke , had there especially some Turkes , others Albinesses , and Iewes of the countrey , by whom hee got daily information of the Turkes proceedings , excellently well playd on their parts ; they imployed Turkes averse in religion and condition to the Christians , who without suspition every day eate and dranke with the enemy : Consequently the better able to informe the Albinesses and Iewes they imployed to accuse the validitie or invaliditie of the Turkes , reports the Venetian conformable to good intelligence , ordereth his Armatha , the Gallyasses were placed where the Turkes must passe , if they attempted it ; and every night having their Frigats and Boats which came under the Castle walls , and to the very Prowes of the Gallies which so daunted the Turkes that they now utterly dissisted from their resolution of combate , and all amort are devising a new way to secure the Slaves , if the Venetian should land his Forces , and ayme to fetch them off by force : 500. of us were put into a Tower in the Castle ; all lying 10. and 10. in chaines , a place as darke as Pitch , and a foot thicke in dust , but it s now seven weekes since the arrivall of the Venetian Armatha in this Port , and their Gally sent to Venice for further order is returned , the Prince and Sinod authenticats Marine Capellas doings , that what his excellence should doe , should bee well done , nor does hee omit any time to illustrate his zeale to the divine majestie and valour to ruenate so many miscrante enemies to the faith of Christ : who as breake of day commences a second battaile with thundering off great Ordnance , and vallies of small Shot ; for although the Venetians carries not so many Souldiers in their Gallies as the Turke does , yet have they this advantage of them , that upon any occasion they arme their Bonavollies and condemned men , who upon promise of libertie or other reward will fight bravely ; the Turke leaves their Gallies and runnes into the Castle , Christians they force to be Gunners , the two Galliasses with 4. other smaller Gallies , batters that Castle whilest the others board the Turkish Gallies , lay their fasts to them , and roaes them away ; thus Nobly did the Venetian end this fight in lesse than an houre , to their glory and the infamie of the Barberiscos : great murmerings were now amongst the Turkes against Ally their Generall , who has no other way to escape their furie and revenge , but by open handed liberalitie , wherein he promised to relieve the Souldiers present necessitie : In summe his generositie is universall to the reliefe of that ruenated company , as well Christians as Turkes , and he promised the remuneration of all the Captaines , by refurnishing them with as many Gallies as they had lost . The hurleburly with these glorious proffers being over ; Ally now seekes all the coast , and recollects the greatest shot the Venetians had made against them , which he since presented to the great Turke , whom he intercedes for remuneration and revenge , urging a breach of peace , in that the Venetian surprised their Gallies in one of his Masters Ports . But three dayes after that fight he marched from Volloniea to Sellenico in Arcadia , leaving behind him onely fiftie eight Christians in great indisposition , whereof my selfe was one , so feeble as accounted a dead man ; but such is the goodnesse of God as indureth daily : It pleased the divine Majestie to keepe mee in a languishing sicknesse . I was three times recovered , and three times downe in relapse of a most violent Fever , but thankes bee unto God that hath not given me over as a prey to their teeth ; in 35. dayes after returned a Bullabash of Argiere , with order from our Patron or Master Ally , to carry us all for Arcadia , but the Bullabash returned thither onely with seventeene men , which were indifferently recovered , some being dead , and the rest very sicke , but God so provided for me , that I was consciously commisserated by the Bullabash● , who left mee to receive better fortune . Certaine Turkes were left with us a Guardians or Keepers , others to over-see those materialls belonging to the Gallies , landed before their surprisall , whereof the chiefe was Murate , by a Renegatha of the Corceca nation , a person of great honour in Argiere , Lievetenant Generall of the Armatha , a father in Law to Ally the Generall , a man of an hundred and foure yeares of age , whose desire was to die in the face of Christians fighting the battell of Mahomet ; three dayes after the Bullabashes departure dyed in Volloniea . God that had preserved us in so many inevitable dangers , did also restore some of us to more then an ordinary strength of body , from so great feeblenesse and such poore meanes for recovery : no sooner were wee able to stand upon our legges , but we are studious how to bring to passe our libertie ; foureteene of us being in reasonable strength resolves to give the attempt , yet some pusellanimous , base spirit proves a Traytor , informes the Guardion of our intentions , and not onely so , as being resolved to runne away , but also to kill him ; for his report we are all Castigated , and our case pittious . Command was given to the Souldiers of the Castle to looke vigilently unto us ; that death is better then so base a life , nor could this deter or disanimate us from our resolution to attaine libertie or death , no time so fit as the present , come what will come . All were in chaines , foure and foure except a Spaniard , the supposed deare friend of our Guardion , and my selfe dispencer of the house ; it fortuned our Guardion to goe to the next towne , called by them Deshera some mile off , in whose absence wee used such Art as we got all the rest out of chaines , and the Locks againe so put in , as to be taken out with our fingers ; in the evening returnes our Keeper , well fudled or well drunke , whereby no search was made to our Fetters that night : It being Saterday , the 22. of October 1638. betwixt twelve and one houres in the night we rose together , two rouses the ablest men amongst us , throw their Coates over their faces and would not goe : A Gersie man , and by trade a Cooper , was so drunke that he could not goe , but my griefe is for those poore soules , whose indisposition was such as they could not goe ; I was conscious to their pittious moanes but could not helpe them , what became of our Keeper I cannot tell , my consorts told me they had not done him any violence ; hee had good clothes and some peeces of eight , of which wee tooke not any with us , but left all , as a testimony of our generosities as to contemne all terrene materialls , preferring penurious libertie before Fetters of Gold : our provision was some bread , and we also carried a Boracha for water , and a double Rope , with which we scaled the Castle walls : In this manner wee departed , foure English men , one Welch man , a Gersie man , two French men , one Spaniard , one Majorcine , a Neopolitane , a Greeke , and a boy of Malta ; in our passing through the Castle , although it be full of houses and people , we heard onely the barking of a Dogge , and having gone neare two miles , took the shore side for our director . God that never failes those that trust in him , so provided for us , that we found two Boates , one of them having a Maste standing , her we imbraced , and sunke the other , to prevent their persuing after us ; and having rowed two nights and a day , wee recovered the I le of Corfue , and landed at a Monistary called Saint Catterines , where we were curteously received by the Greeke Fathers ; at noone wee rowed to the Monestery of Madone , where wee had intelligence of a Gally being some two miles from thence cutting wood , and that night to goe for the Citie of Corfue . The Captaine Illustricemo de Molimea entertained us with all courtesie received us into his Gally , and carried us for that Citie and presented us to the providitor of the Iland ; who after our examination not a little to his content , sent us to the generall Gally of Venice , where we had a supper and lodging that night , and the next day a Passe , and imbarcation for Venice : being now to render thankes unto the Lord who has done this great worke for me in delivering me from such an inextrecable labarinth of misery , blessed be God that hath broken that snare , and set my fecte in a large roome , not unto us O Lord , let unto thy name be the glory ; I am now in my way to Venice upon the Gally of Counterine ; the first skale we made was at Budway in Epire ; our second at Catriea , a sumptuous City in Sclavonia ; our third at Rogousea , famous for antiquitie and strength , being an absolute Sinurie , having many other Cities to her obedience , and in joying an ample patrimony , onely it s her misery to be tributary to the great Turke , to whom for dismollistation they pay yearely 40000. peeces of eight : our fourth ankering was at Lessena , our fift at Spellata , our sixt at Sabainica . a sweet Citie famous for her Port and invincible Castle in the Sea ; our seventh at Zara , a sumptuous and spacious Citie ; we are shortning our way and come to Saint Peters in Dalmathiea , and also passed other Cities not so remarkable as the rest , I doe therefore omit to nominate , at Polla in Istra wee met with the generall Gally of Argiere , and sometime the glory of Barbary , which with one more presented by the Venetians to the Pope are all that remaines of that 16. Gallies of the Turke , the rest being sunke in Corfue : wee are come to Ruena , a pretty Citie and most fertile Countrey , and from thence to Perenca , a Citie destroyed by the Popes excommunication : In summe with sight of other Cities I arrived in Venice , where I imbarked upon the great Charles of Bristoll , and having beene at Sefelenea and Zaunt , am in agetation to survive to see the naturall place of my habitation . Thus have I recorded a plenary memoriall of my seven yeares bondage , but not the severall accidents of my indurances , there wanting in me abilitie to devulge them , for as there is no calamitie can befall a man in this life which hath the least parallell to this of Captivitie , neither are the indurances of Captives equall , although the least without the divine assistance were insupportable ; yet are they all easie in Comparison to that of the Gallies which is most inhumane and diabollicall and such as doth rather , imperverse men then Repleate any good humour in them ; good fortune to mee is a singular mutive to modesty , and a forcible spurre to moderation ; prayers winne mee , menances reject me , favours relent mee , feares imperverseth me : alas , such are their ditraments , as causeth them to curse the day of their Nativities , and the parents that engendred them , and if it were to dye to curse God himselfe , I speake it with awfull timour : in their passions they renounce heaven , S. Peter , and all sanctitie ; in their agonies or discontents , they vessially spit against the wind , disputing whether God and Nature be conspired against them , when it is either calme or contrary ; for a drop of water they would pawne their soules , and often are constrained to drinke of the Salt Oceans ; their repast at best but bread and water , and for want of sleepe are in continuall extasies ; the strokes of the Oare is dollerous , and with its ausideousnesse many splits their hearts at it , in this miserie all things makes against themselves : the scorching heate now penetrates their brains , their flesh is burned off their backes , when anon they are as much pinched with cold : strong fetters are their neerest consorts from which they are never exempted , unlesse for equall miseries ; their repose , when they have any , is sitting , their pillow the banke up right , and that dubble , not having so much roome as to stretch their legges ; their sleepe when they have any is an houre in twelve , and that at night , when the one halfe Roaes and the other slumbers : a call of a Whisell awakes them all three hundred or more of them , their audiance and leape must be altogether ; the discpline take Oare in hand , the stroke regular and punctiall , their heads shaved unto the skull , their faces disvigured with disbarbing , their bodies all naked , onely a short linnen paire of breeches to cover their privities , they Mount and fall like Appe and Camille , for so is the command : from Poop to Prow nothing but excecrations and passing of blowes : Who has not his head and face broken , all their bodies pearled with a bloody sweate ? Nay , which of their sences is not a window to let in sorrow ? if chased by the Christian Gallies , by whom they may be relieved , they are then forced to put might and maine , to runne from them , the Turkes standing with drawne sables over their heads , and if by feabelnes any faints , has his Armes or head Cut off : they are beaten to put on their clothes and beaten to take them off , they are beaten , to eate , drinke , sleepe , and wash , and are beaten for doing any of these ; what shall I say more of these exorbitant men , who had they the vertue of patience , reposing sure confidence in the Divine Majestie , I presume , God would deliver them , so wishing them grace , whilst lamenting their estates , left in those torments , many of whom I love most deare , doe end this discourse , desiring God to send them libertie . The End of the First Booke . THE SECOND BOOKE : Wherein is contained the discription of Argere , its first rising to this Greatnesse , its Government , the particular denomination of its Governors , its Revinewes , its Forces by Sea and land , its Victories , its Inhabitants , its Lands , Territories , and Riches . HOw many thousand of the Europian people have not only lost their estates and beene utterly ruinated ; but also what an innumerable Company of Christian soules , hath beene perverted by the Citie of Argere , is by miserable experience , knowne unto most people : so her fame on the contrary hath spred it selfe unto all the Mahometan Nations , insomuch as Chineses , and those other Esterne people have beene allured unto her , in all parts of the Great Turkes Dominions , and amongst the fierce and warlike Tartars , she is termed Sultan Iossier the Golden and King of Cities : here Souldiers are of the bravest and most desperatest of all Turkes , so esteemed for valour and that with the grand Segniour himselfe , who ascribes them the preëxcellence of vertue above his owne Ianissaries , this City was in the yeere of Grace , 1414. taken from the Christians by Barba Rosha , and other 32. Turkes Pirats in a Frigate accedentally putting into that Port , yet hath for its situation , bordering to the West , the Kingdome of Muritaniea , East the Kingdome of Cokosse , South the Zara , and North the Meditaranian sea : situated 5 leagues in the Bay called Monta Fusa and is built on the side of a hill presenting it selfe to the spectators at Sea , East , West , and North , 8. or 10. leagues , in forme of a top saile hoysed , her houses built staire-like one over the other , enjoying a most wholesome ayre and pleasant situation : scarce any house of the City but hath the prospect of the Sea , there are in her many stupendious and sumptious edifices , though outwardly for the Major part present themselves but simple and rude ; her cercuite doth not exceede 3. Miles , in which circumference are a multitude of people , and excessive Riches , in gold , plate , and houshold furniture her women for beautie give place to none . So for their immunities are not to be paralleld by ●y , they have an Indies in diamonds , pearles , gold chaines , and other rich vestures , insomuch that it occasioneth a Proverbe amongst the Turkes , who sayes there is three things that distroyes the world ; the Christians in Law , the Jewes in Feasts , and they upon their wives . But having spoken in generall of the wealth of this Citie , I will also informe you who are the possessors of it ; the Turke is he that fights for all , both by Sea and Land , and by his power as Conquerer keepes all the other sort of the inhabitants as Vassals in great subjection , yet in substance is but a slave unto them , as possessing goods by imagination , and the others possessing the essentialls : for the Moores and Tageriens are the owners of Lands and ships , and the onely Armorers of them , whom I may compare to the maine Sea , and the Turkes but as Rivelets or small streames to emptie themselves in the great Ocean , for besides their pay and shares , they get at Sea , they enjoy for the Major part but little others , of which the Tavernes Whores , and worse Vices serve to spung them : in summe , they are slaves to the toyles and hazards of Fortune and their aussiduous travells , and have no free exemption from them , untill they come to be Bullabashes , and when Musullagaes , having passed all offices and made all benefits , which their youthly toyles may infe●●e them in , they shoote their Arrowes and unbend their bowes and are exempted from all , having 40. shillings a moneth pay with houses , and enjoy a life voyde of all cares , yet some Turkes there are of them , that are excessively rich , yet but few . Of its Discription in Generall . THis Citie , on all parts , to the Land , is walled , and of sufficient strength , it is also moted and trenched , besides being situated upon a hill , that hath on the West side of it so great a dale and asscent , as by ordinary conjecture , there is no meanes possible to assault her on that side . She hath a most sumptuous mould , and on it built a Castle of excellent workemanship , in the midst of it , North upon a tide from the Sea gate , in which is planted 16. peeces of brasse Ordnance , the chiefest and strongest Fort to the Sea is that called the Tapona , in which are 12. peeces , of great weight , and goodnesse ; many other block-houses , are on that side , but the Citie generally unwalled to the sea , where shipe of greatest burthen may come within Musket shot and batter her : nor can any shot be in vaine , her edifices being as I have before rehearsed , and are all built with bricke , and that very slender , her streetes narrow , and she infinitely populour , so that if ever shee be forced , it must be with a good fleete by sea , and also sufficient Land Forces , must be necessarily required , her walls are abundantly stored with brasse Ordnance : and upon two Mountaines she hath as I may terme them the bridle and the saddle , two Castles , the one commenced in a night by Charles , the fifth Roman Emperour , the other built by the Tageren● , each commanding the other , and both the Citie ; there is also the stirrups , which they call the Alcassaba , in which they hold their great Councell ; it is also their Magazin or great store house , of Amunition and Provision , and Treasure , in which is yearely layd up for their future occasions , 500000. dubles , accounting each duble to the just English shilling , and this great place of strength is onely kept by 200. Bullabashers chiefe men in Councell : to the West neere halfe a mile , without the Citie is also Bab●lwaite Castle , built at the charge of a certaine Bashaw or vice King , of the Rowse Nation . When it was taken by Barba Rosha , it was no other , than a vast wildernesse , but he following his pirassis , and getting wealth by that trade , had in short time great companies of Turkes and Allarbies resorting to him , whereby it greatly increased it , not to fame , commodiousnesse , nor beauty , untill Phillip the third , King of Spaine banished the Morisc●●s , from his Country , of which sort many came unto this Citty , whereby it increased in ingenuitie of Arts in Fortifications , in buildings , in planting fruites not knowne there before ; in Arming ships with great allacritie , to doe spoile upon Christians , in exhausting the price of Captives , adding new torments to them , and by exacting great ransomes from them , to spunge them to the dregs , since whose arivall to her , that Citty hath flourished to the Admiration of the Turke and is now become famous , for her high hand carried over all the Christian Navigations , and her great booties gotten dayly from them , for her buildings , and they so compact , as there is not a foote of waste ground , or garden in all the Citie : commodious for her abundance of Fountaines , in all parts of her , and concavitie for the passage of ordure and excrement from all houses and corners ; honoured with Artificers , beautified with rich shops , and adorned with the abundance of all necessaries , worthy the regallaring so Noble a Citie ; all which she enjoyes by the industrie of the Tagerins , and its perminencie by favour of the great Turke , whereby she hath so long reigned by the ruines of all Christians uncontrouled : the great Turke lodging this theefe in his house , to no other purpose , nor will permit any Christian-Prince to take revenge against this Citie , putting them off with imperative answere , that it is his , where although he Commands least , onely receiving from her 20000. peeces of eight a yeare , which is not payed him as a Tribute , but meerely as a reward , to this dissimulation in tollerating and protecting them in their most contested , inexecrable and infamous doings , participating in their Robberies , receiving besides other presents of boyes , which if Gentlemen are customarily presented to him , for all which hee rewards them with the honour of wearing his fooles coates , and their Captaines by sending them flagges , and other favours , as his greatnesse pleaseth to bestow upon them . Of its Government . THey have for their gimause Ecclesiastical or Church government , chiefe of all other sorts of Priests , a Muftie which custome they have taken from the Christians , and has the title amongst them of an Arch-Bishop , and is of the Arabian Nation ; many other sorts of Priests are amongst them ; different to one an other , as their severall habits doe demonstrate , which commonly goes under the name of Tollops , excepting their Marabotes esteemed men of greatest sanctitie by the Arabians , and the Dervises , of greatest estimation with the Turke . The chiefe in temporall matters is the Cadie or chiefe Justice , but to speake of those that sway in government , the greatest personage in that Citie , is the generall of the Gallies , who has his place for terme of life and yearely , 40000. shillings revenew : there are also foure other personages as their Byes , Alcaides , or Generals of their Campe●● the greatest person in Councell or other wayes , their sole director in matters of state is their Hossia or Secratary ; yet all of these oblieged to the wills of the Duanna , or Councell , at whose pleasure are their preferments , honours , estates , and lives ; they of the Councell being so absolute in themselves , as that they have infallabilitie and deffectabilitie , power to make lawes and obtrude them , whereby all those afore nominated officers are but as Ciphers , serving onely as interpreters to them , whose will is their reason : they have no written Lawes , but observe tradition and customary statutes for their government ; they seldome Judicate upon mature deliberation , but doe all in a fury : their custome is first to execute the delinquent , and after judge him : to conclude , they have no certaine rules of Justice , but what their fancies leades them . Of their Governours . THey have a Bassha or Vice-King , who comes from Constantinoble , and by Nation must be a Renegado , and one bred and educated in the great Turkes Surray or Court ; he represents the Grand Signiours person , yet not elected by him , but buyes the place of the Captaine Basshaw , who for 10000. peeces of eight gives him a flagge which he presents to the great Turke , who has not at any time , beene known to contradict the Captaine Basshaws grant herein , but Authenticates his election , gives unto the new Basshaw letters of credit , unto that common wealth , so goes for Argere , his time limitted but for a yeare , yet fortunes to remaine there in dignitie of Basshaw 3. or 4. yeares , as it frequently accidents , some to die by the way , or some other disaster to befall them : his intent is profit , and not honour ; at his dubling the point of Mountafous he is obleiged to discharge a peece of Ordnance as notice to the present Basshaw , to depart the Pallace with all his materialls , for such is their custome , that all that the new Basshaw findes in the Pallace , to seize upon it as his owne : The Argeres ever receiving the new with joy , for that every Souldiers pay is then raised to a duble in the moneth . The Duanna with all reverence meetes him upon the Mould , from whence they conveigh him to his Pallace on horsebacke ; his Secretary riding before him , carrying the horse Tayle , or Royall Ensigne of the Great Turke , his Musique also on horsebacke ; but the Councell of the Citie rides not on horsebacke onely , the Aga Generall of the Souldiers , his Kaiea or second , with the 24. Aiabasshes , with many other Bullabashes on foote , their coates loose and long , their hands layd one upon the other , and both upon their girdles , their eyes dejected to the ground , 120. Oddabasshes followes them , having sterts of gold , halfe a yard long , and Palme broad , set on their heads , wearing feathers in a round hoope , which covers all their bodies , ( 60 ) of these carrying naked Cimitaries , up right against their breasts ; the other ( 60 ) carrying Carbines of excellent workmanship , and great value , ( 6 ) Chouses or Pursevants goes before to make way for their passage , which is the manner of welcomming this Kingly fellow to that Citie , and a naked Pallace , and himselfe as naked : the great men of the Citie presents him for three dayes , many dishes of meat , which many of them have received , as hony in their mouthes , but it ever proves gravell in their throats ; yet hope is of that noble facultie as it is able to replenish his masters indigency and necessitie with all things , its rare that any of them goeth away with almost a coate to his backe ; two of them in my time went away miserable poore , having after the expiration of their times , and the arrivall of a new Bashaw , laine many moneths prisoners in chaines , and their Equipage as fatall , for three treasurers to Mustapha Bashaw , a man of 104. yeares of age , succeeding one another in place , did likewise succeede each other in the manner of their deaths , who in 17. dayes time poysoned themselves one after another , wanting mony to give the souldiers pay , and s●aring what the fury of the Duanna would doe unto them . Durg●ot● Bashaw , for the like cause they pounded in a Morter , never went any away fairely . But Vsuph Bashaw sometimes my Patron , who was thought to carry substance with him , yet in his Vice-gerenele was three times forced to take the Marabont house for sanctuary to save his life , & had not fortune extraordinarily helped him had other wayes inherited the miseries hereditary to those Bashawes : yet wants there not those who sollicite and make friends , and give moneyes to obtaine the place , such biters are that nation at the golden hooke , that I presume if it were at hell for gold they would not refuse that baite . He now interests himselfe in wretchednesse , his place calls him to give the pay , and the Souldiers will have it , 600. Musallagas . 800. Bullabashes , 424 Oddabashes , and the number of Souldiers uncertaine . Imperially demands it , hee has not a certaine number of Souldiers to pay , for they receive all the Turkes that came , all free Christians that turne Turkes and Renegadoes , whose masters makes them to turne Turkes ; provided he has his masters consent thereto , for it is in their pleasures to keepe them slaves perpetually , and their posteritie ; the number of them in dead pay is also uncertaine , being according as children are borne , for that every souldiers sonne at his birth day is entered into two shillings a moneth pay , his charge is augmented by 1200. Swayes or horsemen which chiefely followes them for hope of spoile ; for a Turke may not pillage any thing of the conquered , for if he saw a Crowne of Gold lying at his feete and should goe to take it , the next Souldier to him upon paine of death is oblieged to cut off his head , referring the spoile to the base and undeserving , but that a Turke should accompt the honour of victory , the greatest recompence of reward , and those ignoble sort of Souldiers have but foure shillings a moneth pay ; this Bashaw is also oblieged to maintaine the Bullabashes in the Cassaba with victualls , with Horses , when they goe in Campe ; and also to the Souldiers to carry their Baggage , the Cookes Kettles and to furnish them with Powder , Shot , Tents and other necessaries , and once in 15. dayes to make the whole councell a feast , to maintaine the houshold expences of the Agga or Generall of the Souldiers : Besides giving him if he sit but three dayes in that Chaire 1000. shillings and if two moneths no more , for so their manner is to abide in that dignitie , yet few of them have beene knowne to have continued that time of two moneths . Of their elder Bullabashes they elect their 24. Ayabashes , and of their elder Ayabashes they make their Kaia , and this Kaia is made Agga ; yet he upon sufficient reason given may excuse himselfe of the place , yet with consent of the Duana or Councell . I have knowne many to sit downe ; and immediatly rise againe , and in a day foure or five of them to doe the like , at such time as any great difference or stirre hath beene amongst them : I knew one of them a man of good esteeme , through timour and conscience , a great matter of importance being to be iudicated , made an appollogicall excuse and refused the place ; but the Duana tooke him downe , gave him 200. blowes and after with lesse ease made him resit in the chaire to doe justice ; from which when they are dismissed , turne Mussullagas , and are then exempted from all toyles , troubles , or Duana matters , and are onely called thither at such times as some infrequent matter is presented , and the like hath not passed in their Bullabashes times . When they send for the ancients of the Mussallagas , to know if any such had occured in his government , who gives his answer and opinion and departs ; the third in place are the Oddabashes , who are the last in councell , nor doe these enjoy an equall pay , but according to their service ; for if there be a nation that retaines the discipline of the Romans they are these ; no man is preferred to place by discent or valour ; as well the Sheepe as the Lyon : First they are Souldiers , and have but foure shillings a moneth pay , and foure breades , which they raise by service , for every time they goe in the Army ; to a shilling upon the Nativitie of every sonne of the great Turke● to another upon any victory that the great Turke hath , to another for every enemies head they cut off , to another upon the comming of a new Bashaw , to another from a Souldier they rise to Avichellhage or steward , to Anodabasshe , and so to Abullabasshe , to an Ayabasshe , to a Kaya , and in fine to Agga , and then Mussould or turned out ; so that it is fortune that brings them in place , but not in pay , a new souldier by the death of his Officers come to place but it is Service that advances their pay ; the Souldier has but 4. breads a day , the Oddabashe the like , the Bullabashe 8. the Ayabasshe 24. provided they be not married , for when they marrie they lose their bread and houses : most of the Bullabashes have houses Rent-free , yet gets them by favour , for when a Bullabasshe is very sicke , sends word to his best friend , that is destitute of a house , for his Cimitary , which he gives order to have drawne , whereby if he dyes , his friend is put in possession , according to their custome and proverbe ; for they say they rose by the sword , they live by the sword , and they shall end and perish by the sword : the most profitablest places are those of the Ch●wsses or pursevants , who must be naturall Turkes , and are in Number 6. Continuing in Office sixe yeares , during which terme they injoy many priviledges , and at the expiration of their times turnes Bullabashes , having passed a life free of care , and gotten many thousand peeces of eight . The next to them in matter of profit , are the Archesse or cookes , and are in Number 120 , who succeede one another in place till they be Archabasshes or Arch-Cookes , when they turne Oddabasshes , and their last yeere of Service in that Office worth them , 1500. peeces of eight , during which time they are interdicted the company of women : I knew one of them taken in company of a women , by one of his fraternitie , had presently his turbant torne off his head , and was led as a malefactor , before the Duana , whose first demand to him was whether there wanted boyes . In sum , they degraded him , and mulcted him with 500. blowes , for transgressing these Ancient customes . In fine the Basshaw is but a figure , and received by them mearely to take that charge and trouble upon him , which all of themselves of the great ones refuses : there are foure Allcaids or Generalls of Campes ; which by Nation must be Renegadoes , and these are excessive rich , for all they can extort from the Moores above the Kings tribute they put into their owne purses , for which the Allarbies exhibites continuall comp●●●ts against them ; one of the chiefest of them in my time was in councell like to bee to●e in peeces , nor have they any other way to prevent the like accident , but by keeping themselves indebted to the treasurie and chiefest men in Councell : great obligation had Caide Muxate to Ha●sa Hosiea , who in that hurly burly , wherein the whole Duana were in a confusion ; after a signe and beckoning with the hand , 〈◊〉 in this manner unto them ; Fathers , brethren , and sonnes ▪ this accused person is indebted to the common treasurie 200. thousand dubles , wherefore looke well what you doe , and take notice of the first man that offers him violence , that he may pay his debts ; upon which they desisted and the Alcaide escaped that danger . With them is no pleading or capitulating of causes , for a meere oration doth but bring a mans life into question , the word with them is , shall it be so or shall it not be so , geller gellimesse , shall hee come or not come , they stand in rankes passing the word by a Chouse or Pursevant ; their action , their hands upon their bellies , jetting each other with their armes or elbowes , raysing their voyces as they are in Choller , or as a pot boileth with the addition of fire , untill they are many times all in a cumbustion ; they have a wise prevention of a greater mischiefe , so that these two particulars are commanded by them upon deepest paine● not to drinke wine , or any strong liquors before their comming to 〈◊〉 house or place of Duana , or to weare or carry a Knife thither , 〈◊〉 ancient proverbe causes I beleeve these cautions ; for they say that blood shall begin at that Duana place , and runne downe into the Cava which is a thousand paces ; I have knowne them so much divided , as their Agga , 24. Aiabasshes and Cadie , all turned out of places at one time : in briefe it is such a government as the like is no where else in the world , yet are they that governes in their actions otherwise grave , wearing their turbants , in greatnesse , and their beards in length as they are in office ; but what is most to be admired at , is that when they are but Common Souldiers , they are most publikely flagitious , taking shame as no enormity , but when they come to the place of Duana men , they are present Metamorphosis , which were it not so popular were more to be admired ; they are generally illiterate , yet are their doings famously esteemed in the grand signiours Court , as appeares by this , that when his greatnes is any wayes discontented and that none of his Visseares dare speake unto him , they repleate a good humour in him by presenting to his sight the government of Argire . They have two great Duana dayes weekely , Saturday in the Allcassaba , and Sunday morning in the Basshawes house ; how ever they sit every day in Councell : if a Christian hath any matter of importance , it must be treated in the Allcassaba , yet is no Christian permitted to enter that place , but must stand at the doore , send in his demands by the Trugman or Interpreter , who is a Renegado , by whom they returne their answere ; not is a Christian permitted to speake publickely in Duana , nor will they have any matters delivered them but in the Turkish tongue , and by a Trugman . Of Governers in particular . THe Agga who is Generall of the Souldiers and Chiefe in Councell . The Kaiea his second . The 24. Ayehasshes or 24. in place of Councell . Bullabasshes are 800. these sway in Councell . Addabasshes are 424. and weare a red cloath in their Cappes in manner of a tongue , with a wrested Turbant , a long Coate , and are not permitted to weare any other garment . The Hassia , their onely Councellor , whose advice they receive as an Oracle . Sixe Ch●wsses all wearing vestes like the Oddabashes , and are apparelled in greene coates , made of a fashion peculiar to themselves for their better knowledge ; they have the sole power to apprehend Duanna men , provided they have a warrant from the Agga ; nor may they take a souldier by any part of his body , but by the girdell , nor doth the Souldier upon paine of death dare resist him : infinite priviledges doe these souldiers enjoy , for i● a Tagerine or Moore strickes one of them , he has his hand immediately cut off . I knew a Sheriffe , a Sect that Lineally derives themselves from Mahomet , being most egrediously abused by a souldier , in his choller strooke him , he was presently apprehended : for this custome is amongst them , that any of them crying sherellah , which signifies , Gods Justice , and the contrary party shall refuse to goe , to the place where Justice is administred , all persons present are obleiged to assist the plaintiffe , so that ordinarily they dragge such as makes any wilfull resistance : this Shireffe being for his offence brought before the Councell , interceaded by way of priviledge and respects of blood , but he onely obtained this curtesie , that they cut off his left hand , whereas usually they cut off the right hand of all others that offend in like nature . Whiles these souldiers live unmarried , they all live in Courts of Guard , called by them Cassheries , peeces of excellent workeman-ship and commoditie ; nor may any of them lye out at night without leave of their Lievetenant , whom they call their Oddabashe , who has power to castigate them for any offence they doe commit , so it be not criminall , yet has the Souldier this priviledge , that if he conceives his Lievetenant to envie him , to appeale to the Duana , which however if any of them doe , are sure to suffer a double Jerking : for that in the Courts of Guard they may not give more blowes than did the Iewes to Paul , forty save one , and those must be given by the Leivetenant himselfe , and that upon his knees , and he obliged upon like castigation , not to carry his Arme above his head , yet so obedient are these Souldiers to their Commanders , that after beating they rise and pray for the perpetuation of the faith of Mahomet , and prosperities of the shaddow of God , their Emperour . Of their Basha , their Fathers , the governours and Common-wealth of Arger● , and kisse their Officers hand and head , thanke him for his favour in Correcting them , and promise for future time to live more regular , and being premonished by the Leivetenant , he is discharged : for criminall causes they are carried to the Alcassaba , where they are mul●ted according to their offence . I have known many there beaten to peeces , in matter of Duana men , upon the least suspition or accusation , they are instantly strangled and throwne into the sea , where having laine 24. houres , they are weighed by their friends and buried : other Officers there are , but have no voyce in Councell , as the Arches or Cookes , and are 124. their dutie is to purvoy the Citie with flesh ; the Admirall of their shippes and Sea Captaines are in great estimation , yet have no voyce or command in Counsell , and are all once a yeare obleiged to goe to sea , otherwayes are sent into the campes , where they are no more priviledged than the common Souldiers . Of its Revinewes . THey send out 4. Campes yearely into the Country , exacting from the Allubies excessive Tributes , who were it not for their owne civill dissentions , and they politiquely stir'd up by the Turke for their owne advantage , were not otherwise able to put their faces out of the gates of Argiere , but making this oppertunitie the Moores plague , they Martch many hundred miles , triumphing over Millions of the Natives the Allarbies , and that not with thousands of Souldiers but with a handfull of men , and they without discipline ; I meane of postures , or common probabilitie , they receive from their Campe called Tittere , being North East from Argere , bordering upon the Kingdome of Cook●●e , from which King they receive no Tribute but from the Allarbies inhabiting the plaines , Vicenteres , to that Prince they dubles . have yearely . 200000. From their second Campe , called Piscarie in the sandie desarts bordering upon the Zara and Nigars Country 24 , dayes in their March thither . South upon a line , in which Country growes do Corne graine , their sole feeding being Rice and Dates , payes them yearely 200000. They also by this Campe receive tribute from the Nigars who send them yearely 200. of their Children . Thirdly , Sharke , extending West as far as Bot●yea , and the Kingdome of Muritanea or Tremassine payes 400000. Gorbe , extending its teritorie as f●er in the Orient as Tobarco . A Castle in possession of the Genousa payes . 400000. From their Garissins , as Constantina . 050000. From Bonna , a Port towne . 050000. From the , Bastyone when it was in possession of the French . 090000. From Tobarco they receive yearely . 010000. From Colla a Port Towne . 040000. From Gigerie a Port Towne . 015000. From Buggea a Port Towne . 040000. From Shershell a Port towne they receive yearely . 40000. From Massagan a Port Towne 50000. From Massagonem , a Port Towne . 50000. From Trimassin , Metropolitan Citie of the Kingdome of Murita●iea they yearely receive . 100000. From the Allarbies of Monteger● , and the vale of Medea , and the farmes of the Citizens . 800000. From the Gardens a joyning neere the Citie being 16000. 800000. By the Gates of the Citie . 040000. They have rent from all shoppes in the Citie proportionally as they are let to those that occupies them , which must bee very great ; yet I could never come to the true knowledge of it . For their Sea revinues they are uncertaine , they being as purchase comes in , of all goods and people that are taken ; the Bashaw has the eight part , and all shippes or other vessells solely to his owne particular , with all other provision and Ammunition appertayning to them . They have no constant trade , but with the Legornesses , and they when most comes , but two small vessells in a yeare : other trade they have , the chiefest being for Alexandria in Egypt , yet most performed by a people called Iarbines ; all paying 12. and a halfe purcenta : in summe , for their Campes , Garisons , Gardens and the like to my knowledge , by good information they have certaine Rent 3475000. dubles , accounting each duble to the just shilling English , and is 34750000 Of their Sea Forces . THeir Sea Forces chiefely consisted of their Gallies , yet never exceeded the number of nine at one time : Ally Pichelline , with the foole in the Gospell , resolved in the yeare 1639. to have brought them to twelve , and to have built a Gally Groce , but one was in the same yeare lost at Bonna by a tempest , and the other eight all taken by the Venetians ; so that at that present there was never a Gally remayning in that Citie , nor can I conceive that ever Ally will returne thither , from the Levant where hee now is to build more . So that their Sea Forces at the present consistes altogether in shippes , which are sometimes more , sometimes lesse . When I was first brought thither , in the yeare 1631. They had 90. vessells of all sorts , which they Armed in robberies , but in three yeares after they had not 30. and were utterly disanimated to arme their shippes in reprisall voyages , nor would upon any tearmes of advantage deale with an English shippe of force , untill a certaine Allerbie borne in the Mountaines of Cokoose Captaine of a Pinke of 26. peeces of Artillerie belonging to the Bashaw , unfortunatly met with the Adventure of London , a shippe of 21. peeces of Ordnance , and 45. men , which this Moore boarded , and immediatly mastered shee being richly loaden for the accompt of Gennonesses , which hath since imboldned that captaine to take divers English Ships of good force , and refuses to fight with none that he meetes withall : Thus much of their Sea Forces and shippes , which may be at present 80. Saile , most Flemish shippes , some carrying 40. peeces of ▪ Ordnance . Of their Land Forces . NO Tagarine or Moore of the Citie may be a Souldier or goe in Land service , they are onely allowed Armes in their houses to defend the Citie if it should be invaded ; in their foure Campes they send out 2400. men , they have in their Garisons 1000. more : in my time in their Hamper or Generall Armie , which in 1633. they sent against the King of Cokoose , when all their ships were in port , and all their souldiers at home , beside those in Garison they could make but 4500. Souldiers , beside Bullabashes and Oddabashes their Commanders . I will allow for sicke men and others in Merchant voyages 1000. more , so that in my judgement they cannot have above 5000. Souldiers in pay , and although there be Christians that daily turne Turkes and Turkes which daily comes out of the Lavante which are presently put in pay ; so by their fights on Land and at Sea , there are daily killed more or lesse of them , and that to the benefit of the Bashaw , for if a Souldier dies without children , hee inherits his goods ; they have also a people which followes them for spoiles , called Swayves or Horsemen : besides all these there are perminently in the Citie , of Gentlemen , Tagerines and Moores above 50000. able men to draw Sword ; and thus much of their Land Forces . Of their Victories . THe vertue of this people doth appeare by the large and ample patrimony which in that Country they command , in despight of millions of their enemies , and they a people framed to warre , able of body , fierce of nature , and cruell of disposition , the most excellent horsemen of the world , I meane the Moores : In 1542. with Ally their Bashaw they marched to the very gates of Fesse , one of the most famous Cities of Africa , and returned having made composition , and received of the Citizens for each day to each Souldier , as long as they had beene from Argiere , a Ducate a day : their officers advanced their reward as they were in dignitie , and the Bashaw by their relation returned with excessive riches to his owne particular . They did in the yeare 1620. fight many battailes with the King of Cokoose , beate him out of his countrey , onely leaving him a mountaine , which by its unpassable wayes and difficult assent was the sole refuge hee had to keepe himselfe from their Swords , they having burned his Cities of England , of France , Spaine , Portugall , Sicelia , Naples , Rome , Venice , Allimania , and others which were and are yet called according to these principall places of Christendome . In the yeare 1626. they conquered the Kingdome of Muritania , from the Marrabote , named Sedeabdelcadder , and called by them Antichriste ; and that sumptuous Citie of Tremessine , Metroppolis of that kingdome , which Marrabote by his conjurations , for so I esteeme them , and that with good reason , to bee Cunjurors , Charmers and Witches , did by his Art Magique many miracles whereby he became famous amongst those indocible and superstitious people : the Moores who flocked to him not onely as the man that would defend them and that Kingdome , but also by his extraordinary vertue and power , get more , and heaven for them also , they esteeming him as the man of God , for so are they still led to beleeve ; the greatest Exorcist with them is the greatest Saint . The Duana of Argiere sends out an Armie against him , consisting of 6000. Turkes Foote , and 2000. Swayves Horsemen ; the Tagerines and Bellagees Citizens , with other superstitious people of the Citie lamented that the blinde Turke would apparently runne into an inevitable destruction : the Turkes wives condoles their husbands presumption as to goe to conquer such a man of God . The Turke semper idem set forwards ; the Generall of the Army was a Colloly , and the man that since blew up their Cassaba ; they incountered this great Prophet , having with him an Armie of above 20000. men ; joynes battell , but his art failing , great numbers of his Souldiers slaine . In fine he was abandoned of all his people , taken prisoner , the Algieres fleaed him alive , and stuffed his skinne with straw and sent it for Argiere , where it was carried in triumph in all publike places of that Citie , to the glory of the Turke and infamie of all superstitious Moores : the Turke pursued his advantage , made a finall conquest of that countrey , onely Tremassine was an obsticle in their way , which the Turke besieged , and after divers skirmishes it was yeelded to them , they put 200. Souldiers in Garison in their Alcassaba , and triumphiously returned to Argiere , where they were received with glory . Most famous is this Citie , and of all others proud in her good fortune against the Souldiers and state of Tunis . In 1627. when upon differences betweene them , about a certaine Castle the Algieres built , whom they of Tunis challenged to be built in their territories and jurisdiction . Subsitudes were appointed on both parties to treate and ratifie some relugar way betwixt them , and that the difference should not be onely judicated by Turkes , but rather by Moores , natives of the countrey , to whose experience the right was better knowne . Long time was spent in Commission to effect it , but neither the one nor the other would turne their affections to that good use . In fine , it came to be the intelligence of the great Turke , who did strive to accommodate a stabilitie of peace betwixt them , nor could his greatnesse herein prevaile ; the Commissioners deputed by both Common-wealthes , returned unaccorded ; the grand signiour Pope-like , by booke and candle excommunicated them both , if they disobeyed his pleasure therein , which they least set by , and casting away all legall Capitulations , Armed on both sides : they of Tunise raised an Armie of 8000. foote of the Turkish Nation , with volentaries , admitting and accepting all Gentlemen of the Collollies that would goe to that Service : Henissha , a great Prince of the Allarbies confederated with them , and for old injuries vowed revenge upon the Algerers , who on their parts neglected no oppertunitie , stayed their Land Forces , and shippes from Navigation , levied 6000. Turkes , nor would they admit volentaries , as Gentlemen of the Collollies or others not in pay . Ben Allie a Prince of the Orient and of the Moorish Nation great enemie to his Vicentere henissha , the other Prince confederated with the Adverse partie , brought unto their assistance 7000. horse , the combination with the Tunistens , and Prince Henissha was made with strong promises and protestations of love , one unto the other , confirmed with deepe vowes to be allegated in an indisolvable and perpetuall obligation , both promises upon victory to Martch to the gates of Argere , and not onely so , but to make a finall extirpation of those incorrigible people of that Citie , by mutuall condition , the spoyles were to be given to Prince Henesha and his Souldiers , but the Lands and Cities Conquered to be the reward of the Tunisers , who to effect matters answerable to so great expectation , carried 40. peeces of brasse Ordnance of all sorts in their Armie , and 8000 souldiers Turkes ; Henessha , brought to their assistance , 11000. Horsemen , of his owne subjects : the Allgerers with an undaunted resolution , advanced to their new-built Castle , as farre in the Orient as Tobarco , 130. leagues ; carried not one peece of Artillery with them , nor did their owne Forces exceede the Number of 6000. foote Turkes , Benn Allie their confederate brought to their assistance , 7000. horsemen , of their owne people Allarbies , notwithstanding the great disadvantage , on the enemies part , as being in horse and foote , many thousand more than they were : besides , having so many peeces of Ordnance , Martches into their territorie , found their enemies , with whom they joyned battle , the Allgerers first made at the Ordnance of their enemies ; and after a hot skirmish being valiantly resisted , the fight increasing on all sides , the victory a long time doubtfull , yet by generall opinion like to have fallen to the Tunessins : the two Princes of the Allarbies had as hard bickering on their parts , as now the time to shew ( that king of passions ) their Mallice one against the other ; the Allgerers impatient , tooke their usuall furie , gives the word every Souldier to throw downe his Musket , and to end the quarrell by dent of sword ; which doing , they entred upon the Ordnance of their enemies , and by their vallour gained them , which they now turned as a rod of mischiefe to whip their first masters , and like a torrent makes farther into the Armie of the enemie , who for a long time made valliant and Noble resistance , but the vertue of the Allgerers prevailed , and the Conquered fled , leaving behind them 3500. of their Companions dead upon the ground of their Turkish Souldiers ; 4● . peeces of Artillery , many Banners of great curiosity and valew , with rich pillage , which fell to Ben Allie , and his All●rbies , beside his glory of victory obtained against his mortall enemie Prince Henesha . The Allgerers returned with this glory to their Cittie , and are by the inhabitants received with Joy and triumph , whiles they of Tunis lamented their disgrace , were perplexed what more mischiefe the Allgeres , purposed to doe unto them , to whose mercy certainely they were , their lives , their goods , and their Cittie ; and the greater was their terrour , for the arivall of 40. Argere shippes at the Galletta , or Port Carthage● but they were upon the first advertisment of victory recall'd by the Councell of Argere , without doing them of Tunis the least dammage , and they utterly demolished that Castle which had caused that difference betwixt them ; how many battels they have fought with the Allarbies , were too tedious to recount : they have diverse times overthrowne the Armies of Ben Allie , and Henessha , with other great Princes of the Moores , and are in continuall and dayly skirmishes with them , to whom they are a terour , and their fame spread in all Affrica . Of its Inhabitants . SHe is proud in Citizens , consisting of 28000. Families , besides Iewes unaccounted , who cannot be lesse than 30000. soules ; her inhabitants consists of foure sorts of people . Of Bellages Natives , and first inhabitants of the Citie of Tagerines , a people banished Spaine by Philip the third ; and Iewes , all which are but tenants at will to the last , and that is the Turke , from whom is also extracted two other sorts of people ; one the Collollies their children Naturall , and the Renegatha , their adoptive Children , of which three sorts of men are the Souldiers of Argiere : as for the condition and manners of this people , excepting that which tend to the upholding of their state and Common-wealth , I meane their government Millitary , they are so depraved as they have no good Custome amongst them , for although in all their doings , they begin with the first mover , if it be but in cutting a peece of bread , and that in their way they wash and pray five times a day , and are very ceremonious in their law ; yet are they incorigibly flagitious , they are sayd to commit Sodomie with all creatures , and tollerate all vices ; so their women for their parts are most impudent and addicted to all kindes of unnaturallnesse , yet greedy lovers of money ; they make no scruple of murder , neither of infants is it enquired after : so on the contrary doth the Souldier upon discontent , jelousie , or displeasure , cut their throates , throw them out at windowes into the Sea , and in the open streets without remorse of conscience or inquisition of Justice , to say so much as what hast thou done . There is no Naturall love from the man to the Wife , nor from the woman to her husband ; they marrie without sight one of another , and their ayme and intent onely intrest : they buy their wives , paying halfe their dowrie in hand , and the other upon divorce , for upon least difference they turne away each other : the man obleiges himselfe to maintaine his wife , with a precise forme of allowance , which if he any wayes failes to performe , its frequent and legall the woman to abandon her husband , and that without scruple , although in their aboad together they have had many children , ( like to like as the Devill said to the Collier ) for they are as well rewarded in their children , whose disobedience is such , that to defame and buffet them is usance , and their parents count it a favour to doe them service : so is the Iew , a most execrable people , and a like hatefull to all Nations ; bloody hearted , living by defraudes , and notwithstanding their knowledge of the Law , are as disobedient to their parents as the other . There is yet another sort of people and they are Christians , whose case is to be pitied , that lyes groaning under the yoake of Turkish , tyrannie , who Martyr them dayly by their most contested , most inexorable , and unhumane creuelties , whose number and vertues were they armed , were not onely enough to master Argere , but to make a finall conquest of all Africa ; they are esteemed to be 60000. truely I thinke them little lesse , for by common probabilitie , there being 16000. Gardens , and one with another , having a Christian , some two , three , and foure , besides so great a Number as are in the Citie , put to all vile and base services , others that goe to Sea , they doing nothing that tends to labour themselves , so that it carries too great a probabilitie to be that Number : but those that I must lament , and nature obliges to be most indulgent to , is for more than 1500. of my miserable Countrie men , who are there plunged in the most vile and greatest detriments , certainely a faire course would effect their enlargement , and without all doubt be most acceptable to Almightie God , and bring a benediction upon his Majestie , his Royall posteritie , people and dominions ; they have a most confident opinion of his Majesties gracious favour toward them , and are credulous that his Royall bountie will be no lesse propence to them , than it hath beene to those that were in Moroco and Sally ; they blame the wils of some ill affected persons , who they say have long countermaunded that beniffecence which would have beene their remuneration ; here are those indeede that pretend if those men should be redeemed , upon like hopes others would not fight , and so give away Merchants estates , which alas it is a weake assertion ; we all know it is not the common sort that swayes , but the Captaine which if a Lyon , a sheepe will follow him : in Corporall diseases , if the head be ill , how is all the body distempered , but what rationall man is there that would yeeld himselfe into a 14. or 15. yeares slavery , although he knew certainely at the end of that terminie , to be redeemed . Who does us all this mischiefe but Christians , consider the unwonted damages we dayly receive by them , premeditate what may more ensue , if some speedy course be not taken to releeve them ; those poore soules who in anguish of their hearts , bereft of all Christian consolations , and meanes ordinary to reviste their Patria , many having wives and Children , whom they love most deere , so that like a Beare robbed of her whelpes , they are forced to take revenge , despairing of better Fortunes , and suppose by doing great spoyles to Anticepate their infranchisment ; such men they are that had or may his Majestie have occasion to use Sea-men , a 1000. of them were better than the best 3000. in England ; pardon me for the comparison , for they have had custome to beget boldnesse , and experience to doe execution , many of them have beene there 11. some 12. yeares ; fighting to them is as ordinary as to us carousing : in summe , they are excellent men , either for offence or defence , in Sea Services , and so accustomarily expert , that by judgement of their eye , they will eschew and avoyd a great shot : It is further pretended , if they should be inlarged , and a peace established , those Pirats of Allgere would never conserve and keepe it ; I am certaine that the last peace was broken by the English , by whom those of Argere received many injuries and long suffered them before they sought the least revenge , and the first English shippe brought thither , caused many differences betwixt themselves in Duana , nor would they consent to have the companie sould , till they saw the poore men so neglected , as no man interceaded for them ; I am confident that if his Majestie should send for those his poore , but most Loyall subjects ; that the Turkes would give them upon honourable termes , and have a just propention to a good firme and constant peace , which the better to obleige them to observe , in my opinion the way were to establish a conncell in that Citie , which should be allowed sufficient maintenance , by those that shall settle a Factorie there : it is also necessarily required in the person so subsituted , to be moderate , methodicall , and sufficient , and that the Allgerers on their part send hither one of their Bullahasshawes a Turke by Nation , which will be a powerfull meanes to obleige them to keepe and concerve the peace ; the trade will be as beneficiall as any Skall in Barberie , although lately it hath not so proved , the cause was not in the Citie , or inhabitants , but in the instruments imployed in the negotion which wanted experience in the Country : besides the Bastion is now vacant which long hath beene in hand of the French , worth 200000. duccats per annum declaro , gotten by fishing of Curell , wherein if any desire further satisfaction I will resolve them : in summe , as these Nations and Kingdomes of ours , are this day the most happiest and flourishing in the whole world , envied by most Christians , and admired by all Turkes , who ascribes a preëxcellencie of wisedome , prudence and vertue , to our Kings Majestie now reigning ( long may he live to Reigne over us ) and to the Right Honorable Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privie Councell , absolutely to be the most wisest and most vertuous Prince , and Councellors in the Universe ; I doe implore the Majestie Divine to be their Councellour , by whose assistance as long to the admiration of the world , they have beene guided , so they may be ever to the maugering of all those that beare them envie ; whiles let it be our consolations against all enemies and maligners , that there is no greater signe of the mercy and favour of God , to any Nation or people , than when the hearts of publike governers are raised up to the punishment of Vice , reward of vertue , and for the Commanding of pious and Restoritive actions : in fine , I make no question , but at time convenient , these poore afflicted people shall be thought on , commiserated , and releeved . I was lately solicited by certaine personages , to give my advice concerning them , and the state of Argere , and by discourse doe collect that a certaine Gentleman intends to prove meanes and friends to get a Lotterie , by which he doubts not to get more than 200000. pound sterling , and with the one part pretend to redeeme the Captives , and with the other to make himselfe a compleate man ; these and such like rediculous projects are to be derided , as preposterous , and the event expected to speede there after ; a better , more laudible , and speedie way may be taken to prevent many insuing dangers , threatned upon our Navigations , and people . 30000. pound turned or imployed in such materials , as would advance profit in the Country , imposed in mens hands experienced , will by Gods mercy and his Majesties favour , infranchise them . Of their Lands , and Territories . THe greater the Enemie , the more worthy the Conquest , the lesser the number of the Conquerours , the more Renowned and Honourable the Victorie ; since Barba Rassha his time , of 120. yeares , who tooke this Citie with 32 men , from so meane a beginning , and from so base obscuritie has this Citie raised her glory in most parts of the knowne world , and extends her magnitude and territory to the Orient , as farre as Tobarco , 130. leagues , to the South ; as farre as the Zara , and burning zoan of the Nigars Country , to the Occident ; as farre as Botoyca , and to Tituon , 130. leagues ; and at Sea is a terrour to most Navigators , and a scourge to all the Meditarenian Cost of Christendome . Of their Riches . NO man may be incredulous or marvell at her excessive essentialls and materialls of gold and silver , having lived upon the Spoyle of all Christendome , more than 120. yeares ; what abundance of riches hath beene since that time brought into her , is knowne by miserable experience to most Christians , the substance of whole Cities and Islands hath beene involved into her Gulfe ; nor is she alone enriched by these ; but also by all sorts of goods which they take , and sell to Christians and Jewes , Merchants , for ready money ; excessive riches they get by Captives , exacting from them great ransomes ; the poorest & which of themselves have nothing , of the Spanish Nation , are usually redeemed in a thousand shillings ; and for Genowayes , if under 22. yeares of age , the Signiors of Tobarco are obleiged to free them to a hundred pound sterling ; nor doth there want diligence in them to performe and effect their inlargements , it is anniversary ; for the Spanyard by collections , called amongst them Lemossena , to infranchise 3. or 4. hundred men , and for ready moneys payed in peeces of eight : besides , her yearely tributes , which they get from the Allarbies , not being lesse than 200000. pound sterling , insomuch that she is an Indies or minerall , for that of all that is brought into her , none is carried out againe ; as for corne and other necessaries , which obleiges the life of man , the Citizens have all the land of many dayes Journey of their owne , so that they having ingrossed so great a part of the Country , they doe not onely furnish themselves with provisions , but also with money which they get of the neighbouring Allarbies for provision ; and surely for oyle , figges , and the like , which the Cabills of the Kingdome of Cookose brings them , they leave the principall , and product for trivall commodities , which their indocible capacities cannot furnish themselves with , and for what commodities are brought thither from Mercellies and Legorne , in way of trade they leave all behinde them , and brings much money also , whose comming thither is onely for redeeming Captives , and buying reprisall goods . Thus have I accomplished the Capitals , and given a true relation of that flourishing Citie , whose onely rich stones , Dyamonds and Pearles is sufficient to answere the charge of that Navie and Armie that shall be sent to Conquer her ; besides what fetters of gold , gold chaines and the like are dayly to be seene in her streetes , it being so popularly knowne , I neede not speake of : as for her riches , in present coyne of plate and gold , I have sufficiently demonstrated to satisfie any reasonable Judgement . Oh that I might live to be an actour in a Marshall way , to see her Conquest , they feare none so much as our English Nation , neither is it difficult or doubtfull , with a good fleete of shippes , and an Armie , of 30000. Souldiers on Land to plucke downe her pride , she having many enemies within her , and enough to effect her ruine ; and most of all , her oppressions , and sinnes , which cry to the heavens for Judgement against her ; so having ended with that Citie I thinke it also requisite to nominate the Equipage of the Basshaw , or their Vice-King , which I omitted to intermixe with the other Officers of the Duana , because they have no voyce in their Councell nor Command in the Citie ; and to speake truth , the onely priviledge the Bassha has , is that he hath power over the Moores of the Citie , in matter of Justice , yet tollerated by the Duana , to exact great summes of money from them , the better to inable him to give them their pay . Of the Bassha his Officers and Retinue . THe Bassha must be a Renegado , bred in the great Turkes Suray or Court . His Kaia or Treasurer , his second , a Renegado to some Visscere in Turkie . His Allimene or Receiver , and is for Maritane affaires , an inferiour Renegado . His Hoossiea or Secretary , and may be of either sort Turke or Renegatha . His Chamberlaine , and by the Grand Signiors command must be a naturall Turke . His Agga or Captaine of his Horse , a Renegado . His Tollope or Priest must be a Naturall Turke . His Chillabies or Gentlemen attendants , and are all Renegathes , boyes of finest beauty and comelinesse . 6. Player on Cornets , and 2. Sackbuts , Renegathes . 4. Players on kettle-Drums , Nigars . 40. Sollackes appointed by the Duana , for his Guard gives dayly attendance at his Pallace gate , and are of the oldest Odabasshes , or Corporals of the Councell . His Guardian over his Christians slaves , a Rogue of the Moorish Nation , and 2. other Nigars . 26. Chousses or Serjants to Arrest men indebted , provided they be Moores , for that a Souldier may not be imprisoned for debt ; and these Serjants are all Moores Natives of the Country ; the rest of his houshould as Cookes Scollions and the like are Christian slaves . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A04907e-380 Bable-●eight Castle Emperours Castle . Ta●c●ine Castle . A42952 ---- Trade preferr'd before religion and Christ made to give place to Mammon represented in a sermon relating to the plantations : first preached at Westminster-Abbey and afterwards in divers churches in London / by Morgan Godwyn ... Godwyn, Morgan, fl. 1685. 1685 Approx. 176 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42952 Wing G974 ESTC R15652 13593937 ocm 13593937 100722 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42952) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100722) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 788:26) Trade preferr'd before religion and Christ made to give place to Mammon represented in a sermon relating to the plantations : first preached at Westminster-Abbey and afterwards in divers churches in London / by Morgan Godwyn ... Godwyn, Morgan, fl. 1685. [6], 12, 34 p. Printed for B. Took ... and for Isaac Cleave ..., London : 1685. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bible. -- O.T. -- Jeremiah II, 34 -- Sermons. Slavery and the church -- Sermons. Slavery and the church -- Early works to 1800. Slavery -- Sermons. Slavery -- Early works to 1800. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Trade preferr'd before Religion , AND Christ made to give place to Mammon : Represented in a SERMON Relating to the PLANTATIONS . First Preached at WESTMINSTER-ABBY , And afterwards in divers Churches in London . By MORGAN GODWYN , sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford . St. JOH . 4. 35. Say not ye , There are yet four Months , and then cometh Harvest ? Behold , I say unto you , Lift up your Eyes , and look on the Fields , for they are white already to Harvest . Equidem nescio utrum potius faciam , querarne nostrorum temporum calamitatem , & charitatem refrigescentem , fidemque raro in quoquam inventam juxta Domini Verbum , tot animarum millia ut Christo lucrifiant , non satis merces videri quae nostrorum animos excitent , auri argentique cupiditatem longè plus valere apud nos , ut ista si desint animarum salus pro nihilo fiat . Acosta de procur . Ind. Sal. l. 3. c. 18. London , Printed for B. Took at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard , and for Isaac Cleave at the Star in Chancery-Lane , 1685. Taken out of one of the Homilies for Whitsunday . Christ's Spirit it is , that engendereth a burning zeal towards God's Word , and giveth all Men a Tongue , yea a fiery Tongue , so that they may boldly and chearfully profess the Truth in the Face of the whole World. — The Mystery of the Tongues betokeneth the preaching of the Gospel , and the open Confession of the Christian Faith , in all those that are possessed with the Holy Ghost . So that if any Man be a dumb Christian , not professing his Faith openly , but cloaking and Colouring himself for fear of danger , he giveth Men occasion , justly and with good conscience to doubt , lest he have not the Grace of the Holy Ghost within him , because he is Tongue-tyed and doth not speak . To the King. May it please Your Majesty , THIS Discourse , which first came to life in Your Royal Brother's , his late Majesty's Reign , ( of most happy memory to these Nations ) being now of Age to appear abroad , doth humbly prostrate it self at Your Majesty's Feet ; not doubting Your most gracious Acceptance , if but for the End and Design it proposes and carries with it : Which is no other , than to stir up and provoke Your Majesty's Subjects Abroad , ( and even at Home also ) to use at least some endeavours for the propagation of Christianity among their domestick Slaves and Vassals ; ( together with the other numerous Heathen in Your Majesty's Colonies ) who for the general are most ambitious thereof , were their Desires seconded by suitable Inclinations in their Owners , so as to afford it to them . A Duty most certainly so indispensibly necessary , and absolutely incumbent upon all , but especially the most reformed and refined Christians , that it may justly seem a Matter of greatest admiration and astonishment , to but observe that it has hitherto been so much neglected ; yea , and not only neglected , but ( I cannot express it without shame and horror ! ) even scoffe at and opposed by them . An impiety , which tho before not wholly unknown to Your Majesty , ( as having been , by a very reverend and worthy Person , of near Relation to Your Majesty , some time since represented to Your Majesty ) is yet but newly arrived within Your Power to remedy . But for the which we have the greatest assurance , to wit , Your Majesty's Royal Word then passed upon that Your first notice thereof . Your Majesty being thereupon pleased , not only to testify Your highest resentment and abhorrence of so prophane an Abuse , but withal giving most manifest Indications of Your Desires for its reformation and redress . And like a most religious Assertor , and zealous Patron of the Faith once delivered to the Saints ; Your Majesty declaring it most reasonable , that all Men should be made to partake of the Grace of God , so freely in Christ tendred unto them ; and that none should be debarred of the common Salvation , especially such who do so much hunger and thirst after it . And at the same instant , no less admiring , that any pretence of Reason should by Christians ( and those too of the best sort ) be offered to the contrary ; much less so resolutely , and with so much pertinacy be defended and persisted in . And when in refutation of that no less impudent than most impious Assertion , of the Impracticableness thereof , at least in those Parts ; it was answered and urged , that it could not possibly be less practicable to us , than to other Nations ; particularly to the French , who in the Island of St. Christophers , ( half whereof is peopled by that Nation , but the rest possessed by your Majesty's Subjects ) without finding any either mischief or inconvenience consequent thereupon , are known to confer Baptism upon all that sort of People : Whilst the English upon the same Spot , do most sacrilegiously reject and give it up for impossible : Upon the hearing whereof , Your Majesty being fully convinced and satisfied , was pleased to allow the Argument for unanswerable ; and withal to add , That if ever it should happen to fall in Your way , Your Majesty would further it all you could . The due performance whereof , no one that understands Your Veracity and Zeal , will in the least suspect . As for this so absurd an Impiety , their pretence is , the advance of Trade and Commerce , which they are not ashamed to set up in opposition to Christ and Religion . But Your Majesty cannot but know how unworthy ( even at the best ) this Plea is of a Christian Nation : and withal , how incongruous and mean it is that for Trade ( even allowing the Pretence for good ) the Work of God should be destroyed ; and those Myriads of Souls be made to perish , for whom Christ died , no less than for the residue of Mankind . It would be also considered , as we doubt not but Your Majesty will , what returns , after so long possession , we have made , or rather , what despite to the Spirit of Grace we have done , in hindring those poor Heathens Salvation , which we ought with our utmost Zeal and Industry , to have promoted ; The very end , as must be piously supposed , for which it at first pleased Almighty God to discover to us , and to possess us of those many large and fruitful Countries : Whilst we prefer our Trade and our Mammon before it , as of the greater value . And when all other Religions , even to the very Turks and New-England-men , do compass Sea and Land to create Proselites ; we only do seem to fetch the same compass to continue them Heathens . An abomination which both threatens and calls aloud for Vengeance from Heaven upon the most wicked Authors : Unless Your Majesty's extraordinary Piety and Goodness shall suddenly interpose , and so at once put a stop to the Sin and to the Judgment . And who knows whether Your Majesty be not come to the Kingdom for such a Time as this ? I shall only be bold to detain Your Majesty with a short but pious Speech of a certain great Prince , one of the late Kings of Spain , uttered to Your Majesty's blessed Father , of most glorious memory , whilst residing in that Kingdom ; Who indiscourse , taking occasion to magnify that King 's spacious Dominions ; He , in answer thereto , was pleased to reply , That 't was true , God had entrusted him with divers Nations and Countries ; but that his Advantage thereby was , to have opportunity to propagate Christian Religion . It is to be presumed , that as Your Majesty's Dominions , in the Parts we speak of , are in extent not much short of , perhaps a great deal larger , than that Princes : So your Majesty's Piety will not suffer You to be wanting to Your Self and People , in reaping the like blessed and glorious Advantage thereby . So prayeth , The most unworthy and meanest of Your Majesty's Subjects , MORGAN GODWYN . The PREFACE . I Cannot but foresee , that I shall fall under no small danger of Censure , as well for my first preaching , as now publishing this Discourse . For besides the sinister Surmises of divers here at home , ( such , who like the Curr in the Manger , will neither eat Oats themselves , nor suffer those that would ) ; I must also look to undergo , as far as is possible , the utmost Effects of the Rage and Malice of those incensed MAMMONISTS from abroad ; who , I am to expect , will not fail , by their Agents and Partizans , to dispense to me the sharpest Revenge and Mischief , that such Enemies of Christianity can contrive against a Promoter of it . And , when they thus see me upon taking away their Gods , it will be but a very sensless and unreasonable Question to demand , What aileth them ? But as there was no temptation from the thing it self , as being likely to prove so invidious and costly an Undertaking , what I have but too much already felt ; and it being on the behalf of such who are never like to make me any amends , and I am sure that no body else will : So I hope that others better disposed , will in charity , which thinketh not the worst , rather believe , that what I have herein attempted , doth proceed from no worse Motive , than from a sense of my Duty ; as not knowing otherwise , what I yet knew was most necessary , how to reprove the * BARJESVITISM and base Mammonism so openly practised in our Plantations , and even at Home too ; of which I shall presently give some Instances . At least certainly I can deserve no blame for thus opening my Mouth for the Dumb , and becoming their Advocate , who are appointed to Eternal Destruction : For that I have , as it were , put my Life in my hand , to oppose those Elymas's , who do not cease to pervert the right Ways of the Lord , and to obstruct Christianity , when no body else either durst or would . And since the more Learned and Prudent , who never use to lay out themselves but to some purpose ( and this , 't is too well known known , is but a barren Theme ) , had hitherto been silent therein , that I thought it no disparagement to become a Fool for Christ's sake , and conceived that it might better be done by me , than not at all . These in truth were my Reasons in general for this Undertaking ; but there was withal a more particular . And that was , hereby , if possible , to put some stop to , and to abate the arrogant and proud vauntings of that new Sect of American Anti-Religionists , the Barjesuits and Elymases before mentioned , for their Victory over Christianity , by LVCYfer and his fellow Agents , here sometime since obtain'd ; which very triumphantly , like pure uncircumcised Pagans , * ( pardon the Expression , for in this Case , Difficile est Satyram non scribere , and not to be angry had been to sin ) they have not forborn to publish in the Houses of their Idols , if I may so speak ; and by insulting Letters , to set forth in their Assemblies ; therein proclaiming how they have worsted Christianity , and for ever quash'd all future hopes of advancing its Crest , and of further entrance into those Parts . A most glorious Victory doubtless it was ! and which none besides the Devil and themselves , but would have been ashamed to have boasted of . A Victory where there was no ▪ Adversary to contend with ; and of which , as the case stood , if they could but talk considently , and affirm lustily without blushing , they could not easily fail . Upon this I could no longer be silent , but as the Holy Psalmist expresseth himself , My heart grew hot within me , and the fire was kindled ; and at the last I spake with my Tongue ; declaring from the Pulpit , as oft as I had opportunity , what I have now delivered from the Press . I considered the thing as a Duty indispensible ; and having before put my hand to the Plow , I determined not to look back : Yet I must confess , I attended a while to see whether any abler Advocate would appear in the Cause , and happily have saved me both the trouble and the envy of it . But when I had thus waited , and could see no appearance of any , no not at the greatest distance , ( for they were all amazed , they answered no more , they left off speaking ; or rather , we may say , did never begin ) ; it was not in my power to refrain , but I resolved that I would answer for my part , I would speak on God's behalf , I would open my mouth and answer , let come on it what would . But he that ploweth , should plow in hope , as saith the Apostle . Now to what purpose is it to speak further hereof , since so slender Advances have been hitherto made therein , by what has been before spoken , will some be apt to demand ? And indeed it was the Advice of one , when I first adventured upon this Work , never to trouble my self about it ; for , said he , Tho your Design be never so Christian and good , yet the least grain of Interest lying in the way , shall quite ruin and overthrow it . And I wish his words had proved less true . But truly I am full of power , by the Spirit of the Lord , to tell Jacob of his Transgression , and Israel of his Sin , as saith the Prophet Micah . And Isaiah tells us , That the Watchmen upon the Walls of Jerusalem , were not to hold their peace , notwithstanding the greatest discouragements , day nor night ; nor to give even the Almighty himself any rest , until he had established and made Jerusalem a praise in the whole Earth . Rather , the deafer Men are , the louder we are to cry . For , Truth however opprest , will have some Followers . The sturdy Youth in the Gospel , that at first did so peremptorily refuse to go and work in his Father's Vineyard , afterwards repented , and went. And even the unjust Judg , by much importunity , and for his own quiet , was , we read , at length wrought upon to hearken to the Widow's complaint , and to do her right . And tho these we speak of , have had this untoward Character , viz. of being such , who will do no right , nor take any wrong , fixed upon them ; yet who knows how far our Assiduity may in like manner prevail ? At least , 't is certain , we have no Dispensation for our silence . For truly , unto this most unchristian Silence , must in a great measure be ascribed the large spreading of this Leprosy of Barjesuitism and Irreligion , not only in America , ( where , as I have * elsewhere mentioned , a poor Slave was in effect whip'd to death for being baptized ) ; but of its crossing the Seas into Europe , and from thence passing to the Eastern Indies : As by a most dreadful Story ( related to me by one that had spent some time in those Parts ) of the behaviour of some of our Factors towards the Natives of a certain place there called Jackatrâ upon Java , will appear ; who desirous to be instructed in Christianity by the English , were most unchristianly denied the favour : they , forsooth , dreading lest their apt Scholars should thereby come to improve their Faculty in the Mystery of Buying and Selling , ( as if that also were a Mystery of the Gospel ) , which in time might lessen their Gain , and so spoil all . However , what these refused , certain * Mahumetans , ( see here how much their Zeal for their Superstition surpasseth ours for the Truth ) ; who soon after arrived at the same place , did more generously offer them ; and of their own accord , without any of our Mens Scruples upon the score of their Mammon , freely communicated to them their Religion ; which that People then embracing , are said to retain to this very day . But to leave these remote Parts , where Men may perhaps be supposed to act what they please , without controul , let us come nearer Home , to our own most Protestant Island , and even to England it self , and there see how much better the case is , to is in time like to prove amongst our selves ; where we shall find this superlative Wickedness to have spread amain , even from Sea to Sea ; infected both the East and West , and gotten possession of the very heart of this Kingdom . I have been told , that when this Sermon was first preached in London , the Parish Clark , after all was done , fell to wondring that I should thus trouble my self to preach against Negro's and Indians , for that he said , there were none of that Religion in this Nation . But how much this poor Clark was mistaken , I shall from some four or five Instances , out of a great many which I have heard , soon discover . Whereof the first that I shall mention , is of a Gentlewoman , who commending a certain Negro Wench that she had , for her towardliness and other good qualities , in the hearing of a Minister ; he demanded of her , why she made her not a Christian ? Whereat , casting her eyes strangely on him , and greatly wondring , she replied , That she had thought he would have given her better Counsel . The next shall be of a poor Wretch of the like sort , belonging to a certain Lady , at that time residing in a place some seventy miles distant from London : With this Negro , a certain religious Gentlewoman condescended to discourse , and to perswade to Christianity , unto which she found him very inclinable ; but was interrupted by the Lady , who overhearing the Discourse , thereupon ran in ; and , as in a most hideous affrightment , cryed out , O , for God's ( she might better have said the Devil's ) sake , say no more to him of that . And so the Discourse ended . The third Instance shall be of a Negro , whose Owner lived nearer London , viz. within some four or five miles distance of it . This Negro presented himself to the Minister , I think not of his own , but of a neighbouring Parish , desiring Baptism at his hands ; For which the Minister finding him not unqualified , did not absolutely refuse it , nor yet at present grant it him ; 't is possible , as being of another Parish . But however , the Master coming to the knowledg thereof , forthwith sends a peremptory Message to the Minister , charging him upon his peril not to proceed . The fourth is of a Negro , whose Owner resided somewhere near Bristol , ( the places name I have forgotten ) ; This Negro also addressed himself to the Minister , beseeching Baptism ; For the which the Minister finding him not incompetently fitted , did not deny it him ; only deferred it for the present . All which soon after arriving to the Master 's jealous ear , he , with the like terrible Menaces , dehorted the Minister ; adding withal , this insolent enquiry , Whether he would baptize his Horse ? But perceiving that the Minister little regarded his Menaces or Arguments , he goes home , and instantly chains the Negro under the Table among his Dogs , and there continues him in that double bondage for some time ; till finding him thereby to become unserviceable , which is all they regard ; he at length releaseth him of his Chain , but with this strict charge , not to go any more to the Minister . Which the Negro not observing , the Minister , like one that understood his Office , and that believed himself obliged to pay a greater respect to Christ's Commands , of baptizing all Nations , than to that Infidel American's forbidding it , publickly admits him into the Church by the Sacrament of Baptism ; After having purged him , by demanding of him , whether his Desires herein did proceed from any hopes of temporal advantage , as for the obtaining of liberty , or the like ? Which the Negro utterly renounced , declaring that he desired it only for the Salvation of his Soul. This again coming to his ▪ Masters knowledg , as it could not well be kept from him , the Negro upon his return , was welcomed with his former Chain , wherein he was soon after conveyed on Shipboard , and so to America : Where 't is to be presumed , that according to the general custom there , he shall never more hear of Christianity . Three of these Passages I had from the Ministers themselves , even as the other was told me by the Gentlewoman , an eminent Clergy-man's Wife in those Parts . I have heard also of a parcel of Negro's brought into England , concerning whom an especial charge was in the first place given to the Servants , not to mention any thing of Religion to them : Together with an intimation , ( which was no other , than to invite some lewd fellow to the Villany ) how acceptable a piece of service it would be , to have a certain young Negro Wench of the Company got with Child . It seems they take this ▪ Fornication to be no sin , no not so much as Venial . To these I may add , what I have heard , and do believe to be too true , viz. That the Grandees of one of these Colonies , were not long since so hardy , and withal so impious , as to produce ▪ Articles against their Governor Sir J. H. for his intended kindness to these People upon this account ; How far their Complaint was admitted , I cannot tell . It was certainly an Innovation , and for which he could produce no President in those ▪ Parts . So that Mr. * Herbert seemeth to have been directed by a fallible Spirit , when in certain prophetic Lines , foretelling the large and speedy progress of Religion in America , he thus sung , Religion stands a tiptoe in our Land , Ready to pass to the American Strand . And a little further ; Then shall Religion to America flee , They have their Gospel-times as well as we . The contrary being here most visible ; for instead of our carrying Christianity thither , they are upon bringing over the blackest Irreligion and Gentilism hither . Now if the cause of this their so great spite against Christianity , and cruelty to the Souls of Men , even of their own Slaves , who wear out their days in perpetual toil and labour for them , should be enquired into , it would not be easy to give a suddain Resolution . Some indeed here at home , have been ready to form Excuses for them , and to urge the danger of loosing their Slave by his admittance to Baptism . But this certainly cannot be the true Cause , at least as to those parts . I my self was accidentally present at the signing of an Act of Assembly by the Governor of Virginia , for the Security of this Interest . The like Laws I have been assured were enacted in the rest of the Plantations . And Sir Robert Southwell , upon some discourse about this very thing , some five Years since , was pleased to inform me , That he had heard the late Lord Chancellor Finch declare , that he did not know of any Law now in force in England , ( or words to that effect ) whereby a Slave was released from Servitude by Baptism . And certainly he , if any Man , must have known it . Others will tell us , that Christianity will make them more crafty and cunning , and withal , more tumultuous and rebellious . But this Argument equally fights against Christianity in all other places , and renders it intollerable to all Conditions and Degrees alike , as well to Freemen as Slaves , and at Home as well as Abroad ; and at this rate it must be banished out of the World. Others again are ready to suggest the Factors of Jackatra's Reason : But what have Slaves to do with buying and selling , who have nothing of their own to dispose of ? So that if the Reason were good , and of force against other freer Gentiles , ( not to mention that Christians ought not , upon any account whatsoever , to put themselves into a condition or course of Life , which carries with it an inevitable necessity of perpetual sinning against God ) ; yet it makes nothing against our ▪ Negro-Slaves admittance to Christianity . So that for my part I can deduce this cursed aversion in our Planters , from no other cause , than from their brutish and Atheistical * temper , which they are willing to shift off and to excuse with such Pretences , as knowing how easily they will be here swallowed . To this I might add that filthy Principle , which I think is almost universally received , and currant amongst them , That whatever conduceth to the getting of Mony , and carrying on of Trade , must certainly be lawful . As to instance in their trapanning and spiriting Men out of England , with sugar Promises of large kindness to be exhibited to them at their arrival in those Parts : whilst at the very instant they intend nothing else but to expose them to sale , and to make Slaves of them , at least for some term of Years . This , with other the like practices , I have heard justified and defended , and that by Persons who appeared very honest Men for those Places , and that withal would seem to have at least some little sense of Religion above their Neighbours , ( for a great deal would quite undo them ) ; who yet because they never hear them contradicted , may possibly be perswaded of their lawfulness . And by the same Principle I suspect it may be , that even those do permit Polygamy to their Slaves , and also put them upon a necessity of labouring upon Sundays , to prevent their starving all the Week after . Now all this , must in a very great measure be ascribed , to their want of being at first better instructed , and their not having the contrary Doctrines often inculcated to them , as well from the Pulpit as elsewhere . These Tares were sown whilst the Watchmen slept , or possibly when there were none at all ; Then they grew up and got strength , and took deep root , and now it is thought too late to weed them up . Which notwithstanding I must affirm to be beyond all peradventure their strickest Duty . And the total omission whereof , for I never heard it mentioned , will one day prove a sharper Thorn in their Sides , than that innocent Paper , which some have by Letters to England so fiercely complained of . Thereby , as it were , strengthening the hands of those wicked Men , as the Prophet speaks , and hardening them in their evil way . Who instead of encouraging , do talk of nothing but the difficulty * of the thing ; when not one has , as I could ever hear of , so much as tried or endeavoured it , no , not in their own Families . For this had been to invite a heavy Persecution , not of Fire and Faggot , but which is much worse , of being sleighted and neglected in their ordinary Treats and Invitations : To have been look'd upon askew by their Patrons and Grandees of the Vestries ; to have had some Affronts put upon them ; and to be a little wondered at by the World. All of them very worthy Pretences , for those should glory in such Sufferings , and rejoice that they were accounted worthy thereof ; that by their exemplary patience , under the greatest Pressures , should instil Resolution and Courage into others , and not only be contented to suffer , but to die for the Cause of Christ : Which this certainly is , if ever there were any such . It is indeed difficult , as some have made it ; but surely not so difficult as it was , when Christianity was every where spoken against , and the whole World was set to oppose it ; being not befriended by Authority , nor having so much as one single Person to countenance or stand by the Promoters of it . It is indeed more difficult than could be wished , at least to be gone thorow with at present : But yet methinks something might be endeavoured , if but for the good it has done , and to shew our good will towards it : And something also might as certainly be effected , were it but set about , and suitable means used for its carrying on . Nothing of which , besides the besprinkling of it with a few good Words , the precious holy Water of the Times , that I know of , was ever yet attempted or offered at . Some indeed have bespoke it as a very Apostolick Work , and a worthy Design ; Whom I should believe to have been serious and in earnest , could they but have kept their Countenances whilst they spoke . So that , to use the Prophet's Language , I may say , When I looked , there was none to help ; and I wondered that there was none to uphold . And whilst divers do , in plain down-right terms , determine it to be wholly needless ; or if at all needful , yet no way to concern us ; those Elimases in the mean time are not wanting , with their utmost industry , to oppose it as a most wicked Work. But it was St. Paul's case , at whose first Answer he complaineth , that no Man stood with him , but that all forsook him : for whom yet he prayeth God , that that Sin might not be laid to their charge . What Advantages our Adversaries do reap hereby , and how they make this Neglect , as a Shoeing-horn to draw on their Proselytes , is not , I suppose , unknown . And I have some cause to believe , that it has lately proved an Argument of no small validity , to draw one of our Church into their Toyles . The Party little less than acknowledging as much in my hearing , at least that it went a great way towards it . And even their Women have gotten it by the end , and can make use of it as dexterously as their ablest Men. It being not long since , that a very smart Dialogue happened between two of that Sex ; the one a strict Protestant , and the other a zealous Romanist : Who demanding of her , When any of her Church had attempted any thing for the conversion of Infidels , in Foreign Parts , or even in our own Plantations ; And the Protestant thereupon producing a small Treatise to that purpose , she replied , That , that truly was the first she had either seen or heard of of that kind among us : But withal further added , What hath been since done therein , or what encouragement given for others to tread in that Author's steps ? At which demand our poor Protestant Respondent was upon a sudden quite struck speechless . I confess I should be no good Christian , if I did not desire a better Subject to write upon , than the Reproaches of the Protestant Religion , such as all these foregoing Passages are : But , Si natura negat , sacit indignatio scriptum . And yet , if by turning away mine Eyes , I could better suppress the Irreligion , which this supine Carelesness and Neglect has occasion'd and introduc'd ; I should have wholly abstained from troubling the World with any thing of this Discourse . But the danger and miserable condition of those People ( if at least it be thought to be such ) calls for Action to all those who had not rather see Christianity lie wast , and so many Souls to perish irrecoverably ; than to hazzard their petty Interests , or disturb their Rest for the redress thereof . But to this some will object , that the Times are not seasonable : Neither have they ever yet been so , that I could hear of . Others again will demand , ' What have they to do with those Abroad ? let them look to their own at Home , where the state of Religion is so visibly declining ; Atheism , Ignorance , Error , Prophaneness , Popery , and Superstition , encreasing , and getting up so fast ▪ as may deserve our whole care to put a stop to , and will suffice for Conversions , without looking Abroad , &c. As I find it especially urged in opposition to this Work , by a N. C. as I suppose , in a certain Reply made to the Reverend Dean of St. Pauls . Now , doth not this too strongly favour of Cain's surly reply to God Almighty , demanding , Whether he were his Brothers Keeper ? Had it not been much more proper for them to have asked , What have we to do with their Land and Labour , or thus to captivate and oppress them ? And for our Home Conversions , methinks it looks like the Welch-man's putting off his Trial till the Day of Judgment ; for so long , it may be feared , it will be , before most of those will be converted . But did not the Apostles ( most of them at least ) leave ▪ Judea to preach to the Gentiles ; when in all probability not one tenth Person there could be converted ; leaving others to build upon that . Foundation which they had before laid ? And at this rate , the rest of the World must have remained Infidels till this day : There being no Place nor People ever yet so perfectly converted , but that abundance of Chaff did always remain amongst the Wheat , even after the finest winnowing . And then , why may not these Conversions also be carried on both together ? And whilst our Reverend Brethren are in their several stations here , perswading those home-different Parties , would it be all incongruous and impossible , that some few , out of our many supernumeraries , should be appointed to preach to the Gentiles abroad , both English and others , ( for neither the Blacks nor Tawnies only are the Heathens there ) at the same time . Certainly , if the one ought to be done , the other ought not to be left undone . Besides , we should employ our Talent to the greatest advantage for our Lord's Honour , and this unquestionably is amongst the unprejudiced Heathen . And therefore St. Paul refused to trifle away his time amongst his perverse and blasphemous Countrymen , when he saw no good could be wrought upon them , ( who had already judged themselves unworthy of Everlasting Life , ) but turned to the Gentiles , unto whom he tells them , That the Salvation of God was sent . There being , as Solomon saith , more hopes of Fools , than of those that are conceitedly wise . And saith Almighty God to Ezekiel , Thou art not sent to a People of a strange Speech , and of a hard Language ; For , surely had I sent thee unto them , they would have hrarkned unto thee . But the House of Israel will not hearken . And St. Paul likewise had the same assurance touching his Gentiles , viz. That they would hear him . I know nothing to oppose this , besides provision for their Maintenance , who shall be employed upon this Errand : Which , if the common way will not suffice , yet , God be blessed , we are not so utterly destitute and spoiled , but that of that little which remains , something might be allotted and bestowed as a grateful Acknowledgment upon the Service of that Faith by which we received it . I shall not mention from whence this is to arise , because it may possibly give offence . Tho certainly the choicest of our Stores cannot be too good to be laid out upon that which at first brought us whatsoever we have . And our chearful and ready compliance , will be an infallible Argument of our affection to it . But if we spend much time in resolving , ( as too much hath been already ! ) questioning and disliking this and that Proposal and Method , perchance the Season may be over , and it may never more come into our power to do any thing in it at all . Dum quid sis dubitat , iam potei esse nihil . And here I should judg , that our Charity in this Case , ought most properly to begin at home ; I mean , amongst the Subjects and Tributaries of our Plantations ; and not rather ( as some I have heard have projected ) in such * remoter Places where we are less related . Others again will suppose this Work not to be effected , but by the Countenance and Encouragement of a Parliament . But , God be thanked , the Laws in force , are all in favour of Christianity , nor is there any want of such Laws . So that the true Servant of Christ may , without hazard , either of Life or Liberty , preach pursuant to any Text in the whole Bible , without any need of new Laws for his justification . But if a Parliament be of such absolute necessity for the carrying on thereof , blessed be God we have one at hand ; who doubtless , upon a due Application , will not be wanting to contribute their utmost assistance to so religious and good a Work. However , at the worst , we are in no worse condition than the Apostles , and first preachers of Christianity were . And should it happen , which God forbid , that even the whole Civil Power should neglect , or even prohibit this preaching , yet I cannot believe that to be a sufficient Plea for our Silence . And I must no less declare my self of a different Judgment from those who hold the contrary , tho unfurnish'd with Miracles ; as presuming the Service of Christ , and Salvation of Souls , to be of much greater consequence than any worldly Concern can possibly be ; and being no less perswaded that neither Secular Interest , Reason of State , nor any prudential Consideration whatsoever , can in the least justify such a Neglect , or Silence . But there are no less than four potent Objections against this Work still remaining to be considered . As , First , That this kindness , especially to Slaves , will make them Hypocrites only , and not Christians . They will be apt , notwithstanding the Laws before-mentioned , to run to Baptism in hopes of Liberty , having hitherto flattered and hugged themselves with such thoughts . Secondly , It will displease the Merchants . Thirdly , This is only some petty Design , which I am hereby managing for my self . Fourthly , What I have both formerly and now said herein , is all Lyes ; The Planters , Men of extraordinary Credit , having so declared . A Man would judg that Christianity were grown extraordinary cheap , and of low esteem with those Objecters , when such groundless Slanders , and blind Shifts , shall be admitted to its prejudice ; and its Cause quite given up by them upon such empty Suggestions . But , to begin with the last . What ? is all but Lyes ? Is not that true , touching the Negro's not being admitted to Christianity ? Why then did those very Planters themselves , at least by their Agents , both own and defend it , some time since , before the Council ; And even then giving in their Reasons , such as they were , for the contrary ? Admit but this one piece of monstrous Absurdity , this so impudent Impiety , which is too evident to be denied , and the rest may , without any great difficulty , be supposed ; at least , it will not be for their credit to put me to prove even the worst of them . The next to it is of the like force and nature , wherein the Argument thus runs , That to defeat and spite me , Christianity is not to be promoted , nor the Souls of Men saved . Very Christianly both spoken and concluded ! See here of what different Tempers these Objectors are , from that of St. Paul ; Some , saith he , do indeed preach Christ for Envy and Strife ; and some also of good Will : What then ? notwithstanding every Way , whether in Pretence or Truth , Christ is preached ; and therein do I rejoice , yea , and I will rejoice . It seems , so that the Work were done , which he so passionately pursued and laboured for , he did not so much regard the undue Motives by which Men were induced and perswaded to it ; which these here do wholly seem to do . For the next ; I would fain know what kind of Merchants these are , who will be displeased upon this occasion ? Either we must please , or displease them . But St. Paul assures us , ( and I suppose in this very sense ) that if we please Men , we cannot be the Servants of Christ . At this rate , Elijah was not to have displeased Ahab ; nor St. John the Baptist , Herod ; In the Collect for whose day , we are yet taught-to pray , That after his Example we may constantly speak the Truth , boldly rebuke Vice , and patiently suffer for the Truth 's sake . So that it is evident , we must , as the case stands , either displease them or act contrary to our Prayers , and disobey Christ . We are not to please our Neighbour , but for his good to edification , saith St. Paul. Lastly , Why should these be any more Hypocrites than themselves ? since that God's Grace is free , and may be bestowed upon whom he pleaseth . He can raise out of those Stones , Children unto Abraham : And his Spirit bloweth where it listeth . Besides , a very short space would confute that foolish Opinion of their Freedom , when they had seen some of their Fellows continued in their former State , even after Baptism . One would think , that Men were ashamed and weary of their Religion , that can admit of such Flams against it . But now after that , all their pittiful Reasonings are vanquish'd , and their Arguments put to flight , yet nevertheless it cannot still be other with them , than impracticable ; nor are there wanting some that , to save trouble , from amongst our selves are inclined to believe as much . Good God! that Christianity , after its continuance in the World for near two thousand Years , should now at last be excluded for its impracticableness . A Position which every Man , endued but with common sence , may at once see as well the wickedness as the folly of it . The Disputer that denied Motion , and was not to be confuted but by practice , ( which these also must ) was not half so ridiculous . But perchance they will say , 't is only impracticable to Slaves . If so , why are the Native Indians upon the Continent , who are only Tributaries , and whose Habitations are many of them environ'd by the English , equally neglected , and their reduction to Christianity as much scofft at as the other ? And why were not those poor Barbarians of Jackatra ( before mentioned ) admitted thereto , when so earnestly importuned and besought by them ? But to answer the Objection . If Christianity be impracticable as to the condition of Slavery , why then did the Apostles both preach and write , to and concerning * Slaves , either for their Conversion , or Confirmation in Christianity ? For either they therein did well , or ill : If well , then ought we to imitate them therein : But that they did ill , was never , that we find , once suggested , no not by the Heathen Masters themselves . For those still remaining as much their Slaves as before , of what wrong could they complain , unless of their being made better and more faithful Servants by Christianity , than they were ? But if by Baptism they were set at liberty , ( which the Example of Onesimus , and the express words of their several Epistles , do prove that they were not ) then it is evident that the Apostles did not suppose the Master's Interest in his Slave to be of greater account than the Slave's Salvation : Nor that they ought to value his Displeasure or Profit , thus standing in competition with their Duty ; which is exactly our Case . Again , if those of other Religions do , with great Industry and Zeal , both endeavour and effect , ( as it is plain that they do , whilst ours do not only neglect , but forbid it ) ; then it is clear that therein those do act more agreeably to the Apostles and Scripture-Rule , than our selves ; whom yet we so frequently charge in other things of less moment , with deviating from it ; And so forgetting how we condemn our selves whilst we blame them . However since these do it , where is then the impracticableness thereof ? or how comes it to be less practicuble to us , than to them ? If they do it less perfectly , as is suggested , yet still they do it . * If amiss , let us do it better : Only let us not under that pretence be said never to do it at all . If any Man have not the Spirit of Christ , he is none of his , saith the Apostle : Now Christ's Spirit was to promote the Salvation of Mankind . But of what Spirit must those then be that do neglect and hinder it ? And if any Man love not the Lord Jesus Christ , let him be Anathema ; that is , utterly accursed from him : But what love can there be in endeavouring to rob him of that which he so dearly purchased with his Blood ? All Knowledg , all understanding of Mysteries , and all Faith , without this Charity is nothing ; Yea , the bestowing of all our Goods to the relieving of the Poor , and even the giving our Bodies to be burnt , withoat it , will profit us nothing . This is a thing which all Sects and Parties do most generally agree in : No Scruples to tender Consciences will from hence arise ; it being impossible that any should oppose it , but such only who have lost all Conscience . And certainly , if Christianity and the Souls of Men be worth our care , it cannot be but that something in order thereto will speedily be endeavoured ; the thing in its self being most easy , and there wanting nothing , but some resolute and wise Agent to push it forward . As for the impotent railing of those Barjesuses and Elymases , ( for God be thanked that is the worst they can do ) it is to be pitied and contemned , rather than dreaded or regarded by us . Or at the worst , a vigorous pursuit would in a short time both disarm and silence them . There being no Strumpet so impudent and void of shame , as to assert and practice her lewdness in the presence of more vertuous People . Nor has it been heard that any Thief has been so confident , as to defend his Rapines and Slaughters before an upright Judg. And it being a thing so utterly incongruous and contradictory in it self , for Men to call themselves Christians , yea , and of the most refined sort too , and yet at the same time to oppose Christianity , that it is impossible but at the first manful onset , they must needs be baffled and shamed out of it . For , Wickedness , as the wise Man saith , condemned by her own Witness , is very timerous , and being pressed with Conscience , always forecasteth grievous things . So that there seemeth nothing more to be needful , but the Watch-word from our vigilant and prudent Leaders , to the faithful Souldiers of Christ , boldly to fall on , and to attaque them : The Victory cannot but be easy over those that fight against God. And pitty , yea infinite pitty it would be , that so Holy and Righteous a Cause , should be so slightly lost ; and that a Matter of such Eternal Consequence , so much tending to our Redeemer's Honour , and to the good of those many Myriads of Souls , viz. of our Negro's and Indians , Slaves and Tributaries , all of them the Subjects of this Kingdom ( and should be also of our care ) should be suffered to miscarry , only through the want of a few words speaking , a little endeavour , and of so much courage , as but to look the Enemies of Christ in the face ; and where the Act it self doth carry its Recompence , and makes us full Amends . For , whilst we become Eyes to the Blind , as holy Job speaks , and Feet to the Lame ; delivering the Poor that crieth , and those that have none to help them : Whilst we put on Righteousness , and it cloaths us ; and Judgment as a Robe and a Diadem : Whilst we break the Jaws of the Wicked , and do search out the Cause that we know not : Whilst we become valiant for the Truth , and do rebuke these Blasphemers to the face : Then the Ear that hears us , shall bless us ; and the Eye that sees us , shall give witness to us ; our Glory shall be fresh in us , and our Root shall spread out by the Waters : The blessing of those that are ready to perish shall fall upon us , neither shall we be afraid of destruction when it cometh : For we shall be in league with the Stones of the Field ; and the very Beasts of the Field shall be at peace with us . In Famine we shall be redeemed from Death , and in this REBELLION from the Power of the Sword. All which will be consummated and made up in that Repute , Honour , and Stability to our Church and Nation , which will hereby be undoubtedly procured . Amen . 1 St. John 3. 18. Let us not love in Word , neither in Tongue , but in Deed and in Truth . ERRATA . IN the Title Page , line 4. read reprehended . P. 3. l. 7. for assert , r. set off . l. 8. r. Arguments . P. 9. l. 17. f. Disciples , r. Apostles . l. 37. r. in ▪ bef . snob . P. 27. l. 20. r. extant . P. 29. l. 11. f. it s , r. his . P. 31. l. 2. dele be , l. 9. dele the. P. 32. l. 15. r. Industry . P. 33. l. 19. r. Hypocrisy . Add , P. 28. ad finem , Wickedness burneth as the Fire ; it shall devour the Briars and Thorns , &c. Isa . 9. 18. Errata in the Margent . P. 4. insert Acts 18. 6. bef . Acts 20. Likewise the same again p. 6. P. 16. r. Cupiunt . P. 24. after Miracles , add c. 6. n. 1. P. 25. f. answer , r. refute ; also insert , p. 573. disc . 3. c. 19. P. 26. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Likewise add this of E. W's , Protestants that never did , nor shall hereafter do good , to either Christian or Heathen . Trade preferr'd before Religion , AND Christ made to give place to Mammon : Represented in a SERMON , relating to the PLANTATIONS . JER . Chap. 2. Part of the 34th Verse . Also in thy Skirts is found the Blood of Souls ; &c. The whole Verse runs thus ; Also in thy Skirts is found the Blood of the Souls of the poor Innocents ; I have not found it by secret search , but upon all these . THis Particle [ Also ] standing at our first entrance into the Text , requires us to raise our Eye to the foregoing Words , both of this , and of the former Chapter . In the first of which we find our Prophet , as it were opening his Commission , asserting his Authority as derived to him from God himself . Before I formed thee in the Belly , I knew thee ; and before thou camest forth out of the Womb , I sanctified thee , and ordained thee a Prophet unto the Nations : Therefore thou shalt go unto all that I shall send thee , and whatsoever I command thee , thou shalt speak . And the better to qualify and enable him for this great Work , it is added , Behold , I have put my words into thy Mouth . And then to create a Resolution and Courage in him suitable thereto , and that he might go on with a steady boldness and assurance in this so hazardous and thankless an Imployment , it is promised that he should be an Iron Pillar , and a brazen Wall , yea , a defenced City against them ; And that therefore he was not to be afraid or dismayed at their Looks , ( that being the worst they should be able to do against him , ) for that God himself would most certainly be with him , to preserve and deliver him . In confidence whereof , we find him in the next Chapter betaking himself to his Function ; and in charity to his own ungodly Nation , beginning with them first , unto whom indeed he was especially sent : Where after a brief rehearsal of the many benefits conferred upon them by God himself , as that he had broken their Yoke , and burst their Bonds , had brought them into a plentiful Countrey , which he had designed for them , to eat the fruits thereof , and the goodness thereof . That he had there planted them a noble Vine , wholly a right Seed , instructed them in the best and purest Religion ; with abundance of the like Privileges and Immunities , which by his especial Favour and Munificence , they enjoyed above all other People ; I say , after this , the Prophet at last bespeaks the Almighty as falling thus to expostulate with them : What Iniquity have your Fathers found in Me , that they are gone away far from me ? And , Hath a Nation changed their Gods , which are yet no Gods ? but my People have changed their glory , for that which doth not profit : Charging them that they had turned their Backs to him , had spoken and done evil things with their utmost might , and as far as they could ▪ Adding , that they were become cruel , and unthankful , and ( which was worst of all ) incorrigible ; and in a word , worse than the very Heathen . That by their customary and long Practice in that cursed Trade of Sinning , they had attained a notable aptness and dexterity therein , even beyond the proficiency of the most wicked , whom , it seems , they were able to teach . In fine , they are told that they were wholly turned into a degenerate Plant of a strange Vine ; had defiled the Land which he had brought them into , and made God's Heritage an Abomination . And now after this so large and foul a Catalogue of their Impieties , one would have thought that the Prophet must have been at a stand , and could have proceeded no further ; when to compleat the charge , and to render them for ever both inexcusable and infamous , he adds to it a certain new , and before unheard-of Villany , viz. of exercising those their Hellish Cruelties , not only upon the Bodies , but extending them to the very Souls , and that of poor Innocent Men : Which , as bad as it is , is yet exceedingly aggravated by their Impudence in the perpetration , shewing that it was grown into a Fashion , and become costomary amongst them ; not committed in private , or in the dark , as if ashamed of it ; nor yet detected by any laborious Search , or Scrutiny , but acted openly , and in the Face of the Sun , like Absalom upon the House top ; and even owned and justified by them to the whole World : They did , as the Prophet speaks , TRIMM , that is , by false reasonings and Sophistry , and probably sometimes by the loudest Lies defend and assert their Impiety ; nor could by any Argument be persuaded to acknowledg it to be so : But on the contrary , boasted themselves Innocent , proclaimed that they were not polluted , and that they had not sinned , notwithstanding that their way in the Valley , as the Prophet speaks , was so notorious . They might perchance have an Eye unto their MAMMON , and belike , deemed that the necessity and benefit arising to them from their Trade and Commerce with Forreign Nations , would not barely excuse , but even consecrate the Villany . This then , in short , was their case ; God had most mercifully and wonderfully delivered them out of Egypt , and not only so , but had likewise brought them into a Land , which , as the Prophet Ezekiel expresseth it , he had espied for them , and which was indeed the Glory of all Lands ; the entire and full possession whereof was given them upon this sole Consideration , and these only Terms , viz. That they should cast away all their Abominations , and become Trumpets of God's Praise , and declare his Glory among the Heathen , Psal . 69. no doubt for the Salvation of their precious Souls . But instead thereof , even from the very time of their first entrance into that Land , they practised all their former Abominations , and that with both Hands earnestly ; and instead of declaring , they stifled and concealed his Eternal Counsel , forbidding the preaching of it to the Heathen , that they might [ not ] be saved ; and so they pleased not God , and became the murtherers of Souls . Which very thing in this Charge doth seem to have been their singular and grand Crime , viz. Their acting in and connivance at the most open and prophane effusion of the Blood of Men's Souls , and that too in that very Land which God had given them to a contrary end and purpose : And the not decrying nor discountenancing of which Wickedness , by such other of them who possibly might be less active in the perpetration , bringing them also in as Associates and Partizans with the rest , and rendring them thereof equally guilty . But here methinks I perceive my self ready to be interrupted , and told , that this is a forced Interpretation , and cannot be the proper meaning of the Text , which , say they , was intended only to reprove those bloody Immolations of Children , offered without the Gates in the Valley of Hinnom ( and so as it were in the Skirts or Suburbs of Jerusalem ) unto Moloch ; the Words , Innocents , and Poor , manifestly implying no less . Further adding that there can be no such Sin as shedding the Blood of Souls , properly so taken ; They being , as the Poet speaks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , destitute of Blood , and Immortal . Unto the first of which , I answer , That the Words in the Hebrew here rendred by Poor , and Innocents , do not necessarily import the same signification with the English , where Time and Custom have made Innocents , and Infants ( or little Children ) to be almost synonimous and convertible ; and the Adjunct , Poor , to represent one afflicted in Mind or Body , as well as Estate or Fortune ; one that groans under Oppression or Sickness , or some other such like Calamity , and not under bare Poverty only , which is the most natural import of that Adjunct , and under which Children or Infants cannot so well be said to fall ; who , as they are not capable either to gather or use Riches , so neither can they properly be said to be either rich or poor . These Sufferers therefore were not Children , but Men ; possibly , as poor in Fortune , as miserable in Condition . They were Pauperes & Egentes , as the Vulgar Latin and Tremelius do render the Word , which is wholly omitted in the Greek ; where they are only called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( without any mention of their other condition ; ) signifying insontes , Indemnes , damni expertes , plagis intactas , as well as Innocentes . All which can hardly be understood of little Children : And therefore I cannot so readily assent that our Prophet here intended these . And then to the second part of the Objection , I likewise answer , That this expression of Blood , with relation to the Soul , is divers times used in Holy Scripture ; particularly by Solomon , Prov. 28. 17. if we consult the Original ; In several places also of * Ezekiel ; and in the † Acts by St. Paul , which I shall have further occasion to mention . And for the Translation of this Text , it exactly agrees with the Letter of the Hebrew ; and that , I doubt not in its most primitive signification ; both the ‖ Septuagint and * Latin Versions ( as in the former ) answering thereunto . And therefore should our Prophet's intention herein happen to be other , ( which there is no convincing Argument or reason to prove ) yet I shall not in the least scruple to follow the Letter both of the Original , and the rest of the Translations , especially our own . But from the Words , as I here find them , shall conclude , that there may be and is , at least in some sense or other , such a Sin as this reprehended in the Text , viz. of shedding the Blood , and murthering of Souls . And upon this Foundation it is that I intend to raise my ensuing Discourse ; and therein shall observe this Method , and shew , I. What this Sin is , and wherein it consists . II. The several ways by which it is committed . III. What are the common Inducements thereto . IV. The most horrid Nature thereof , and how infinitely displeasing to Almighty God. V. The Place and Persons here especially charged . VI. I shall enquire what Relation this Text may have unto us , and how far this Church and Nation may be chargeable with this Sin. VII . Which being dispatch'd , and having discovered some , and those no small spots and stains of this Blood upon our own , no less than upon Jerusalems Skirts and Garments , viz. by our neglecting the Souls of the poor Heathen in our Plantations , ( and even here at home . ) I shall from the hainousness of the Sin , and from the Prophet's severe reprehension of it in Jerusalem , in the seventh and last place , infer the most indispensible and absolute necessity of our speedy redressing this abuse and neglect of our duty to God , and to our own , no less than to our Peoples Souls . I. FOR the first of these . I have before shewed , that in Scripture Language , there is a Blood of Souls ; but then what that Blood is , and wherein the Crime of shedding it doth consist , will need some further Explication . As for the Phrase , it must be supposed to be an Hebrew Idiotism , or a Metaphor taken from the Function and Imployment which the Blood sustains and exerciseth in the Body , which Moses saith , is the Life thereof . So that to shed the Blood , the Crime here charged , is to take away the Life , whether of Soul or Body . Now God Almighty being the sole Life of Man's Soul , the very Fountain of living Waters , and in whose light only she can see Light ; the miserable deprivation of his Favour can be no less than the shedding of her Blood , and the taking away the Life thereof . It is to subject her to God's Eternal Wrath and Curse , the true second Death , spoken of by St. John in the Revelations ; the same also which St. Paul terms to be accursed from Christ , and even to be blotted out of God's Book , which Moses , Exod. 32. in that mighty Zeal for his Nation , sued for . In short , it is the sum total of whatsoever is deplorable and wretched , and to be deprecated and avoided by all Mankind . Which loss of God's Favour , with the dismal Consequences thereof , is solely occasioned by an ungodly course of Life , and by Infidelity : Piety and Vertue , being the same to the Soul , which good Blood is to the Body ; and what the mischievous effusion thereof is to the latter , the same must the profusion of evil manners be to the former : So that this shedding of the Soul's Blood , is nothing else but a spiteful captivation and detaining of Men under God's Wrath and Displeasure , a permitting or forcibly compelling them to persist in Infidelity , and a wicked Life , the most natural effect thereof , and which is therefore the first Root or Spring of Misery and Death to the Soul of Man. From whence it is that when Almighty God in the 3d , 18th , and 33d Chapters of Ezekiel , threatens to require the witless Offender's Blood at the Watchman's Hand , 't is plain that thereby was meant , such Sins and Enormities , which he , through the want of timely notice from the Watchman , had run into . And when Job ( Chap. 16. ) forbad the Earth to cover , or conceal his Blood ; 't is understood that he then made his Purgation , as to the foul suggestions of his Enemies ; wishing therein that his most secret and concealed Sins , there stiled his Blood , might be laid open to the view of the whole World : so plainly would his innocence then appear , at least as to the Crimes , by his back-Friends , so unjustly charged upon him . So also St. Paul's attestation of himself , as to his being pure from the Blood of all Men , is to be understood of his being no way chargeable with their Ignorance and Infidelity , nor with the Consequences thereof , viz. their other grosser Impieties ; as having even day and night with Tears warned them thereof , at no time shunning to declare unto them the whole Counsel of God , nor keeping back any thing that was profitable for them . And so much for the Nature of this Sin , and wherein it consists . I proceed unto the next Particular ; II. WHICH is to shew the several ways by which this Sin is committed ; and this I intend for a Light or Sea-Mark , by the help whereof Men may avoid the danger of running upon it : And they are especially two . Whereof The first is by publishing of false Doctrine , which by debauching of Mens Minds and Judgments with evil Principles , doth necessarily lead them into Immorality , and a wicked Life , which , as I have shewed , is the most certain ruine of the Soul. For if , as our blessed Saviour testifies , the Truth doth make Men free , then must Falshood be the occasion of their Bondage ; and if right Principles be the only sure Guides and Conducters to Happiness , the contrary must needs lead us to Misery and Ruin. For he that believes amiss , will consequently act so ; it being most natural for Men to act according as they are inwardly persuaded . False Doctrine then must be confessed to be the Bane and Poyson of the Soul. The Publishers and Promoters whereof , can therefore be no other than its most perfect Betrayers and Murtherers . For which reason doubtless it was , that our Lord Christ in his Gospel commands us to take heed , both how , and what we hear : confirming Solomon's advice , thus warning us , Cease , my Son , to hear the Iustruction that causeth to err from the words of Knowledg , as being so destructive to the Soul. And no less , in the second place , may this guilt be contracted by prohibiting and concealing the Truth ; this being a sacrilegious robbing the Soul of her necessary Sustenance , and is not so much a stabbing or a poysoning , as a starving of her ; The knowledg and practice of the Truth being that alone which can reconcile her unto God , and entitle her to his Favour , which is the Life thereof . For , as Syracides saith , The Bread of the Needy ( as well the Spiritual as the Temporal ) is their Life , and he that defraudeth him of it , is a Man of Blood : And he that taketh away his Neighbours Living , slayeth him ; and he that defraudeth him of his Hire , is a Blood-shedder : So likewise , That the Soul should be without Knowledg , it is not good , saith the wise Solomon . Indeed it is no other but to murther her . And therefore he saith again , That the Lips of the Wise disperse Knowledg , the most proper and necessary Food for Men's Souls . This was it which Almighty God complained of by his Prophet Hosea , That his People were destroyed for lack of Knowledg ; Instruction , the means thereof , being withholden from them : And likewise in Isaiah , where it is lamented , That they were gone into Captivity , and their honourable Men were famished , and their Multitude dried up with Thirst , because they had no Knowledg . This also was the sad condition of the poor Flock in Zechariah ; They fell into distress , because there was no Shepherd , or such only as did not regard nor pity them ; no not when they were sold and slain . For those that were cut off , they did not visit , they neither sought out the young , nor healed the broken , nor fed that which was still ; But that that dieth , let it die , was all they cared , so they might but eat the flesh of the fat ; retain the Oppressors Favour , and so thrive and grow rich . Wherefore , to obviate this sore evil for the future , Almighty God in the Chapter ensuing the Text , promiseth to give them Pastours after his own Heart , which should feed them with Knowledg and Vnderstanding , the only sure Preservatives of the Soul. Nor let any one here think to shift off this Guilt , by lessening this Sin into an Omission only ( even where it so happens , which is seldom ; ) It being our very great Crime to but omit what is our strictest duty to perform ; as most certainly it is to persuade others to both believe and practise whatsoever we hold our selves obliged to . The forbearance whereof was , in Moses's Esteem , no less than a hating of our Brother , who therefore thus directs us ; Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy Neighbour , and not suffer Sin [ to rest ] upon him ; or ( as 't is in the Margent ) that thou bear not Sin for him ; intimating therein the danger of that Omission . That all connivance at Wickedness , is an encouragement to it , especially in such who both can , and ought to prevent it , was the opinion of a virtuous Heathen . Agreeable to that of St. James , To him that knoweth to do good , and doth it not , to him it in Sin. Solomon did not hold him excused who had [ only ] forborn to deliver those that were drawn unto Death , and that were ready to be slain ; no not tho he pleaded Ignorance , and should say , that he knew it not : For , as it follows , Doth not be that pondereth the Heart , consider it , and he that keepeth the Soul , doth not he know it ? And shall not he render to every Man according to his works ? The Piety of the great Artaxcrxes , would not allow that any should remain ignorant of the Laws of the God of Heaven : And therefore in his Commission to Ezra , he gives an especial charge for the careful instruction of those who knew them not . It was not enough in our blessed Saviour's esteem , for St. Peter to be converted himself , but that being accomplished , he was to employ the like charitable endeavours for his Brethren also . And upon that so prevalent motive of Charity , our Blessed Lord urgeth to all in general a seasonable Reproof and Admonition of our Brother ; For , if he hear thee , thou hast gained thy Brother , and thereby saved his Soul. This is that perfect love of God and of our Brother ( or Neighbour ) which cannot be separated ; and which whosoever wanteth , is at once an Enemy both to God and to his Brother : For , he is a Lyar and a Murtherer , saith St. John ; He walketh in Darkness and not in Light ; He abides in Death , and can have no hopes of Eternal Life ; withal adding , that such a Person is not of God , and cannot love him , that hates ( or doth not love ) his Brother ; confirming his Assertion with a most substantial Reason , demanding , How he can love God whom he hath not seen , who hateth his Brother whom he hath seen ? For whom he ought to lay down his Life , but much more to extend his Charity , and to open his bowels of Compassion to him , being in need , whether of Spiritual or Temporal Assistance . So that this Omission , as they term it , which , of a charitable pious Christian , renders a Man a Lyar , a Murtherer , and an Apostate , &c. is but a bad Plea , and very far from an extenuation of our Crime . But then if this love of our Brother by admonishing and reproving him be thus every Man's duty , much more must it be of such , who are peculiarly ordained and appointed to that work ; as we read the Watchman in Ezekiel was , against whom it was determined , That he should surely die , if he did not speak to warn the wicked from his way . Wherein it is observable , that nothing of any Crime actually committed by the Watchman is therein mentioned , but only an Omission of his Duty ; nor was this Penalty to be inflicted for any treacherous correspondence with the Enemy , or for betraying his Cause or Party , but only for holding his peace in a time of danger . From hence alone could St. Paul acquit his Innocence , as to the Blood of all Men , because he had not omitted to declare to the Souls under his charge the whole counsel of God , nor any thing that was profitable unto them ; Of which yet his partiality or silence must have impleaded him deeply Guilty : For it had been a concealing of the Truth , and therefore confessedly a shedding of their Blood , and a murthering of them . This was that Fruit which our Lord Christ acquaints his Disciples , that they were to go and bring forth , and that their Fruit might remain ; and which alone could qualify them for that honourable Title of his Friends , viz. by an industrious and active conformity to all his Commands ; of which , this we are speaking of , was none of the least . And how far those shifts and excuses , which upon this occasion are usually produced , will avail us at the last day , the sad doom both of the slothful Servant , and of the sleepy Virgins may serve to inform us . And so much for my second Observable . I proceed now unto III. THE Third , which is to represent the most usual and common Inducements to this Sin ; And they are four : Whereof The first is that root of Bitterness , or spirit of Unbelief , attended with a most violent Spite or Enmity to Religion inwardly lodg'd in the Heart ; such as is generally observable in Atheists and Anti-Religionists , especially where Religion doth happen to sute less with their Secular Interests and Designs . Or else , such as was visible in Amaziah , the Idolatrous High-Priest of Bethel , or in Elymas the Sorcerer , in Jannes and Jambers , and divers others ; who possibly might resist the true , only for the sake of their false Religions . Or , lastly , such as are possessed with a Spirit of Gallionism and Indifferency which or what Religion shall prevail ; whether Jesus or Mammon , Barabbas or Christ , so that they may be at ease , it is the same with them . But against whom our blessed Lord hath positively declared , saying , He that is not with me , is against me ; and he that gathereth not with me , scattereth . Now the foundation and root of this , is nothing else but Infidelity ; They act against , or neglect Religion , because they believe it not . For , as the Prophet Micah observes , All people will walk every man in the name of his God , and of that Religion which they are perswaded of . As for instance ; a Jew will make his boast of the Temple of the Lord , and stand up for his antiquated Ceremonies ; A Turk will assert his Alcoran , and rather than fail will buy over Proselytes to his Superstition . And some Christians there are too , who ( to the shame of others who do oppose or neglect it ) will do the same for theirs . The Ephesian Craftsmen would adventure upon an Uproar , rather than suffer their Diana to be blasphemed . Yea , the silly Worshippers of Baal could cry aloud from morning till noon , not sparing their flesh from Knives and Launcers for the honour of their paultry Deity ; Nor would the Gentiles change their Gods , of whose Divinity they were before perswaded , as our Prophet observes . But these , as saith the same Prophet Micah , know not the ways of the Lord , nor understand his Counsels : Yea , they vilify and cast Dirt upon that Religion , they would be thought to profess . A most evident sign that they believe it not . Secondly ; Pride and Ambition are too frequently the occasions of this Sin. As when in the Church , some fanciful Humourists , or stiff-necked Enthusiasts shall turn Reformers ; and , upon their own Heads endeavour to make Alterations in things setled and agreed upon by the best Authority , and after the maturest Deliberation . Or when some little Dwarfs or Pygmies in worth and abilities , shall set up for themselves , and by dispersing Heterodox Opinions in Religion , shall aspire after fame and greatness amongst their Party and Followers . Or in the State , when any dissatisfied Achitophel shall plot revenge against it : And to that vile end shall side with , and encourage the idle Dreams and Dotages of those empty Votaries , as hoping to compass that by the new Religion , which he could never effect by the old . 'T is Pride , saith an ancient Greek Proverb , that is the Parent of Superstition ; the very same with that of St. Paul , If any Man teach otherwise , and consents not to wholsom words , he is proud , knowing nothing . The third Inducement is Avarice , and a never satisfied Thirst after filthy Lucre : When wicked Mammonists , ( such who do account their Life here to be but a Market for gain , and that resolve they must be getting , tho it be with the ruine of their own , and their Peoples Souls ) shall begrutch the time and expences laid out upon the Service of God , and the Work of Religion . Who finding their Trade and Religion to be inconsistent , and having purposed in despite thereof to carry on their ungodly Interests , will not scruple to turn their Backs to the one , for the advantage of the other , and so as much as in them lieth shall make their God to truckle under Mammon . Or when Cheats and Impostors to furnish themselves of a livelyhood , and finding Preaching to be the only Trade they can set up for , without serving an Apprenticeship , shall subvert Order , draw Disciples after them , and preach a Nation into Desolation . Such , as St. Peter describing , warns us against , who through Covetousness , with fained words , should make Merchandise of us : And whom S. Paul bids us to mark and avoid ; for that they did not serve our Lord Jesus Christ , as they falsly pretended , but their own Belly ; and by good Words and fair Speeches did deceive the Hearts of the simple : But for which , ( as St. Peter in the forementioned place , to their small comfort , assures them ) their Judgment did not linger , nor their Damnation slumber . This is that Covetousness which St. Paul terms Idolatry . For whatsoever a Man magnifies and admires most , that certainly must be his God ; And in Christianity , wheresoever practised , 't is no doubt a renouncing of it : It being no less true , than Truth it self , That no Servant can serve two Masters , for either he will hate the one , and love the other , or else he will hold to the one , and despise the other . Now to despise and hate , what is it but inwardly to renounce ? And therefore , a little to invert our Saviour's Words , I must in this case declare , That we cannot serve Christ and Trade . The last Inducement I shall mention is Sloth , and a supine carelesness and neglect of Religion , and of the Souls of Men : When to avoid Clamour and Obloquie , or being willing to shift off Business , or to flatter a few Atheistical Apostates ; ( Such I fear , to make a fair shew in the Flesh , would , with St. Paul's prudent and moderate Galatians , scarce stick at Circumcision , if thereby they might escape suffering persecution for the Cross of Christ ; ) Or because it is a barren Theme , and nothing is to be got by the preaching or promoting of it , but may rather prove some impediment to their Profit : Or lastly , because there is some labour or trouble in it ; I say , when for these doughty reasons , Men shall suffer Religion to lye waste , and poor Innocent Souls to perish , without any pity or regard ; and then to excuse this their Sloth , or whatever worse Name it deserves , shall declare it a needless Service : And so strike Hands with the Adversary , to the great discouragement and weakning of those who are more hearty therein ; whom they ought in Duty to both strengthen and assist . And so I proceed to IV. THE Fourth Observable , which is to shew the horrid and almost most unpardonable Nature of this Sin , and how infinitely displeasing to Almighty God. Which will be made appear from these five following Circumstances , whereof , The first is its evil and lewd Society , and that foul herd of Sins , which it is mustered and mated with , in this and the foregoing Chapter . For even Words and Sins , as well as Men , may be judged of by the company they go in . Secondly , It will appear from the Site and Order in which it is placed , as being made to close up this grand Charge , brought in in the last place , which in such cases is usually the Principal , as being apt more thorowly to affect the Judgment , and infuse a Sense and Tincture of the like hainousness into the whole Accusation . Thirdly , By considering the Vehemency here used by our Prophet , or rather by the Holy Ghost , both in and preparatory to this grand Charge ; Whereas at the 12th Verse , he breaks forth into this mighty Exclamation ; Be astonished , O Heavens , and be horribly afraid , yea , be very desolate , as it were at the consideration of this new and strange Impiety : And at the 22d Verse it is resolved , that tho they should wash themselves with Nitre , and take to them much Soap , yet that it should not avail them , as to any expiation ; For that their Iniquity was marked before the Lord. The Conjunctive , Also , carrying with it a fearful Aggravation . Fourthly , from the clamorous and revengeful nature of Blood above all other things , and from the high detestation wherewith the Holy-Spirit of God in Scripture hath declared against that Sin , when committed simply against the Body alone , without any respect or relation to the Soul. As when in the Levitical Law we read of an especial Service and Sacrifice appointed for the expiation of but an uncertain murther : And of Abel's Blood crying from the Earth for vengeance against Cain ; and so of the Souls under the Altar crying aloud unto God to judg and avenge their Blood upon those that dwelt upon the Earth . And of the Gibeonites , and Naboth's Blood , pursuing Saul's and Ahab's Families , when themselves were extinguish'd , even to the utter extermination of the latter . And , lastly , of God's determining to avenge even that Blood , viz. The Blood of Jezreel , upon the House of Jehu , tho commanded to do it . From all which Instances we may easily conclude the horridness of this Sin ; Of which nevertheless I shall yet say something more in another place . But , The fifth Circumstance will yet more abundantly make appear the horridness of this Sin above all other , from the consideration of the nature and excellency of the Soul of Man , which as much exceeds his Body , as a living Creature is preferrable to so much inanimate Clay . The vast distance between which , Solomon , the ablest Judg , will best inform us , when he pronounceth , A living Dog to be better than a dead Lion. And surely then a living and immortal Soul , capable of Eternal things , and destined to the highest Happiness , must be allowed a proportionable share of preeminence , above a perishing and dying Carcase . Hence it is that our Blessed Saviour doth so much postpone the danger of the Body to that of the Soul , preferring this last above the World. Now Offences do usually receive much of their aggravation from the worth and quality of the parties injured ; as our Laws for Treason , and defaming of Noble-Men do manifestly prove . I conclude therefore , that all Injuries and Wrongs done against the Soul must from the supereminent and transcendent excellency of her Nature , take their truest estimate and value , as to the Actors both Guilt and Punishment for the same , whether inflicted in this , or in the Life to come . And as upon a just ballancing of the merits of each , such Offences will be found infinitely to outweigh all other , so they do seem to require an equal proportion of Evil for them . And , to speak in the Scripture Language , if the one deserves to be avenged seven-fold truly the other not so little as seventy and seven fold . V. NOW for the Place and Persons here charged , which is the fifth particular to be considered ; the Place is Jerusalem , and the Persons her Elders and Rulers , or else together with them the Body of her People also . These by their Ignorance and grosser Stupidity , or by wicked Principles instilled into them ; and the other by their Connivance and Example , or by their Precepts to the contrary ; such as we read were afterward decreed by Antiochus and other Heathen Princes . But be the fault where it will , whether in Jerusalem's Rulers and Elders , or in her People , or in both ; 't is certain from our Prophet's Charge , that this at this time was most eminently the Sin of Jerusalem . A place where Knowledg did so abound , that was so thorowly acquainted with the Will of God , at least in this particular ; that had had so many Prophets to instruct her , and for a long time had lived under so much excellent Preaching ; had had Precept upon Precept , and Line upon Line ; were God's peculiar People , and did glory so much in her alone profession of the Truth , and her being ( which was but true ) the best Reformed Church in the whole World : And lastly , that had been gratified and obliged by so many Blessings , such a Train of Deliverances , and no less admonish'd by as many severe Judgments from Heaven : That she should become guilty of the stifling and suppression of Religion , at least by her connivance and permission , and thereby of the murthering of Souls ; and that with that daring Impudence , till her Sins , this especially , became so conspicuous , that there was no need of search ; and yet at the same time , with such a stiff Forehead , could so boldly affirm that she was Innocent , and had not sinned : These , I say , were Sins of such a Sanguine Complexion , and such a Scarlet Dye , that the Almighty begins to look upon himself as concerned to vindicate his Honour by a severe castigation of her , lest otherwise the very Heathen should assume the boldness to demand , Where was now their God , and the Reformation they so much boasted of ? And hereupon he resolves to be unto them as a Lion , and to observe them as a Leopard in the Way : To meet them as a Bear bereaved , and to rent the very Caul of their Heart , and to devour them . And he purposeth to destroy the sinful Kingdom , and to deliver up the City , and to cause wailing to be in every Street ; and they shall go into Captivity with the first that go Captive ; and he determines to lay waste the Sanctuaries of Israel , and to make desolate the high places of Isaac . To smite the greater Houses with Breaches , and the little with Clefts , so that if ten Men should remain in them , they should die . This was the Place , and these the Persons upon whom this Blood was charged ; and these the Plagues allotted for it , as to their cost they afterwards felt . VI. BUT here in the sixth place , methinks , I espy some one ready to stand up and to demand of me , To what purpose is all this stirr , this fierce declaiming against the Murtherers of Souls ? Where are the guilty Parties amongst us ? If the Jews in Jeremiah's time or since , have defiled their Skirts with this precious Blood , what is that to us , who never were concerned with them therein ? Let them look to it , we for our Parts are clear . But , Nos utinam vani ! would to God my complaint were groundless , and that this Guilt had for ever stuck to those first Skirts only of the Jewish Church and Nation ! For whether we take these [ Skirts ] as a Metonymie of a part for the whole ( which some do seem to favour , ) and so to imply them all-over , and even throughout polluted : Or if with the Septuagint , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we refer them to the Hands , which amounts to almost the same with the former : Or if , in the third place , we take them in a more restrained Sense , and thereby shall understand the out-borders only , and Confines of their Government , ( the Skirts being the utmost and extreamest parts of a Garment : ) In all these Sences the Text will be applicable , and the Crime chargeable upon us also , no less than upon Jerusalem . For to understand the Word in the first Sense , it were easy to expatiate into too many Instances , which will make good that Sense against us . As in the many large Parishes , and the slender ( or no ) provision found in the greatest part ; The small care that is taken for the instructing of Youth , and the more ignorant both at home and abroad : The grand License allowed to the dispersers of whatsoever false doctrines the Enemy of Goodness shall inspire his Apostles and Disciples with . And lastly , in the open venting and defending of Blasphemy and Atheism , without any hazard to the Blasphemer's Person or Reputation : All which , as they are in some sort near universal , so they have a most direct and immediate tendency to the murthering of Souls . And yet not so much to insist upon these , I shall instance in another , more suitable to my purpose , and to the Subject in hand ; and which , the wholly unknown to the former Ages of Christianity , is now become frequent in this City and Kingdom : And that is , the compelling of Persons imported out of Africa , and other remoter Heathen Regions , but residing in our Families , and Vassals to us , to remain in their native Gentilism ; without any regard to the honour of our Religion and Nation , any more than to the good of their , or our own Souls . An Impiety that even here some fifty or sixty years since ( and at this day in other Countries ) would render the Authors obnoxious , not only to the publick Censure , but to the Peoples Fury . But with us , even amidst this mighty Zeal , and stirr for Religion ( an evident sign that we indeed have none ) is suffered to pass on without contradiction . No one once daring to open his Mouth against it , or so much as to look the Impiety in the Face : They are not so valiant for the truth . Whilst its Enemies have the confidence and courage openly to bid desiance to it , by this their hindring and opposing of it . But I rather choose to take the Word in the more contracted Sense , and so to understand by these Skirts , the remoter parts only , some out-Provinces of the Hebrew Government . And then this Text will seem not only an History or Narrative of this Jewish Impiety , but also a Prophecy of our times , too plainly and eminently by our People acted and fulfilled in our Plantations . Where you shall see this Blood of poor Innocent Souls wasted and poured out like so much Water spilt upon the Ground ; and that Sin , which at home seems to be as it were lock'd up under the darkest Cyphers , and here attains only the notice of a few , is there legible in Capital Letters , made evident to the most incurious Observer , and entred into their very Laws and Records . Thereby striving to out-do the Jewish Impudence , I have not found it by secret search , as being so publick and notorious to the whole World. They are not ashamed at the committing these Abominations ; nay , they are not ashamed , neither can they blush . Again , there you shall see Myriads of poor hungry Souls imploring the Bread of Life , but no compassionate Christian affording it to them ; Whole Multitudes of St. Paul's Macedonians calling for our help , but finding none : Not so much as that Hypocritical Charity of , Be ye warmed and filled , being once extended to their distressed and starved Souls . It falls not within the compass of their thoughts or wishes , the very naming of it being grievous to their cruel Ears . And thus whilst like the Man in the Gospel , fallen amongst Thieves , they there lie weltering in their Blood , they meet with no tender-hearted Samaritan to bind up their Wounds , and to relieve them : No compassionate Angel inviting them to live ; No Messenger nor Interpreter , not even one of a thousand ( yea , I may say , not of ten thousands , ) as Elihu in Job speaks , to shew unto them his uprightness , nor to direct them in the way , to deliver their Souls from going down into the Pit , nor to make known unto them , that God hath accepted a ransom for them ; and this , even whilst they are drawing nigh unto Hell , and their Life unto the Destroyers . For , as our Prophet laments of hi● People , They are all grievous Revolters ( Apostates ) and Corrupters : From the least of them to the greatest of them , every one is given to Covetousness : They overpass the deeds of the most wicked , of other Sects and Religions : They judg not the cause of the Fatherless , and the right of these needy Souls do they not judg . Yet they are become great , and waxen rich ; they are waxen fat , they shine and prosper : And , O , where is the God of Judgment ! Nor is this the case of the remoter Natives of those places , such as with whom they have little intercourse ; nor yet of their Borderers and Tributaries only , ( both which might justly claim a share in our Spirituals , whilst we enjoy so much of their Temporals , ) but of their very Domesticks and Vassals , those poor captive Slaves , out of whose Labours they live , and do thrive into vast Estates . Nor may this be said to be occasioned through any want of Language , at least in some thousands of them ; nor any Stupidity , greater than is found amongst our own People : Nor any irreconcileable aversion to Christianity , as is most falsly alledged ( the contrary thereof being most true ; ) but through their Owners enmity and disaffection thereto . Thereby testifying themselves as wretched Christians , as they are unconscionable and unjust Masters . And tho our Blessed Lord has positively declared , that No man cometh to the Father , but by himself ; and his Apostle also hath renounced all other ways or means of Salvation , but by Christ only ; yet as if in Contempt and Defiance thereof , they purposely conceal from them this so absolutely necessary Knowledg of Christ , and , for the general , do even forbid the mention thereof amongst them , that so they might [ not ] be saved . And thus in one and the same Act , they contrive their own , and their Slaves Damnation . Who , so that their Portion may be fat , and their Meat plenteous , and that Trading may flourish , ( the advancement whereof doth , it seems , justify the grossest Villanies ) , they are not ashamed to debase Men , made in the Image of God ( no less than themselves , ) and whose Flesh is as their own ; even to the Fishes of the Sea , and to the creeping things which have no Ruler over them . Being frequently heard to confess and to glory , that they came not thither to promote Religion , nor to save Souls , but to get Money and Estates ; That is , like to the Beasts of the Field , only to devour ; and , as the Prophet speaks , Looking every Man for his gain from his quarter . And yet , whilst like Sodom , they stick not to declare their Sin , nor do dread to triumph and boast of their so detestible Abominations ; shall neverthelss presume themselves Innocent , and not doubt to affirm that therein they have not sinned ; nor will be persuaded that they are at all ( therefore ) to be reputed the worse Christians . And here , to omit all enquiry into the Equity and Right of the first purchase , where Parents do sell their Children , Husbands their Wives , Brothers their Sisters , and so on the contrary : ( A most blessed Trade for the best Reformed Christians to be conversant and imployed in ! ) and in a Word , where every Man's strength is the Law of Justice : I say , to omit all this , they hold all their other Cruelties and Oppressions , for nothing ; unless to the enslaving of their Bodies , and wasting them with unmerciful Labour and wretched Vsage , they bring into final Destruction and Bondage their very Souls also . And here , before I can proceed a step further , I must be so bold as to demand of whomsever shall please to resolve me , whether the Jews offering up a few Children to Moloch ( which some will have this Text to reprove ) the Papists Superstitions , ( against which so many Volumns have been wrote ; ) the old Gentiles Idolatry , or even the Turks worshipping Mahomet ( all Circumstances considered ; ) be comparable to this Sin , among us , viz. of continually sacrificing so many Bodies to Mammon , and Souls to the Devil ; against which no one hath hardly ever yet opened his Mouth . And thus I think it doth but too plainly appear , that these Skirts are not so much spotted or stained only , as thorowly wrenched and dyed in this precious Blood of Souls . And those our out-Provinces are most evidently chargeable with this most foul and horrid Guilt ; far , I dare affirm , beyond whatever hath by Fame been storied to have been practised , or but permitted by any , besides ( yea hardly by ) the most openly avowed Enemies of Christianity . And , which is yet more astonishing , All this and much more , we find to be tolerated and acted under Magistrates , and by persons outwardly professors of it , and that in the most refined and purest way . So strange a mockery and abuse , as by no Hypocrisy to be parallel'd , but by the Jews crying , Hail King unto Christ , when they were going to crucify him ; or by those who murthered their Sovereign to make him more glorious and renowned ! They might doubtless more innocently , give license and freedom for the erecting publick Stews , and Brothel Houses , or make Proclamation against Justice and common Honesty , than thus to encourage , or but permit , such Sacriledg and Prophaneness to pass without Controul . And whilst those abroad are thus acting and carrying on their Butcheries upon the Souls of Men there , how quietly and unconcernedly in the mean time do we sit down here , and take our ease , not once in our thoughts reflecting upon this Calamity ; Perinde quasi , cum membra nostra putrescant , nihil grave acciderat as a certain Father speaks : As tho , like Cain , we esteemed all regard of our Brethren to be needless ; or like the vile Oppressors in Nathan's Parable , we had no Bowels nor Compassion ; or that we believed the rotting and perishing of our Fellow-Members , to be a most desirable and pleasant Object . Yea , we act as tho the Prophet had mistook , and talked impertinently , when he demanded , Have we not all one father , and did not one God create us ? And also Job , when he asked , Did not he that made me in the Womb make them , and did not one fashion us both in the Womb ? And even Solomon too , as wise as he was , ( or whoever was the Author of that Book , ) declaring that no King had other beginning of Birth , than what these have , all Men having but one entrance into Life , and the like going out . And lastly , as if St. Paul had uttered an untruth , when he bespeaks us all , as Members one of another . And tho in the Captives of Algier's case , as in the late Brief it is represented , this cruelty to the Souls of Men , is * termed Tyranny and accursed , and made to exceed all other the most Turkish Barbarities , and is therein declared a Calamity never sufficiently to be bewailed ; yet the very same , or worse , is allowed in our own People ; that is , by Protestants and English-men : Our profound Silence being no better than a constructive approbation ; and our Connivance a consenting thereunto . As if such Tyranny over the Souls of Men were Accursed and never sufficiently to be bewailed , only in Turks and professed Infidels ; or that the same Action were Vertue in us , but accursed Tyranny in the other . Notwithstanding that those do therein act most agreeable to their Belief , and for the promoting of their Faith ; which if true , as they suppose it is , is a pious deed , and but what they were bound to do . And they are therefore beyond all peradventure more justifiable before God , than such , who whilst owning ( I dare not say believing ) the Truth , do yet upon pretence of Interest ( which those do therein renounce ) not only conceal , but most industriously decry and oppose the advancement of it : Yea , and than such other too , who , tho they do not oppose it , yet have never entered their Protests against those that do . And of both which I cannot so much as doubt , notwithstanding our accursing the other , but that these shall receive the greater Damnation . And certainly , ( all being impartially weighed ) these Mahumetans , as bad as they are , for any thing we can find , do ( herein at least ) appear more vertuous than our selves , and must in the last day rise in judgment and condemn us ; and that from no other than our own Mouths . For , if they be accursed for promoting what they think is the Truth , what must those be that do oppose , ( or at best neglect , ) what most undoubtedly is so , as themselves confess ? For tho they live in an unpardonable Errour , yet because they do it Ignorantly thro unbelief , not knowing it to be either Sin or Errour , but perswaded of the contrary , they are certainly the more excusable . And it were an unreasonable incongruity to imagine that the God of Mercy and Justice , should be more ready to punish Errours of Understanding , than wilful Impieties : But that , if those that have sinned without Law , shall also perish without Law ; much more those that have sinned in the Law , ( that is , against their Profession , ) shall be judged by it ; as St. Paul argues . And as the Wiseman speaks , that the most mighty Sinners should be mightily tormented ; whilst Mercy may sooner acquit the other . For , ( as St. Paul go's on , ) When the Gentiles which have not the Law , do by Nature the things contained in the Law ; These having not the Law , are a Law unto themselves , which shew the works of the Law written in their Hearts ; their Conscience also bearing witness , and their Thoughts between themselves , accusing or excusing one another . And now this being considered , what right can we have thus fiercely to declaim against these Mahometans ? concerning whom , were St. Paul alive to determine the matter ; ( if but for their Zeal for their Religion , even false as it is , ) in respect of our selves , he , no doubt would pronounce them Saints . So that to bring down this Text to Christianity and our own times , we are the Jerusalem therein charged , and in our Skirts also is this Blood most eminently discernable . And when God shall arise to make Inquisition for it , as most certainly he will , at our Hands it must be required . For we are the Watchmen , which should have warned those wicked Men from their evil ways ; the Sword came , and we have not blown the Trumpet , nor warned the People , and therefore their Blood must be upon our Heads . And then it must needs go hard with us , and that chiefly upon the score of that abundant Light and Knowledg , and that Purity of Religion we so much boast in . For , Atrocius sub sanctinomine peccamus , saith one ; and that Servant which knew his Masters will , but did it not , shall be beaten with many Stripes , saith our Blessed Lord. And , you only have I known of all the Families of the Earth : therefore will I punish you for all your Iniquities , saith God by his Prophet . And who knoweth , but that our prophane Silence , and unchristian connivance thus long together , at those Spiritual Murthers and Soul-depredations , are the very accursed thing , which hath caused us hitherto not to prosper ? And that for this our supine and shameful neglect of Religion , and that when those Elymas's abroad , and their wicked Agents here ; Those Enemies , I say , of Righteousness , that do not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord ; those Soul-Merchants , that in the very Letter of the Text , do tread under Foot the Son of God , and ( as it were ) crucify him afresh , and put him to an open shame , and that account his Blood an unholy thing , and do each hour do dispite unto the Spirit of Grace . I say , when these , like Eli's lewd Sons , have made themselves vile , by the Blood of so many Innocent Souls , and we restrained them not , ( no not by Word or Writing , and ( so far at least ) to have vindicated God's Honour and Truth against them ; ) Who , I say , knows , but for this , Our God hath hitherto put us to Silence , and given us Water of Gaul to drink , and that when we looked for Peace , no good came ; and for a time of Health , and behold Trouble . And that he hath sent those Serpents and Cockatrices among us , which will not be charmed ; and that he hath hedged up our way with Thorns , and caused all our Mirth to cease : That he hath set us against each other , every one against his Brother , and against his Neighbour ; yea , City against City , and even these against themselves : And that our Spirit doth fail in the midst of us . That God hath destroyed our Counsels , and mingled a perverse Spirit in the midst of us , and hath caused us to err in every work , and that we are afraid even in our selves . And then , might it not to be demanded of us , as our Prophet here doth of Jerusalem , Hast thou not procured this unto thy self , in that thou hast forsaken the Lord , when he led thee by the way , and had done such great things for thee ? I shall not here stand to enquire how agreeable to Christianity , which commands us , First to seek the Kingdom of God and his Righteousness , and then afterwards to look after other less necessary things , ( a Precept very idle and ridiculous amongst this sort of Christians : ) Nor how suitable the pretence of Trade and Commerce is to that undergoing of the Cross and self-denial , and to that condition of forsaking all , by our Lord prescribed to all his Followers : but shall only observe , that if St. Peter was by the same meekest Lord termed a Devil , for his too carnal respecting , not his own , but the same blessed Masters outward Ease and Tranquility , to the prejudice of the World's Salvation ; he will certainly for ever disclaim those Mammonists , who prefer their Trade and their Merchandise before him , as unworthy of him . And if Job's Inference be good , that to make Gold our Hope , is to deny the God that is above ; doubtless their Christianity must be very desperate , who do the same by their Trade : Christ will one day deny all such denyers of him before his Father , and the Holy Angels . Wherefore , since God hath signed this eternal Precept of Blood for Blood , and hath as it were sworn , That he will require the Blood of our Lives , at the Hand of every Man's Brother ; yea , and of the very Beasts too ; and hath also in several places no less positively declared , That no satisfaction shall be accepted for the Life of a Murtherer ; and that a Land defiled with Blood , cannot be cleansed of it , but by the Blood of him that did shed it ; all which is to be referred only to the Body : What Punishment can we suppose answerable to this so much more horrid Crime of murthering of Souls ? If Blood for Blood , and Life for Life must go for the one , certainly then Soul for Soul here , is the least that can be required . How long Lord God , holy and true , dost thou not judg and avenge our Blood upon them that dwell upon the Earth , was the incessant cry of the Souls under the Altar . And Abel's Blood is said to have pursued Cain to his very Grave ; 't is certain it cryed for vengeance against him . And yet 't was but Abel's Body , not his Soul , that was murthered . Had Cain been guilty of this , Lamech's revengeful hand had made but a very defective and sorry expiation : The Brimstone-lake must then have been his Portion ; as undoubtedly it will be , of all impenitent Murtherers of Souls . And then , How will those Mammonists remain in the gaul of Bitterness , and in the bond of Iniquity ? And our Apostats and Hypocrites be confounded and tremble , when they shall most sensibly feel themselves perishing together with their impious Money , which was the price of Souls ? And then they shall be admirably convinc'd that they were but Fools indeed for thus determining their Hopes , and fixing their whole expectation upon the things of this Life , for the getting whereof , they sinned against their own , and murthered their Peoples Souls . And finally , they shall be pronounced Children of the Devil , because Enemies of Righteousness , that is , of the Gospel : And Christ himself , whom they thereby have so Impudently affronted and denied ( not ignorantly , and as the Jews , who knew not what they did ; ) shall speak them into an Hell as black as that dark Mist , which fell upon Elymas's Eyes , only for an infinite longer continuance . Where they shall know and see , to use our Prophet's Expression , That it was an evil thing and a bitter , that they forsook the Lord , and that his fear was not in them : And they shall too late come to understand that it is , A fearful thing to fall into the hands of the Living God ; and that no condition is more insupportable , than To dwell in everlasting Burnings , with Hypocrites and Vnbelievers ; where there is no rest for them Night nor Day , and the smoak of their Torments ascendeth for ever and ever : And from whence they shall enviously behold many of those poor Lazars , those oppressed innocent Souls , who by God's especial Providence may have escaped their merciless and bloody Talons , resting and rejoycing in Abraham's Bosom ; and singing the song of Moses and of the Lamb for their wonderful Deliverance , whilst themselves are tormented in that Flame . It must needs be , said our Blessed Saviour , that Offences ( that is , whereby Men are made or induced to Sin ) do come ; but wo unto that Man by whom the Offence cometh ; It were better for him that a Milstone were hanged about his Neck , and that he were drowned in the depth of the Sea. And thus I have made good my first six Points , and here in this last have shewed , the Relation that this Text hath unto us , and how far our selves are chargeable with this Guilt of shedding the Blood of Souls : Whereby I am at liberty to proceed unto VII . THE seventh and last part of my Discourse , wherein I am to prove from our Prophet's severe Reprehension of Jerusalem , ( no less than from the reasonableness of the thing ) the absolute and most indispensible necessity of our speedy Reformation , and redressing of this Abuse ( this being the true end of all Reprehensions : ) and that especially upon these three following Considerations : First , In respect of the great Impiety thereof . Secondly , In respect of the Dishonour from thence redounding to this Church and Nation , and to the whole Reformation . Thirdly , In respect of God's Judgments , which most undoubtedly must be the inevitable Consequences of our longer persisting in this so prophane and scandalous practice , and permission of such an horrid Impiety , and open contempt of Christianity . I shall begin with The First , which is the Impiety thereof : It being an Injury against God himself , who is a lover of Souls , and that to that degree , that he above all things desires their Happiness and Salvation : But whos 's gracious design of bringing those Souls unto that state of Bliss and Happiness by Christ , we , as much as in us lieth , do hereby make void and frustrate , and do even defeat that his blessed purpose , for which , as must be piously supposed , he was pleased to discover unto us , and possess us of those many rich and fruitful Countries , viz. * The publishing and spreading abroad of the Gospel amongst the first Inhabitants and Natives there , with other like Gentiles , who might arrive thither from other parts . It is a most vile Affront to Christianity , as implying the no esteem we have for it , as if not worth the troubling the World therewith ; which disesteem must first arise from a Principle of Infidelity and Atheism first lodged in the Heart , as is before shewed . It was the Barbarians of Japan's Argument , in behalf of our trading Neighbours ( whose Zeal also to Religion doth not much out-strip ours ) that , according to their Word , they took them to be no Christians , because they perceived not in them any endeavours for the promoting of that Faith. An Indifferency , they observed , not usual with other sorts of Christians ; and it being no way probable , they thought , that Men should so much neglect and slight a Religion , which themselves believed . It makes Christianity inferiour to all other Sects , whose Zealots ( especially ) are known , even to compass Sea and Land to make Proselites to their Opinions . It makes it a Religion only for Trade and Commerce , and even Heaven and Salvation to be of less moment than the getting of Money : It makes it a Patroness of the grossest Immanities , for filthy Lucre ; and no less implies an Imposture in the first publishers of it , ( or at best some mistake of their Errand , ) if whilst they persuaded Men to forsake the World for the attaining of Heaven , they only designed the heaping up of Riches , as of the greater Importance . It also destroys Charity , which is the true mark of a Child of God , and the badge of a Christian , whose proper nature and quality is , tho to begin at home , yet to enlarge it self to others , even our very Enemies . And in a word , it is no other than an absolute deposing and rejecting of Christ , for the Exaltation of Mammon . Lastly , It is a reproach to Humanity it self , and a Sin of the blackest quality against our Neighbour ; whom we herein are so far from loving as our selves , that it rather seems the utmost effort of our Malice against him , and which no Revenge could satisfy , but such only as should terminate in the destruction of his Soul. And so much for the first . But then , Secondly , This ought to be reformed in respect of the Dishonour from thence redounding to our Church and Nation , and even to the whole Reformation . First , to the Church : For it occasions her Enenemies to blaspheme . Hence a certain Romanist demands of us , Where are the indefatigable Missioners , sent by you to the remotest parts of the World , for the conversion of Heathens ? A noble Function , wherein the Catholick ( that is their Roman ) Church only , and most justly glories ; whilst you like lazy Drones , sit at home not daring to wet a Foot , &c. And by another it is objected against both our selves , and our equally zealous Neighbours , That never any thing for the propagation of Christianity in foreign parts , hath by either Nation been at any time attempted . And from thence , a third Person very roundly infers the Nullity of our Church and Religion , viz. Because we have no Zeal , therefore no Faith , and therefore no Church nor Religion among us . Again , when the great Industry of our People in New-England shall be rehearsed , their converting of Nations , turning the whole Bible into the Indian Tongue ; their Colledg built and endowed , for the Education of Indian Youth : Their Missioners sent forth , and Lands purchased for their Maintenance ; and all this out of a barren Soil , some sixty years since no better than a rocky Wilderness ; whilst ours out of better Conveniencies , and more happy Opportunities ( such are our grateful returns ! ) have not produced the least Grain of Harvest to God's Glory in those Parts . But upon all occasions shifting it off with the unfitness of the Season , and pretending that the time is not come ; proclaiming it unpracticable and impossible , tho effected by others of smaller Abilities : Or , like Solomon's Sluggard , setting up Lions and Tigres in the way ; raising Obstructions and creating Difficulties ; when upon experience there are no such to be found . Now when these mighty Works shall be hereafter rehearsed , how will that glorious Name of the Church of England , stand as it were in disgrace , not only among those Primitive Worthies , who at first so chearfully entred upon this Work , and afterwards indured the heat of the Day ; but when compared even with these Moderns , whom we bespeak as Schismaticks and Idolaters ; yet do each of them give those Testimonies of their Zeal and Charity , which are equally requisite , and would be no less commendable in us also . But the want whereof doth furnish them with such Advantages and Arguments against us , as would become our Wisdom , no less than our Piety , to remove . Who whilst themselves do thus labour , and are at charge and trouble to advance [ their ] Christianity , beholding our COLDNESS and INDIFFERENCY ( not to say Aversion to the work , ) do publish their own Acts , but at the same time first at our ( too much ! ) secular Affections , as applying our care more to the promoting of Interest , than to the advancement of God's Glory , or the good of Souls : The Poverty of the Cause , that is , say they , the want of Dignities and Preferments ( tho it be the way to make them ) , occasioning it hitherto to lie fallow . And they are too apt often to throw out something like that of Acosta , in reproof of his alike rapacious and hungry Spaniards , thus speaking ; At si metalla curari desierint , — Actum est Indorum negotium , & respublica interiit . Neque alios fructus Hispani quaerunt , neque alia ex causa vel mercatores negotiantur , vel judices praesident , vel ipsi quoque plerunque SACERDOTES Evangelizant , &c. Which I shall not English . And this hath been publickly objected by those of the lowest from and order of Sectaries , as I have in * another Discourse upon this occasion , before remembred . And not only these extreams in Christianity , but the quite different behaviour and respect of the very Mahumetans to their Religion , may justly stirr up shame in us : Whose assaulting their Slaves , with tenders of Liberty , thereby to induce them to espouse their Superstition , is by us complained of ; perhaps for the example , and because the like Generosity and Zeal for Religion is not found among our selves ; nor are we capable of being provoked to the least Emulation . Thus even the Sea-Monsters draw out , ( that is , do willingly offer ) the Breast , and give suck to their young Ones , said Almighty God by our Prophet , But the Daughter of my People is become cruel , like the Ostriches in the Wilderness . Nor doth the Dishonour hereof reflect upon this Church only , but upon the whole Reformation . Hence the forementioned Roman Author thus triumphantly insults , If you cast your thoughts upon all Sectaries , past and present , since Christianity began , you shall find no conversion of Nations wrought by any : Which he elsewhere further explains , saying , That never any Protestants did any thing like them , for the conversion of Infidels , either in the nearer or farther parts of the large Vniverse . Hence also they stick not to affirm our Reformation monstrous , and from this so apparent Sterility , do very confidently determine of its short-livedness ; because that things by God and Nature designed to perpetuity , are always endued with a Faculty of Generation , and of creating their like . So that our Protestant Churches do from all Hands lie under most heavy Censures and Reproaches , for this neglect , and ( as it is represented ) unfaithfulness to Christ ; at least for not endeavouring , not what should , but what might be done . And yet , to our honour be it spoken , we undergo them with as much Patience and Vnconcernedness as if the Enemy only were chargeable therewith , and our selves were Innocent . Altho , to use our Prophets Words , should we pass over to the Isles of Chittim , and send unto Kedar , and consider diligently ; that is , should we consult the most Pagan and Barbarous Regions , and even ransack thewide Universe , searching into all the different Sects and Factions in Religion for a Precedent , we should hardly find the like Instances of Impiety and Contempt of the Religion they profess , practised and persisted in by the very worst and loosest of them . And this possibly among other things hath rendred our Religion ( as reformed ) less esteemed by Strangers : unto whom , especially herein , we seem rather Apostates than Christians ; Zealous of Trade and Gain , but not of good Works . Which doubtless hath been no small Impediment and Hinderance to many in their coming over to our Church , even as ( probably ) it may have scandalized not a few to an Apostacy from it . Lastly , It is a dishonour and that in an especial manner to our English Nation . It both was and will be the Eternal Reproach , no less than the unpardonable Sin of those Styes of Filthiness , Babylon and Nineveh , that the first , among her variety of Merchandises , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not only Bodies , but Souls of Men ; and that the other ( for it seems they were both great trading places ) did postpone God's Glory to her Traffick ; * magnifying , or preferring , her Traders ( or Merchants ) above the Stars of Heaven . And certainly it will be no great Credit for us to have thus exactly written after those beastly Copies ; that we have as it were conspired with Satan , and entred into a confederacy with Hell it self , upon the same account : That we have exceeded the worst of Infidels , by our first enslaving , and then murthering of Mens Souls . For , how can it be endured that a Nation once so famous for Zeal and Piety , should now at last become infamous for Irreligion ? That she should prostrate her self to that foul Idol Mammon , and worship Trade ? So that for the sake thereof Christianity should be stifled and rejected ? That being so much indebted to those poor Barbarians , for the Riches , Trade and Commerce , both by , and from them acquired , we should be so far destitute of common Justice , as not to be ready , as much as in us lyeth ( and certainly very much doth lie in us , notwithstanding all our vain pretences ) in lieu thereof , to impart some spiritual Gift , as St. Paul speaks , and to make known the Gospel unto them ? Who can believe that a People formerly so mighty in Conversions , as if , on a sudden struck with Barrenness and a Curse , should become so utterly fruitless , as not to be able to produce the least Access of Souls unto Christ , out of such Multitudes and Myriads , who do even invite , and offer themselves to his Service ? That we should be so much out-done who formerly did so infinitely out-doe all others ? These , if true , are I fear , but too evident Symptoms of a strange degeneracy , of a declining old Age and Decrepitness in us ; and which cannot be far removed from our last fatal Period , and final Dissolution ; and that God is determining of us , as he once did of the Barren Fig-tree , Cut it down , why cumbers it the Ground . And this leads me to The third and last Motive to this Reformation , viz. The dread of those Plagues and Judgments , which this Impiety , if longer persisted in , must necessarily draw down upon us . In the first Queen Elizabeth Act for Vniformity , there is extent a certain Clause containing an Adjuration , in God's Name earnestly requiring the due and true execution thereof , as they should answer to Almighty God for such Evils and Plagues wherewith he might justly punish the neglect of it . So that it seems in those Days , there was some apprehension of Plagues and Judgments to follow Impiety and the neglect of Religion . Nay , long before that , the Persian Monarch Artaxerxes , was not wholly insensible of the same , when he issued forth that strict Decree for the speedy re-edifying of the Temple , fortified with this Reason , For why should there be wrath upon the Realm of the King , and of his Sons ? 'T is true , some Apostate Israelites , before their Captivity , ( to save themselves the labour of reforming their Lives ) , we read , had fallen into a most abominable practice of scoffing at , and denying Providence , affirming , That the Lord had forsaken the Earth ; or , tho he had not , yet that he did neither good nor evil . But these , it seems , by a hard Journey they afterwards made to Babylon , became in a short time better instructed : For upon an Appeal , which the Prophet Zechariah made to the Children of these prophane Scoffers , whether God's Words and his Statutes , which he had commanded by his Servants the former Prophets , had not overtaken their stubborn Fathers ; They , in despite of their proud Hearts , were forced to confess , That like as the Lord had purposed to do unto them , according to their ways , and according to their doings , even so had he dealt with them . And , Hast thou not procured this unto thy self , saith our Prophet here in the Text , in that thou hast forsaken the Lord , when he led thee by the way ? And hereupon the Prophet Hosea doth not doubt to declare God's Judgments for Sin , to be as clear as the Light that goeth forth . There are then Judgments for Sin : There is a flying Roll which brings a Curse along with it : There is a Leprosy in the Wall , which rotts and consumes the Timber , and eats out the stone-work thereof . And why then must this above all other escape , this so black a Sin of Irreligion ? which striketh directly at God himself ; and therefore as good old Eli reproving his wicked Sons , saith , is the hardest to be intreated for ; And of which God had bound it with a most solemn Oath , that it should not be purged with Sacrifice nor burnt-Offering for ever : And rather than let it go unpunished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as St. Gregory speaks , God doth often cause even Contrarys to unite and agree together , for to effect it . This was it which at first brought the Deluge upon the Earth , and reduced the whole World to but one small Family . For before the Flood , saith Berosus , the Giants were , Contemptores Religionis & Deorum : Agreeable to that of Moses , God saw that the wickedness of man was great ; whereupon ensued that severe Determination , I will destroy Man , whom I have created , from off the Face of the Earth . And ( to bring one Instance for all of our own Country ) , To this very Sin , viz. of neglecting to preach the Gospel to the Saxons and Englishmen , it is , that Gildas ascribes his Britains overthrow . And can we then persist in the same ( tho clog'd with abundance of aggravating Circumstances , ) and not live under a fearful expectation of God's Judgments due for it ? How can we read of Aaron's Calf , of Achan's Wedg , of Saul s massacring the Gibeonites , Israel's Apostacy , and Judah's Abominations , with the various Calamities and Mischiefs pursuant thereupon ; And , if we believe them , not at the same time dread the like or worse , for this so much more horrible Irreligion , and equally Vniversal ? And since these did prove such fatal pull-backs to them , can any less be the Issue of this more inexcusable Wickedness ; this so palpable Elymasm , if I may so call it ? And if God hath been pleased to chastise meer Heathens for their Enmity to his Religion , with which , 't is possible , they were wholly unacquainted , and has threatned to smite with most grievous Plagues , those Infidel Regions and Kingdoms , who have not called upon his Name , of which haply they had not heard ? what portion of God from above , or Mercy can be extended to those , who as it were in a prophane mockery of profesing his Name , ( and that too in the most refined and purest manner ) have been actual Enemies thereto ; And that , under the disguise of the greatest Zeal for it even in this its Purity , have been the Stiflers and Betrayers of it , only in favour of their accursed Mammon ? Certainly if ever Judgments do fall , it must be upon such ; and of all Judgments , none beneath the most calamitous and the most lasting . And tho other Punishments ( a thing next to impossible ) should fail , yet the divine Vengeance may stir up these very ( Soul-oppressed People , as it did the Arabians and the Philistins against wicked Joram , and make them the Rods of his Anger to chastise this Sin : That so their own wickedness may correct them , and their own back-slidings reprove them : and that they may know and see , that it was an evil thing and a bitter that they have thus forsaken the Lord their God , and that his Fear was not in them , as our Prophet speaks . And that by such a severe Discipline ( nothing less being like to be of force so as to work upon them ) they may be brought to understand ( as the Holy Scripture speaks of Rehoboam's Invasion by Shishack ) the difference between God's Service , and the Service of the Kingdoms of the Countries , that is , of the wild and barbarous Heathen . And that what they do so frequently most blasphemously give out , as the mischievous effect of Christianity , may thro the want of it , be brought upon them ; and that , by the same Sin wherewith they have sinned , they may be punished : And so in the end , they may with that inhuman Tyrant Adonibezeck , be compelled to acknowledge God's Justice in requiting them , even as they have done unto others . And then for such at home , who have so patiently over-looked the Sufferings and Miseries of Religion in those parts , and have been at least unconcerned Spectators , tho perhaps not actual Partakers in those bloody Tragedies , and therefore may lean upon the Lord , and presume , that no evil shall happen unto them ; those soft Pillows which they thus plant under their seared Consciences , will but deceive them ; and the untempered Mortar with which they plaister over their Impiety , will be in like danger of being washed away by the overflowing Showre . For , Jupiter being offended , doth punish all , said the Poet ; and in common Judgments and Calamities , 't is not only the most guilty that are seized , as in the several Captivities of Tobit and of Daniel are to be seen . By whose means the Name of God came to be discovered to the Heathen , who might otherwise have never heard of it . Even as , long afterwards , the Persecution which attended S. Stephen's Martyrdom , was an occasion ( for by nothing less will Men be persuaded to adventure abroad , tho upon never so important an account ) of dispersing the Disciples , and thereby a happy means of introducing the knowledge of Christ into remoter Countries . Even such a Fatality may this unconcernedness draw upon these : An unexpected Storm may force them into the parts we are speaking of , ( and where these Impieties are so eminently practised ) as unto a Sanctuary and Refuge ; there , as our Apochryphal Esdras relates of his Captive Israelites , to keep those Statutes , ( I shall also add ) and to promote that Faith , which they neither kept , nor thought needful , whilst remaining in their own Land. Wherefore , ( to use the Prophet Daniel's Advice to King Nebuchadnezzar ) , Let my Councel be acceptable unto you , O my Fathers , and Countrey-men , and let us break off our Sins by Righteousness , and our Iniquities by shewing Mercy unto the Souls of these poor innocent oppressed people , if it may be a lengthning of our Tranquility , as undoubtedly it will. And in order thereunto , let us lay before us these things , and consider within our own Breasts , whether this dishonour to our Religion , and infamy to our Church and Nation , this canker to our Estates , calamity to our People , and destruction to our Country , hereby threatned ; these plagues to our Bodies , and Damnation to our Souls , be things so worthy our standing out against God , and our contending for . Rather let us endeavour a speedy composure and reconciliation : At once striving to make ( at least ) some kind of reparation for what is past , and no less joining in all laudable Proposals and ways for effecting these poor Peoples Christianity , without any further delays ; still remembring that things of this Consequence are not to be made light of , ( as was very piously discoursed to the great , and no less zealous S. Athanasius , upon the like occasion ; ) and considering that as many Souls as shall perish thro our neglect , must be charged to our Account . And first let us search into the Cause , that so we may the easier arrive at the method and means of the Cure. If it be Interest , let it be satisfied , as far as reasonably it may be ; if Ignorance , let it be corrected by better advice ; if Sloth or Irreligion , let it be check'd and disgrac'd ; not let any Obstinacy or Perversness be endured . If * ENCOVRAGEMENTS be needful , let them be no longer wanting ; if Persuasions , let them be discreetly applied ; but above all , let us shew our selves hearty and sincere therein : armed with most intense resolutions of persistance and persevering , until arrived to its Accomplishment . That so we may silence the Slanderer and the Blasphemer , stop the Mouths of both Papists and Schismaticks , and take away the reproach from our Church and Nation . That those Sanballats and Elymas's , the restless Obstructers of this work , despairing of their wonted Success , may be wearied out of , and be made to desist from their prophane Opposition ; even as the old Heathens were of their Persecutions . For , nothing is able to withstand Zeal , saith Solomon , Prov. 27. For , Zelus est aestus viri , Zeal is the heat and ardency of a Man to the thing undertaken , as the same Wise-Man hath it in another place . And , Cant. 8. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Zeal is as invincible as the Grave , or even Death it self ; and as it goes on , The Coals thereof are the Coals of Fire , which hath a most vehement Flame , such a Flame as many Waters cannot quench , nor can the Flouds drown it ; that is , nothing can be too hard for . And here let us call to mind that the Gospel hath once overcome the World , armed with its full strength and force to withstand it : And what a shame would it be now , after so long possession , to suffer it to be baffled and worsted , by a few handfuls of scattered Inerm Out-laws . Nor let any noise or pretence arising from the supposed difficulty of this work , ( which Men fuller of Mischief , than of Reason or Religion , do create ) affright us ; nor any excuse from the remoteness of the places , nor the condition of the parties , be at all mentioned ; Our God being a God of the Valleys , no less than of the Mountains ; and afar off , as well as near at hand ; and it being not to be doubted , but that a most plentiful Harvest might be thence obtained from suitable endeavours , edged and heartened with due ENCOVRAGEMENTS . Nor of the time , no time being unseasonable to serve God , and to do good in . Nor from the present posture of Affairs , which this very neglect may have but too much influenced , and given occasion to ; And then the cause being removed , the effect must presently cease . For Piety and Holiness , saith the Orator , do appease God's Wrath ; and saith Solomon , When a Man's way do please the Lord , he maketh his Enemies to be at peace with him : And likewise Isaiah , The work of Righteousness is Peace , and the effect of Righteousness , quietness , and assurance for ever : And saith devout Ezra , The Hand of our God is upon all them for good , that seek him . Nay , even Heathen Rome went not without her Blessing for her Piety ; For , Diis te minorem quod geris , Imperas , Was Horace's Divinity ; and no less an Article of Levie's Faith , when he tell us , that during King Numa's long raign , this very thing , viz. their Piety struck their ( before troublesom ) Neighbours into a dread of molesting them ; for fear , lest at the same time they should be injurious to God , unto whose Worship and Service they saw them so intensely addicted . Now if their Piety was thus rewarded ; why should not we expect the same ? our Religion and Service being so much purer , and infinitely more agreeable to God's Will , than theirs , in probability , could possibly be . The Prophet David assures us , That when all the People should praise God , then should the Earth bring forth her increase . The Jews were to date Their Blessing from the very day of the laying of the Foundation of the Temple : And may not we much more hope for the like Prosperity and Happiness to our Church and Nation , for our laying a Foundation , and setting about this so much greater and more glorious Work ? He doubtless that blessed Obed Edom for his Ark's resting in his House , and Laban the Syrian for Jacob's sake , will send his Blessing upon us also ; whilst by our charitable and pious Labours , and our unwearied and faithful Idustry in this his sacred Vineyard , we do become Instruments in God's Hand to save Men's Souls from Hell , and their Lives from the Destroyers ; and do deliver such from the Snares of the Devil , who are taken Captive at his Will. And no less also for his Churches establishment in those parts , and for the many faithful Israelites , with which it will be replenished , thro the numerous and large access unto it from these Nations . The happy fruit and benefit whereof will redound , as well to the Sower as to the Reaper . For God is not unrighteous , that he should forget our Work and Labour that proceedeth of Love , which we have or shall shew for his Name and his Gospel's Sake . Nor can any one lay out his Endeavours to greater Advantages , either of the increase of God's Kingdom , the glory of Christianity , or the good of Mens Souls ; If we consider the vast multitudes of these Nations , the greatness of their danger , and their both aptness , and readiness to embrace Christianity , if duly applyed to them . For as Acosta hath proclaimed it to the World long since , Indorum [ & Aethiopum ] certè copiosissimam & paratissimam segetem cernimus , neque aliud quam falcem Evangelicam expectantem ; — Alacritate admirabili sese Coelorum regno aptissimam proclamantem , invidorum & segnium calumnias facile propulsantem , operarios ipsos laetissime allicientem , & multitudine & ubertate oculos omnium ad sese atque animos convertentem , &c. Which is no less true of them in every particular , even at this very day , could we be persuaded to use the means , and to set about it . But Oh! as the same Author doth most passionately lament , ( tho with infinite less cause than we have here , ) When will it come to pass that Men will cease to be Men ? When , &c. This will be the true removal of the Accursed thing ; the putting away those Baalims and Ashtaroths , the false Gods and the false Religions that are amongst us ; The dismission of the captivated Ark ; The true Brazen Serpent to our Israel , deriving Health to our Bodies , and Prosperity to our Nation , and the alone means both to secure and promote our Interest in those parts . This will be the means to rid our Country of those Vermin and Diseases , the Mice and Emerods , that do so vex our Persons , and mar our Land : This the repairing of the Breaches , and the rebuilding the shattered Walls of our Jerusalem . And we no longer deferring to give to the God of Israel the Glory due unto his Name , he will lighten his hands from off us , and from off our Gods , and from off our Land. Lastly , This will be to comply with our daily Prayers , viz. That God's Name may be hallowed , and his ways made known unto all Nations and Conditions of Men therein , and that all Jews , Turks , Hereticks , and Infidels may be converted to the Faith , and saved among the remnant of the true Israelites . And without which our Prayers are but a very Mockery , and an Affront to the Diety , unto whom they are presented . Which whosoever utters , cannot but at the same time be inwardly convinced of that Pharisaical Hypocricy , which our blessed Lord so severely rebuked , of drawing nigh unto God with his Mouth , and honouring him with his Lips , whilst his Heart is far from him ; and for which , Exore tuo , will be his Judgment and Condemnation , Out of thine own-mouth will I judg thee , thou wicked and slothful Servant . To conclude , It is the nature of God to do the good , as saith St. Dionysius the Areopagite ; Every one then that will be like unto him , must first fall to the Imitation of him . One of the Fathers hath this Note , That the Salvation of Man , was , Opus dignum Deo , an Imployment not unbecoming God himself ; It cannot then be beneath even the best of us . And there is a saying of S. Chrysostom to this purpose , That for a Man to know the Art of Alms , was more than to be crowned with the Diadem of Kings : but to convert one Soul unto God , was more than to pour out ten thousand Talents into the Baskets of the poor . And if the Conversion of a very few unto Christ be worth the labour of many all their days ; what must it then be to be the Instruments and Means of converting so many ? Solomon ascribes the Epithet of Wise , to those that win Souls : And saith the Prophet Daniel , They that be wise , ( 't is Teachers in the Margent ) shall shine as the brightness of the Firmament , and they that turn many to Righteousness , as the Stars for ever and ever : And S. James makes it almost meritorious , Let him know , saith he , that he that converteth a Sinner from the Error of his way ▪ shall save a Soul from Death , and shall hide a multitude of Sins . I shall end all with that devout Prayer of Syracides for the Conversion of the Heathen : Ecclus. 36. 1 , &c. Have Mercy upon us , O Lord God of all , and behold us : And send thy fear upon all the Nations that seek not after thee . Lift up thy hand against the strange Nations , and let them see thy power . As thou wasty sanctified in us before them : so be thou magnified among them before us . And let them know thee , as we have known thee , that there is no God , but only thou , O Lord. Shew new Signs , and make other strange Wonders : glorify thy Hand and thy right Arm , that they may set forth thy wonderous Works . Raise up Indignation , and pour out Wrath : take away the Adversary , and destroy the Enemies of thy Truth . Make the time short , remember the Covenant , and let them declare thy wondrous Works . Smite in sunder the Heads of those that say , There is none other but we , and let them perish that oppress thy People . O be merciful to Jerusalem thy holy City , the place of thy Rest . Fill Sion , that it magnify thine Oracles , and thy People , that they may set forth thy Glory . Give Testimony to those whom thou hast possessed from the beginning : and raise up Prophets that may speak in thy Name : and let thy Prophets be found faithful . O Lord hear the Prayer of thy Servants , according to the Blessing of Aaron over thy People , that all they which dwell upon the Earth may know that thou art the Lord , the Eternal God. Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A42952-e220 Rom. 14. 15 , 20. Esther 4. 14. Howell's Fam. Letters Vol. 1. §. 3. Lett. 33. Notes for div A42952-e580 * Acts 13. 6 , 7 , &c. Bar-Jesus , or Elymas , did oppose Christianity , as not believing it ; but these whilst they profess it , do yet oppose it . Prov. 31. 8. * Alienus ab ira , alienus à justitia . Psal . 39. 3. Job 13. 13. Mic. 3. 8. Isa . 62. 6 , 7. St. Mat. 21. 28. St. Luke 18. 5. * Viz. In the Negro's and Indian's Advocate , p. 111. * See Mr. Ricaut's Maxims of the Turkish Policy , wherein he often mentions the Turks Zeal to promote their Faith. Also Pet. Daniel , in his History of Barbary , tells us , That the Turks will shew you kindness , to make you embrace their Religion . Pag. 308 , 309 , 310. 311. Quest . By what Authority or Law , he could do this to that or any other Person ? * In his Temple . If the Negro knew his Priviledg , he need not to desire Baptism for the obtaining of his freedom . * Impii impie agent , nec intelligent . Dan. 12. Phil. 2. 21. All seek their own , &c. * Plerique rei difficultates causantur , socordiam ignaviamque suam cum accusare potius , ac dolere deberent . Acost . de proc . Ind. Sal. l. 3. c. 22. Acts 28. 22. They say , and do not , Mat. 23. 3. Si non reipsâ tibi dolet , at dissimulare certe est hominis . Ter. Isa . 63. 5. 2 Tim. 4. 16. Reply to his Reflections on the Rector of Sutton , p. ult . Acts 13. 46. & 28. 28. Prov. 26. 12. Chap. 3. 6. Acts 28. Mart. Ep. * Viz. In the East-Indies . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Hypocrite will always find an Excuse . Eccl. 32. 15 , 17 Phil. 1. 15 , 18. Gal. 1. 10. Be not ye the Servants of Men. Rom. 15. 2. St. Mat. 3. St. John 3. * For by our Spirit we are all baptized into one Body , whether we be Jews or Gentiles , whether we be Bond or Free : and have been all made to drink into one Spirit , saith St. Paul , 1 Cor. 12. 13. See also Chap. 7. 20 , 21 , 22 , & 24. See also Ephes . 6. 5 , 6. & Col. 3. 22. & 1 Tim. 6. 1. 1 St. Pet. 2. 18 , &c. See A. B. Abbot's History of the New World , where he makes often mention of the Jesuits and Friars labours in this kind in America ; A Prelat that was never suspected for any friend to them . * Si tibi displiceant , fac meliora , precor . Mart. Ep. Rom. 8. 9. 1 Cor. 16. 22. 1 Cor. 13. 2 , 3. Wisd . 17. 11. Job 29. 11 , 12 , 13 , &c. Ch. 5. v. 22 , &c. Notes for div A42952-e5160 Chap. 1 ver . 5 , 7. Vers . 9. Vers . 18. Vers . 19. Chap. 2. 4. Vers . 7 , 20. Vers . 21. Vers . 5. Vers . 11. Hâc tuâ impudentiâ qua omnes superas , etiam improbissimos doces improbitatem . Jun. Vers . 33. Vers . 7. Vers . 23 , 35. Non sun̄t clām peccata tua ut pervestigatione sit opus , palam sunt , omnium oculis exposita . Idem . Quid bonam praedicas viam tuam ? Vulg. Ed. Quid niteris bonam ostendere viam tuam ? Jun. Why TRIMMEST thou thy way ? vers . 33. Chap. 10. 6. 1 Thess . 2. ver . 15. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Hom. Il. ● . * Ezek. chap. 3. 18. & 33. † Act. 20. 26. See also Wisd . 1. 11. And Ecclus. 21. 2. In both which we read of the Souls being slain . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying anima , animus , &c. Pagn . Th. ling. sanct . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sept. Interp. * Sanguis animarum egentium [ sanguis ] innocentium . Trem. Sanguis animarum pauperum & innotentium , Vulg. Ed. Gen. 9 4. Psal . 36. 9. Chap. 20. 6 , 14. Rom. 9. 3. vers . 32. Vers . 18. Acts 20. 26. Vers 31. Vers . 20 , 27. St. Joh. 8. 32. St. Mark 4. 24. St. Luke 8. 18. Prov 19. 17. Ecclus. 34. 21. Prov. 15. 2. Chap. 15. 7. Chap. 4. 6. Chap. 5. 13. Chap. 10. & 11. Chap. 3. 15. Lev. 19. 17. Qui non prepulsat inj●●iamicum potest insert . Tul. Chap. 4. 17. Prov. 24. 11. Chap 7. v. 25. St. Luke 22. 32. St. Mat. 18. 15. 1 Joh chap. 2 , 3 , 4. See Chap. 3. Vers . 10. & chap. 4. ver . 20 Chap. 3 10 , 17 Chap. 33. 8. Acts 20. St. Joh. 15. 16. Vers . 14. St. Mat. 25. Amos 7. 12. Acts 13. 2 Tim. 3. 8. Acts 18. 17. St. Mat. 12. 30. Chap. 4. 5. Jer. 7. 4. Acts. 19. 1 King. 18. 23. Chap. 4. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 6. 3. Wisd . 15. 12. 28. Pet. 2. 3. Rom. 16. 17 , 18. Col. 3. 5. St. Mat. 6. 14. St. Luk. 16. 13. Gal. 6. 12. Vers . 12. Vers . 22. Deut. 21. Gen. 4. Rev. 6. 10. 2 Sam. 21. 1 Kings 21. 2 King. 9. Hos . 1. 4. Eccles . 9. 4. St. Mark 8. 36. Gen. 4. Isa . 28. 10. Psal . 42. 3. Hos . 13 7 , 8. Amos 9 8. & 6. 8. & 5. 16. & 7. 9. & 6. 9 , 11. Nihil est in te , aut circa te , non commaculatem sanguine ; omnia testificantur adversus te , &c. Jun. An. Jer. 9. 3. Jer. 6. 15. Acts 16. St. Jam. 2. 16. S. Luke 10. 20. Chap. 33. 23. Jer. 5. 27 , 28. Ch 6. 13 , 28 Mal. 3 17. Barbaris pro agris & libertate crepta , fidem Jesu Christi , & vitam hominibus dignam , reddamus . A● Infideles nullo modo Christi Baptismum adversantur , quam & capiunt & petunt . Barbaris revera●si Christus annuntiem : ut opus est , obsequen es & ad credendum faciles sese exh●bent . Idem . St. Joh. 14. 6. Acts 4. 12. Hab. 1. 16. Vers . 14. Isa . 56. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hes . Wisd . 2. 11. S. Mat. 27. 29. S. Chrys . 2 Sam. 12. 6. Mal. 2. 10. Job 31. 15. Wis . 7. 5 , 6. Rom. 12. 5. * But above all that accursed Tyranny used toward the Souls of these miserable Wretches , can never sufficiently be bewailed , who are daily assaulted by these professed Enemies of Christ to turn Apostates to the Christian Faith , and to deny to at only Name given under Heaven by which they can be saved : whereby they lie under a continual Temptation to abandon their Religion , to obtain their liberty . Br. for Capt. of Algeir . S. Mat. 23 14. Chap. 12. 41. Wis . 6. 6. Rom. 2. 14. Psal . 9. 12. Ezek. 33. Salv. de gub . Dei. S. Luke 12. 47. Amos 3. 2. Josh . 7. 11. Acts 13. Heb. 6. 6. & 10. 29. 1 Sam. 3. 13. Jer. 8. 14 , 15 , 17. Hos . 2. 6 , 11. Isa . 19. 2 , 3. Vers . 19. St. Mat. 6. 33. S. Luk. 9. 23. S. Mat. 10. 37. S. Mark. 8. 33. Job 31. 24 , 28. S. Mar. 8. 38. Gen. 9. 5 , &c. comp . with Heb. 6. 13 , 14 , 17. Num. 35. 31 , 33. Rev. 6. 10. Jos . Ant. Jud. Gen. 4. Vers . 23 , Acts 8. Acts 13. S. Luk. 23. 34. 1 Cor. 2. 8. Vers . 19. Heb. 10 31. Isa . 33. 14. Rev. 18. 9 , 18 , & Ch. 19. 20. S. Luke 16. Rev. 15. 3. S. Mat. 18. 7. S. Luke 17. 1. Wis . 11. 26. * This was once the Sence of most of our English Writers . 1 S. Joh. 4. E. W. in his Discourse of Miracles . Hag. 1. 2. Prov. 22. 13. De procur . Ind. Salut . l. 3. * Who made you Ministers of the Gospel to the White People only , and not to the Tawneys and Blacks ? Fox the Quaker to the Ministers of Barbados . See p. 4. of the Negro's Advocate . Lam. 4. 3. E. W. in an answer to the D. of S. P. Vers . 10. Rev. 18. 13. Nah. 3. 16. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying multus , magnus , honorabilis , inclytus ob multiplices quibus pollet dignitates . Pagn . See also Job . 32. 9 Psal . 48. 2. Isa . 19. 20. & 53. 10 , &c. Rom. 1. S. Luk. 13. 7. Ezr. 7 23. Ezek. 8. 12. & 9. 9. Zeph. 1. 12. Chap. 1. 6. Vers . 17. Chap. 6. 5. Zech. 5. 1. Lev. 14. 37 , 44 , 45. 1 Sam. 3. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . S. Gr. Naz. loqu . de Herod . & Pilato . Gen. 6. Ven. Bed. Hist . Eccl. Angl. Exod. 32. Josh . 7● 2 Sam. 21. 1 King. 12. 2 Chron. 36. 14 , &c. Zech. 14. Job 31. 2 Chro. 21. 16. Vers . 19. 2 Chron. 12. 8. Wisd . Judg. 1. 7. Mich. 3. 11. Ezek. 13. Acts 11. 19. 2 Esdr . 13. 42. Chap. 4. 27. Euseb . Hist . Eccles . * Without which nothing ●herein can ever be expected Neh. 2. 10. & 6. 1. Juxtâ Septuag . v. 4. Chap. 6. 34. Cant. 8. 6. 1 King. 20. 23. Jer. 23. 23. Tull. Off. Prov. 16. 7. Isa . 32. 17. Ezr. 8. 22. L. 3. Ode . 6. Liv. l. 1. Psal . 67. 5 , 6. Hag. 2. 18 , 19. 2 Sam. 6. 12. Gen. 30. 27. Job 33. 22. 2 S. Tim. 2. 26. S. Joh. 4. Heb. 6. 10. De proc . Ind. Sal. l. 6. c. ult . 1 Sam. 7. Num. 21. 9. 1 Sam. 6. Prov. 51. Orat. Dom● Coll. for all Cond . of Men. Coll for Good Friday . S. Mat. 15 8. S. Luk. 19. 20. Tertul. Prov. 11. 30. Dan. 12. Chap. 5. ult . A27305 ---- Oroonoko, or, The royal slave : a true history / by Mrs. A. Behn. Behn, Aphra, 1640-1689. 1688 Approx. 174 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 119 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27305 Wing B1749 ESTC R4474 11957387 ocm 11957387 51546 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A27305) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51546) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 54:5) Oroonoko, or, The royal slave : a true history / by Mrs. A. Behn. Behn, Aphra, 1640-1689. [14], 239 [i.e. 223] p. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Slavery -- Suriname -- Fiction. 2002-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-12 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-12 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OROONOKO : OR , THE Royal Slave . A TRUE HISTORY . By Mrs. A. BEHN . LONDON , Printed for Will. Canning , at his Shop in the Temple-Cloysters . 1688. TO THE Right Honourable THE Lord MAITLAND . My Lord , SInce the World is grown so Nice and Critical upon Dedications , and will Needs be Judging the Book , by the Wit of the Patron ; we ought , with a great deal of Circumspection , to chuse a Person against whom there can be no Exception ; and whose Wit , and Worth , truly Merits all that one is capable of saying upon that Occasion . The most part of Dedications are charg'd with Flattery ; and if the World knows a Man has some Vices , they will not allow one to speak of his Virtues . This , my Lord , is for want of thinking Rightly ; if Men wou'd consider with Reason , they wou'd have another sort of Opinion , and Esteem of Dedications ; and wou'd believe almost every Great Man has enough to make him Worthy of all that can be said of him there . My Lord , a Picture-drawer , when he intends to make a good Picture , essays the Face many Ways , and in many Lights , before he begins ; that he may chuse , from the several turns of it , which is most Agreeable , and gives it the best Grace ; and if there be a Scar , an ungrateful Mole , or any little Defect , they leave it out ; and yet make the Picture extreamly like : But he who has the good Fortune to draw a Face that is exactly Charming in all its Parts and Features , what Colours or Agreements can be added to make it Finer ? All that he can give is but its due ; and Glories in a Piece whose Original alone gives it its Perfection . An ill Hand may diminish , but a good Hand cannot augment its Beauty . A Poet is a Painter in his way ; he draws to the Life , but in another kind ; we draw the Nobler part , the Soul and Mind ; the Pictures of the Pen shall out-last those of the Pencil , and even Worlds themselves . 'T is a short Chronicle of those Lives that possibly wou'd be forgotten by other Historians , or lye neglected there , however deserving an immortal Fame ; for Men of eminent Parts are as Exemplary as even Monarchs themselves ; and Virtue is a noble Lesson to be learn'd , and 't is by Comparison we can Judge and Chuse . 'T is by such illustrious Presidents , as your Lordship , the World can be Better'd and Refin'd ; when a great part of the lazy Nobility shall , with Shame , behold the admirable Accomplishments of a Man so Great , and so Young. Your Lordship has Read innumerable Volumes of Men , and Books ; not Vainly for the gust of Novelty , but Knowledge , excellent Knowledge : Like the industrious Bee , from every Flower you return Laden with the precious Dew , which you are sure to turn to the Publick Good. You hoard no one Perfection , but lay it all out in the Glorious Service of your Religion and Country ; to both which you are a useful and necessary Honour : They both want such Supporters ; and 't is only Men of so elevated Parts , and fine Knowledge ; such noble Principles of Loyalty and Religion this Nation Sighs for . Where shall we find a Man so Young , like St. Augustine , in the midst of all his Youth and Gaiety , Teaching the World divine Precepts , true Notions of Faith , and Excellent Morality , and , at the same time , be also a perfect Pattern of all that accomplish a Great Man ? You have , my Lord , all that refin'd Wit that Charms , and the Affability that Obliges ; a Generosity that gives a Lustre to your Nobility ; that . Hospitality , and Greatness of Mind , that ingages the World ; and that admirable Conduct , that so well Instructs it . Our Nation ought to regret and bemoan their Misfortunes , for not being able to claim the Honour of the Birth of a Man who is so fit to serve his Majesty , and his Kingdoms , in all Great and Publick Affairs : And to the Glory of your Nation be it spoken , it produces more considerable Men , for all fine Sence , Wit , Wisdom , Breeding , and Generosity ( for the generality of the Nobility ) than all other Nations can Boast ; and the Fruitfulness of your Virtues sufficiently make amends for the Barrenness of your Soil : Which however cannot be incommode to your Lordship ; since your Quality , and the Veneration that the Commonalty naturally pay their Lords , creates a flowing Plenty there — that makes you Happy . And to compleat your Happiness , my Lord , Heaven has blest you with a Lady , to whom it has given all the Graces , Beauties , and Virtues of her Sex ; all the Youth , Sweetness of Nature ; of a most illustrious Family ; and who is a most rare Example to all Wives of Quality , for her eminent Piety , Easiness , and Condescention ; and as absolutely merits Respect from all the World , as she does that Passion and Resignation she receives from your Lordship ; and which is , on her part , with so much Tenderness return'd . Methinks your tranquil Lives are an Image of the new Made and Beautiful Pair in Paradise : And 't is the Prayers and Wishes of all , who have the Honour to know you , that it may Eternally so continue , with Additions of all the Blessings this World can give you . My Lord , the Obligations I have to some of the Great Men of your Nation , particularly to your Lordship , gives me an Ambition of making my Acknowledgments , by all the Opportunities I can ; and such humble Fruits , as my Industry produces , I lay at your Lordships Feet . This is a true Story , of a Man Gallant enough to merit your Protection ; and , had he always been so Fortunate , he had not made so Inglorious an end : The Royal Slave I had the Honour to know in my Travels to the other World ; and though I had none above me in that Country , yet I wanted power to preserve this Great Man. If there be any thing that seems Romantick , I beseech your Lordship to consider , these Countries do , in all things , so far differ from ours , that they produce unconceivable Wonders ; at least , they appear so to us , because New and Strange . VVhat I have mention'd I have taken-care shou'd be Truth , let the Critical Reader judge as he pleases . 'T will be no Commendation to the Book , to assure your Lordship I writ it in a few Hours , though it may serve to Excuse some of its Faults of Connexion ; for I never rested my Pen a Moment for Thought : 'T is purely the Merit of my Slave that must render it worthy of the Honour it begs ; and the Author of that of Subscribing herself , My Lord , Your Lordship 's most oblig'd and obedient Servant , A. BEHN . THE HISTORY OF THE Royal Slave . I Do not pretend , in giving you the History of this Royal Slave , to entertain my Reader with the Adventures of a feign'd Hero , whose Life and Fortunes Fancy may manage at the Poets Pleasure ; nor in relating the Truth , design to adorn it with any Accidents , but such as arriv'd in earnest to him : And it shall come simply into the World , recommended by its own proper Merits , and natural Intrigues ; there being enough of Reality to support it , and to render it diverting , without the Addition of Invention . I was my self an Eye-Witness , to a great part , of what you will find here set down ; and what I cou'd not be Witness of , I receiv'd from the Mouth of the chief Actor in this History , the Hero himself , who gave us the whole Transactions of his Youth ; and though I shall omit , for Brevity's sake , a thousand little Accidents of his Life , which , however pleasant to us , where History was scarce , and Adventures very rare ; yet might prove tedious and heavy to my Reader , in a World where he finds Diversions for every Minute , new and strange : But we who were perfectly charm'd with the Character of this great Man , were curious to gather every Circumstance of his Life . The Scene of the last part of his Adventures lies in a Colony in America , called Surinam , in the West-Indies . But before I give you the Story of this Gallant Slave , 't is fit I tell you the manner of bringing them to these new Colonies ; for those they make use of there , are not Natives of the place ; for those we live with in perfect Amity , without daring to command 'em ; but on the contrary , caress 'em with all the brotherly and friendly Affection in the World ; trading with 'em for their Fish , Venison , Buffilo's , Skins , and little Rarities ; as Marmosets , a sort of Monkey as big as a Rat or Weesel , but of a marvellous and delicate shape , and has Face and Hands like an Humane Creature : and Cousheries , a little Beast in the form and fashion of a Lion , as big as a Kitten ; but so exactly made in all parts like that noble Beast , that it is it in Minature . Then for little Parakeetoes , great Parrots , Muckaws , and a thousand other Birds and Beasts of wonderful and surprizing Forms , Shapes , and Colours . For Skins of prodigious Snakes , of which there are some threescore Yards in length ; as is the Skin of one that may be seen at His Majesty's Antiquaries : Where are also some rare Flies , of amazing Forms and Colours , presented to 'em by my self ; some as big as my Fist , some less ; and all of various Excellencies , such as Art cannot imitate . Then we trade for Feathers , which they order into all Shapes , make themselves little short Habits of 'em , and glorious Wreaths for their Heads , Necks , Arms and Legs , whose Tinctures are unconceivable . I had a Set of these presented to me , and I gave 'em to the King's Theatre , and it was the Dress of the Indian Queen , infinitely admir'd by Persons of Quality ; and were unimitable . Besides these , a thousand little Knacks , and Rarities in Nature , and some of Art ; as their Baskets , Weapons , Aprons , &c. We dealt with 'em with Beads of all Colours , Knives , Axes , Pins and Needles ; which they us'd only as Tools to drill Holes with in their Ears , Noses and Lips , where they hang a great many little things ; as long Beads , bits of Tin , Brass , or Silver , beat thin ; and any shining Trincket . The Beads they weave into Aprons about a quarter of an Ell long , and of the same breadth ; working them very prettily in Flowers of several Colours of Beads ; which Apron they wear just before 'em , as Adam and Eve did the Fig-leaves ; the Men wearing a long Stripe of Linen , which they deal with us for . They thread these Beads also on long Cotton-threads , and make Girdles to tie their Aprons to , which come twenty times , or more , about the Waste ; and then cross , like a Shoulder-belt , both ways , and round their Necks , Arms and Legs . This Adornment , with their long black Hair , and the Face painted in little Specks or Flowers here and there , makes 'em a wonderful Figure to behold . Some of the Beauties which indeed are finely shap'd , as almost all are , and who have pretty Features , are very charming and novel ; for they have all that is called Beauty , except the Colour , which is a reddish Yellow ; or after a new Oiling , which they often use to themselves , they are of the colour of a new Brick , but smooth , soft and sleek . They are extream modest and bashful , very shy , and nice of being touch'd . And though they are all thus naked , if one lives for ever among 'em , there is not to be seen an indecent Action , or Glance ; and being continually us'd to see one another so unadorn'd , so like our first Parents before the Fall , it seems as if they had no Wishes ; there being nothing to heighten Curiosity , but all you can see , you see at once , and every Moment see ; and where there is no Novelty , there can be no Curiosity . Not but I have seen a handsom young Indian , dying for Love of a very beautiful young Indian Maid ; but all his Courtship was , to fold his Arms , pursue her with his Eyes , and Sighs were all his Language : While she , as if no such Lover were present ; or rather , as if she desired none such , carefully guarded her Eyes from beholding him ; and never approach'd him , but she look'd down with all the blushing Modesty I have seen in the most severe and cautious of our World. And these People represented to me an absolute Idea of the first State of Innocence , before Man knew how to sin : And 't is most evident and plain , that simple Nature is the most harmless , inoffensive and vertuous Mistress . 'T is she alone , if she were permitted , that better instructs the World , than all the Inventions of Man : Religion wou'd here but destroy that Tranquillity , they possess by Ignorance ; and Laws wou'd but teach 'em to know Offence , of which now they have no Notion . They once made Mourning and Fasting for the Death of the English Governor , who had given his Hand to come on such a Day to 'em , and neither came , nor sent ; believing , when once a Man's Word was past , nothing but Death cou'd or shou'd prevent his keeping it : And when they saw he was not dead , they ask'd him , what Name they had for a Man who promis'd a thing he did not do ? The Governor told them , Such a man was a Lyar , which was a Word of Infamy to a Gentleman . Then one of 'em reply'd , Governor , you are a Lyar , and guilty of that Infamy . They have a Native Justice , which knows no Fraud ; and they understand no Vice , or Cunning , but when they are taught by the White Men. They have Plurality of Wives , which , when they grow old , they serve those that succeed 'em , who are young ; but with a Servitude easie and respected ; and unless they take Slaves in War , they have no other Attendants . Those on that Continent where I was , had no King ; but the oldest War-Captain was obey'd with great Resignation . A War-Captain is a Man who has lead them on to Battel with Conduct , and Success ; of whom I shall have Occasion to speak more hereafter , and of some other of their Customs and Manners , as they fall in my way . With these People , as I said , we live in perfect Tranquillity , and good Understanding , as it behooves us to do ; they knowing all the places where to seek the best Food of the Country , and the Means of getting it ; and for very small and unvaluable Trifles , supply us with what 't is impossible for us to get ; for they do not only in the Wood , and over the Sevana's , in Hunting , supply the parts of Hounds , by swiftly scouring through those almost impassable places ; and by the meer Activity of their Feet , run down the nimblest Deer , and other eatable Beasts : But in the water , one wou'd think they were Gods of the Rivers , or Fellow-Citizens of the Deep ; so rare an Art they have in Swimming , Diving , and almost Living in Water ; by which they command the less swift Inhabitants of the Floods . And then for Shooting ; what they cannot take , or reach with their Hands , they do with Arrows ; and have so admirable an Aim , that they will split almost an Hair ; and at any distance that an Arrow can reach , they will shoot down Oranges , and other Fruit , and only touch the Stalk with the Dart's Points , that they may not hurt the Fruit. So that they being , on all Occasions , very useful to us , we find it absolutely necessary to caress 'em as Friends , and not to treat 'em as Slaves ; nor dare we do other , their Numbers so far surpassing ours in that Continent . Those then whom we make use of to work in our Plantations of Sugar , are Negro's , Black-Slaves altogether ; which are transported thither in this manner . Those who want Slaves , make a Bargain with a Master , or Captain of a Ship , and contract to pay him so much a-piece , a matter of twenty Pound a Head for as many as he agrees for , and to pay for 'em when they shall be deliver'd on such a Plantation : So that when there arrives a Ship laden with Slaves , they who have so contracted , go a-board , and receive their Number by Lot ; and perhaps in one Lot that may be for ten , there may happen to be three or four Men ; the rest , Women and Children : Or be there more or less of either Sex , you are oblig'd to be contented with your Lot. Coramantien , a Country of Blacks so called , was one of those places in which they found the most advantageous Trading for these Slaves ; and thither most of our great Traders in that Merchandice traffick'd ; for that Nation is very war-like and brave ; and having a continual Campaign , being always in Hostility with one neighbouring Prince or other , they had the fortune to take a great many Captives ; for all they took in Battel , were sold as Slaves ; at least , those common Men who cou'd not ransom themselves . Of these Slaves so taken , the General only has all the profit ; and of these Generals , our Captains and Masters of Ships buy all their Freights . The King of Coramantien was himself a Man of a Hundred and odd Years old , and had no Son , though he had many beautiful Black-Wives ; for most certainly , there are Beauties that can charm of that Colour . In his younger Years he had had many gallant Men to his Sons , thirteen of which died in Battel , conquering when they fell ; and he had only left him for his Successor , one Grand-Child , Son to one of these dead Victors ; who , as soon as he cou'd bear a Bow in his Hand , and a Quiver at his Back , was sent into the Field , to be trained up by one of the oldest Generals , to War ; where , from his natural Inclination to Arms , and the Occasions given him , with the good Conduct of the old General , he became , at the Age of Seventeen , one of the most expert Captains , and bravest Soldiers , that ever saw the Field of Mars : So that he was ador'd as the Wonder of all that World , and the Darling of the Soldiers . Besides , he was adorn'd with a native Beauty so transcending all those of his gloomy Race , that he strook an Awè and Reverence , even in those that knew not his Quality ; as he did in me , who beheld him with Surprize and Wonder , when afterwards he arriv'd in our World. He had scarce arriv'd at his Seventeenth Year , when fighting by his Side , the General was kill'd with an Arrow in his Eye , which the Prince Oroonoko ( for so was this gallant Moor call'd ) very narrowly avoided ; nor had he , if the General , who saw the Arrow shot , and perceiving it aim'd at the Prince , had not bow'd his Head between , on purpose to receive it in his own Body rather than it shou'd touch that of the Prince , and so saved him . 'T was then , afflicted as Oroonoko was , that he was proclaim'd Genéral in the old Man's place ; and then it was , at the finishing of that War , which had continu'd for two Years , that the Prince came to Court ; where he had hardly been a Month together , from the time of his fifth Year , to that of Seventeen ; and 't was amazing to imagine where it was he learn'd so much Humanity ; or , to give his Accomplishments a juster Name , where 't was he got that real Greatness of Soul , those refin'd Notions of true Honour , that absolute Generosity , and that Softness that was capable of the highest Passions of Love and Gallantry , whose Objects were almost continually fighting Men , or those mangl'd , or dead ; who heard no Sounds , but those of War and Groans : Some part of it we may attribute to the Care of a French-Man of Wit and Learning ; who finding it turn to very good Account to be a sort of Royal Tutor to this young Black , & perceiving him very ready , apt , and quick of Apprehension , took a great pleasure to teach him Morals , Language and Science ; and was for it extreamly belov'd and valu'd by him . Another Reason was , He lov'd , when he came from War , to see all the English Gentlemen that traded thither ; and did not only learn their Language , but that of the Spaniards also , with whom he traded afterwards for Slaves . I have often seen and convers'd with this great Man , and been a Witness to many of his mighty Actions ; and do assure my Reader , the most Illustrious Courts cou'd not have produc'd a braver Man , both for Greatness of Courage and Mind , a Judgment more solid , a Wit more quick , and a Conversation more sweet and diverting . He knew almost as much as if he had read much : He had heard of , and admir'd the Romans ; he had heard of the late Civil Wars in England , and the deplorable Death of our great Monarch ; and wou'd discourse of it with all the Sense , and Abhorrence of the Injustice imaginable . He had an extream good and graceful Mien , and all the Civility of a well-bred great Man. He had nothing of Barbarity in his Nature , but in all Points address'd himself , as if his Education had been in some European Court. This great and just Character of Oroonoko gave me an extream Curiosity to see him , especially when I knew he spoke French and English , and that I cou'd talk with him . But though I had heard so much of him , I was as greatly surpriz'd when I saw him , as if I had heard nothing of him ; so beyond all Report I found him . He came into the Room , and address'd himself to me , and some other Women , with the best Grace in the World. He was pretty tall , but of a Shape the most exact that can be fansy'd : The most famous Statuary cou'd not form the Figure of a Man more admirably turn'd from Head to Foot. His Face was not of that brown , rusty Black which most of that Nation are , but a perfect Ebony , or polish'd Jett . His Eyes were the most awful that cou'd be seen , and very piercing ; the White of 'em being like Snow , as were his Teeth . His Nose was rising and Roman , instead of African and flat . His Mouth , the finest shap'd that cou'd be seen ; far from those great turn'd Lips , which are so natural to the rest of the Negroes . The whole Proportion and Air of his Face was so noble , and exactly form'd , that , bating his Colour , there cou'd be nothing in Nature more beautiful , agreeable and handsome . There was no one Grace wanting , that bears the Standard of true Beauty : His Hair came down to his Shoulders , by the Aids of Art ; which was , by pulling it out with a Quill , and keeping it comb'd ; of which he took particular Care. Nor did the Perfections of his Mind come short of those of his Person ; for his Discourse was admirable upon almost any Subject ; and who-ever had heard him speak , wou'd have been convinc'd of their Errors , that all fine Wit is confin'd to the White Men , especially to those of Christendom ; and wou'd have confess'd that Oroonoko was as capable even of reigning well , and of governing as wisely , had as great a Soul , as politick Maxims , and was as sensible of Power as any Prince civiliz'd in the most refin'd Schools of Humanity and Learning , or the most Illustrious Courts . This Prince , such as I have describ'd him , whose Soul and Body were so admirably adorn'd , was ( while yet he was in the Court of his Grandfather ) as I said , as capable of Love , as 't was possible for a brave and gallant Man to be ; and in saying that , I have nam'd the highest Degree of Love ; for sure , great Souls are most capable of that Passion . I have already said , the old General was kill'd by the shot of an Arrow , by the Side of this Prince , in Battel ; and that Oroonoko was made General . This old dead Hero had one only Daughter left of his Race ; a Beauty that , to describe her truly , one need say only , she was Female to the noble Male ; the beautiful Black Venus , to our young Mars ; as charming in her Person as he , and of delicate Vertues . I have seen an hundred White Men sighing after her , and making a thousand Vows at her Feet , all vain , and unsuccessful : And she was , indeed , too great for any , but a Prince of her own Nation to adore . Oroonoko coming from the Wars , ( which were now ended ) after he had made his Court to his Grandfather , he thought in Honour he ought to make a Visit to Imoinda , the Daughter of his Foster-father , the dead General ; and to make some Excuses to her , because his Preservation was the Occasion of her Father's Death ; and to present her with those Slaves that had been taken in this last Battel , as the Trophies of her Father's Victories . When he came , attended by all the young Soldiers of any Merit , he was infinitely surpriz'd at the Beauty of this fair Queen of Night , whose Face and Person was so exceeding all he had ever beheld , that lovely Modesty with which she receiv'd him , that Softness in her Look , and Sighs , upon the melancholy Occasion of this Honour that was done by so great a Man as Oroonoko , and a Prince of whom she had heard such admirable things ; the Awfulness wherewith she receiv'd him , and the Sweetness of her Words and Behaviour while he stay'd , gain'd a perfect Conquest over his fierce Heart , and made him feel , the Victor cou'd be subdu'd . So that having made his first Complements , and presented her an hundred and fifty Slaves in Fetters , he told her with his Eyes , that he was not insensible of her Charms ; while Imoinda , who wish'd for nothing more than so glorious a Conquest , was pleas'd to believe , she understood that silent Language of new-born Love ; and from that Moment , put on all her Additions to Beauty . The Prince return'd to Court with quite another Humour than before ; and though he did not speak much of the fair Imoinda , he had the pleasure to hear all his Followers speak of nothing but the Charms of that Maid ; insomuch that , even in the Presence of the old King , they were extolling her , and heightning , if possible , the Beauties they had found in her : So that nothing else was talk'd of , no other Sound was heard in every Corner where there were Whisperers , but Imoinda ! Imoinda ! 'T will be imagin'd Oroonoko stay'd not long before he made his second Visit ; nor , considering his Quality , not much longer before he told her , he ador'd her . I have often heard him say , that he admir'd by what strange Inspiration he came to talk things so soft , and so passionate , who never knew Love , nor was us'd to the Conversation of Women ; but ( to use his own Words ) he said , Most happily , some new , and till then unknown Power instructed his Heart and Tongue in the Language of Love , and at the same time , in favour of him , inspir'd Imoinda with a Sense of his Passion . She was touch'd with what he said , and return'd it all in such Answers as went to his very Heart , with a Pleasure unknown before : Nor did he use those Obligations ill , that Love had done him ; but turn'd all his happy Moments to the best advantage ; and as he knew no Vice , his Flame aim'd at nothing but Honour , if such a distinction may be made in Love ; and especially in that Country , where Men take to themselves as many as they can maintain ; and where the only Crime and Sin with Woman is , to turn her off , to abandon her to Want , Shame and Misery : Such ill Morals are only practis'd in Christian-Countries , where they prefer the bare Name of Religion ; and , without Vertue or Morality , think that 's sufficient . But Oroonoko was none of those Professors ; but as he had right Notions of Honour , so he made her such Propositions as were not only and barely such ; but , contrary to the Custom of his Country , he made her Vows , she shou'd be the only woman he wou'd possess while he liv'd ; that no Age or Wrinkles shou'd incline him to change , for her Soul wou'd be always fine , and always young ; and he shou'd have an eternal Idea in his Mind of the Charms she now bore , and shou'd look into his Heart for that Idea , when he cou'd find it no longer in her Face . After a thousand Assurances of his lasting Flame , and her eternal Empire over him , she condescended to receive him for her Husband ; or rather , receiv'd him , as the greatest Honour the God's cou'd do her . There is a certain Ceremony in these Cases to be observ'd , which I forgot to ask him how perform'd ; but 't was concluded on both sides , that , in Obedience to him , the Grand-father was to be first made acquainted with the Design : for they pay a most absolute Resignation to the Monarch , especially when he is a Parent also . On the other side , the old King , who had many Wives , and many Concubines , wanted not Court-Flatterers to insinuate in his Heart a thousand tender Thoughts for this young Beauty ; and who represented her to his Fancy , as the most charming he had ever possess'd in all the long Race of his numerous Years . At this Character his old Heart , like an extinguish'd Brand , most apt to take Fire , felt new Sparks of Love , and began to kindle ; and now grown to his second Childhood , long'd with Impatience to behold this gay thing , with whom , alas ! he cou'd but innocently play . But how he shou'd be confirm'd she was this Wonder , before he us'd his Power to call her to Court ( where Maidens never came , unless for the King 's private Use ) he was next to consider ; and while he was so doing , he had Intelligence brought him , that Imoinda was most certainly Mistress to the Prince Oroonoko . This gave him some Shagrien ; however , it gave him also an Opportunity , one Day , when the Prince was a-hunting , to wait on a Man of Quality , as his Slave and Attendant , who shou'd go and make a Present to Imoinda , as from the Prince ; he shou'd then , unknown , see this fair Maid , and have an Opportunity to hear what Message she wou'd return the Prince for his Present ; and from thence gather the state of her Heart , and degree of her Inclination . This was put in Execution , and the old Monarch saw , and burnt : He found her all he had heard , and wou'd not delay his Happiness , but found he shou'd have some Obstacle to overcome her Heart ; for she express'd her Sense of the Present the Prince had sent her , in terms so sweet , so soft and pretty , with an Air of Love and Joy that cou'd not be dissembl'd ; insomuch that 't was past doubt whether she lov'd Oroonoko entirely . This gave the old King some Affliction ; but he salv'd it with this , that the Obedience the People pay their King , was not at all inferior to what they pay'd their Gods : And what Love wou'd not oblige Imoinda to do , Duty wou'd compel her to . He was therefore no sooner got to his Apartment , but he sent the Royal Veil to Imoinda ; that is , the Ceremony of Invitation ; he sends the Lady , he has a Mind to honour with his Bed , a Veil , with which she is cover'd , and secur'd for the King 's Use ; and 't is Death to disobey ; besides , held a most impious Disobedience . 'T is not to be imagin'd the Surprize and Grief that seiz'd this lovely Maid at this News and Sight . However , as Delays in these Cases are dangerous , and Pleading worse than Treason ; trembling , and almost fainting , she was oblig'd to suffer her self to be cover'd , and led away . They brought her thus to Court ; and the King , who had caus'd a very rich Bath to be prepar'd , was led into it , where he sate under a Canopy , in State , to receive this long'd for Virgin ; whom he having commanded shou'd be brought to him , they ( after dis-robing her ) led her to the Bath , and making fast the Doors , left her to descend . The King , without more Courtship , bad her throw off her Mantle , and come to his Arms. But Imoinda , all in Tears , threw her self on the Marble , on the Brink of the Bath , and besought him to hear her . She told him , as she was a Maid , how proud of the Divine Glory she should have been of having it in her power to oblige her King : but as by the Laws , he cou'd not ; and from his Royal Goodness , wou'd not take from any Man his wedded Wife : So she believ'd she shou'd be the Occasion of making him commit a great Sin , if she did not reveal her State and Condition ; and tell him , she was anothers , and cou'd not be so happy to be his . The King , enrag'd at this Delay , hastily demanded the Name of the bold Man , that had marry'd a Woman of her Degree , without his Consent . Imoinda , seeing his Eyes fierce , and his Hands tremble ; whether with Age , or Anger , I know not ; but she fansy'd the last , almost repented she had said so much , for now she fear'd the Storm wou'd fall on the Prince ; she therefore said a thousand things to appease the raging of his Flame , and to prepare him to hear who it was with Calmness ; but before she spoke , he imagin'd who she meant , but wou'd not seem to do so , but commanded her to lay aside her Mantle , and suffer her self to receive his Caresses ; or , by his Gods , he swore , that happy Man whom she was going to name shou'd die , though it were even Oroonoko himself . Therefore ( said he ) deny this Marriage , and swear thy self a Maid . That ( reply'd Imoinda ) by all our Powers I do ; for I am not yet known to my Husband . 'T is enough ( said the King : ) 'tis enough to satisfie both my Conscience , and my Heart . And rising from his Seat , he went , and led her into the Bath ; it being in vain for her to resist . In this time the Prince , who was return'd from Hunting , went to visit his Imoinda , but found her gone ; and not only so , but heard she had receiv'd the Royal Veil . This rais'd him to a Storm ; and in his Madness , they had much ado to save him from laying violent Hands on himself . Force first prevail'd , and then Reason : They urg'd all to him , that might oppose his Rage ; but nothing weigh'd so greatly with him as the King 's Old Age uncapable of injuring him with Imoinda . He wou'd give way to that Hope , because it pleas'd him most , and flatter'd best his Heart . Yet this serv'd not altogether to make him cease his different Passions , which sometimes rag'd within him , and sometimes softned into Showers . 'T was not enough to appease him , to tell him , his Grand-father was old , and cou'd not that way injure him , while he retain'd that awful Duty which the young Men are us'd there to pay to their grave Relations . He cou'd not be convinc'd he had no Cause to sigh and mourn for the Loss of a Mistress , he cou'd not with all his Strength and Courage retrieve . And he wou'd often cry , O my Friends ! were she in wall'd Cities , or confin'd from me in Fortifications of the greatest Strength ; did Inchantments or Monsters detain her from me , I wou'd venture through any Hazard to free her : Buthere , in the Arms of a feeble old Man , my Youth , my violent Love , my Trade in Arms , and all my vast Desire of Glory , avail me nothing : Imoinda is as irrecoverably lost to me , as if she were snatch'd by the cold Arms of Death : Oh! she is never to be retriev'd . If I wou'd wait tedious Years , till Fate shou'd bow the old King to his Grave ; even that wou'd not leave me Imoinda free ; but still that Custom that makes it so vile a Crime for a Son to marry his Father's Wives or Mistresses , wou'd hinder my Happiness ; unless I wou'd either ignobly set an ill President to my Successors , or abandon my Country , and fly with her to some unknown World , who never heard our Story . But it was objected to him , that his Case was not the same ; for Imoinda being his lawful Wife , by solemn Contract , 't was he was the injur'd Man , and might , if he so pleas'd , take Imoinda back , the Breach of the Law being on his Grand-father's side ; and that if he cou'd circumvent him , and redeem her from the Otan , which is the Palace of the King's Women , a sort of Seraglio , it was both just and lawful for him so to do . This Reasoning had some force upon him , and he shou'd have been entirely comforted , but for the Thought that she was possess'd by his Grand-father . However , he lov'd so well , that he was resolv'd to believe what most favour'd his Hope ; and to endeavour to learn from Imoinda's own Mouth , what only she cou'd satisfie him in ; whether she was robb'd of that Blessing , which was only due to his Faith and Love. But as it was very hard to get a Sight of the Women , for no Men ever enter'd into the Otan , but when the King went to entertain himself with some one of his Wives , or Mistresses ; and 't was Death at any other time , for any other to go in ; so he knew not how to contrive to get a Sight of her . While Oroonoko felt all the Agonies of Love , and suffer'd under a Torment the most painful in the World , the old King was not exempted from his share of Affliction . He was troubl'd for having been forc'd by an irresistable Passion , to rob his Son of a Treasure , he knew , cou'd not but be extreamly dear to him , since she was the most beautiful that ever had been seen ; and had besides , all the Sweetness and Innocence of Youth and Modesty , with a Charm of Wit surpassing all . He found that , however she was forc'd to expose her lovely Person to his wither'd Arms , she cou'd only sigh and weep there , and think of Oroonoko ; and oftentimes cou'd not forbear speaking of him , though her Life were , by Custom , forfeited by owning her Passion . But she spoke not of a Lover only , but of a Prince dear to him , to whom she spoke ; and of the Praises of a Man , who , till now , fill'd the old Man's Soul with Joy at every Recital of his Bravery , or even his Name . And 't was this Dotage on our young Hero , that gave Imoinda a thousand Privileges to speak of him , without offending ; and this Condescention in the old King , that made her take the Satisfaction of speaking of him so very often . Besides , he many times enquir'd how the Prince bore himself ; and those of whom he ask'd , being entirely Slaves to the Merits and Verrues of the Prince , still answer'd what they thought conduc'd best to his Service ; which was , to make the old King fansy that the Prince had no more Interest in Imoinda , and had resign'd her willingly to the Pleasure of the King ; that he diverted himself with his Mathematicians , his Fortifications , his Officers , and his Hunting . This pleas'd the old Lover , who fail'd not to report these things again to Imoinda , that she might , by the Example of her young Lover , withdraw her Heart , and rest better contented in his Arms. But however she was forc'd to receive this unwelcome News , in all Appearance , with Unconcern , and Content , her Heart was bursting within , and she was only happy when she cou'd get alone , to vent her Griefs and Moans with Sighs and Tears . What Reports of the Prince's Conduct were made to the King , he thought good to justifie as far as possibly he cou'd by his Actions ; and when he appear'd in the Presence of the King , he shew'd a Face not at all betraying his Heart : So that in a little time the old Man , being entirely convinc'd that he was no longer a Lover of Imoinda , he carry'd him with him , in his Train , to the Otan , often to banquet with his Mistress . But as soon as he enter'd , one Day , into the Apartment of Imoinda , with the King , at the first Glance from her Eyes , notwithstanding all his determin d Resolution , he was ready to sink in the place where he stood ; and had certainly done so , but for the Support of Aboan , a young Man , who was next to him ; which , with his Change of Countenance , had betray'd him , had the King chanc'd to look that way . And I have observ'd , 't is a very great Error in those , who laugh when one says , A Negro can change Colour ; for I have seen 'em as frequently blush , and look pale , and that as visibly as ever I saw in the most beautiful White . And 't is certain that both these Changes were evident , this Day , in both these Lovers . And Imoinda , who saw with some Joy the Change in the Prince's Face , and found it in her own , strove to divert the King from beholding either , by a forc'd Caress , with which she met him ; which was a new Wound in the Heart of the poor dying Prince . But as soon as the King was busy'd in looking on some fine thing of Imoinda's making , she had time to tell the Prince with her angry , but Love-darting Eyes , that she resented his Coldness , and bemoan'd her own miserable Captivity . Nor were his Eyes silent , but answer'd hers again , as much as Eyes cou'd do , instructed by the most tender , and most passionate Heart that ever lov'd : And they spoke so well , and so effectually , as Imoinda no longer doubted , but she was the only Delight , and the Darling of that Soul she found pleading in 'em its Right of Love , which none was more willing to resign than she . And 't was this powerful Language alone that in an Instant convey'd all the Thoughts of their Souls to each other ; that they both found , there wanted but Opportunity to make them both entirely happy . But when he saw another Door open'd by Onahal , a former old Wife of the King 's , who now had Charge of Imoinda ; and saw the Prospect of a Bed of State made ready , with Sweets and Flowers for the Dalliance of the King ; who immediately lead the trembling Victim from his Sight , into that prepar'd Repose . What Rage ! what wild Frenzies seiz'd his Heart ! which forcing to keep within Bounds , and to suffer without Noise , it became the more insupportable , and rent his Soul with ten thousand Pains . He was forc'd to retire , to vent his Groans ; where he fell down on a Carpet , and lay struggling a long time , and only breathing now and then , — O Imoinda ! When Onahal had finish'd her necessary Affair within , shutting the Door , she came forth to wait , till the King call'd ; and hearing some one sighing in the other Room , she pass'd on , and found the Prince in that deplorable Condition , which she thought needed her Aid : She gave him Cordials , but all in vain ; till finding the nature of his Disease , by his Sighs , and naming Imoinda . She told him , he had not so much Cause as he imagin'd , to afflict himself ; for if he knew the King so well as she did , he wou'd not lose a Moment in Jealousie , and that she was confident that Imoinda bore , at this Minute , part in his Affliction . Aboan was of the same Opinion ; and both together , perswaded him to re-assume his Courage ; and all sitting down on the Carpet , the Prince said so many obliging things to Onahal , that he half perswaded her to be of his Party . And she promis'd him , she wou'd thus far comply with his just Desires , that she wou'd let Imoinda know how faithful he was , what he suffer'd , and what he said . This Discourse lasted till the King call'd , which gave Oroonoko a certain Satisfaction ; and with the Hope Onahal had made him conceive , he assum'd a Look as gay as 't was possible a Man in his Circumstances cou'd do ; and presently after , he was call'd in with the rest who waited without . The King commanded Musick to be brought , and several of his young Wives and Mistresses came all together by his Command , to dance before him ; where Imoinda perform'd her Part with an Air and Grace so passing all the rest , as her Beauty was above 'em ; and receiv'd the Present , ordain'd as a Prize . The Prince was every Moment more charm'd with the new Beauties and Graces he beheld in this fair One : And while he gaz'd , and she danc'd , Onahal was retir'd to a Window with Aboan . This Onahal , as I said , was one of the Cast-Mistresses of the old King ; and 't was these ( now past their Beauty ) that were made Guardians , or Governants to the new , and the young Ones ; and whose Business it was , to teach them all those wanton Arts of Love , with which they prevail'd and charm'd heretofore in their Turn ; and who now treated the triumphing happy Ones with all the Severity , as to Liberty and Freedom , that was possible , in revenge of those Honours they rob them of ; envying them those Satisfactions , those Gallantries and Presents , that were once made to themselves , while Youth and Beauty lasted , and which they now saw pass were regardless by , and pay'd only to the Bloomings . And certainly , nothing is more afflicting to a decay'd Beauty , than to behold in it self declining Charms , that were once ador'd ; and to find those Caresses paid to new Beauties , to which once she laid a Claim ; to hear 'em whisper as she passes by , That once was a delicate Woman . These abandon'd Ladies therefore endeavour to revenge all the Despights , and Decays of Time , on these flourishing happy Ones . And 't was this Severity , that gave Oroonoko a thousand Fears he shou'd never prevail with Onahal , to see Imoinda . But , as I said , she was now retir'd to a Window with Aboan . This young Man was not only one of the best Quality , but a Man extreamly well made , and beautiful ; and coming often to attend the King to the Otan , he had subdu'd the Heart of the antiquated Onahal , which had not forgot how pleasant it was to be in Love : And though she had some Decays in her Face , she had none in her Sence and Wit ; she was there agreeable still , even to Aboan's Youth ; so that he took pleasure in entertaining her with Discourses of Love : He knew also , that to make his Court to these She-Favourites , was the way to be great ; these being the Persons that do all Affairs and Business at Court. He had also observ'd that she had given him Glances more tender and inviting , than she had done to others of his Quality : And now , when he saw that her Favour cou'd so absolutely oblige the Prince , he fail'd not to sigh in her Ear , and to look with Eyes all soft upon her , and give her Hope that she had made some Impressions on his Heart . He found her pleas'd at this , and making a thousand Advances to him ; but the Ceremony ending , and the King departing , broke up the Company for that Day , and his Conversation . Aboan fail'd not that Night to tell the Prince of his Success , and how advantageous the Service of Onahal might be to his Amour with Imoinda . The Prince was overjoy'd with this good News , and besought him , if it were possible , to caress her so , as to engage her entirely ; which he cou'd not fail to do , if he comply'd with her Desires : For then ( said the Prince ) her Life lying at your Mercy , she must grant you the Request you make in my Behalf . Aboan understood him ; and assur'd him , he would make Love so effectually , that he wou'd defie the most expert Mistress of the Art , to find out whether he dissembl'd it , or had it really . And 't was with Impatience they waited the next Opportunity of going to the Otan . The Wars came on , the Time of taking the Field approach'd , and 't was impossible for the Prince to delay his going at the Head of his Army , to encounter the Enemy : So that every Day seem'd a tedious Year , till he saw his Imoinda ; for he believ'd he cou'd not live , if he were forc'd away without being so happy . 'T was with Impatience therefore , that he expected the next Visit the King wou'd make ; and , according to his Wish , it was not long . The Parley of the Eyes of these two Lovers had not pass'd so secretly , but an old jealous Lover cou'd spy it ; or rather , he wanted not Flatterers , who told him , they observ'd it : So that the Prince was hasten'd to the Camp , and this was the last Visit he found he shou'd make to the Otan ; he therefore urg'd Aboan to make the best of this last Effort , and to explain himself so to Onahal , that she , deferring her Enjoyment of her young Lover no longer , might make way for the Prince to speak to Imoinda . The whole Affair being agreed on between the Prince and Aboan , they attended the King , as the Custom was , to the Otan ; where , while the whole Company was taken up in beholding the Dancing , and antick Postures the Women Royal made , to divert the King , Onahal singl'd out Aboan , whom she found most pliable to her Wish . When she had him where she believ'd she cou'd not be heard , she sigh'd to him , and softly cry'd , Ah , Aboan ! When will you be sensible of my Passion ? I confess it with my Mouth , because I wou'd not give my Eyes the Lye ; and you have but too much already perceiv'd they have confess'd my Flame : Nor wou'd I have you believe , that because I am the abandon'd Mistress of a King , I esteem my self altogether divested of Charms . No , Aboan ; I have still a Rest of Beauty enough engaging , and have learn'd to please too well , not to be desirable . I can have Lovers still , but will have none but Aboan . Madam ( reply'd the half-feigning Youth ) you have already , by my Eyes , found , you can still conquer ; and I believe 't is in pity of me , you condescend to this kind Confession . But , Madam , Words are us'd to be so small a part of our Country-Courtship , that 't is rare one can get so happy an Opportunity as to tell one's Heart ; and those few Minutes we have are forc'd to be snatch'd for more certain Proofs of Love , than speaking and sighing ; and such I languish for . He spoke this with such a Tone , that she hop'd it true , and cou'd not forbear believing it ; and being wholly transported with Joy , for having subdu'd the finest of all the King's Subjects to her Desires , she took from her Ears two large Pearls , and commanded him to wear 'em in his . He wou'd have refus'd 'em , crying , Madam , these are not the Proofs of your Love that I expect ; 't is Opportunity , 't is a Lone-hour only , that can make me happy . But forcing the Pearls into his Hand , she whisper'd softly to him , Oh! Do not fear a Woman's Invention , when Love sets her a-thinking . And pressing his Hand , she cry'd , This Night you shall be happy . Come to the Gate of the Orange-Groves , behind the Otan ; and I will be ready , about Mid-night , to receive you . 'T was thus agreed , and she left him , that no notice might be taken of their speaking together . The Ladies were still dancing , and the King , laid on a Carpet , with a great deal of pleasure , was beholding them , especially Imoinda ; who that Day appear'd more lovely than ever , being enliven'd with the good Tidings Onahal had brought her of the constant Passion the Prince had for her . The Prince was laid on another Carpet , at the other end of the Room , with his Eyes fix'd on the Object of his Soul ; and as she turn'd , or mov'd , so did they ; and she alone gave his Eyes and Soul their Motions : Nor did Imoinda employ her Eyes to any other Use , than in beholding with infinite Pleasure the Joy she produc'd in those of the Prince . But while she was more regarding him , than the Steps she took , she chanc'd to fall ; and so near him , as that leaping with extream force from the Carpet , he caught her in his Arms as she fell ; and 't was visible to the whole Presence , the Joy wherewith he receiv'd her : He clasp'd her close to his Bosom , and quite forgot that Reverence that was due to the Mistress of a King , and that Punishment that is the Reward of a Boldness of this nature ; and had not the Presence of Mind of Imoinda ( fonder of his Safety , than her own ) befriended him , in making her spring from his Arms , and fall into her Dance again , he had , at that Instant , met his Death ; for the old King , jealous to the last degree , rose up in Rage , broke all the Diversion , and led Imoinda to her Apartment , and sent out Word to the Prince , to go immediately to the Camp ; and that if he were found another Night in Court , he shou'd suffer the Death ordain'd for disobedient Offenders . You may imagine how welcome this News was to Oroonoko , whose unseasonable Transport and Caress of Imoinda was blam'd by all Men that lov'd him ; and now he perceiv'd his Fault , yet cry'd , That for such another Moment , he wou'd be content to die . All the Otan was in disorder about this Accident ; and Onahal was particularly concern'd , because on the Prince's Stay depended her Happiness ; for she cou'd no longer expect that of Aboan . So that , e'er they departed , they contriv'd it so , that the Prince and he shou'd come both that Night to the Grove of the Otan , which was all of Oranges and Citrons ; and that there they shou'd wait her Orders . They parted thus , with Grief enough , till Night ; leaving the King in possession of the lovely Maid . But nothing cou'd appease the Jealousie of the old Lover : He wou'd not be impos'd on , but wou'd have it , that Imoinda made a false Step on purpose to fall into Oroonoko's Bosom , and that all things look'd like a Design on both sides , and 't was in vain she protested her Innocence : He was old and obstinate , and left her more than half assur'd that his Fear was true . The King going to his Apartment , sent to know where the Prince was , and if he intended to obey his Command . The Messenger return'd , and told him , he found the Prince pensive , and altogether unpreparing for the Campaign ; that he lay negligently on the Ground , and answer'd very little . This confirm'd the Jealousie of the King , and he commanded that they shou'd very narrowly and privately watch his Motions ; and that he shou'd not stir from his Apartment , but one Spy or other shou'd be employ'd to watch him : So that the Hour approaching , wherein he was to go to the Citron-Grove ; and taking only Aboan along with him , he leaves his Apartment , and was watch'd to the very Gate of the Otan ; where he was seen to enter , and where they left him , to carry back the Tidings to the King. Oroonoko and Aboan were no sooner enter'd , but Onahal led the Prince to the Apartment of Imoinda ; who , not knowing any thing of her Happiness , was laid in Bed. But Onahal only left him in her Chamber , to make the best of his Opportunity , and took her dear Aboan to her own ; where he shew'd the heighth of Complaisance for his Prince , when , to give him an Opportunity , he suffer'd himself to be caress'd in Bed by Onahal . The Prince softly waken'd Imoinda , who was not a little surpriz'd with Joy to find him there ; and yet she trembl'd with a thousand Fears . I believe , he omitted saying nothing to this young Maid , that might perswade her to suffer him to seize his own , and take the Rights of Love ; and I believe she was not long resisting those Arms , where she so long'd to be ; and having Opportunity , Night and Silence , Youth , Love and Desire , he soon prevail'd ; and ravish'd in a Moment , what his old Grand-father had been endeavouring for so many Months . 'T is not to be imagin'd the Satisfaction of these two young Lovers ; nor the Vows she made him , that she remain'd a spotless Maid , till that Night ; and that what she did with his Grand-father , had robb'd him of no part of her Virgin-Honour , the Gods , in Mercy and Justice , having reserv'd that for her plighted Lord , to whom of Right it belong'd . And 't is impossible to express the Transports he suffer'd , while he listen'd to a Discourse so charming , from her lov'd Lips ; and clasp'd that Body in his Arms , for whom he had so long languish'd ; and nothing now afflicted him , but his suddain Departure from her ; for he told her the Necessity , and his Commands ; but shou'd depart satisfy'd in this , That since the old King had hitherto not been able to deprive him of those Enjoyments which only belong'd to him , he believ'd for the future he wou'd be less able to injure him ; so that , abating the Scandal of the Veil , which was no otherwise so , than that she was Wife to another : He believ'd her safe , even in the Arms of the King , and innocent ; yet wou'd he have ventur'd at the Conquest of the World , and have given it all , to have had her avoided that Honour of receiving the Royal Veil . 'T was thus , between a thousand Caresses , that both bemoan'd the hard Fate of Youth and Beauty , so liable to that cruel Promotion : 'T was a Glory that cou'd well have been spar'd here , though desir'd , and aim'd at by all the young Females of that Kingdom . But while they were thus fondly employ'd , forgetting how Time ran on , and that the Dawn must conduct him far away from his only Happiness , they heard a great Noise in the Otan , and unusual Voices of Men ; at which the Prince , starting from the Arms of the frighted Imoinda , ran to a little Battel-Ax he us'd to wear by his Side ; and having not so much leisure , as to put on his Habit , he oppos'd himself against some who were already opening the Door ; which they did with so much Violence , that Oroonoko was not able to defend it ; but was forc'd to cry out with a commanding Voice , Whoever ye are that have the Boldness to attempt to approach this Apartment thus rudely , know , that I , the Prince Oroonoko , will revenge it with the certain Death of him that first enters : Therefore stand back , and know , this place is sacred to Love , and me this Night ; to Morrow 't is the King's . This he spoke with a Voice so resolv'd and assur'd , that they soon retir'd from the Door , but cry'd , 'T is by the King's Command we are come ; and being satisfy'd by thy Voice , O Prince , as much as if we had enter'd , we can report to the King the Truth of all his Fears , and leave thee to provide for thy own Safety , as thou art advis'd by thy Friends . At these Words they departed , and left the Prince to take a short and sad Leave of his Imoinda ; who trusting in the strength of her Charms , believ'd she shou'd appease the Fury of a jealous King , by saying , She was surpriz'd , and that it was by force of Arms he got into her Apartment . All her Concern now was for his Life , and therefore she hasten'd him to the Camp ; and with much a-do , prevail'd on him to go : Nor was it she alone that prevail'd , Aboan and Onahal both pleaded , and both assur'd him of a Lye that shou'd be well enough contriv'd to secure Imoinda . So that , at last , with a Heart sad as Death , dying Eyes , and sighing Soul , Oroonoko departed , and took his way to the Camp. It was not long after the King in Person came to the Otan ; where beholding Imoinda with Rage in his Eyes , he upbraided her Wickedness and Perfidy , and threatning her Royal Lover , she fell on her Face at his Feet , bedewing the Floor with her Tears , and imploring his Pardon for a Fault which she had not with her Will committed ; as Onahal , who was also prostrate with her , cou'd testifie : That , unknown to her , he had broke into her Apartment , and ravish'd her . She spoke this much against her Conscience ; but to save her own Life , 't was absolutely necessary she shou'd feign this Falsity . She knew it cou'd not injure the Prince , he being fled to-an-Army that wou'd stand by him , against any Injuries that shou'd assault him . However , this last Thought of Imoinda's being ravish'd , chang'd the Measures of his Revenge ; and whereas before he design'd to be himself her Executioner , he now resolv'd she shou'd not die . But as it is the greatest Crime in nature amongst 'em to touch a Woman , after having been possess'd by a Son , a Father , or a Brother ; so now he look'd on Imoinda as a polluted thing , wholly unfit for his Embrace ; nor wou'd he resign her to his Grand-son , because she had receiv'd the Royal Veil . He therefore removes her from the Otan , with Onahal ; whom he put into safe Hands , with Order they shou'd be both sold off , as Slaves , to another Country , either Christian , or Heathen ; 't was no matter where . This cruel Sentence , worse than Death , they implor'd , might be revers'd ; but their Prayers were vain , and it was put in Execution accordingly , and that with so much Secrecy , that none , either without , or within the Otan , knew any thing of their Absence , or their Destiny . The old King , nevertheless , executed this with a great deal of Reluctancy ; but he believ'd he had made a very great Conquest over himself , when he had once resolv'd , and had perform'd what he resolv'd . He believ'd now , that his Love had been unjust ; and that he cou'd not expect the Gods , or Captain of the Clouds , ( as they call the unknown Power ) shou'd suffer a better Consequence from so ill a Cause . He now begins to hold Oroonoko excus'd ; and to say , he had Reason for what he did : And now every Body cou'd assure the King , how passionately Imoinda was belov'd by the Prince ; even those confess'd it now , who said the contrary before his Flame was abated . So that the King being old , and not able to defend himself in War , and having no Sons of all his Race remaining alive , but only this , to maintain him on his Throne ; and looking on this as a Man disoblig'd , first by the Rape of his Mistress , or rather , Wife ; and now by depriving of him wholly of her , he fear'd , might make him desperate , and do some cruel thing , either to himself , or his old Grand-father , the Offender ; he began to repent him extreamly of the Contempt he had , in his Rage , put on Imoinda . Besides , he consider'd he ought in Honour to have kill'd her , for this Offence , if it had been one : He ought to have had so much Value and Consideration for a Maid of her Quality , as to have nobly put her to death ; and not to have sold her like a common Slave , the greatest Revenge , and the most disgraceful of any ; and to which they a thousand times prefer Death , and implore it ; as Imoinda did , but cou'd not obtain that Honour . Seeing therefore it was certain that Oroonoko wou'd highly resent this Affront , he thought good to make some Excuse for his Rashness to him ; and to that End he sent a Messenger to the Camp , with Orders to treat with him about the Master , to gain his Pardon , and to endeavour to mitigate his Grief ; but that by no means he shou'd tell him , she was sold , but secretly put to death ; for he knew he shou'd . never obtain his Pardon for the other . When the Messenger came , he found the Prince upon the point of Engaging with the Enemy ; but as soon as he heard of the Arrival of the Messenger , he commanded him to his Tent , where he embrac'd him , and receiv'd him with Joy ; which was soon abated , by the down-cast Looks of the Messenger , who was instantly demanded the Cause by Oroonoko , who , impatient of Delay , ask'd a thousand Questions in a Breath ; and all concerning Imoinda : But there needed little Return , for he cou'd almost answer himself of all he demanded , from his Sighs and Eyes . At last , the Messenger casting himself at the Prince's Feet , and kissing them , with all the Submission of a Man that had something to implore which he dreaded to utter , he besought him to hear with Calmness what he had to deliver to him , and to call up all his noble and Heroick Courage , to encounter with his Words , and defend himself against the ungrateful things he must relate . Oroonoko reply'd , with a deep Sigh , and a languishing Voice , — I am arm'd against their worst Efforts — ; for I know they will tell me , Imoinda is no more — ; and after that , you may spare the rest . Then , commanding him to rise , he laid himself on a Carpet , under a rich Pavillion , and remain'd a good while silent , and was hardly heard to sigh . When he was come a little to himself , the Messenger ask'd him leave to deliver that part of his Embassy , which the Prince had not yet devin'd : And the Prince cry'd , I permit thee — Then he told him the Affliction the old King was in , for the Rashness he had committed in his Cruelty to Imoinda ; and how he daign'd to ask Pardon for his Offence , and to implore the Prince wou'd not suffer that Loss to touch his Heart too sensibly , which now all the Gods cou'd not restore him , but might recompence him in Glory , which he begg'd he wou'd pursue ; and that Death , that common Revenger of all Injuries , wou'd soon even the Account between him , and a feeble old Man. Oroonoko bad him return his Duty to his Lord and Master ; and to assure him , there was no Account of Revenge to be adjusted between them ; if there were , 't was he was the Agressor , and that Death wou'd be just , and , maugre his Age , wou'd see him righted ; and he was contented to leave his Share of Glory to Youths more fortunate , and worthy of that Favour from the Gods. That henceforth he wou'd never lift a Weapon , or draw a Bow ; but abandon the small Remains of his Life to Sighs and Tears , and the continual Thoughts of what his Lord and Grand-father had thought good to send out of the World , with all that Youth , that Innocence , and Beauty . After having spoken this , whatever his greatest Officers , and Men of the best Rank could do , they cou'd not raise him from the Carpet , or perswade him to Action , and Resolutions of Life ; but commanding all to retire , he shut himself into his Pavillion all that Day , while the Enemy was ready to engage ; and wondring at the Delay , the whole Body of the chief of the Army then address'd themselves to him , and to whom they had much a-do to get Admittance . They fell on their Faces at the Foot of his Carpet ; where they lay , and besought him with earnest Prayers and Tears , to lead 'em forth to Battel , and not let the Enemy take Advantages of them ; and implor'd him to have regard to his Glory , and to the World , that depended on his Courage and Conduct . But he made no other Reply to all their Supplications but this , That he had now no more Business for Glory ; and for the World , it was a Trifle not worth his Care. Go , ( continu'd he , sighing ) and divide it amongst you ; and reap with Joy what you so vainly prize , and leave me to my more welcome Destiny . They then demanded what they shou'd do , and whom he wou'd constitute in his Room , that the Confusion of ambitious Youth and Power might not ruin their Order , and make them a Prey to the Enemy . He reply'd , He wou'd not give himself the Trouble — ; but wish'd 'em to chuse the bravest Man amongst 'em , let his Quality or Birth be what it wou'd : For , O my Friends ( said he ! ) it is not Titles make Men brave , or good ; or Birth that bestows Courage and Generosity , or makes the Owner happy . Believe this , when you behold Oroonoko , the most wretched , and abandon'd by Fortune , of all the Creation of the Gods. So turning himself about , he wou'd make no more Reply to all they cou'd urge or implore . The Army beholding their Officers return unsuccessful , with sad Faces , and ominous Looks , that presag'd no good Luck , suffer'd a thousand Fears to take Possession of their Hearts , and the Enemy to come even upon 'em , before they wou'd provide for their Safety , by any Defence ; and though they were assur'd by some , who had a mind to animate 'em , that they shou'd be immediately headed by the Prince , and that in the mean time Aboan had Orders to command as General ; yet they were so dismay'd for want of that great Example of Bravery , that they cou'd make but a very feeble Resistance ; and at last , down-right , fled before the Enemy , who pursu'd 'em to the very Tents , killing 'em : Nor cou'd all Aboan's Courage , which that Day gain'd him immortal Glory , shame 'em into a Manly Defence of themselves . The Guards that were left behind , about the Prince's Tent , seeing the Soldiers flee before the Enemy , and scatter themselves all over the Plain , in great Disorder , made such Out-cries as rouz'd the Prince from his amorous Slumber , in which he had remain'd bury'd for two Days , without permitting any Sustenance to approach him : But , in spight of all his Resolutions , he had not the Constancy of Grief to that Degree , as to make him insensible of the Danger of his Army ; and in that Instant he leap'd from his Couch , and cry'd , — Come , if we must die , let us meet Death the noblest Way ; and 't will be more like Oroonoko to encounter him at an Army's Head , opposing the Torrent of a conquering Foe , than lazily , on a Couch , to wait his lingering Pleasure , and die every Moment by a thousand wrecking Thought ; or be tamely taken by an Enemy , and led a whining , Love-sick Slave , to adorn the Triumphs of Jamoan , that young Victor , who already is enter'd beyond the Limits I had prescrib d him . While he was speaking , he suffer'd his People to dress him for the Field ; and sallying out of his Pavillion , with more Life and Vigour in his Countenance than ever he shew'd , he appear'd like some Divine Power descended to save his Country from Destruction ; and his People had purposely put him on all things that might make him shine with most Splendor , to strike a reverend A we into the Beholders . He flew into the thickest of those that were pursuing his Men ; and being animated with Despair , he fought as if he came on purpose to die , and did such things as will not be believ'd that Humane Strength cou'd perform ; and such as soon inspir'd all the rest with new Courage , and new Order : And now it was , that they began to fight indeed ; and so , as if they wou'd not be out-done , even by their ador'd Hero ; who turning the Tide of the Victory , changing absolutely the Fate of the Day , gain'd an entire Conquest ; and Oroonoko having the good Fortune to single out Jamoan , he took him Prisoner with his own Hand , having wounded him almost to death . This Jamoan afterwards became very dear to him , being a Man very gallant , and of excellent Graces , and fine Parts ; so that he never put him amongst the Rank of Captives , as they us'd to do , without distinction , for the common Sale , or Market ; but kept him in his own Court , where he retain'd nothing of the Prisoner , but the Name , and return'd no more into his own Country , so great an Affection he took for Oroonoko ; and by a thousand Tales and Adventures of Love and Gallantry , flatter'd his Disease of Melancholy and Languishment ; which I have often heard him say , had certainly kill'd him , but for the Conversation of this Prince and Aboan , the French Governor he had from his Childhood , of whom I have spoken before , and who was a Man of admirable Wit , great Ingenuity and Learning ; all which he had infus'd into his young Pupil . This French-Man was banish'd out of his own Country , for some Heretical Notions he held ; and though he was a Man of very little Religion , he had admirable Morals , and a brave Soul. After the total Defeat of Jamoan's Army , which all fled , or were left dead upon the Place , they spent some time in the Camp ; Oroonoko chusing rather to remain a while there in his Tents , than enter into a Place , or live in a Court where he had so lately suffer d so great a Loss . The Officers therefore , who saw and knew his Cause of Discontent , invented all sorts of Diversions and Sports , to entertain their Prince : So that what with those Amuzements abroad , and others at home , that is , within their Tents , with the Perswasions , Arguments and Care of his Friends and Servants that he more peculiarly priz'd , he wore off in time a great part of that Shagrien , and Torture of Despair , which the first Efforts of Imoinda's Death had given him : Insomuch as having receiv'd a thousand kind Embassies from the King , and Invitations to return to Court , he obey'd , though with no little Reluctancy ; and when he did so , there was a visible Change in him , and for a long time he was much more melancholy than before . But Time lessens all Extreams , and reduces 'em to Mediums and Unconcern ; but no Motives or Beauties , though all endeavour'd it , cou'd engage him in any sort of Amour , though he had all the Invitations to it , both from his own Youth , and others Ambitions and Designs . Oroonoko was no sooner return'd from this last Conquest , and receiv'd at Court with all the Joy and Magnificence that cou'd be express'd to a young Victor , who was not only return'd triumphant , but belov'd like a Deity , when there arriv'd in the Port an English Ship. This Person had often before been in these Countries , and was very well known to Oroonoko , with whom he had traffick'd for Slaves , and had us'd to do the same with his Predecessors . This Commander was a Man of a finer sort of Address , and Conversation , better bred , and more engaging , than most of that sort of Men are ; so that he seem'd rather never to have been bred out of a Court , than almost all his Life at Sea. This Captain therefore was always better receiv'd at Court , than most of the Traders to those Countries were ; and especially by Oroonoko , who was more civiliz'd , according to the European Mode , than any other had been , and took more Delight in the White Nations ; and , above all , Men of Parts and Wit. To this Captain he sold abundance of his Slaves ; and for the Favour and Esteem he had for him , made him many Presents , and oblig'd him to stay at Court as long as possibly he cou'd . Which the Captain seem'd to take as a very great Honour done him , entertaining the Prince every Day with Globes and Maps , and Mathematical Discourses and Instruments ; eating , drinking , hunting and living with him with so much Familiarity , that it was not to be doubted , but he had gain'd very greatly upon the Heart of this gallant young Man. And the Captain , in Return of all these mighty Favours , besought the Prince to honour his Vessel with his Presence , some Day or other , to Dinner , before he shou'd set Sail ; which he condescended to accept , and appointed his Day . The Captain , on his part , fail'd not to have all things in a Readiness , in the most magnificent Order he cou'd possibly : And the Day being come , the Captain , in his Boat , richly adorn'd with Carpets and Velvet-Cushions , row'd to the Shoar to receive the Prince ; with another Long-Boat , where was plac'd all his Musick and Trumpets , with which Oroonoko was extreamly delighted ; who met him on the Shoar , attended by his French Governor , Jamoan , Aboan , and about an hundred of the noblest of the Youths of the Court : And after they had first carry'd the Prince on Board , the Boats fetch'd the rest off ; where they found a very splendid Treat , with all sorts of fine Wines ; and were as well entertain'd , as 't was possible in such a place to be . The Prince having drunk hard of Punch , and several Sorts of Wine , as did all the rest ( for great Care was taken , they shou'd want nothing of that part of the Entertainment ) was very merry , and in great Admiration of the Ship , for he had never been in one before ; so that he was curious of beholding every place , where he decently might descend . The rest , no less curious , who were not quite overcome with Drinking , rambl'd at their pleasure Fore and Aft , as their Fancies guided 'em : So that the Captain , who had well laid his Design before , gave the Word , and seiz'd on all his Guests ; they clapping great Irons suddenly on the Prince , when he was leap'd down in the Hold , to view that part of the Vessel ; and locking him fast down , secur'd him . The same Treachery was us'd to all the rest ; and all in one Instant , in several places of the Ship , were lash'd fast in Irons , and betray'd to Slavery . That great Design over , they set all Hands to work to hoise Sail ; and with as treacherous and fair a Wind , they made from the Shoar with this innocent and glorious Prize , who thought of nothing less than such an Entertainment . Some have commended this Act , as brave , in the Captain ; but I will spare my Sence of it , and leave it to my Reader , to judge as he pleases . It may be easily guess'd , in what manner the Prince resented this Indignity , who may be best resembl'd to a Lion taken in a Toil ; so he rag'd , so he struggl'd for Liberty , but all in vain ; and they had so wisely manag'd his Fetters , that he cou'd not use a Hand in his Defence , to quit himself of a Life that wou'd by no Means endure Slavery ; nor cou'd he move from the Place , where he was ty'd , to any solid part of the Ship , against which he might have beat his Head , and have finish'd his Disgrace that way : So that being deprived of all other means , he resolved to perish for want of Food : And pleased at last with that Thought , and toil'd and tired by Rage and Indignation , he laid himself down , and sullenly resolved upon dying , and refused all things that were brought him . This did not a little vex the Captain , and the more so , because , he found almost all of 'em of the same Humour ; so that the loss of so many brave Slaves , so tall and goodly to behold , wou'd have been very considerable : He therefore order'd one to go from him ( for he wou'd not be seen himself ) to Oroonoko , and to assure him he was afflicted for having rashly done so unhospitable a Deed , and which cou'd not be now remedied , since they were far from shore ; but since he resented it in so high a nature , he assur'd him he wou'd revoke his Resolution , and set both him and his Friends a-shore on the next Land they shou'd touch at ; and of this the Messenger gave him his Oath , provided he wou'd resolve to live : And Oroonoko , whose Honour was such as he never had violated a Word in his Life himself , much less a solemn Asseveration ; believ'd in an instant what this Man said , but reply'd , He expected for a Confirmation of this , to have his shameful Fetters dismiss'd . This Demand was carried to the Captain , who return'd him answer , That the Offence had been so great which he had put upon the Prince , that he durst not trust him with Liberty while he remained in the Ship , for fear lest by a Valour natural to him , and a Revenge that would animate that Valour , he might commit some Outrage fatal to himself and the King his Master , to whom his Vessel did belong . To this Oroonoko replied , he would engage his Honour to behave himself in all friendly Order and Manner , and obey the Command of the Captain , as he was Lord of the King's Vessel , and General of those Men under his Command . This was deliver'd to the still doubting Captain , who could not resolve to trust a Heathen he said , upon his Parole , a Man that had no sence or notion of the God that he Worshipp'd . Oroonoko then replied , He was very sorry to hear that the Captain pretended to the Knowledge and Worship of any Gods , who had taught him no better Principles , than not to Credit as he would be Credited : but they told him the Difference of their Faith occasion'd that Distrust : For the Captain had protested to him upon the Word of a Christian , and sworn in the Name of a Great GOD ; which if he shou'd violate , he would expect eternal Torment in the World to come . Is that all the Obligation he has to be Just to his Oath , replied Oroonoko ? Let him know I Swear by my Honour , which to violate , wou'd not only render me contemptible and despised by all brave and honest Men , and so give my self perpetual pain , but it wou'd be eternally offending and diseasing all Mankind , harming , betraying , circumventing and outraging all Men ; but Punishments hereafter are suffer'd by ones self ; and the World takes no cognizances whether this God have revenged em , or not , t is done so secretly , and deferr'd so long : While the Man of no Honour , suffers every moment the scorn and contempt of the honester World , and dies every day ignominiously in his Fame , which is more valuable than Life : I speak not this to move Belief , but to shew you how you mistake , when you imagine , That he who will violate his Honour , will keep his Word with his Gods. So turning from him with a disdainful smile , he refused to answer him , when he urg'd him to know what Answer he shou'd carry back to his Captain ; so that he departed without saying any more . The Captain pondering and consulting what to do , it was concluded that nothing but Oroonoko's Liberty wou'd encourage any of the rest to eat , except the French-man , whom the Captain cou'd not pretend to keep Prisoner , but only told him he was secured because he might act something in favour of the Prince , but that he shou'd be freed as soon as they came to Land. So that they concluded it wholly necessary to free the Prince from his Irons , that he might show himself to the rest ; that they might have an Eye upon him , and that they cou'd not fear a single Man. This being resolv'd , to make the Obligation the greater , the Captain himself went to Oroonoko ; where , after many Complements , and Assurances of what he had already promis'd , he receiving from the Prince his Parole , and his Hand , for his good Behaviour , dismiss'd his Irons , and brought him to his own Cabin ; where , after having treated and repos'd him a while , for he had neither eat nor slept in four Days before , he besought him to visit those obstinate People in Chains , who refus'd all manner of Sustenance ; and intreated him to oblige 'em to eat , and assure 'em of their Liberty the first Opportunity . Oroonoko , who was too generous , not to give Credit to his Words , shew'd himself to his People , who were transported with Excess of Joy at the sight of their Darling Prince ; falling at his Feet , and kissing and embracing 'em ; believing , as some Divine Oracle , all he assur'd ' em . But he besought 'em to bear their Chains with that Bravery that became those whom he had seen act so nobly in Arms ; and that they cou'd not give him greater Proofs of their Love and Friendship , since 't was all the Security the Captain ( his Friend ) cou'd have , against the Revenge , he said , they might possibly justly take , for the Injuries sustain'd by him . And they all , with one Accord , assur'd him , they cou'd not suffer enough , when it was for his Repose and Safety . After this they no longer refus'd to eat , but took what was brought 'em , and were pleas'd with their Captivity , since by it they hop'd to redeem the Prince , who , all the rest of the Voyage , was treated with all the Respect due to his Birth , though nothing cou'd divert his Melancholy ; and he wou'd often sigh for Imoinda , and think this a Punishment due to his Misfortune , in having left that noble Maid behind him , that fatal Night , in the Otan , when he fled to the Camp. Possess'd with a thousand Thoughts of p●st Joys with this fair young Person , and a thousand Griefs for her eternal Loss , he endur'd a tedious Voyage , and at last arriv'd at the Mouth of the River of Surinam , a Colony belonging to the King of England , and where they were to deliver some part of their Slaves . There the Merchants and Gentlemen of the Country going on Board , to demand those Lots of Slaves they had already agreed on ; and , amongst those , the Over-seers of those Plantations where I then chanc'd to be , the Captain , who had given the Word , order'd his Men to bring up those noble Slaves in Fetters , whom I have spoken of ; and having put 'em , some in one , and some in other Lots , with Women and Children ( which they call Pickaninies , ) they sold 'em off , as Slaves , to several Merchants and Gentlemen ; not putting any two in one Lot , because they wou'd separate 'em far from each other ; not daring to trust 'em together , lest Rage and Courage shou'd put 'em upon contriving some great Action , to the Ruin of the Colony . Oroonoko was first seiz'd on , and sold to our Over-seer , who had the first Lot , with seventeen more of all sorts and sizes ; but not one of Quality with him . When he saw this , he found what they meant ; for , as I said , he understood English pretty well ; and being wholly unarm'd and defenceless , so as it was in vain to make any Resistance , he only beheld the Captain with a Look all fierce and disdainful , upbraiding him with Eyes , that forc'd Blushes on his guilty Cheeks , he only cry'd , in passing over the Side of the Ship , Farewel , Sir : 'T is worth my Suffering , to gain so true a Knowledge both of you , and of your Gods by whom you swear . And desiring those that held him to forbear their pains , and telling 'em he wou'd make no Resistance , he cry'd , Come , my Fellow-Slaves ; let as descend , and see if we can meet with more Honour and Honesty in the next World we shall touch upon . So he nimbly leap'd into the Boat , and shewing no more Concern , suffer'd himself to be row'd up the River , with his seventeen Companions . The Gentleman that bought him was a young Cornish Gentleman , whose Name was Trefry ; a Man of great Wit , and fine Learning , and was carry'd into those Parts by the Lord — Governor , to manage all his Affairs . He reflecting on the last Words of Oroonoko to the Captain , and beholding the Richness of his Vest , no sooner came into the Boat , but he fix'd his Eyes on him ; and finding something so extraordinary in his Face , his Shape and Mien , a Greatness of Look , and Haughtiness in his Air , and finding he spoke English , had a great mind to be enquiring into his Quality and Fortune ; which , though Oroonoko endeavour'd to hide , by only confessing he was above the Rank of common Slaves , Trefry soon found he was yet something greater than he confess'd ; and from that Moment began to conceive so vast an Esteem for him , that he ever after lov'd him as his dearest Brother , and shew'd him all the Civilities due to so great a Man. Trefry was a very good Mathematician , and a Linguist ; cou'd speak French and Spanish ; and in the three Days they remain'd in the Boat ( for so long were they going from the Ship , to the Plantation ) he entertain'd Oroonoko so agreeably with his Art and Discourse , that he was no less pleas'd with Trefry , than he was with the Prince ; and he thought himself , at least , fortunate in this , that since he was a Slave , as long as he wou'd suffer himself to remain so , he had a Man of so excellent Wit and Parts for a Master : So that before they had finish'd their Voyage up the River , he made no scruple of declaring to Trefry all his Fortunes , and most part of what I have here related , and put himself wholly into the Hands of his new Friend , whom he found resenting all the Injuries were done him , and was charm'd with all the Greatnesses of his Actions ; which were recited with that Modesty , and delicate Sence , as wholly vanquish'd him , and subdu'd him to his Interest . And he promis'd him on his Word and Honour , he wou'd find the Means to re-conduct him to his own Country again : assuring him , he had a perfect Abhorrence of so dishonourable an Action ; and that he wou'd sooner have dy'd , than have been the Author of such a Perfidy . He found the Prince was very much concern'd to know what became of his Friends , and how they took their Slavery ; and Trefry promis'd to take care about the enquiring after their Condition , and that he shou'd have an Account of ' em . Though , as Oroonoko afterwards said , he had little Reason to credit the Words of a Backearary , yet he knew not why ; but he saw a kind of Sincerity , and awful Truth in the Face of Trefry ; he saw an Honesty in his Eyes , and he found him wise and witty enough to understand Honour ; for it was one of his Maxims , A Man of Wit cou'd not be a Knave or Villain . In their passage up the River , they put in at several Houses for Refreshment ; and ever when they landed , numbers of People wou'd flock to behold this Man ; not but their Eyes were daily entertain'd with the sight of Slaves , but the Fame of Oroonoko was gone before him , and all People were in Admiration of his Beauty . Besides , he had a rich Habit on , in which he was taken , so different from the rest , and which the Captain cou'd not strip him of , because he was forc'd to surprize his Person in the Minute he sold him . When he found his Habit made him liable , as he thought , to be gaz'd at the more , he begg'd Trefry to give him something more befitting a Slave ; which he did , and took off his Robes . Nevertheless , he shone through all ; and his Osenbrigs ( a sort of brown Holland Suit he had on ) cou'd not conceal the Graces of his Looks and Mien ; and he had no less Admirers , than when he had his dazeling Habit on : The Royal Youth appear'd in spight of the Slave , and People cou'd not help treating him after a different manner , without designing it : As soon as they approach'd him , they venerated and esteem'd him ; his Eyes insensibly commanded Respect , and his Behaviour insinuated it into every Soul. So that there was nothing talk'd of but this young and gallant Slave , even by those who yet knew not that he was a Prince . I ought to tell you , that the Christians never buy any Slaves but they give 'em some Name of their own , their native ones being likely very barbarous , and hard to pronounce ; so that Mr. Trefry gave Oroonoko that of Caesar ; which Name will live in that Country as long as that ( scarce more ) glorious one of the great Roman ; for 't is most evident , he wanted no part of the Personal Courage of that Caesar , and acted things as memorable , had they been done in some part of the World replenish'd with People , and Historians , that might have given him his due . But his Misfortune was , to fall in an obscure World , that afforded only a Female Pen to celebrate his Fame ; though I doubt not but it had liv'd from others Endeavours , if the Dutch , who , immediately after his Time , took that Country , had not kill'd , banish'd and dispers'd all those that were capable of giving the World this great Man's Life , much better than I have done . And Mr. Trefry , who design'd it , dy'd before he began it ; and bemoan'd himself for not having undertook it in time . For the future therefore , I must call Oroonoko , Caesar , since by that Name only he was known in our Western World , and by that Name he was receiv'd on Shoar at Parham-House , where he was destin'd a Slave . But if the King himself ( God bless him ) had come a-shore , there cou'd not have been greater Expectations by all the whole Plantation , and those neighbouring ones , than was on ours at that time ; and he was receiv'd more like a Governor , than a Slave . Notwithstanding , as the Custom was , they assign'd him his Portion of Land , his House , and his Business , up in the Plantation . But as it was more for Form , than any Design , to put him to his Task , he endur'd no more of the Slave but the Name , and remain'd some Days in the House , receiving all Visits that were made him , without stirring towards that part of the Plantation where the Negroes were . At last , he wou'd needs go view his Land , his House , and the Business assign'd him . But he no sooner came to the Houses of the Slaves , which are like a little Town by it self , the Negroes all having left Work , but they all came forth to behold him , and found he was that Prince who had , at several times , sold most of 'em to these Parts ; and , from a Veneration they pay to great Men , especially if they know 'em , and from the Surprize and Awe they had at the sight of him , they all cast themselves at his Feet , crying out , in their Language , Live , O King ! Long live , O King ! And kissing his Feet , paid him even Divine Homage . Several English Gentlemen were with him ; and what Mr. Trefry had told 'em , was here confirm'd ; of which he himself before had no other Witness than Caesar himself : But he was infinitely glad to find his Grandure confirm'd by the Adoration of all the Slaves . Caesar troubl'd with their Over-Joy , and Over-Ceremony , besought 'em to rise , and to receive him as their Fellow-Slave ; assuring them , he was no better . At which they set up with one Accord a most terrible and hidious Mourning and condoling , which he and the English had much a-do to appease ; but at last they prevail'd with 'em , and they prepar'd all their barbarous Musick , and every one kill'd and dress'd something of his own Stock ( for every Family has their Land apart , on which , at their leisure-times , they breed all eatable things ; ) and clubbing it together , made a most magnificent Supper , inviting their Grandee Captain , their Prince , to honour it with his Presence ; which he did , and several English with him ; where they all waited on him , some playing , others dancing before him all the time , according to the Manners of their several Nations ; and with unwearied Industry , endeavouring to please and delight him . While they sat at Meat Mr. Trefry told Caesar , that most of these young Slaves were undon in Love , with a fine she Slave , whom they had had about Six Months on their Land ; the Prince , who never heard the Name of Love without a Sigh , nor any mention of it without the Curiosity of examining further into that tale , which of all Discourses was most agreeable to him , asked , how they came to be so Unhappy , as to be all Undon for one fair Slave ? Trefry , who was naturally Amorous , and lov'd to talk of Love as well as any body , proceeded to tell him , they had the most charming Black that ever was beheld on their Plantation , about Fifteen or Sixteen Years old , as he guest ; that , for his part , he had done nothing but Sigh for her ever since she came ; and that all the white Beautys he had seen , never charm'd him so absolutely as this fine Creature had done ; and that no Man , of any Nation , ever beheld her , that did not fall in Love with her ; and that she had all the Slaves perpetually at her Feet ; and the whole Country resounded with the Fame of Clemene , for so , said he , we have Christ'ned her : But she denys us all with such a noble Disdain , that 't is a Miracle to see , that she , who can give such eternal Desires , shou'd herself be all Ice , and all Unconcern . She is adorn'd with the most Graceful Modesty that ever beautifyed Youth ; the softest Sigher — that , if she were capable of Love , one would swear she languish'd for some absent happy Man ; and so retir'd , as if she fear'd a Rape even from the God of Day ; or that the Breezes would steal Kisses from her delicate Mouth . Her Task of Work some sighing Lover every day makes it his Petition to perform for her , which she excepts blushing , and with reluctancy , for fear he will ask her a Look for a Recompence , which he dares not presume to hope ; so great an Awe she strikes into the Hearts of her Admirers . I do not wonder , replied the Prince , that Clemene shou'd refuse Slaves , being as you say so Beautiful , but wonder how she escapes those who can entertain her as you can do ; or why , being your Slave , you do not oblige her to yield . I confess , said Trefry , when I have , against her will , entertain'd her with Love so long , as to be transported with my Passion ; even above Decency , I have been ready to make use of those advantages of Strength and Force Nature has given me . But oh ! she disarms me , with that Modesty and Weeping so tender and so moving , that I retire , and thank my Stars she overcame me . The Company laught at his Civility to a Slave , and Caesar only applauded the nobleness of his Passion and Nature ; since that Slave might be Noble , or , what was better , have true Notions of Honour and Vertue in her . Thus past they this Night , after having received , from the Slaves , all imaginable Respect and Obedience . The next Day Trefry ask'd Caesar to walk , when the heat was allay'd , and designedly carried him by the Cottage of the fair Slave ; and told him , she whom he spoke of last Night liv'd there retir'd . But , says he , I would not wish you to approach , for , I am sure , you will be in Love as soon as you behold her . Caesar assur'd him , he was proof against all the Charms of that Sex ; and that if he imagin'd his Heart cou'd be so perfidious to Love again , after Imoinda , he believ'd he shou'd tear it from his Bosom : They had no sooner spoke , but a little shock Dog , that Clemene had presented her , which she took great Delight in , ran out ; and she , not knowing any body was there , ran to get it in again , and bolted out on those who were just Speaking of her : When seeing them , she wou'd have run in again ; but Trefry caught her by the Hand , and cry'd , Clemene , however you fly a Lover , you ought to pay some Respect to this Stranger : ( pointing to Caesar ) But she , as if she had resolv'd never to raise her Eyes to the Face of a Man again , bent 'em the more to the Earth , when he spoke , and gave the Prince the Leasure to look the more at her . There needed no long Gazing , or Consideration , to examin who this fair Creature was ; he soon saw Imoinda all over her ; in a Minute he saw her Face , her Shape , her Air , her Modesty , and all that call'd forth his Soul with Joy at his Eyes , and left his Body destitute of almost Life ; it stood without Motion , and , for a Minute , knew not that it had a Being ; and , I believe , he had never come to himself , so opprest he was with over-Joy , if he had not met with this Allay , that he perceiv'd Imoinda fall dead in the Hands of Trefry : this awaken'd him , and he ran to her aid , and caught her in his Arms , where , by degrees , she came to herself ; and 't is needless to tell with what transports , what extasies of Joy , they both a while beheld each other , without Speaking ; then Snatcht each other to their Arms ; then Gaze again , as if they still doubted whether they possess'd the Blessing : They Graspt , but when they recovered their Speech , 't is not to be imagin'd , what tender things they exprest to each other ; wondering what strange Fate had brought 'em again together . They soon inform'd each other of their Fortunes , and equally bewail'd their Fate ; but , at the same time , they mutually protested , that even Fetters and Slavery were Soft and Easy ; and wou'd be supported with Joy and Pleasure , while they cou'd be so happy to possess each other , and to be able to make good their Vows . Caesar swore he disdain'd the Empire of the World , while he cou'd behold his Imoinda ; and she despis'd Grandure and Pomp , those Vanities of her Sex , when she cou'd Gaze on Oroonoko . He ador'd the very Cottage where she resided , and said , That little Inch of the World wou'd give him more Happiness than all the Universe cou'd do ; and she vow'd , It was a Pallace , while adorn'd with the Presence of Oroonoko . Trefry was infinitely pleas'd with this Novel , and found this Clemene was the Fair Mistress of whom Caesar had before spoke ; and was not a little satisfied , that Heaven was so kind to the Prince , as to sweeten his Misfortunes by so lucky an Accident ; and leaving the Lovers to themselves , was impatient to come down to Parham House , ( which was on the same Plantation ) to give me an Account of what had hapned . I was as impatient to make these Lovers a Visit , having already made a Friendship with Caesar ; and from his own Mouth learn'd what I have related , which was confirmed by his French-man , who was set on Shore to seek his Fortunes ; and of whom they cou'd not make a Slave , because a Christian ; and he came daily to Parham Hill to see and pay his Respects to his Puple Prince : So that concerning and intresting my self , in all that related to Caesar , whom I had assur'd of Liberty , as soon as the Governor arriv'd , I hasted presently to the Place where the Lovers were , and was infinitely glad to find this Beautiful young Slave ( who had already gain'd all our Esteems , for her Modesty and her extraordinary Prettyness ) to be the same I had heard Caesar speak so much off . One may imagine then , we paid her a treble Respect ; and though from her being carv'd in fine Flowers and Birds all over her Body , we took her to be of Quality before , yet , when we knew Clemene was Imoinda , we cou'd not enough admire her . I had forgot to tell you , that those who are Nobly born of that Country , are so delicately Cut and Rac'd all over the fore-part of the Trunk of their Bodies , that it looks as if it were Japan'd ; the Works being raised like high Poynt round the Edges of the Flowers : Some are only Carv'd with a little Flower , or Bird , at the Sides of the Temples , as was Caesar ; and those who are so Carv'd over the Body , resemble our Ancient Picts , that are figur'd in the Chronicles , but these Carvings are more delicate . From that happy Day Caesar took Clemene for his Wife , to the general Joy of all People ; and there was as much Magnificence as the Country wou'd afford at the Celebration of this Wedding : and in a very short time after she conceiv'd with Child ; which made Caesar even adore her , knowing he was the last of his Great Race . This new Accident made him more Impatient of Liberty , and he was every Day treating with Trefry for his and Clemene's Liberty ; and offer'd either Gold , or a vast quantity of Slaves , which shou'd be paid before they let him go , provided he cou'd have any Security that he shou'd go when his Ransom was paid : They fed him from Day to Day with Promises , and delay'd him , till the Lord Governor shou'd come ; so that he began to suspect them of falshood , and that they wou'd delay him till the time of his Wives delivery , and make a Slave of that too , For all the Breed is theirs to whom the Parents belong : This Thought made him very uneasy , and his Sullenness gave them some Jealousies of him ; so that I was oblig'd , by some Persons , who fear'd a Mutiny ( which is very Fatal sometimes in those Colonies , that abound so with Slaves , that they exceed the Whites in vast Numbers ) to discourse with Caesar , and to give him all the Satisfaction I possibly cou'd ; they knew he and Clemene were scarce an Hour in a Day from my Lodgings ; that they eat with me , and that I oblig'd 'em in all things I was capable of : I entertain'd him with the Lives of the Romans , and great Men , which charm'd him to my Company ; and her , with teaching her all the pretty Works that I was Mistress off ; and telling her Stories of Nuns , and endeavoring to bring her to the knowledge of the true God. But of all Discourses Caesar lik'd that the worst , and wou'd never be reconcil'd to our Notions of the Trinity , of which he ever made a Jest ; it was a Riddle , he said , wou'd turn his Brain to conceive , and one cou'd not make him understand what Faith was . However , these Conversations fail'd not altogether so well to divert him , that he lik'd the Company of us Women much above the Men ; for he cou'd not Drink ; and he is but an ill Companion in that Country that cannot : So that obliging him to love us very well , we had all the Liberty of Speech with him , especially my self , whom he call'd his Great Mistress ; and indeed my Word wou'd go a great way with him . For these Reasons , I had Opportunity to take notice to him , that he was not well pleasd of late , as he us'd to be ; was more retir'd and thoughtful ; and told him , I took it Ill he shou'd Suspect we wou'd break our Words with him , and not permit both him and Clemene to return to his own Kingdom , which was not so long a way , but when he was once on his Voyage he wou'd quickly arrive there . He made me some Answers that shew'd a doubt in him , which made me ask him , what advantage it wou'd be to doubt ? it would but give us a Fear of him , and possibly compel us to treat him so as I shou'd be very loath to behold : that is , it might occasion his Confinement . Perhaps this was not so Luckily spoke of me , for I perceiv'd he resented that Word , which I strove to Soften again in vain : However , he assur'd me , that whatsoever Resolutions he shou'd take , he wou'd Act nothing upon the White-People ; and as for my self , and those upon that Plantation where he was , he wou'd sooner forfeit his eternal Liberty , and Life it self , than lift his Hand against his greatest Enemy on that Place : He besought me to suffer no Fears upon his Account , for he cou'd do nothing that Honour shou'd not dictate ; but he accus'd himself for having suffer'd Slavery so long ; yet he charg'd that weakness on Love alone , who was capable of making him neglect even Glory it self ; and , for which , now he reproches himself every moment of the Day . Much more to this effect he spoke , with an Air impatient enough to make me know he wou'd not be long in Bondage ; and though he suffer'd only the Name of a Slave , and had nothing of the Toil and Labour of one , yet that was sufficient to render him Uneasy ; and he had been too long Idle , who us'd to be always in Action , and in Arms : He had a Spirit all Rough and Fierce , and that cou'd not be tam'd to lazy Rest ; and though all endeavors were us'd to exercise himself in such Actions and Sports as this World afforded , as Running , Wrastling , Pitching the Bar , Hunting and Fishing , Chasing and Killing Tigers of a monstrous Size , which this Continent affords in abundance ; and wonderful Snakes , such as Alexander is reported to have incounter'd at the River of Amozons , and which Caesar took great Delight to overcome ; yet these were not Actions great enough for his large Soul , which was still panting after more renown'd Action . Before I parted that Day with him , I got , with much ado , a Promise from him to rest yet a little longer with Patience , and wait the coming of the Lord Governor , who was every Day expected on our Shore ; he assur'd me he wou'd , and this Promise he desired me to know was given perfectly in Complaisance to me , in whom he had an intire Confidence . After this , I neither thought it convenient to trust him much out of our View , nor did the Country who fear'd him ; but with one accord it was advis'd to treat him Fairly , and oblige him to remain within such a compass , and that he shou'd be permitted , as seldom as cou'd be , to go up to the Plantations of the Negroes ; or , if he did , to be accompany'd by some that shou'd be rather in appearance Attendants than Spys . This Care was for some time taken , and Caesar look'd upon it as a Mark of extraordinary Respect , and was glad his discontent had oblig'd 'em to be more observant to him ; he received new assurance from the Overseer , which was confirmed to him by the Opinion of all the Gentlemen of the Country , who made their court to him : During this time that we had his Company more frequently than hitherto we had had , it may not be unpleasant to relate to you the Diversions we entertain'd him with , or rather he us . My stay was to be short in that Country , because my Father dy'd at Sea , and never arriv'd to possess the Honour was design'd him , ( which was Lieutenant-General of Six and thirty Islands , besides the Continent of Surinam ) nor the advantages he hop'd to reap by them ; so that though we were oblig'd to continue on our Voyage , we did not intend to stay upon the Place : Though , in a Word , I must say thus much of it , That certainly had his late Majesty , of sacred Memory , but seen and known what a vast and charming World he had been Master off in that Continent , he would never have parted so Easily with it to the Dutch. 'T is a Continent whose vast Extent was never yet known , and may contain more Noble Earth than all the Universe besides ; for , they say , it reaches from East to West ; one Way as far as China , and another to Peru : It affords all things both for Beauty and Use ; 't is there Eternal Spring , always the very Months of April , May and June ; the Shades are perpetual , the Trees , bearing at once all degrees of Leaves and Fruit , from blooming Buds to ripe Autumn ; Groves of Oranges , Limons , Citrons , Figs , Nutmegs , and noble Aromaticks , continually bearing their Fragrancies . The Trees appearing all like Nosegays adorn'd with Flowers of different kind ; some are all White , some Purple , some Scarlet , some Blew , some Yellow ; bearing , at the same time , Ripe Fruit and Blooming Young , or producing every Day new . The very Wood of all these Trees have an intrinsick Value above common Timber ; for they are , when cut , of different Colours , glorious to behold ; and bear a Price considerable , to inlay withal . Besides this , they yield rich Balm , and Gums ; so that we make our Candles of such an Aromatick Substance , as does not only give a sufficient Light , but , as they Burn , they cast their Perfumes all about . Cedar is the common Firing , and all the Houses are built with it . The very Meat we eat , when set on the Table , if it be Native , I mean of the Country , perfumes the whole Room ; especially a little Beast call'd an Armadilly , a thing which I can liken to nothing so well as a Rhinoceros ; 't is all in white Armor so joynted , that it moves as well in it , as if it had nothing on ; this Beast is about the bigness of a Pig of Six Weeks old . But it were endless to give an Account of all the divers Wonderfull and Strange things that Country affords , and which we took a very great Delight to go in search of ; though those adventures are oftentimes Fatal and at least Dangerous : But while we had Caesar in our Company on these Designs we fear'd no harm , nor suffer'd any . As soon as I came into the Country , the best House in it was presented me , call'd St. John's Hill. It stood on a vast Rock of white Marble , at the Foot of which the River ran a vast depth down , and not to be descended on that side ; the little Waves still dashing and washing the foot of this Rock , made the softest Murmurs and Purlings in the World ; and the Oposite Bank was adorn'd with such vast quantities of different Flowers eternally Blowing , and every Day and Hour new , fenc'd behind 'em with lofty Trees of a Thousand rare Forms and Colours , that the Prospect was the most raving that Sands can create . On the Edge of this white Rock , towards the River , was a Walk or Grove of Orange and Limon Trees , about half the length of the Marl hear , whose Flowery and Fruity bear Branches meet at the top , and hinder'd the Sun , whose Rays are very fierce there , from entering a Beam into the Grove ; and the cool Air that came from the River made it not only fit to entertain People in , at all the hottest Hours of the Day , but refresh'd the sweet Blossoms , and made it always Sweet and harming ; and sure the whole Globe of the World cannot show so delightful a Place as this Grove was : Not all the Gardens of boasted Italy cen produce a Shade to out-vie this , which Nature had joyn'd with Art to render so exceeding Fine ; and 't is a marvel to see how such vast Trees , as big as English Oaks , cou'd take footing on so solid a Rock , and in so little Earth , as cover'd that Rock but all things by Nature there are Rare , Delightful and Wonderful . But to our Sports ; Sometimes we wou'd go surprizing , and in search of young Tigers in their Dens , watching when the old Ones went forth to forage for Prey ; and oftentimes we have been in great Danger , and have fled apace for our Lives , when surpriz'd by the Dams . But once , above all other times , we went on this Design , and Caesar was with us , who had no sooner stol'n a young Tiger from her Nest , but going off , we incounter'd the Dam , bearing a Buttock of a Cow , which he had torn off with his mighty Paw , and going with it towards his Den ; we had only four Women , Caesar , and an English Gentleman , Brother to Harry Martin , the great Oliverian ; we found there was no escaping this inrag'd and ravenous Beast . However , we Women fled as fast as we cou'd from it ; but our Heels had not sav'd our Lives , if Caesar had not laid down his Cub , when he found the Tiger quit her Prey to make the more speed towards him ; and taking Mr. Martin's Sword desir'd him to stand aside , or follow the Ladies . He obey'd him , and Caesar met this monstrous Beast of might , size , and vast Limbs , who came with open Jaws upon him ; and fixing his Awful stern Eyes full upon those of the Beast , and putting himself into a very steddy and good aiming posture of Defence , ran his Sword quite through his Breast down to his very Heart , home to the Hilt of the Sword ; the dying Beast stretch'd forth her Paw , and going to grasp his Thigh , surpris'd with Death in that very moment , did him no other harm than fixing her long Nails in his Flesh very deep , feebly wounded him , but cou'd not grasp the Flesh to tear off any . When he had done this , he hollow'd to us to return ; which , after some assurance of his Victory , we did , and found him lugging out the Sword from the Bosom of the Tiger , who was laid in her Bloud on the Ground ; he took up the Cub , and with an unconcern , that had nothing of the Joy or Gladness of a Victory , he came and laid the Whelp at my Feet : We all extreamly wonder'd at his Daring , and at the Bigness of the Beast , which was about the highth of an Heifer , but of mighty , great , and strong Limbs . Another time , being in the Woods , he kill'd a Tiger , which had long infested that part , and born away abundance of Sheep and Oxen , and other things , that were for the support of those to whom they belong'd ; abundance of People assail'd this Beast , some affirming they had shot her with several Bullets quite through the Body , at several times ; and some swearing they shot her through the very Heart , and they believ'd she was a Devil rather than a Mortal thing . Caesar , had often said , he had a mind to encounter this Monster , and spoke with several Gentlemen who had attempted her ; one crying , I shot her with so many poyson'd Arrows , another with his Gun in this part of her , and another in that ; so that he remarking all these Places where she was shot , fancy'd still he shou'd overcome her , by giving her another sort of a Wound than any had yet done ; and one day said ( at the Table ) What Trophies and Garlands Ladies will you make me , if I bring you home the Heart of this Ravenous Beast , that eats up all your Lambs and Pigs ? We all promis'd he shou'd be rewarded at all our Hands . So taking a Bow , which he chus'd out of a great many , he went up in the Wood● with two Gentlemen , where he 〈◊〉 th●s Devourer to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not past very far 〈◊〉 but they heard her Voice , ●●owling and grumbling , as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pleas'd with something 〈◊〉 was doing . When they came in view , they found her muzzling in the Belly of a new ravish'd Sheep , which she had torn open ; and seeing herself approach'd , she took fast hold of her Prey , with her fore Paws , and set a very fierce raging Look on Caesar , without offering to approach him ; for fear , at the same time , of loosing what she had in Possession . So that Caesar remain'd a good while , only taking aim , and getting an opportunity to shoot her where he design'd ; 't was some time before he cou'd accomplish it , and to wound her , and not kill her , wou'd but have enrag'd her more , and indanger'd him : He had a Quiver of Arrows at his side , so that if one fail'd he cou'd be supply'd ; at last , retiring a little , he gave her opportunity to eat , for he found she was Ravenous , and fell too as soon as she saw him retire ; being more eager of her Prey than of doing new Mischiefs . When he going softly to one side of her , and hiding his Person behind certain Herbage that grew high and thick , he took so good aim , that , as he intended , he shot her just into the Eye , and the Arrow was sent with so good a will , and so sure a hand , that it stuck in her Brain , and made her caper , and become mad for a moment or two ; but being seconded by another Arrow , he fell dead upon the Prey : Caesar cut him Open with a Knife , to see where those Wounds were that had been reported to him , and why he did not Die of ' em . But I shall now relate a thing that possibly will find no Credit among Men , because 't is a Notion commonly receiv'd with us , That nothing can receive a Wound in the Heart and Live ; but when the Heart of this courageous Animal was taken out , there were Seven Bullets of Lead in it , and the Wounds seam'd up with great Scars , and she liv'd with the Bullets a great while , for it was long since they were shot : This Heart the Conqueror brought up to us , and 't was a very great Curiosity , which all the Country came to see ; and which gave Caesar occasion of many fine Discourses ; of Accidents in War , and Strange Escapes . At other times he wou'd go a Fishing ; and discoursing on that Diversion , he found we had in that Country a very Strange Fish , call'd , a Numb Eel , ( an Eel of which I have eaten ) that while it is alive , it has a quality so Cold , that those who are Angling , though with a Line of never so great a length , with a Rod at the end of it , it shall , in the same minute the Bait is touched by this Eel , seize him or her that holds the Rod with benumb'dness , that shall deprive 'em of Sense , for a while ; and some have fall'n into the Water , and others drop'd as dead on the Banks of the Rivers where they stood , as soon as this Fish touches the Bait. Caesar us'd to laugh at this , and believ'd it impossible a Man cou'd loose his Force at the touch of a Fish ; and cou'd not understand that Philosophy , that a cold Quality should be of that Nature : However , he had a great Curiosity to try whether it wou'd have the same effect on him it had on others , and often try'd , but in vain ; at last , the sought for Fish came to the Bait , as he stood Angling on the Bank ; and instead of throwing away the Rod , or giving it a sudden twitch out of the Water , whereby he might have caught both the Eel , and have dismist the Rod , before it cou'd have too much Power over him ; for Experiment sake , he grasp'd it but the harder , and fainting fell into the River ; and being still possest of the Rod , the Tide carry'd him senseless as he was a great way , till an Indian Boat took him up ; and perceiv'd , when they touch'd him , a Numbness seize them , and by that knew the Rod was in his Hand ; which , with a Paddle ( that is , a short Oar ) they struck away , and snatch'd it into the Boat , Eel and all . If Caesar were almost Dead , with the effect of this Fish , he was more so with that of the Water , where he had remain'd the space of going a League ; and they found they had much a-do to bring him back to Life : But , at last , they did , and brought him home , where he was in a few Hours well Recover'd and Refresh'd ; and not a little Asham'd to find he shou'd be overcome by an Eel ; and that all the People , who heard his Defiance , wou'd Laugh at him . But we cheared him up ; and he , being convinc'd , we had the Eel at Supper ; which was a quarter of an Ell about , and most delicate Meat ; and was of the more Value , since it cost so Dear , as almost the Life of so gallant a Man. About this time we were in many mortal Fears , about some Disputes the English had with the Indians ; so that we cou'd scarce trust our selves , without great Numbers , to go to any Indian Towns , or Place , where they abode ; for fear they shou'd fall upon us , as they did immediately after my coming away ; and that it was in the possession of the Dutch , who us'd 'em not so civilly as the English ; so that they cut in pieces all they cou'd take , getting into Houses , and hanging up the Mother , and all her Children about her ; and cut a Footman , I left behind me , all in Joynts , and nail'd him to Trees . This feud began while I was there ; so that I lost half the satisfaction I propos'd , in not seeing and visiting the Indian Towns. But one Day , bemoaning of our Misfortunes upon this account , Caesar told us , we need not Fear ; for if we had a mind to go , he wou'd undertake to be our Guard : Some wou'd , but most wou'd not venture ; about Eighteen of us resolv'd , and took Barge ; and , after Eight Days , arriv'd near an Indian Town : But approaching it , the Hearts of some of our Company fail'd , and they wou'd not venture on Shore ; so we Poll'd who wou'd , and who wou'd not : For my part , I said , If Caesar wou'd , I wou'd go ; he resolv'd , so did my Brother , and my Woman , a Maid of good Courage . Now none of us speaking the Language of the People , and imagining we shou'd have a half Diversion in Gazing only ; and not knowing what they said , we took a Fisherman that liv'd at the Mouth of the River , who had been a long Inhabitant there , and oblig'd him to go with us : But because he was known to the Indians , as trading among 'em ; and being , by long Living there , become a perfect Indian in Colour , we , who resolv'd to surprize 'em , by making 'em see something they never had seen , ( that is , White People ) resolv'd only my self , my Brother , and Woman shou'd go ; so Caesar , the Fisherman , and the rest , hiding behind some thick Reeds and Flowers , that grew on the Banks , let us pass on towards the Town , which was on the Bank of the River all along . A little distant from the Houses , or Hutts ; we saw some Dancing , others busy'd in fetching and carrying of Water from the River : They had no sooner spy'd us , but they set up a loud Cry , that frighted us at first ; we thought it had been for those that should Kill us , but it seems it was of Wonder and Amazement . They were all Naked , and we were Dress'd , so as is most comode for the hot Countries , very Glittering and Rich ; so that we appear'd extreamly fine ; my own Hair was cut short , and I had a Taffaty Cap , with Black Feathers , on my Head ; my Brother was in a Stuff Sute , with Silver Loops and Buttons , and abundance of Green Ribon ; this was all infinitely surprising to them , and because we saw them stand still , till we approach'd 'em , we took Heart and advanc'd ; came up to 'em , and offer'd 'em our Hands ; which they took , and look'd on us round about , calling still for more Company ; who came swarming out , all wondering , and crying out Tepeeme ; taking their Hair up in their Hands , and spreading it wide to those they call'd out too ; as if they would say ( as indeed it signify'd ) Numberless Wonders , or not to be recounted , no more than to number the Hair of their Heads . By degrees they grew more bold , and from gazing upon us round , they touch'd us ; laying their Hands upon all the Features of our Faces , feeling our Breasts and Arms , taking up one Petticoat , then wondering to see another ; admiring our Shooes and Stockings , but more our Garters , which we gave 'em ; and they ty'd about their Legs , being Lac'd with Silver Lace at the ends , for they much Esteem any shining things : In fine , we suffer'd 'em to survey us as they pleas'd , and we thought they wou'd never have done admiring us . When Caesar , and the rest , saw we were receiv'd with such wonder , they came up to us ; and finding the Indian Trader whom they knew , ( for 't is by these Fishermen , call'd Indian Traders , we hold a Commerce with 'em ; for they love not to go far from home , and we never go to them ) when they saw him therefore they set up a new Joy ; and cry'd , in their Language , Oh! here 's our Tiguamy , and we shall now know whether those things can speak : So advancing to him , some of 'em gave him their Hands , and cry'd , Amora Tiguamy , which is as much as , How do you , or Welcome Friend ; and all , with one din , began to gabble to him , and ask'd , If we had Sense , and Wit ? if we cou'd talk of affairs of Life , and War , as they cou'd do ? if we cou'd Hunt , Swim , and do a thousand things they use ? He answer'd 'em , We cou'd . Then they invited us into their Houses , and dress'd Venison and Buffelo for us ; and , going out , gathered a Leaf of a Tree , call'd a Sarumbo Leaf , of Six Yards long , and spread it on the Ground for a Table-Cloth ; and cutting another in pieces instead of Plates , setting us on little bow Indian Stools , which they cut out of one intire piece of Wood , and Paint , in a sort of Japan Work : They serve every one their Mess on these pieces of Leaves , and it was very good , but too high season'd with Pepper . When we had eat , my Brother , and I , took out our Flutes , and play'd to 'em , which gave 'em new Wonder ; and I soon perceiv'd , by an admiration , that is natural to these People ; and by the extream Ignorance and Simplicity of 'em , it were not difficult to establish any unknown or extravagant Religion among them ; and to impose any Notions or Fictions upon ' em . For seeing a Kinsman of mine set some Paper a Fire , with a Burning-glass , a Trick they had never before seen , they were like to have Ador'd him for a God ; and beg'd he wou'd give them the Characters or Figures of his Name , that they might oppose it against Winds and Storms ; which he did , and they held it up in those Seasons , and fancy'd it had a Charm to conquer them ; and kept it like a Holy Relique . They are very Superstitious , and call'd him the Great Peeie , that is , Prophet They show d us their Indian Peeie a Youth of about Sixteen Years old , as handsom as Nature cou'd make a Man. They consecrate a beautiful Youth from his Infancy , and all Arts are us'd to compleat him in the finest manner , both in Beauty and Shape : He is bred to all the little Arts and cunning they are capable of ; to all the Legerdemain Tricks , and Slight of Hand , whereby he imposes upon the Rabble ; and is both a Doctor in Physick and Divinity . And by these Tricks makes the Sick believe he sometimes eases their Pains ; by drawing from the afflicted part little Serpents , or odd Flies , or Worms , or any Strange thing ; and though they have besides undoubted good Remedies , for almost all their Diseases , they cure the Patient more by Fancy than by Medicines ; and make themselves Fear'd , Lov'd , and Reverenc'd . This young Peeie had a very young Wife , who seeing my Bròther kiss her , came running and kiss'd me ; after this , they kiss'd one another , and made it a very great Jest , it being so Novel ; and new Admiration and Laughing went round the Multitude , that they never will forget that Ceremony , never before us'd or known . Caesar had a mind to see and talk with their War Captains , and we were conducted to one of their Houses ; where we beheld several of the great Captains , who had been at Councel : But so frightful a Vision it was to see 'em no Fancy can create ; no such Dreams can represent so dreadful a Spectacle . For my part I took 'em for Hobgoblins , or Fiends , rather than Men ; but however their Shapes appear'd , their Souls were very Humane and Noble ; but some wanted their Noses , some their Lips , some both Noses and Lips , some their Ears , and others Cut through each Cheek , with long Slashes , through which their Teeth appear'd ; they had other several formidable Wounds and Scars , or rather Dismemberings ; they had Comitias , or little Aprons before 'em ; and Girdles of Cotton , with their Knives naked , stuck in it ; a Bow at their Backs , and a Quiver of Arrows on their Thighs ; and most had Feathers on their Heads of divers Colours . They cry'd , Amora Tigame to us , at our entrance , and were pleas'd we said as much to em ; they seated us , and gave us Drink of the best Sort ; and wonder'd , as much as the others had done before , to see us . Caesar was marvelling as much at their Faces , wondering how they shou'd all be so Wounded in War ; he was Impatient to know how they all came by those frightful Marks of Rage or Malice , rather than Wounds got in Noble Battel : They told us , by our Interpreter , That when any War was waging , two Men chosen out by some old Captain , whose Fighting was past , and who cou'd only teach the Theory of War , these two Men were to stand in Competition for the Generalship , or Great War Captain ; and being brought before the old Judges , now past Labour , they are ask'd , What they dare do to shew they are worthy to lead an Army ? When he , who is first ask'd , making no Reply , Cuts of his Nose , and throws it contemptably on the Ground ; and the other does something to himself that he thinks surpasses him , and perhaps deprives himself of Lips and an Eye ; so they Slash on till one gives out , and many have dy'd in this Debate . And ' its by a passive Valour they shew and prove their Activity ; a sort of Courage too Brutal to be applauded by our Black Hero ; nevertheless he express'd his Esteem of ' em . In this Voyage Caesar begot so good an understanding between the Indians and the English , that there were no more Fears , or Heart-burnings during our stay ; but we had a perfect , open , and free Trade with 'em : Many things Remarkable , and worthy Reciting , we met with in this short Voyage ; because Caesar made it his Business to search out and provide for our Entertainment , especially to please his dearly Ador'd Imoinda , who was a sharer in all our Adventures ; we being resolv'd to make her Chains as easy as we cou'd , and to Compliment the Prince in that manner that most oblig'd him . As we were coming up again , we met with some Indians of strange Aspects ; that is , of a larger Size , and other sort of Features , than those of our Country : Our Indian Slaves , that Row'd us , ask'd 'em some Questions , but they cou'd not understand us ; but shew'd us a long Cotton String , with several Knots on it ; and told us , they had been coming from the Mountains so many Moons as there were Knots ; they were habited in Skins of a strange Beast , and brought along with 'em Bags of Gold Dust ; which , as well as they cou'd give us to understand , came streaming in little small Chanels down the high Mountains , when the Rains fell ; and offer'd to be the Convoy to any Body , or Persons , that wou'd go to the Mountains . We carry'd these Men up to Parham , where they were kept till the Lord Governour came : And because all the Country was mad to be going on this Golden Adventure , the Governour , by his Letters , commanded ( for they sent some of the Gold to him ) that a Guard shou'd be set at the Mouth of the River of Amazons , ( a River so call'd , almost as broad as the River of Thames ) and prohibited all People from going up that River , it conducting to those Mountains of Gold. But we going off for England before the Project was further prosecuted , and the Governour being drown'd in a Hurricane , either the Design dy'd , or the Dutch have the Advantage of it : And 't is to be bemoan'd what his Majesty lost by loosing that part of America . Though this digression is a little from my Story , however since it contains some Proofs of the Curiosity and Daring of this great Man , I was content to omit nothing of his Character . It was thus , for sometime we diverted him ; but now Imoinda began to shew she was with Child , and did nothing but Sigh and Weep for the Captivity of her Lord , her Self , and the Infant yet Unborn ; and believ'd , if it were so hard to gain the Liberty of Two , 't wou'd be more difficult to get that for Three . Her Griefs were so many Darts in the great Heart of Caesar ; and taking his Opportunity one Sunday , when all the Whites were overtaken in Drink , as there were abundance of several Trades , and Slaves for Four Years , that Inhabited among the Negro Houses ; and Sunday was their Day of Debauch , ( otherwise they were a sort of Spys upon Caesar ; ) he went pretending out of Goodness to 'em , to Feast amongst 'em ; and sent all his Musick , and order'd a great Treat for the whole Gang , about Three Hundred Negros ; and about a Hundred and Fifty were able to bear Arms , such as they had , which were sufficient to do Execution with Spirits accordingly : For the English had none but rusty Swords , that no Strength cou'd draw from a Scabbard ; except the People of particular Quality , who took care to Oyl 'em and keep 'em in good Order : The Guns also , unless here and there one , or those newly carri'd from England , wou'd do no good or harm ; for 't is the Nature of that County to Rust and Eat up Iron , or any Metals , but Gold and Silver . And they are very Unexpert at the Bow , which the Negros and Indians are perfect Masters off . Caesar , having singl'd out these Men from the Women and Children , made an Harangue to 'em of the Miseries , and Ignominies of Slavery ; counting up all their Toyls and Sufferings , under such Loads , Burdens , and Drudgeries , as were fitter for Beasts than Men ; Senseless Brutes , than Humane Souls . He told 'em it was not for Days , Months , or Years , but for Eternity ; there was no end to be of their Misfortunes : They suffer'd not like Men who might find a Glory , and Fortitude in Oppression ; but like Dogs that lov'd the Whip and Bell , and fawn'd the more they were beaten : That they had lost the Divine Quality of Men , and were become insensible Asses , fit only to bear ; nay worse : an Ass , or Dog , or Horse having done his Duty , cou'd lye down in Retreat , and rise to Work again , and while he did his Duty indur'd no Stripes ; but Men , Villanous , Senseless Men , such as they , Toyl'd on all the tedious Week till Black Friday ; and then , whether they Work'd or not , whether they were Faulty or Meriting , they promiscuously , the Innocent with the Guilty , suffer'd the infamous Whip , the sordid Stripes , from their Fellow Slaves till their Blood trickled from all Parts of their Body ; Blood , whose every drop ought to be Reveng'd with a Life of some of those Tyrants , that impose it ; And why , said he , my dear Friends and Fellow-sufferers , shou'd we be Slaves to an unknown People ? Have they Vanquish'd us Nobly in Fight ? Have they Wone us in Honourable Battel ? And are we , by the chance of War , become their Slaves ? This wou'd not anger a Noble Heart , this wou'd not animate a Souldiers Soul ; no , but we are Bought and Sold like Apes , or Monkeys , to be the Sport of Women , Fools and Cowards ; and the Support of Rogues , Runagades , that have abandon'd their own Countries , for Rapin , Murders , Thefts and Villanies : Do you not hear every Day how they upbraid each other with infamy of Life , below the Wildest Salvages ; and shall we render Obedience to such a degenerate Race , who have no one Humane Vertue left , to distinguish 'em from the vilest Creatures ? Will you , I say , suffer the Lash from such Hands ? They all Reply'd , with one accord , No , no , no ; Caesar has spoke like a Great Captain ; like a Great King. After this he wou'd have proceeded , but was interrupted by a tall Negro of some more Quality than the rest , his Name was Tuscan ; who Bowing at the Feet of Caesar , cry'd , My Lord , we have listen'd with Joy and Attention to what you have said ; and , were we only Men , wou'd follow so great a Leader through the World : But oh ! consider , we are Husbands and Parents too , and have things more dear to us than Life ; our Wives and Children unfit for Travel , in these unpassable Woods , Mountains and Bogs ; we have not only difficult Lands to overcome , but Rivers to Wade , and Monsters to Incounter ; Ravenous Beasts of Prey — To this , Caesar Reply'd , That Honour was the First Principle in Nature , that was to be Obey'd ; but as no Man wou'd pretend to that , without all the Acts of Vertue , Compassion , Charity , Love , Justice and Reason ; he found it not inconsistent with that , to take an equal Care of their Wives and Children , as they wou'd of themselves ; and that he did not Design , when he led them to Freedom , and Glorious Liberty , that they shou'd leave that better part of themselves to Perish by the Hand of the Tyrant's Whip : But if there were a Woman among them so degenerate from Love and Vertue to chuse Slavery before the pursuit of her Husband , and with the hazard of her Life , to share with him in his Fortunes ; that such an one ought to be Abandon'd , and left as a Prey to the common Enemy . To which they all Agreed , — and Bowed . After this , he spoke of the Impassable Woods and Rivers ; and convinc'd 'em , the more Danger , the more Glory . He told them that he had heard of one Hannibal a great Captain , had Cut his Way through Mountains of solid Rocks ; and shou'd a few Shrubs oppose them ; which they cou'd Fire before ' em ? No , 't was a trifling Excuse to Men resolv'd to die , or overcome . As for Bogs , they are with a little Labour fill'd and harden'd ; and the Rivers cou'd be no Obstacle , since they Swam by Nature ; at least by Custom , from their First Hour of their Birth : That when the Children were Weary they must carry them by turns , and the Woods and their own Industry wou'd afford them Food . To this they all assented with Joy. Tuscan then demanded , What he wou'd do ? He said , they wou'd Travel towards the Sea ; Plant a New Colony , and Defend it by their Valour ; and when they cou'd find a Ship , either driven by stress of Weather , or guided by Providence that way , they wou'd Sieze it , and make it a Prize , till it had Transported them to their own Countries ; at least , they shou'd be made Free in his Kingdom , and be Esteem'd as his Fellow-sufferers , and Men that had the Courage , and the Bravery to attempt , at least , for Liberty ; and if they Dy'd in the attempt it wou'd be more brave , than to Live in perpetual Slavery . They bow'd and kiss'd his Feet at this Resolution , and with one accord Vow'd to follow him to Death . And that Night was appointed to begin their March ; they made it known to their Wives , and directed them to tie their Hamaca about their Shoulder , and under their Arm like a Scarf ; and to lead their Children that cou'd go , and carry those that cou'd not . The Wives who pay an intire Obedience to their Husbands obey'd , and stay'd for 'em , where they were appointed : The Men stay'd but to furnish themselves with what defensive Arms they cou'd get ; and All met at the Rendezvous , where Caesar made a new incouraging Speech to 'em , and led 'em out . But , as they cou'd not march far that Night , on Monday early , when the Overseers went to call 'em all together , to go to Work , they were extreamly surpris'd , to find not one upon the Place , but all fled with what Baggage they had . You may imagine this News was not only suddenly spread all over the Plantation , but soon reach'd the Neighbouring ones ; and we had by Noon about Six hundred Men , they call the Militia of the County , that came to assist us in the persute of the Fugitives : But never did one see so comical an Army march forth to War. The Men , of any fashion , wou'd not concern themselves , though it were almost the common Cause ; for such Revoltings are very ill Examples , and have very fatal Consequences oftentimes in many Colonies : But they had a Respect for Caesar , and all hands were against the Parhamites , as they call'd those of Parham Plantation ; because they did not , in the first place , love the Lord Governor ; and secondly , they wou'd have it , that Caesar was Ill us'd , and Baffl'd with ; and 't is not impossible but some of the best in the Country was of his Council in this Flight , and depriving us of all the Slaves ; so that they of the better sort wou'd not meddle-in the matter . The Deputy Governor , of whom I have had no great occasion to speak , and who was the most Fawning fair-tongu'd Fellow in the World , and one that pretended the most Friendship to Caesar , was now the only violent Man against him ; and though he had nothing , and so need fear nothing , yet talk'd and look'd bigger than any Man : He was a Fellow , whose Character is not fit to be mention'd with the worst of the Slaves . This Fellow wou'd lead his Army forth to meet Caesar ; or rather to persue him ; most of their Arms were of those sort of cruel Whips they call Cat with Nine Tayls ; some had rusty useless Guns for show ; others old Basket-hilts , whose Blades had never seen the Light in this Age ; and others had long Staffs , and Clubs . Mr. Trefry went a long , rather to be a Mediator than a Conqueror , in such a Batail ; for he foresaw , and knew , if by fighting they put the Negroes into dispair , they were a sort of sullen Fellows , that wou'd drown , or kill themselves , before they wou'd yield ; and he advis'd that fair means was best : But Byam was one that abound●d in his own Wit , and wou'd take his own Measures . It was not hard to find these Fugitives ; for as they fled they were forc'd to fire and cut the Woods before 'em , so that Night or Day they persu'd 'em by the light they made , and by the path they had clear'd : But as soon as Caesar found he was persu'd , he put himself in a Posture of Defence , placing all the Women and Children in the Reer ; and himself , with Tuscan by his side , or next to him , all promising to Dye or Conquer . Incourag'd thus , they never stood to Parley , but fell on Pell-mell upon the English , and kill'd some , and wounded a good many ; they having recourse to their Whips , as the best of their Weapons : And as they observ'd no Order , they perplex'd the Enemy so sorely , with Lashing 'em in the Eyes ; and the Women and Children , seeing their Husbands so treated , being of fearful Cowardly Dispositions , and hearing the English cry out , Yield and Live , Yield and be Pardon'd ; they all run in amongst their Husbands and Fathers , and hung about 'em , crying out , Yield , yield ; and leave Caesar to their Revenge ; that by degrees the Slaves abandon'd Caesar , and left him only Tuscan and his Heroick Imoinda ; who , grown big as she was , did nevertheless press near her Lord , having a Bow , and a Quiver full of poyson'd Arrows , which she manag'd with such dexterity , that she wounded several , and shot the Governor into the Shoulder ; of which Wound he had like to have Dy'd , but that an Indian Woman , his Mistress , suck'd the Wound , and cleans'd it from the Venom : But however , he stir'd not from the Place till he had Parlv'd with Caesar , who he found was resolv'd to dye Fighting , and wou'd not be Taken ; no more wou'd Tuscan , or Imoinda . But he , more thirsting after Revenge of another sort , than that of depriving him of Life , now made use of all his Art of talking , and dissembling ; and besought Caesar to yield himself upon Terms , which he himself should propose , and should be Sacredly assented to and kept by him : He told him , It was not that he any longer fear'd him , or cou'd believe the force of Two Men , and a young Heroin , cou'd overcome all them , with all the Slaves now on their side also ; but it was the vast Esteem he had for his Person ; the desire he had to serve so Gallant a Man ; and to hinder himself from the Reproach hereafter , of having been the occasion of the Death of a Prince , whose Valour and Magnanimity deserv'd the Empire of the World. He protested to him , he look'd upon this Action , as Gallant and Brave ; however tending to the prejudice of his Lord and Master , who wou'd by it have lost so considerable a number of Slaves ; that this Flight of his shou'd be look'd on as a heat of Youth , and rashness of a too forward Courage , and an unconsider'd impatience of Liberty , and no more ; and that he labour'd in vain to accomplish that which they wou'd effectually perform , as soon as any Ship arriv'd that wou'd touch on his Coast. So that if you will be pleas'd , continued he , to surrender your self , all imaginable Respect shall be paid you ; and your Self , your Wife , and Child , if it be here born , shall depart free out of our Land. But Caesar wou'd hear of no Composition ; though Byam urg'd , If he persu'd , and went on in his Design , he wou'd inevitably Perish , either by great Snakes , wild Beasts , or Hunger ; and he ought to have regard to his Wife , whose Condition required ease , and not the fatigues of tedious Travel ; where she cou'd not be secur'd from being devoured . But Caesar told him , there was no Faith in the White Men , or the Gods they Ador'd ; who instructed 'em in Principles so false , that honest Men cou'd not live amongst 'em ; though no People profess'd so much , none perform'd so little ; that he knew what he had to do , when he dealt with Men of Honour ; but with them a Man ought to be eternally on his Guard , and never to Eat and Drink with Christians without his Weapon of Defence in his Hand ; and , for his own Security , never to credit one Word they spoke . As for the rashness and inconsiderateness of his Action he wou'd confess the Governor is in the right ; and that he was asham'd of what he had done , in endeavoring to make those Free , who were by Nature Slaves , poor wretched Rogues , fit to be us'd as Christians Tools ; Dogs , treacherous and cowardly , fit for such Masters ; and they wanted only but to be whipt into the knowledge of the Christian Gods to be the vilest of all creeping things ; to learn to Worship such Deities as had not Power to make 'em Just , Brave , or Honest. In fine , after a thousand things of this Nature , not fit here to be recited , he told Byam , he had rather Dye than Live upon the same Earth with such Dogs . But Trefry and Byam pleaded and protested together so much , that Trefry believing the Governor to mean what he said ; and speaking very cordially himself , generously put himself into Caesar's Hands , and took him aside , and perswaded him , even with Tears , to Live , by Surrendring himself , and to name his Conditions . Caesar was overcome by his Wit and Reasons , and in consideration of Imoinda ; and demanding what he desir'd , and that it shou'd be ratify'd by their Hands in Writing , because he had perceiv'd that was the common way of contract between Man and Man , amongst the Whites : All this was perform'd , and Tuscan's Pardon was put in , and they Surrender to the Governor , who walked peaceably down into the Plantation with 'em , after giving order to bury their dead . Caesar was very much toyl'd with the bustle of the Day ; for he had fought like a Fury , and what Mischief was done he and Tuscan perform'd alone ; and gave their Enemies a fatal Proof that they durst do any thing , and fear'd no mortal Force . But they were no sooner arriv'd at the Place , where all the Slaves receive their Punishments of Whipping , but they laid Hands on Caesar and Tuscan , faint with heat and toyl ; and , surprising them , Bound them to two several Stakes , and Whipt them in a most deplorable and inhumane Manner , rending the very Flesh from their Bones ; especially Caesar , who was not perceiv'd to make any Mone , or to alter his Face , only to roul his Eyes on the Faithless Governor , and those he believ'd Guilty , with Fierceness and Indignation ; and , to compleat his Rage , he saw every one of those Slaves , who , but a few Davs before , Ador'd him as something more than Mortal , now had a Whip to give him some Lashes , while he strove not to break his Fetters ; though , if he had , it were impossible : But he pronounced a Woe and Revenge from his Eyes , that darted Fire , that 't was at once both Awful and Terrible to behold . When they thought they were sufficiently Reveng'd on him , they unty'd him , almost Fainting , with loss of Blood , from a thousand Wounds all over his Body ; from which they had rent his Cloaths , and led him Bleeding and Naked as he was ; and loaded him all over with Irons ; and then rubbed his Wounds , to compleat their Cruelty , with Indian Pepper , which had like to have made him raving Mad ; and , in this Condition , made him so fast to the Ground that he cou'd not stir , if his Pains and Wounds wou'd have given him leave . They spar'd Imoinda , and did not let her see this Barbarity committed towards her Lord , but carry'd her down to Parham , and shut her up ; which was not in kindness to her , but for fear she shou'd Dye with the Sight , or Miscarry ; and then they shou'd loose a young Slave , and perhaps the Mother . You must know , that when the News was brought on Monday Morning , that Caesar had betaken himself to the Woods , and carry'd with him all the Negroes . We were possess'd with extream Fear , which no perswasions cou'd Dissipate , that he wou'd secure himself till Night ; and then , that he wou'd come down and Cut all our Throats . This apprehension made all the Females of us fly down the River , to be secur'd ; and while we were away , they acted this Cruelty : For I suppose I had Authority and Interest enough there , had I suspected any such thing , to have prevented it ; but we had not gon many Leagues , but the News overtook us that Caesar was taken , and Whipt like a common Slave . We met on the River with Colonel Martin , a Man of great Gallantry , Wit , and Goodness , and whom I have celebrated in a Character of my New Comedy , by his own Name , in memory of so brave a Man : He was Wise and Eloquent ; and , from the fineness of his Parts , bore a great Sway over the Hearts of all the Colony : He was a Friend to Caesar , and resented this false Dealing with him very much . We carried him back to Parham , thinking to have made an Accomodation ; when we came , the First News we heard was , that the Governor was Dead of a Wound Imoinda had given him ; but it was not so well : But it seems he wou'd have the Pleasure of beholding the Revenge he took on Caesar ; and before the cruel Ceremony was finish'd , he drop'd down ; and then they perceiv'd the Wound he had on his Shoulder , was by a venom'd Arrow ; which , as I said , his Indian Mistress heal'd , by Sucking the Wound . We were no sooner Arriv'd , but we went up to the Plantation to see Caesar , whom we found in a very Miserable and Unexpressable Condition ; and I have a Thousand times admired how he liv'd , in so much tormenting Pain . We said all things to him , that Trouble , Pitty , and Good Nature cou'd suggest ; Protesting our Innocency of the Fact , and our Abhorance of such Cruelties . Making a Thousand Professions of Services to him , and Begging as many Pardons for the Offenders , till we said so much , that he believ'd we had no Hand in his ill Treatment ; but told us , he cou'd never Pardon Byam ; as for Trefry , he confess'd he saw his Grief and Sorrow , for his Suffering , which he cou'd not hinder , but was like to have been beaten down by the very Slaves , for Speaking in his Defence : But for Byam , who was their Leader , their Head ; — and shou'd , by his Justice , and Honor , have been an Example to ' em . — For him , he wish'd to Live , to take a dire Revenge of him , and said , It had been well for him , if he had Sacrific'd me , instead of giving me the contemptable Whip . He refus'd to Talk much , but Begging us to give him our Hands ; he took 'em , and Protested never to lift up his , to do us any Harm . He had a great Respect for Colonel Martin , and always took his Counsel , like that of a Parent ; and assur'd him , he wou'd obey him in any thing , but his Revenge on Byam . Therefore , said he , for his own Safety , let him speedily dispatch me ; for if I cou'd dispatch my self , I wou'd not , till that Justice were done to my injur'd Person , and the contempt of a Souldier : No , I wou'd not kill my self , even after a Whiping , but will be content to live with that Infamy , and be pointed at by every grining Slave , till I have compleated my Revenge ; and then you shall see that Oroonoko scorns to live with the Indignity that was put on Caesar. All we cou'd do cou'd get no more Words from him ; and we took care to have him put immediately into a healing Bath , to rid him of his Pepper ; and order'd a Chirurgeon to anoint him with healing Balm , which he suffer'd , and in some time he began to be able to Walk and Eat ; we fail'd not to visit him every Day , and , to that end , had him brought to an apartment at Parham . The Governor was no sooner recover'd , and had heard of the menaces of Caesar , but he call'd his Council ; who ( not to disgrace them , or Burlesque the Government there ) consisted of such notorious Villains as Newgate never transported ; and possibly originally were such , who understood neither the Laws of God or Man ; and had no sort of Principles to make 'em worthy the Name of Men : But , at the very Council Table , wou'd Contradict and Fight with one another ; and Swear so bloodily that 't was terrible to hear , and see ' em . ( Some of 'em were afterwards Hang'd , when the Dutch took possession of the place ; others sent off in Chains : ) But calling these special Rulers of the Nation together , and requiring their Counsel in this weighty Affair , they all concluded , that ( Damn 'em ) it might be their own Cases ; and that Caesar ought to be made an Example to all the Negroes , to fright 'em from daring to threaten their Betters , their Lords and Masters ; and , at this rate , no Man was safe from his own Slaves ; and concluded , nemine contradicente that Caesar shou'd be Hang'd . Trefry then thought it time to use his Authority ; and told Byam his Command did not extend to his Lord's Plantation ; and that Parham was as much exempt from the Law as White-hall ; and that they ought no more to touch the Servants of the Lord — ( who there represented the King's Person ) than they cou'd those about the King himself ; and that Parham was a Sanctuary ; and though his Lord were absent in Person , his Power was still in Being there ; which he had intrusted with him , as far as the Dominions of his particular Plantations reach'd , and all that belong'd to it ; the rest of the Country , as Byam was Lieutenant to his Lord , he might exercise his Tyrany upon . Trefry had others as powerful , or more , that int'rested themselves in Caesar's Life , and absolutely said , He shou'd be Defended . So turning the Governor , and his wise Council , out of Doors , ( for they sate at Parham-house ) they set a Guard upon our Landing Place , and wou'd admit none but those we call'd Friends to us and Caesar. The Governor having remain'd wounded at Parham , till his recovery was compleated , Caesar did not know but he was still there ; and indeed , for the most part , his time was spent there ; for he was one that lov'd to Live at other Peoples Expence ; and if he were a Day absent , he was Ten present there ; and us'd to Play , and Walk , and Hunt , and Fish , with Caesar. So that Caesar did not at all doubt , if he once recover'd Strength , but he shou'd find an opportunity of being Reveng'd on him : Though , after such a Revenge , he cou'd not hope to Live ; for if he escap'd the Fury of the English Mobile , who perhaps wou'd have been glad of the occasion to have kill'd him , he was resolv'd not to survive his Whiping ; yet he had , some tender Hours , a repenting Softness , which he called his fits of Coward ; wherein he struggl'd with Love for the Victory of his Heart , which took part with his charming Imoinda there ; but , for the most part , his time was past in melancholy Thought , and black Designs ; he consider'd , if he shou'd do this Deed , and Dye , either in the Attempt , or after it , he left his lovely Imoinda a Prey , or at best a Slave , to the inrag'd Multitude ; his great Heart cou'd not indure that Thought . Perhaps , said he , she may be first Ravished by every Brute ; exposed first to their nasty Lusts , and then a shameful Death . No ; he could not Live a Moment under that Apprehension , too insupportable to be born . These were his Thoughts , and his silent Arguments with his Heart , as he told us afterwards ; so that now resolving not only to kill Byam , but all those he thought had inrag'd him ; pleasing his great Heart with the fancy'd Slaughter he shou'd make over the whole Face of the Plantation . He first resolv'd on a Deed , that ( however Horrid it at first appear'd to us all ) when we had heard his Reasons , we thought it Brave and Just : Being able to Walk , and , as he believ'd , fit for the Execution of his great Design , he beg'd Trefry to trust him into the Air , believing a Walk wou'd do him good ; which was granted him , and taking Imoinda with him , as he us'd to do in his more happy and calmer Days , he led her up into a Wood , where , after ( with a thousand Sighs , and long Gazing silently on her Face , while Tears gust , in spight of him , from his Eyes ) he told her his Design first of Killing her , and then his Enemies , and next himself , and the impossibility of Escaping , and therefore he told her the necessity of Dying ; he found the Heroick Wife faster pleading for Death than he was to propose it , when she found his fix'd Resolution ; and , on her Knees , besought him , not to leave her a Prey to his Enemies . He ( griev'd to Death ) yet pleased at her noble Resolution , took her up , and imbracing her , with all the Passion and Languishment of a dying Lover , drew his Knife to kill this Treasure of his Soul , this Pleasure of his Eyes ; while Tears trickl'd down his Cheeks , hers were Smiling with Joy she shou'd dye by so noble a Hand , and be sent in her own Country , ( for that 's their Notion of the next World ) by him she so tenderly Lov'd , and so truly Ador'd in this ; for Wives have a respect for their Husbands equal to what any other People pay a Deity ; and when a Man finds any occasion to quit his Wife , if he love her , she dyes by his Hand ; if not , he sells her , or suffers some other to kill her . It being thus ; you may believe the Deed was soon resolv'd on ; and 't is not to be doubted , but the Parting , the eternal Leave taking of Two such Lovers , so greatly Born , so Sensible , so Beautiful , so Young , and so Fond , must be very Moving , as the Relation of it was to me afterwards . All that Love cou'd say in such cases , being ended ; and all the intermitting Irresolutions being adjusted , the Lovely , Young , and Ador'd Victim lays her self down , before the Sacrificer ; while he , with a Hand resolv'd , and a Heart breaking within , gave the Fatal Stroke ; first , cutting her Throat , and then severing her , yet Smiling , Face from that Delicate Body , pregnant as it was with Fruits of tend ' rest Love. As soon as he had done , he laid the Body decently on Leaves and Flowers ; of which he made a Bed , and conceal'd it under the same cover-lid of Nature ; only her Face he left yet bare to look on : But when he found she was Dead , and past all Retrieve , never more to bless him with her Eyes , and soft Language ; his Grief swell'd up to Rage ; he Tore , he Rav'd he Roar'd , like some Monster of the Wood , calling on the lov'd Name of Imoinda ; a thousand times he turn'd the Fatal Knife that did the Deed , toward his own Heart , with a Resolution to go immediately after her ; but dire Revenge , which now was a thousand times more fierce in his Soul than before , prevents him ; and he wou'd cry out , No ; since I have sacrificed Imoinda to my Revenge , shall I loose that Glory which I have purchas'd so dear , as at the Price of the fairest , dearest , softest Creature that ever Nature made ? No , no! Then , at her Name , Grief wou'd get the ascendant of Rage , and he wou'd lye down by her side , and water her Face with showers of Tears , which never were wont to fall from those Eyes : And however bent he was on his intended Slaughter , he had not power to stir from the Sight of this dear Object , now more Belov'd , and more Ador'd than ever . He remain'd in this deploring Condition for two Days , and never rose from the Ground where he had made his sad Sacrifice ; at last , rousing from her side , and accusing himself with living too long , now Imoinda was dead ; and that the Deaths of those barbarous Enemies were deferr'd too long , he resolv'd now to finish the great Work ; but offering to rise , he found his Strength so decay'd , that he reel'd to and fro , like Boughs assail'd by contrary Winds ; so that he was forced to lye down again , and try to summons all his Courage to his Aid ; he found his Brains turn round , and his Eyes were dizzy ; and Objects appear'd not the same to him they were wont to do ; his Breath was short ; and all his Limbs surprised with a Faintness he had never felt before : He had not Eat in two Days , which was one occasion of this Feebleness , but excess of Grief was the greatest ; yet still he hop'd he shou'd recover Vigour to act his Design ; and lay expecting it yet six Days longer ; still mourning over the dead Idol of his Heart , and striving every Day to rise , but cou'd not . In all this time you may believe we were in no little affliction for Caesar , and his Wife ; some were of Opinion he was escap'd never to return ; others thought some Accident had hap'ned to him : But however , we fail'd not to send out an hundred People several ways to search for him ; a Party , of about forty , went that way he took ; among whom was Tuscan , who was perfectly reconcil'd to Byam ; they had not gon very far into the Wood , but they smelt an unusual Smell , as of a dead Body ; for Stinks must be very noisom that can be distinguish'd among such a quantity of Natural Sweets , as every Inch of that Land produces . So that they concluded they shou'd find him dead , or somebody that was so ; they past on towards it , as Loathsom as it was , and made such a rusling among the Leaves that lye thick on the Ground , by continual Falling , that Caesar heard he was approach'd ; and though he had , during the space of these eight Days , endeavor'd to rise , but found he wanted Strength , yet looking up , and seeing his Pursuers , he rose , and reel'd to a Neighbouring Tree , against which he fix'd his Back ; and being within a dozen Yards of those that advanc'd , and saw him ; he call'd out to them , and bid them approach no nearer , if they wou'd be safe : So that they stood still , and hardly believing their Eyes , that wou'd perswade them that it was Caesar that spoke to 'em , so much was he alter'd ; they ask'd him , What he had done with his Wife ? for they smelt a Stink that almost struck them dead . He , pointing to the dead Body , sighing , cry'd , Behold her there ; they put off the Flowers that cover'd her with their Sticks , and found she was kill'd ; and cry'd out , Oh Monster ! that hast murther'd thy Wife : Then asking him , Why he did so cruel a Deed ? He replied , he had no leasure to answer impertinent Questions ; You may go back , continued he , and tell the Faithless Governor , he may thank Fortune that I am breathing my last ; and that my Arm is too feeble to obey my Heart , in what it had design'd him : But his Tongue faultering , and trembling , he cou'd scarce end what he was saying . The English taking Advantage by his Weakness , cry'd , Let us take him alive by all means : He heard 'em ; and , as if he had reviv'd from a Fainting , or a Dream , he cry'd out , No , Gentlemen , you are deceiv'd ; you will find no more Caesars to be Whipt ; no more find a Faith in me : Feeble as you think me , I have Strength yet left to secure me from a second Indignity . They swore all a-new , and he only shook his Head , and beheld them with Scorn ; then they cry'd out , Who will venture on this single Man ? Will no body ? They stood all silent while Caesar replied , Fatal will be the Attempt to the first Adventurer ; let him assure himself , and , at that Word , held up his Knife in a menacing Posture , Look ye , ye faithless Crew , said he , 't is not Life I seek , nor am I afraid of Dying ; and , at that Word , cut a piece of Flesh from his own Throat , and threw it at 'em , yet still I wou'd Live if I cou'd , till I had perfected my Revenge . But oh ! it cannot be ; I feel Life gliding from my Eyes and Heart ; and , if I make not haste , I shall yet fall a Victim to the shameful Whip . At that , he rip'd up his own Belly ; and took his Bowels and pull'd 'em out , with what Strength he cou'd ; while some , on their Knees imploring , besought him to hold his Hand . But when they saw him tottering , they cry'd out , Will none venture on him ? A bold English cry'd , Yes , if he were the Devil ; ( taking Courage when he saw him almost Dead ) and swearing a horrid Oath for his farewell to the World ; he rush'd on Caesar , with his Arm'd Hand met him so fairly , as stuck him to the Heart , and he fell Dead at his Feet . Tuscan seeing that , cry'd out , I love thee , oh Caesar ; and therefore will not let thee Dye , if possible : And , running to him , took him in his Arms ; but , at the same time , warding a Blow that Caesar made at his Bosom , he receiv'd it quite through his Arm ; and Caesar having not the Strength to pluck the Knife forth , though he attempted it , Tuscan neither pull'd it out himself , nor suffer'd it to be pull'd out ; but came down with it sticking in his Arm ; and the reason he gave for it was , because the Air shou'd not get into the Wound : They put their Hands a-cross , and carried Caesar between Six of 'em , fainted as he was ; and they thought Dead , or just Dying ; and they brought him to Parham , and laid him on a Couch , and had the Chirurgeon immediately to him , who drest his Wounds , and sow'd up his Belly , and us'd means to bring him to Life , which they effected . We ran all to see him ; and , if before we thought him so beautiful a Sight , he was now so alter'd , that his Face was like a Death's Head black'd over ; nothing but Teeth , and Eye-holes : For some Days we suffer'd no body to speak to him , but caused Cordials to be poured down his Throat , which sustained his Life ; and in six or seven Days he recover'd his Senses : For , you must know , that Wounds are almost to a Miracle cur'd in the Indies ; unless Wounds in the Legs , which rarely ever cure . When he was well enough to speak , we talk'd to him ; and ask'd him some Questions about his Wife , and the Reasons why he kill'd her ; and he then told us what I have related of that Resolution , and of his Parting ; and he besought us , we would let him Dye , and was extreamly Afflicted to think it was possible he might Live ; he assur'd us , if we did not Dispatch him , he wou'd prove very Fatal to a great many . We said all we cou'd to make him Live , and gave him new Assurances ; but he begg'd we wou'd not think so poorly of him , or of his love to Imoinda , to imagine we cou'd Flatter him to Life again ; but the Chirurgeon assur'd him , he cou'd not Live , and therefore he need not Fear . We were all ( but Caesar ) afflicted at this News ; and the Sight was gashly ; his Discourse was sad ; and the earthly Smell about him so strong , that I was perswaded to leave the Place for some time ; ( being my self-but Sickly , and very apt to fall into Fits of dangerous Illness upon any extraordinary Melancholy ) the Servants , and Trefry , and the Chirurgeons , promis'd all to take what possible care they cou'd of the Life of Caesar ; and I , taking Boat , went with other Company to Colonel Martin's , about three Days Journy down the River ; but I was no sooner gon , but the Governor taking Trefry , about some pretended earnest Business , a Days Journy up the River ; having communicated his Design to one Banister , a wild Irish Man , and one of the Council ; a Fellow of absolute Barbarity , and fit to execute any Villany , but was Rich. He came up to Parham , and forcibly took Caesar , and had him carried to the same Post where he was Whip'd ; and causing him to be ty'd to it , and a great Fire made before him , he told him , he shou'd Dye like a Dog , as he was . Caesar replied , this was the first piece of Bravery that ever Banister did ; and he never spoke Sence till he pronounc'd that Word ; and , if he wou'd keep it , he wou'd declare , in the other World , that he was the only Man , of all the Whites , that ever he heard speak Truth . And turning to the Men that bound him , he said , My Friends , am I to Dye , or to be Whip'd ? And they cry'd , Whip'd ! no ; you shall not escape so well : And then he replied , smiling , A Blessing on thee ; and assur'd them , they need not tye him , for he wou'd stand fixt , like a Rock ; and indure Death so as shou'd encourage them to Dye . But if you Whip me , said he , be sure you tye me fast . He had learn'd to take Tobaco ; and when he was assur'd he should Dye , he desir'd they would give him a Pipe in his Mouth , ready Lighted , which they did ; and the Executioner came , and first cut off his Members , and threw them into the Fire ; after that , with an ill-favoured Knife , they cut his Ears , and his Nose , and burn'd them ; he still Smoak'd on , as if nothing had touch'd him ; then they hack'd off one of his Arms , and still he bore up , and held his Pipe ; but at the cutting off the other Arm , his Head sunk , and his Pipe drop'd ; and he gave up the Ghost , without a Groan , or a Reproach . My Mother and Sister were by him all the while , but not suffer'd to save him ; so rude and wild were the Rabble , and so inhumane were the Justices , who stood by to see the Execution , who after paid dearly enough for their Insolence . They cut Caesar in Quarters , and sent them to several of the chief Plantations : One Quarter was sent to Colonel M●●tin , who refus'd it ; and swore , he had rather see the Quarters of Banister , and the Governor himself , than those of Caesar , on his Plantations ; and that he cou'd govern his Negroes without Terrifying and Grieving them with frightful Spectacles of a mangl'd King. Thus Dy'd this Great Man ; worthy of a better Fate , and a more sublime Wit than mine to write his Praise ; yet , I hope , the Reputation of my Pen is considerable enough to make his Glorious Name to survive to all Ages ; with that of the Brave , the Beautiful , and the Constant Imoinda . FINIS . A53252 ---- Eben-ezer, or, A small monument of great mercy appearing in the miraculous deliverance of William Okeley, Williams Adams [brace] John Anthony, John Jephs, John ----, carpenter, from the miserable slavery of Algiers, with the wonderful means of their escape in a boat of canvas ... / by me William Okeley. Okeley, William. 1684 Approx. 205 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53252 Wing O193 ESTC R41361 31355182 ocm 31355182 110337 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53252) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110337) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1750:28) Eben-ezer, or, A small monument of great mercy appearing in the miraculous deliverance of William Okeley, Williams Adams [brace] John Anthony, John Jephs, John ----, carpenter, from the miserable slavery of Algiers, with the wonderful means of their escape in a boat of canvas ... / by me William Okeley. Okeley, William. Deane, James. The second edition, [32], 100 p., [1] leaf of plates : ill. Printed for Nath. Ponder ..., London : 1684. Contains frontispiece illustrating scenes of Algerian captivity. Imperfect: stained and cropped, and with print show-through. "A further narrative of James Deane and others" -- p. 86-100. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Slavery -- Algeria. Algeria -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2006-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EBEN-EZER : OR , A SMALL MONUMENT OF GREAT MERCY , APPEARING IN THE Miraculous Deliverance OF William Okeley , Williams Adams , John Anthony , John Jephs , John — Carpenter , From the Miserable Slavery of ALGIERS , with the wonderful Means of their Escape in a Boat of Canvas ; the great Distress , and utmost Extremities which they endured at Sea for Six Days and Nights ; their safe Arrival at Mayork ; With several Matters of Remarque during their long Captivity , and the following Providences of God which brought them safe to ENGLAND . By me William Okeley . The Second Edition , with a Further Narrative of James Deane and others . London , Printed for Nath. Ponder , at the Peacock in the Poultrey , over-against Stocks-Market 1684. depiction of two ships Turks taking the English depiction of slave market Selling slaves in Algers depiction of execution Execution with A batvone depiction of burning Turks burning of A Frier er depiction of torture Divers Cruelties depiction of escape Making the boat & their , Escape to Mayork Upon this Book , and its Author . THis Author never was in Print before , And ( let this please or not ) will never more . If all the Press-Oppressors of this Age Would so Resolve , 't would Happiness presage : He should as soon another Voyage take , As be Oblig'd another Book to make . His Canvas Boat Escaped Seas and Wind , He fears this Paper-Vessel will not find Such gentle Gales , when every Reader hath Pow'r with a puff to sink the Writers Faith. For who so Prints a Book , goes off from Shore , To hazard that which was his own before : As one poor Pinnace Over-match'd , that fights With an Armado , so doth he who Writes : If Books ( like goodly Merchant-Ships ) set forth , Laden with Riches of the greatest worth ; With Councels , Fathers , Text-men , School-Men Mann'd , With Sacred Canon Mounted at each Hand ; Are hard beset , and forc'd to make Defence Against Arm'd Atheism , Pride and Impudence . How can this little Cock-Boat hope and Escape , When Scripture Suffers Piracy and Rape ? Noe's Ark ( wherein the World Epitomiz'd , And Mankind in Octavo was Compriz'd . ) Though in the Deluge 't was preserved sound , By Infidelity it self lyes drown'd . That Moses with a Rod the Sea should Cane , And Beat the Coward streams into a Plain ; With the same Cane should broach a Flint , and bring Out of its Fiery Womb a flowing Spring : That a dry stick assign'd for Levie's share , Should Bud , and Blossom , and Ripe Almonds bear ; That Sampson with the Jaw-Bone of an Ass ( And Atheists think Him one that lets it pass Without a Scomme ) should slay a Thousand Men , And being weary with the Slaughter ; then The kind Jaw-Bone , that was his Faulchion first , Should turn a Flaggon , and allay his Thirst . These Miracles , and all the Sacred store . Which Faith should grasp , and Piety adore , Met with Arrests , Arraignments , and a Doom More harsh than Tales of Heathen Greece or Rome . Yet O the Folly of Confounded Man ! Who cannot Truth believe , but Fathers can . When Truth that cannot Lye , shall be bely'd , Its Pow'r defy`d , and Weakness Deify'd : When our Diseased Appetite shall Lust For Egyts Leek , or Gibeons Mouldy Crust ; Ephraim will feed on Ashes , and disdain The Manna Comfits , and the Candy'd Rain . An Heaven-born Truth ( like poor Mens Infants ) may For lack of God-Fathers , unchrist'ned stay , And find no Priest ; when every stander by Will be a Gossip to a Great Mans Lye. O Miracle of Love ! God-Man was fain Each Miracle he wrought , to make it twain , The Fact , and Faith too , else the Fact in vain . There is a Generation alive , That Live on Lying Miracles and thrive , There is a Guild of Priests will undertake To make that God who doth all Wonders make : Can make Him , Bake Him , Break Him , Eat him too , And with a Thought can All again undo . Had but some Monk this History to Dress , He would have made the Iron-Teeth of th' Press Turn Edge , and grin , to chew the stuff and stile ; Compar'd with which , all 's Pap in Mandevile . Had these Five Comrades been good Sons of Rome , Nothing but Miracles had brought them home . Okely hae been inspired ; Jephs had Seen An Apron dropt down from Heavens Virgin-Queen To make a Sail ; Carpenter should have pray'd Saint Joseph to assist him at his Trade ; And the next Morn did in the Cellar find The Keel , Ribbs , Pins ; all Model'd to his Mind . An Holy Sea-Calf in St. Peters Coat , Had then appear'd , and danc'd before the Boat : Saint Christopher with a Sweet Babe on 's Back , Had stalkt along to save from Rock and Wrack : Saint Nicholas ( or in his Shape , Old Nick ) Had with a straw steer'd the Boat Catholick . The Tortoise taken napping in the Flood , Had first said Grace , and then become their Food : Yea , and his Sacred Shell had been preferr'd To make fine Combs for Wilgefortu Beard . And who can tell ( for now 't is Thirty Years Since this strange Expedition from Algiers ) What Use the Fryars of Mayork have made Of the poor Skiff to raise their Legend Trade ? But , be it as it will ; Buy , or not Buy ; This Book is Protestant , and hates a Lye. The Reader shall find in this Breviary All Pater Nosters , not one Ave Mary . If Gentleman and Christian may avail , If Honour and Religion can be bail For this poor Pilgrims Truth and Faithfulness , It may with Leave and safety past the Press . Let him who scorns to Read , or Reads to Scorn , And thinks this Story might have been forborn ; First , buy the Book , theu give Security To do the like ; The Book-Seller and I Will give him Bond , when he Returns to Land , To pay a Thousand pounds into his Hand . Mean while this Narative ( all plain and True ) Is worth its Shilling to a Turk or Jew ; But to a Christian ( were the Story gone ) The Preface is a Penny-worth alone . The whole hath no Errata's or Mistakes , Save what the Printer aud the Poet makes . To his Ingenions Friend , Mr. William Okely , upon his Miraculous Deliverance in his Canvas Boat. THY Boat , thy Coffin call ; and Greet The Canvas as thy Winding-Sheet : From Coffin , Shrowd Delivered , Call 't Resurrectiod from the Dead ! And since thy Life 's the Great , thy Lines present , As God's Great Mercies Lesser Monument . A PREFACE To the following NARRATIVE . Courteous Reader , I DO readily agree with thee , that there is no sort of Writings more lyable to abuse than this of the Narrative : Lying much at the Mercy of the Composer to be Corrupted ; and as much in danger to be mis-improved by the Reader : The Reader therefore I am sure will demand good Security that he is not imposed upon in the ensuing Relation , and the Writer craves leave too , to maintain a modest Jealousie , lest the Reader should miss the benefit that is designed to him in it : The Author will engage , and pawn his Credit not to wrong the Narrative , and he would take some care also that the Reader may not wrong himself . It is very true , that every Narrator is under a strong Temptation to Season his Discourse to the Gusto of the Time , not imposing a severe Law upon himself , to Report what is true , but accomodating his Story to the Liquorish Appetite of others : I have observed that some Men are ashamed to Recount mean and humble Matters ; if they bring us any thing below Prodigy and Miracle ; if they stuff not their Farces with Gorgons , Harpies , Centaures , and Enchanted Islands , they neither please themselves , nor hope to take their Readers by the Heart-strings . Hence it is , that we have so many lean , barren Stories , larded with the Additaments of Fruitful Invention , as if they had been Penn'd by the Pattern of Xenophon's Cyrus . Non ad Historiae fidem , sed ad justi Imperii Exemplar : Not for Counter-panes of Truth , but Counterfeits of Fancy : They tell us not what was really done , but what they would have had done , if they might have had the Contrivance of the Scene and Tragedy : They first form Idaea's of Ingenious Romances in their own Heads , and then obtrude them upon the World for Historical Verieties . Just as our Hydrographers in the Delineating of Countries , with one wanton Extravagant Frolick of their Graver can raise Mountains , where Nature left us Vallies ; and sink deep Vallies , where God has stretch'd out a Champagn ; can create Bays , and Creeks , where the Creator made firm Land ; and jut out Promontories , and Capes , where there 's nothing in Nature to answer them ; and to fill up Vacuities ( out of pure good Husbandry , that not an inch of Ground may be lost ) present us with Flying Fishes , Tritons , and Mermaids , which spend their hours inter Pectinem & Speculum ; and lest Mare del zur should still be a Desolate Wilderness , have courteously stock'd it with the Painter's Wifes Island , and Terra Incognita ; at this rate are we dealt with , by this kind of Men , who love to blow up lank sttories into huge Bladders , and then put something in them to make them Rattle to please Children , and yet they are but Bladders still , though swelled with the Tympany , and Wind-Cholick . There are also a sort of Stories , which , by the way of Courtesie , we mis-call Histories , that scorn to give us an account of any thing but dreadful , and terrible Battels , and how one great Man above all the rest , chopt off Heads and Arms , and cut off some sheer by the Waste , and with his Trenchant-blade mowed down whole Files of Armed Enemies ; the Fields all this while running with streams of Blood , and purple Gore ; and all this , with as much confidence , and exactness in every Minute Circumstance , as if , like the Familiar Daemon of Paracelsus , they had been inclosed in the pommel of the General 's Sword ; or had hover'd , like Victory with her doubtful Wings , over both the Armies , where they might securely take notes of all that was said or done , in Shelton's Brachygraphy : but from what Principles or Interests these Warriers were Acted ; by what Rules they proceeded , with what Councels and Intrigues , designs were managed ; and to what Point all these Policies steered ; is as much below their Spirits as above their Abilities , to inform us . To secure the Reader against the fear of such Entertainment in this Narrative , let him know , that he shall meet with nothing in Fact but what is precisely true ; what of wonderment he may Encounter , was of God's own working , not of Man's inventing ; let others make Tragedies to gratifie the Book-seller , and cheat the simple Buyer ; we need not Peter Lillicrap's Essex Serpent , nor Livewell Chapman's Greater Monsters , to Aggrandize our Title Page ; God's Works need no foyl to set them off , the greatest Beauty of Truth , is its nakedness , and Symmetry . There is a vast difference between the most elaborate products of Art , and the most homely pieces of Nature ; for though the former will needs Ape the latter , yet how pitifully does she bungle in the imitation ! Look upon the subtle Point of the finest Needle through a Microscope , and you will soon be satisfied that Art is but a Dunce , for the Needle will appear as blunt , and dull as a Drum-stick ; but come and view one of Gods Handy-works in the same Glass , V. G. The sting of a Bee , and you shall see it perpetually Acuminated till it ends in something , which the Eye must either confess to be a Point , or Nothing ; The same difference we may observe between those Romances , which are the Issues of fine Wits , and the serious , grave Contrivances of Divine Providence ; what clumz'd things are the Cassandra's to one of those pieces of proportion , to be seen in God's Government of this lower World ! So that it were unpardonable to strive to Recommend the wonderful Providences of God to the Genius of this Age , by a Lye , or to talk deceitfully for him ; whatever therefore this Narrative is , yet it 's a naked Account of his own workings ; and Gold needs no Gilding . But now the Readers great danger lies in running over some of God's Works , and yet not seeing God in his Works : Little Children , we see , do hugely please themselves with the Gilded Covers , and Marbled Leaves of Books , but concern not themselves , what is within ; and if they chance to look a little overly upon the forms and shapes of the Letters , yet understand not the sublime matter , that may be coucht in them : Now , to divide the words from the meaning , is morally to Annihilate them , and so whilst they see Letters , and Words only , they see just Nothing : There are a great many such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such Old Children in the World , that gaze upon the surface of Gods Works , but never are led by them to admire the Wisdom , Power , Goodness , and Holiness of God : They deal with the Works of Providence , just as they do with the Works of Creation : God has Ingraven his own Name in Legible Characters upon the Heavenly Bodies . The Stars in their single Beauties , their Combined Asterisms , their Mutual Aspects , their Intricate , yet Regular Motions , speak their Author ; nay , upon the lowest Recreations , the Leisure-sports of Nature , there is written , Deus fecit . But now the common observer , whose thoughts are terminated by his Eye , and his Eye with the visible Heavens , as 't is bespangled with glittering things , called Planets , and Stars , loseth quite their main design , which is to conduct and argue our thoughts up to a first Cause ; for they were not so much out who cryed up the Musick of the Sphaeres to be so Ravishing : and we should confess it , could we but hear them Sing this Antheme , Glory be to God on High. Can we be so Bruitish , as once to imagine , that the wise God , who creates nothing little , nor for a little end , should create such great , and glorious Bodies only to be the Objects of Ignorant , and Blind Amazement ? Surely no ; but that by the contemplation of them , we might be led into the Admiration of Him , whose Being , Wisdom , Power must needs be infinitely Glorious , when his very works are excellently so : Here then will be the Readers danger , lest all his Spirits should evaporate in a confused Admiration , that a Boat , a little , a Canvas Boat should , like the Ark , convey so many Persons so many Leagues safe a Shoar , whilst he misses the true intent , and meaning of it , to behold a watchful Providence ( as well as the Being of a Deity , ) over all Affairs . Now , that he may not split upon this dangerous Rock , but improve the Narrative to his best Advantage , I shall submissively lay before him a few Directions . 1. Sect. Learn from this Narrative to trust , and in all thy ways to acknowledge God , who by the most contemptible means , can effect the most considerable things . Created Beings , as they cannot act beyond the Sphere of their Activity , so neither can they Operate further than the suitableness of their Instruments will enable them ; it were ridiculous to attempt to cut down a Forrest with a Pen-knife , or Lave the Ocean with a Spoon ; but if the great God can make the dullest Tool to cut , can serve himself of the most unfit Instruments , and accomplish the most Noble Works with the most Wooden Engines , he will sure deserve our greatest trust and confidence . As great Princes are attended with a numerous Train of Servants , more for State , than absolute Necessity ; so God uses second causes , not because he cannot work without them , but to teach us to admire his strength , in their weakness , his All-sufficiency in their insufficiency . The Grand Seignior had heard of the famous Atchievemen of Castriots Scimitar , and was very desirous to make an Experiment , whether its excellency answered the Report ; he sends for it , proves it , it does no Execution ; he sends it back with scorn , and indignation , that lying Fame should magnifie a sorry Ammunition Sword so far above its merits , but Scanderbeg , before the Messenger's Face , hews in pieces Helmets , Corslets ; Go now ( saies he ) and tell your Master , Though I sent him my Sword , I did not send him my Arm ; none can work with God's means , that has not God's Arm : Hast thou an Arm like God ? Job 40. 9. Here then the Reader may see , ( and if he sees not , he forfeits his Eyes ) the same God who in an Ark of Bulrushes preserved Moses , and in another Ark saved Noah , in a small Canvas Sculler ( which was our Ark , though in a lesser Volume ) waft us over the Ocean , and bring us all safe to Land : As God is seen in the smallest works of Creation , so in the smallest Instruments of his Providence . The little Fly , or Ant , expresses Creative Power , and Omnipotency in Miniature , as well as the great , Castle-bearing Elephant : I have read somewhere of a Goldsmith that made a Lock , and Key , and Chain so small , and subtle , that a Fly would draw them all about a Table , and never be stalled ; surely the Spectator would not praedicate the strength of the poor Fly , but the skill of the Artist . Est in tenuibus , & Pusillis Reculis Laus Optimique Maximique Maxima . Gaz. Pia hilar . The Glory of the Great wise King , Shines greatly in the smallest thing . Indeed our whole passage was wonder ; suppose we had met with one Night of Hazy Weather , we might have plyed back into the jaws of that Destruction which we had so far escaped . Had we met with one Storm ( and an ordinary puff of wind had been a Storm to us ) it had presently over-set us ; but the same God that commands a calm for the Halcyon , commanded Halcyon Days and Nights for us , till under the wings of his Gracious care he had hatcht his own purposes of Mercy , into perfect Deliverance . It was a wonder too , that in our six Days Voyage , in the Mediterranean , the very High Road of Navigation , both for honest Men and Knaves , Merchants and Pirates , we should not meet with one Vessel , Friend or Foe : Had we met with a Friend's Vessel , they had pityed us , taken us up , and then the Power of God had not been so signalized in our Preservation ; had we fallen in with an Enemy , we had immediately become a Prey to their Teeth , they had swallowed us up quick , we had made but one poor Morsel to their greedy Stomachs , and thereby defeated a work of God gloriously begun , and rob'd him of the Revenue of his praise . If then they that go down to the Sea in Ships , see the works of the Lord , and his wonders in the deep , Psal . 107. 23 , 24. What Wonders , what Miracles of Providence have we seen , and many others see in us , who went down to the Sea , not in a Ship , but in a Canoe , which for want of a better Name we call a Boat ! Let the Reader therefore admire God with me ; and both of us with the Psalmist , Psal . 86. 8. Among the Gods there is none like unto thee , O Lord ; neither are there any works like thy works . He deals unrighteously with God , who measures him : by the smallness of the means that he uses , and not by the greatness of those effects he produces by those means . And therefore , Disce a Cymbula , quisquises ; & Deo Da pro tenuibus , & pusillis Reculis , Laudem Optimoque Maximoque Maximam . Gaz. Piahilar . Let this our little Sciff thy Spirits raise , To give to this great God , thy greatest Praise . 2. Sect. Let the Reader improve this Relation to fortisie his Faith against the little Cavils of Atheistical Spirits , who lay out their ill placed wit in forgeing Objections against Him that gave it . There is a Creature famous in Prov. 6. Qui lacte Materno impletus calcibus petit Lactantem , that being filled with the liberal Dug , ungratefully kicks his Dam. Thus this sort of Men are ambitious to be accounted witty , in creating knots and difficulties in the Historical passages of Gods great Providences Recorded in Scripture , and particularly in his preservation of Noah , and his Family in the Ark : But he that had seen with us the watchful Eye of God superintended , and the steddy hand of God to hold a poor Canvas Boat , built without Regular proportion , ill Victualled , without Anchor , Helm , Compass , or Tackle , and thereby preserve the Lives of five inconsiderable persons , of no great use in the World , and after six Days great extremity and distress , Land them all safe , may easily Credit the Report , how the same God should preserve eight Persons , upon whose Lives the re-peopling of the whole World did depend , in a Vessel of most exact proportions , strong built , and well laid in with all manner of Provisions . He that can see a Creator in the works of Creation , and a Governor in the works of Providence , may reasonably believe all Divine Revelations . 3. Sect. Let all that would not abuse this Narrative beware , lest whilst they are admiring Providence in this instance , if our preservation , they do not over-look those eminent appearances of God towards themselves every moment , which , though perhaps they carry not so much of Rarity in them , yet may have in them , as much of real power , wisdom , and goodness . We are apt to deal with our Mercies , just as we do with our Sins , where the commonness and frequency of either , abates and takes off from the Observation and Notice which we owe them ; we gaze , and wonder at Comets , and their Flaming Beards , but seldome admire the Sun , a far more Glorious Body , because he rises and sets every Morning and Evening upon the just and the unjust ; Dost thou admire God in our preservation , learn to admire him in thy own : Art thou surprized with wonder , that we were kept a few Days , when there was not half an inch between us and Death ? Consider , God has kept thee many Days , and many Years , , and every minute of those many Days and Years , when there was but a hairs breadth between thee and Death : Dost thou then admire God preserved us alive in a Vessel of Cloth ? Admire that God that holdeth thy Soul in Life , and that in a more frail Vessel , a Vessel of Clay : Dost thou still wonder we were not blown over with every breath of Wind ? Admire also that the Lamp of thy Life which thou carriest in a Paper-Lanthorn , is not blown out by every blast of Sickness : But if thou wilt still wonder how such a Boat should carry us ? Then wonder also how thy Food nourishes thee , how thy Cloaths keep thee warm , how thy sleep refreshes thee : There 's not a moment in our Lives but is filled with real Miracle and Wonder . I will Praise thee ( saies the Psalmist , Psal . 139. 14. ) for I am fearfully and wonderfully made : Let us all Praise God , for we are fearfully and wonderfull preserved . If Preservation be but a continued Creation , how should we adore that Power that Created us once , but preserves us alwaies ! God expects that we should equally magnifie his skill in making us out of Nothing , and securing us that we drop not into Nothing : and as much admire his goodness , that we crumble not , moulder not into our Dust , as that we were at first formed out of Dust . 4. Sect. Let the Reader learn from our Slavery , to prize , and improve his own Liberty . If we serve not our God sincerely , and chearfully in plenty , he can send us where we shall serve our Enemies in want . If we glorifie him not with our Liberty , but turn it into licentiousness , he can clap us up close , where we shall learn to prize it higher , and wish we had improved it better . It argues great disinginuity and baseness in our Spirits , that we provoke our God to teach us the worth of Mercies by the want of them : The Lord does not willingly afflict , nor grieve the Children of Men , Lam. 3. 33. but we provoke him to take his Rod into his hand , and lay it smartly upon our backs , because that Folly which is bound up in our Hearts will not otherwise be lasht out of us . Thus God threatned his people of Old , Deut. 28. 48. Because thou servedst not the Lord thy God with joyfulness and gladness of Heart , for the abundance of all things , therefore shalt thou serve thine Enemies , in hunger , thirst , and nakedness , and in the want of all things . Thus he taught Judah by the Captivity of Babylon , to prize the freedom of Canaan ; we might learn our Duty much cheaper from Gods Word , but we like Truants , will not learn it there , till God sends us to School with a Rod at our backs . 5. Sect. Let all Learn from hence , in what State soever the Providence of God shall place them , therewith to be content : Perhaps thou art a Servant to a Christian ; dost thou murmur ? It shews , thou little knowest what it is to be a Slave to an imperious Turk . Thou servest him that Prays with thee , and for thee : dost thou repine ? God might have made thee serve one who would Curse and Torture thee , and make little Provision for thy Body , and none at all for thy Soul : The Christian Religion is surely the most excellent Religion in the World , because it holds the ballance so even between Superiours and Inferiours : It enjoyns the one to give the most full Obedience , and yet prohibits the other to exercise Rigour . It is peremptory for Duty , and yet abhors Tyranny : whoever has known Turkish Slavery , is obliged to become a more Loyal Subject , a more Dutiful Child , a more Faithful Servant ; and whoever has not known it , is yet obliged to become all these , lest God make him know it , and whip out of him that Restiff Spirit of grumbling , and Disobedience with the Briars , and Thorns of the Wilderness . God commanded all Masters among the Jews , to allow their Servants a Day of Rest , Deut. 5. 14. and he gives this Reason for it , Remember that thou wast a Servant in the Land of Egypt . The Equity of which Reason holds stronger for the Christian : Remember thou wast a Servant to the worst of Masters , a Drudge in the basest of works , and lyable to receive the worst of Wages : Has Christ set thee free ? And art thou become a Servant to the best of Masters ? Employed in the most reasonable , and honourable Services ? And in expectation of the most glorious Rewards ? Let it teach thee if thou beest a Master , to command gently ; and if a Servant , to obey chearfully . 6. Sect. Let all Learn to walk worthy of the Gospel . It is that which sweetens all our mercies , and mitigates the bitterness of all Afflictions ; and if we sin away that , we either sin away all the rest , or whatever is useful , and desireable in all the rest . If we enjoy the Light , and yet walk in darkness , it 's righteous with God , to over-spread our Habitations with Egyptian , or Babylonish , Turkish , or Popish darkness . God can carry us to Rome , or Algiers ; or else send Rome , and Algiers home to us : For what should a a People do with Light , that only intend to play , or fight by it ? The once Famous Churches of Asia , are now swallowed up by the Ottoman Sword , and the Mahumetan Vnbelief ; and those sometimes Famous Cities , Carthage , and Hippo , which knew those burning and shining Lights , Cyprian , and Augustine , are now possest with Moors , and defiled with the Abominations of the greatest Impostor that ever seduced the Nations , but One. And thinkest thou , O Man , O Christian , that do'st these things , so Alien from the Gospel of Christ ; that art drunk in the day , and cursest that God whom thou Worshippest , that thou shalt escape the Judgment of God ? I tell thee , nay ; and I tell all those that read these lines , and are guilty ; and I tell my self , so far as I am guilty , that except we repent , we shall all likewise perish . The Lord Jesus Christ , in his Epistle to the Church of Ephesus , gives her this Memorial , Rev. 2. 5. Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen , and Repent , and do thy first work , or else I will come unto thee quickly , and remove thy Candlestick out of its place , except thou Repent : But Ephesus would none of his Counsel , none of his Caution ; and Christ was as good as his word , he put out her Candle , and removed her Candlestick . I have often wondered , what should be the grounds of their confidence , who speak as if the Gospel were entailed upon England , by vertue of some Ancient Charter ; as if God would make us Exceptions from his General Rule , which is to take away abused , despised means , and mercies , and we must own much of prerogative in our case ; but yet let us Rejoyce with trembling , lest when Prophaneness and Debauchery dog Religion so close at the heels , she fly not thither , where she may find better Quarter : It has made great Impression upon me when I read the Divine Herbert , in his Church Militant ; Religion stands on Tip-toe in onr Land , Ready to pass to the American Strand ; When height of Malice , and Prodigious Lusts Impudent sinning ; Witchcrafts , and Distrusts , ( The Marks of future bane ) shall fill our Cup Vnto the Brim , and make our Measure up , &c. 7. Sect. Let it be every Man's care to be found in Gods way : The Promise of Protection is annext to Gods way , Psal . 91. 11. He shall give his Angels charge over thee to keep thee in all thy ways : And the Blessing of God is annext to to his own way too , Psal . 128. 1. Blessed is every one that feareth God , and walketh in his ways . When we are over-taken with the evil of Affliction , let the first Question we propound to our selves be this . Am I not in the way of Transgression ? Did this danger find me in my Duty ? Was I in Gods High-way , or in some by path of my own ? Was I doing his work ? Serving his Glory ? If we observe not the way of his Precepts , I know no Reason we should plead the Promise of his Protection . There are two things upon which I look upon it as my great Duty to Reflect ; First , whether we were in the way Gods Precepts when we fell into our Enemies Hands ? Secondly , whether we were in the way of Gods Promise when we escaped out of their Hands ? For the former , I am abundantly satisfied , that we were in the way of our Duty ; for we were sent out by Commission from the Right Honour , able , Robert , Earl of Warwick , the Lord Say , and the Lord Brook , who by Patent from Hi● Majesty King Charles the First , were Governours of the Isle of Providence , whither we were bound : For the latter , If the more severe Reader shall make it a Question , Whether we could in Faith expect Protection in an Adventure visibly so rash , and praecipitous ? And shall determine it against us , that we tempted God by casting our selves upon extraordinary Protection , expecting deliverance without warrant , in a way little on this side miracle : I shall first say , Let him shun that Rock in his own Conversation , upon which he supposes us to have dasht : Let our Ship-wrack be a Buoy to warn him of the like presumption , and let him learn more wisdom , at our cost and charges . I shall further say , let him not discover greater rashness in censuring our Adventure , then he charges upon our Adventure , but modestly consider himself , lest he also be tempted : and if we were guilty of folly , he may thus gain wisdom by our folly . But I shall add , Extremity of Misery is none of the best Counsellers ; let him put himself under our Circumstances , and if Cowardise did not hinder him from making our Attempt , I am confident Conscience would not : Our Lives were bitter to us by Reason of cruel Bondage , and ( though mine was at that time much mitigated ) yet there is a secret Magnetisme in a Native Soil , with which our Hearts being once strongly toucht , could never admit of the leact variation , but still pointed directly Homewards ; and such a Land too , as was like Goshen , all Light , when the Land of our Captivity was like Egypt , both for Slavery and Darkness , that might both be felt ; and we thought it below Men , for the Love of Life , to lose the Reasons of our Lives , for All may have ( If they dare try ) a Glorious Life or Grave . Herb. Ch. Porch . In a word , though success will not warrant an evil Action , yet there 's much of justification in it , on the behalf of those which are not so ; nor did we tempt God to work Miracles , but trusted him to afford us special Protection ; But if this will not satisfie , let none imitate us wherein we failed , but rather admire Divine Condescention , that engaged in our Deliverance , notwithstanding our failing . 8. Sect. Let all that read this Narrative be instructed never to promise them selves great matters from Men : I have observed it in the whole course of our Captivity , and constant Tenour of those Gracious Providences which brought us thence , and the Series of Mercy , Wisdom , and Power , that was our Convoy Home , that we ever found most of Favour from God , when we expected least from Men : and the least of kindness from those where we might , or thought we might in Reason have promised our selves most . When we met with unexpected Friendship , God would teach us to own himself . When we met with dis-appointment , God would teach us the folly of Idolizing the Creature : I have seriously admired the Compassion and Relief we found at Mayork , and yet we knew them to be Romanists , and they knew us to be Protestants , and haw little respect we found frome some of our own Countrey , at Alicant , Cadiz , and St. Lucars , and yet we were tyed together in the strictest Triple Bonds of Vn Dieu , Vn Roy , Vn Ley , One God , One King , One Law : But God was seen in both . I could Relate a Passage during our Captivity in Algiers , that had more of bitterness in it , than in all our Slavery ; and yet they were Christians , not Algerines ; Protestants , not Papists ; English-men , not Strangers , that were the cause of it : But I have put a force upon my self , and am resolved not to publish it . In our Return homewards , we met with some who would talk to the grief of those whom God had wounded , and was now in a way to heal again . Some would interpretatively say , with the Churlish Nabal , 1 Sam. 25. 10. Who are these ? And whence come they ? There are many Servants now adays that break away , every one from his Master . But then was the season when we had most Experience of Gods faithfulness : And I shall never cease to own before the World the great Respect we found from some English Merchants , to whom we were perfect Strangers ; and the Civilities of Captain Goodson , Captain Smith , his Mate , and his Son , are not to be forgotten . Perhaps , after all this , the Reader will be earnest to be satisfied , why this Narrative has lain so long Dormant , and appeared no sooner in the World ? And I shall herein also endeavour to give him all Reasonable satisfaction . 1. When we return'd into England , we found our Native Country embroyled in a Civil War , and most Men had enough to do , to bear their own personal Calamities , and had little need to be troubled with the miseries of others ; they were other kind of Declarations that flew abroad then , and that was enough to super-sede a Narrative of this Nature , for some Years . 2. The great Mercies of God have not alwaies their due weight upon our Hearts at first ; and I have received signal Deliverances from eminent dangers since that great one ; and it 's well if all the mercies of our Lives , all our Deliverances put together , will amount to an Argument strong enough to overcome our backwardness to make publick acknowledgments . 3. I thought a long while that it was not worth the while , to trouble the World with my particular Concerns , till the Importunity of several Ministers , and others , both in City and Country , overcame my reluctancy , in whose Reasons I did acquiesce . 4. I was conscious to my self of great unfitness to recommend it to publick view , in such a garb as might vindicate it from Contempt ; for though it has been drawn out many years with my own hand , and many have had the perusal of it , have approved it , and desired it ; yet till I could prevail with a Friend to teach it to speak a little better English , I could not be perswaded to let it walk abroad ; The Stuff and Matter is my own , the Trimming and Form is anothers , for whom I must vouch , that he has done the Truth , my self , and the Reader Justice . Having overcome all these difficulties , I do here Erect my Ebenezer , as a small Monument of great Mercy , and as an Obligation upon my Soul to great Duty , and do pray that it may stand as an Abiding Witness for God in my Conscience ; that when-ever I am tempted to Sin , I may have an Answer ready to stop the Mouth of the Tempter with Indignation ; How can I do this great Evil , and Sin against my good God ? When I am tempted to distrust , I may encourage my Faith from my own Narrative , saying , Remember that God who delivered thee at Sea ; when I am tempted to murmur , I may suppress those mutinous thoughts from my own Narrative , saying , Remember what thou endurest in Algiers . When my Heart grows cold , and unthankful , I may chide , and shame it , from my own Narrative , into gratitude to God ; That God , who remembred us in our low Estate , for his Mercy endureth for ever ! who preserved us at the Sea , the Great Sea ; for his Mercy endureth for ever ! and secured us in a Boat , a Contemptible Boat , for his Mercy endureth for ever ! who gave us favour in the Eyes of Strangers , for his Mercy endureth for ever ! and opened to us the Hearts of Enemies ; for his Mercy endureth for ever ! and taught us to look up to his never failing Mercy , when Friends failed , for his Mercy endureth for ever ! who turned us safe to England , for his mercy endureth for ever ! we called upon him in the day of Trouble , he delivered us , and we will glorifie him . Reader , this Narrative is true , peruse it seriously , and let not Vanity tempt thee to say , Things might have been better contrived , wiselier managed ; it was God that did what was Good in All ; call not his Wisdom in Question , because he did not create more wonders to gratifie thy itching Humour ; perhaps thou wouldst have had us been brought over upon a Floating Island , or in a Whales Belly , but I do not understand that the great God is bound to work Miracles to save Mens longings : God has done his work well , and none can mend it ; for , what can the Man do that comes after the King ? Eccl. 2. 12. For the matter of Fact Recorded herein , I might safely call God to Record upon my Soul that I lye not : The thing is known to many , and has been sifted , and scann'd by such Eyes and Ears as are not guilty of easie Credulity ; I have Evidence that may storm the most obstinate unbelief : Mr. Thomas Saunders , my Wife's Brother , being in Mayork not long after we came from thence , saw our Boat hang up for a Monument upon the side of the great Churh there . Mr. Robert Hales , who was there 1671. assures me he saw the naked Ribs and Skeleton of it then hanging in the same place . Now , I assure thee , Reader , I should be much ashamed of my self , if Strangers unconcerned in my Personal Deliverances , should be so far concerned as to preserve a Memorial of them , and yet unthankful I should Erect no Standard or Piller as an Evidence of Gods wonderful appearing for me . It 's true , I am informed by one , that some affirm , there are more Boats hanging up in Mayork , in Memory of some such like escape : Now , if others have really escaped the same danger , by the same means , it greatly confirms our Narrative ; and I do heartily rejoyce , Providence has appeared in the same Method for others , as for our selves : we never intend to Monopolize Gods Providences to our sole use and behoof ; and we rejoyce if our attempt and success may have encouraged others to make the like attempt , and have found the like success ; but I do assert it with great confidence , that when we were in Mayork , there was no such Boat hanging up , but the Inhabitants there entertained our Deliverance as such whereof they had no parallel : But if on the other side , these , or some of these succeeding Boats were but Imposture , then the goodness of God appears more remarkable towards us , that we really were the Subjects of such wonder which others durst only pretend to ; and it sets a lustre upon this great Salvation , which others have thought so considerable , that they judged it worth the while to tell a Lye to entitle themselves to the Credit of it ; for it's Gold and Silver , not Copper , or baser Metals , that they who drive the Coyning Trade , strive to Counterfeit . Let then every one that reads , understand , and seriously sit down , and consider with himself , whether he has not had many eminent Personal Deliverances in one kind or other , which this Marvellous Providence of God towards us may not refresh his Memory withal ; and if he shall hence be taught to blush at his forgetfulness of lapsed Mercies ; if this Narrative shall recover any lost Providencies , and fix them on , and rivet into his Soul ; if he shall find himself awakened to do thankfulness to God for all his benefits towards him ; let him joyn with me in ascribing all the Power , and therefore all the Glory , to the Almighty , and let him kindly accept the assistance of him , who shall reckon it amongst his other Mercies , to have been Serviceable to any one in reviving a better frame of Heart . Iam , Reader , Thy Friend , and Servant , W. Okeley . A SMALL MONUMENT OF GREAT MERCY . SECT . I. A Brief Acconnt of those Providences Which led towards our Captivity in Algiers . THIS Narrative would be too happy , if it should not meet with some hasty and impatient Spirits , that grudge the time that 's spent in Preface and Introduction ; and such as these , are wild to come at the Story of the Boat ; all the rest is but one great tedious Impertinency , they 'l not give a Figg for all the other . I shall make never the more haste for unreasonable Importunity ; but the Remedy is in their own hands , they may turn over a few leaves , and meet with it in its proper place , if they sit upon Thorns . But to the more judicious and considerate , it will be acceptable to know how our Foot was taken in the Snare , as well as how the Snare was broken , and we delivered . In the Month of June , in the Year of Our Lord , One Thousand , Six Hundred , Thirty , and Nine , in pursuance of a Commission from the Right Honourable , the Earl of Warwick , the Lord Say , and the Lord Brook , we took Ship at Gravesend , in the Mary of London , carrying Six Guns , Mr. Boarder being Master , and James Walker the Masters Mate ; the Ship was chiefly Laden with Linnen and Woollen Cloath , having in her , Seamen and Passengers , above Sixty , bound for the Isle of Providence in the West-Indies . Five Weeks we lay in the Downs , wishing , and waiting for a Wind , and then we set Sail , and came to Anchor near the Isle of Wight ; but by this time all our Beer in the Ship stunk , and we were forced to throw it over-board , and to take in Vinegar to mix with Water for our Voyage . The next Lord's Day we set Sail again , and coming between the Island , and the Main Land , we stuck fast in the Sands , but the Tide coming in , hove us off . These Circumstances seem very inconsiderable to those that were not concerned in the Products of them ; but God has given us the advantage and leisure to see what great things were in the Womb of these little things . Had the Wind stood longer against us , it had been more for us , and the danger had been past ; had it stood less while against us , it had been for us too , and we had been gone past the danger : But God appoints it the Moment when it should come about to blow us into the Mouths of our Enemies : We see the Truth of that , Ye know what to pray for : We prayed for a Wind , and we had a Whirl-wind : If we alwaies knew what mischief the Answer of our Prayers would do us , we should be glad to eat our words , and Pray against our Prayers . Denyal is often the best Answer , and we had need leave all Petitions to the wisdom of God to be Interpreted , according to his good pleasure , and returned as they may be good for us , and make most for his own Glory : we were also taught , that the Sea may sometimes be our best Friend , and the Earth our worst Enemy ; and that nothing can do us good or hurt , but by the Direction and Commission of the Almighty . We were now three Ships in Company , and one of the other I remember , carried Nine Guns , Mr. Church , Master . The Sixth Day after our setting Sail from the Isle of Wight , by break of Day in the Morning , we discovered three Ships about three or four Leagues to Leeward : The Masters of our Ships presently consulted , what was most adviseable ; whether to stay and speak with them , or to make the best of our way ; at last ( upon what Reasons I know not ) it was determined that we should stay ; It was not long before we discovered those other three Ships to be Turks Men of War , who espying their Prey , endeavoured to come up with us , which about Night they affected : Whilst they were coming up , the Masters of our Ships seemed resolved to Fight them , and accordingly made preparation to receive them , but in the Night , the Master and Company of the Ship wherein I was , altered their Counsels , let their Resolutions Dye , and agreed to run for it ; uncertain Counsels never produce better success ; when we might have gone , then we would stay ; and when there was no way to escape , then we musts needs attempt it : Had we either at first Resolved not to Fight them , or resolved to Fight , had prosecuted our Resolutions lie Men of Courage , we might , perhaps , either have avoided the danger , or bravely Master'd it . The Turks perceiving us begin to run , sent one of their number to Chase us , whilst their other two attended the remaining two of our Company till the Morning . At break of Day they began to Fight us , and after a short Dispute Boarded us , and took us all three : In the Mary , six were slain , and many wounded ; so small was the difference between Flight and Fight ; but that the Death and Wounds of those that flye , are dishonourable ; but of them that Fight , beautiful , and Glorious . Many Weeks they kept us close Prisoners at Sea ! we found many Englishmen in their Ships , Slaves , like our selves , from whom we had no other Comfort , but the Condoling of each others Miseries , and that from them we learnt a smattering of the Common Language , which would be of some use to us when we should come to Algiers , whither , after five or six Weeks we were brought . SECT . II. The Description of Algiers , with their Manner of Buying , and Selling Slaves . ALgier is a City very pleasantly scituated on the side of the Hills , over-looking the Mediterranean , which lyes North of it ; and it lifts up its proud Head so Imperiously , as if it Challenged a Soveraignty over those Seas , and expected Tribute from all that shall look within the Streights . It lyes in the 30th . Degree of Longitude , and hath somewhat less than 35 Degrees of North-Latitude : The City is considerably large , the Walls being above three Miles in Compass , beautified and strengthned with five Gates : Port-Marine towards the North , and Port Piscadore not far from thence , and Porta-Nova towards the South ; built , as they report , by the Spaniard , whilst it was in their Possession : The West-Gate , which they call Bubawite , and the Eastern-Gate , which in their Tongue is called Bubazoon : They have also several strong Castles besides that upon the Point of the Mole , so that the Town is judged impregnable . The City is built very stately , and yet more strong than stately ; and more Famous than strong , but not more Famous for any thing than for Infamy , being the Retreat , the Nest of those Turkish Corsairs , which have long Tyranniz'd in , and been a Terror to the Neighbouring Seas . It is supposed by some to contain Four Thousand Families , by others , Fourscore Thousand Persons ; but they must needs be very short in their Reckoning , it having been Judged , that of all Nations there could be no less than Twenty Five Thousand Slaves . The Private Buildings are very beautiful , flat Roof'd . Adorned with Galleries towards their Courts , supported by Pillars : And they may afford to Build sumptuously , because they Build at other Mens cost , and with other Mens hands : Their Temples are also very Magnificent , and much too good for their Religion , whose Practice and Conversation speaks them to say , There is no God. And yet we Read of a Religious Thief , who never went about the works of his Calling ( for so he called stealing ) but he would solemnly implore the assistance of his Idol ; A strange God , sure ; that would be accessary to his Devoto's Robberies : And a strange Worshipper , that either hoped to flatter to his God become his Accomplice in Villany , with the Vow of a good round share of the Booty , or would be such a Fool , to think that God worth the Worshipping that should be thus flatter'd . They have also many stately Baths , to which the Men resort in the Morning , and the Women in the Afternoon ; But they want one , worth them all , wherein they might by Faith and Repentance was away their filthiness . To this fair City we were brought , yet in our Eyes it was most ugly and deformed ; for the French Proverb is universally true , Il n'y a point de bel Prizon . There is no such thing as a fair Prison . I confess , for a Goal , it 's one of the best Built that I have seen ; there 's nothing that the Soul of Man bears with more regret than Restraint : The Body it self is judged by some to be but the Soul's Little-ease , or Cage ; where though it seems to Dwell , yet 't is but in Honourable Durance ; and though it dares not break the Prison , yet it listens ; and longs for a Goal-Delivery : There can be nothing large enough for a Soul but God , from whom since it once at first came , it must needs be restless till it return to him again ; and surely it has much forgot it self , and extract , if it can take up with satisfaction in any thing on this side its Creator . As soon as we were ashore , for the first Night we were lock'd down in a deep nasty Cellar ; some inconveniences we felt , but they were nothing to what we feared : The next day we were carried , or led , or rather driven to the Vice-Roys , or Bashaw's Palace , who according to the Custom , and his own Right , is to have the Tenth Man for his Dividend of the Slaves . When the next Market-day came ; we were driven like Beasts thither , and exposed to Sale ; and there is a great deal of God's goodness in that one word , that it was not to the Slaughter-house to be Butcher'd , as well as to the Market to be Sold. Their Cruelty is great , but their Covetousness exceeds their Cruelty ; could they make as much of us Dead , as they make alive , that so both the Interests of Cruelty , and of Covetousness , might be secured , and reconciled , we were well assured which way it should have gone with us . But it must be a great deal of Tallow and Fat , that will answer two or three Dollers a Month. Their manner of selling Slaves , is this . They lead them up and down the Fair , or Market ; and when a Chapman bids any Money , they presently cry , a-Rache ! a-Rache ! that is , Here 's so much Money bidden , who bids more ? They that cheapen the exposed Slaves are very circumspect persons , they carry their Eyes in their Heads , as well as their Money in their Purses , and use the one in laying out the other ; for they are loath to buy a Pig in a Poke ; their first Policy is to look in their Mouths ; and a good , strong , entire set of Grinders will advance the Price considerably , and they have good Reason for this Practice : for first , they are Rational Creatures , and know , that they who have not Teeth , cannot eat , cannot work ; and they that cannot work , are not for their turn ; and they that are not for their turn , are not for their Money . And Secondly , they intend to keep them at hard meat all the Year , and it must not be Gums , but solid Teeth ( nay , if it were possible , case-hardn'd Teeth ) that must chew it ; and when all is done , they had need of the Ostriches Stomach to digest it . Their next process is to feel their Limbs ; as whether there be any Fracture , or Dislocation in the Bones ; any thing Analogical to Spavin , or Ring-bone , for these will bring down the Makret wonderfully ; And to be clean Limb'd , close coupled , well joynted , will advance it as much . The Age is very considerable ; but they that sell them , did not breed them , and therefore they know nothing , more or less of that : Two waies they have to find out the Age ; the one is , to stand to the courtesie of the Slaves , but they are not bound to make any such Discovery , and therefore they go by general conjectures from the Beard , Face , or Hair ; but a good set of Teeth will make any one Ten Years Younger , and a broken one Ten Years Older than the Truth ; for if they were Five Hundred Years Old all is a Case , if they could but eat and work ; or if they could not eat , yet if they could but work , or if they neither eat nor work , if their Skins would but fetch in the Mony again . You shall have the Seller commend his Goods to the Sky , and the Buyer on the other hand , as much undervalue them , and the true Market-price commonly lies just between them ; but so it is all the World over . Or saies the Seller , mark what a Back he has , what a breadth he bears between the Shoulders ! What a Chest ! How strong set ! How fitted on the nonce for Burdens ! He 'l do but e'ne to much work . Pish , saies the Buyer , He looks like a Pillard , like a very Meacock at his Provinder , and one that seems to be surfeited . But they are very curious in examining the Hands ; for if they be callous and brawny , they will shrewdly guess they have been inured to Labour ; if delicate and tender , they will suspect some Gentleman , or Merchant , and then the hopes of a good Price of Redemption makes him Saleable . When any are sold , they must be trotted once more to the Vice-Roys , that he may have the review of them , and if he likes any of them at the prizes they went off at , there 's no more Dispute , they are his own . As for my self , I was sold the first Marget-day to a Tagareen ; and that the Reader may not stumble at that hard word , he may understand ; That when the Moors were driven out of Spain by Ferdinand the Great , they , upon their return into Africa , assumed Names that might argue Gentility , and be an Evidence of their Ancient Extract , from such places where they had been great Dons , and accordingly there are many Families thus denominated ; as Tagareens , Jarbeens , &c. SECT . III. An Account of some Difficulties that I met witb during my Captivity in Algiers . THose Miseries which it is dreadful to endure , are yet delightful to be remembred ; and there 's a secret pleasure to chew the Cud , and ruminate upon escaped dangers : However , the Reader may afford to run over with his Eye in an hour , that which I ran through in five Years ; and supposing himself safe upon the Amphitheatre , may behold poor Slaves Combating with Beasts below . The first Adventure I met with after I was brought to my Patron 's House ( for so I must now stile him ) had well nigh cost me my Life . My Patron 's Father being desirous to see his Sons Penny-worth , commanded me up into a Gallery , which looked into the Court ; he began to insult over me with insupportable scorn , reflecting upon me because I was a Christian , and cast out some Expressions which did really reflect upon the Person of my Rdeemer , though I have heard worse since . ) My Neck was not yet bowed , nor my Heart broken to the Yoke of Bondage ; I could not well brook , because I had not ben used then to such Language ; and because I could not express my self in the Moresco , or Lingua Franc , I supplyed it with Signs ; and imitating the Coblers Yarke , I signified both waies as well as I could , That their Prophet was but a Cobler . I confess , my meaning was no more , but that Mahomet , by the help of Sergius , a Nestorian Monk , and Abdalla the Jew , had patch'd up a Cento of Jewish , and Monkish Fopperies , which was now their Religion . But he , without the preamble of many Railing words , fell upon me with severe blows ; whatever Rage and Fury his Hands or Feet could Execute , that I felt ; and my intreaties did but enrage his Choler , so that I saw I might sooner blow out the Fire with a pair of Bellows , than lenifie his passion with Prayers ; I had no other way but this , to make an offer of leaping down out of the Gallery into the Court , and therefore clapping my hands upon the Rails , as if I would throw my self head-long down over them , and rather chuse to receive my Death from the Pavement , than his Hands , he presently asswages , if not his Rage , yet the Execution of it . The Old Gentleman knew very well , that if I lost my Life , his Son must lose his present Money , and future profit ; for there 's little made out of a Dead Man's Skin : and therefore he respites my further punishment till my Patron 's Return , and then indeed this reputed Blasphemy of mine with full cry was carried to his Ears , and it lost nothing in the telling , but was aggravated to purpose : My Patron being Naturally a very passionate Man , said nothing , but without Examination , drew out his long Knife , ( which they constantly wear by their sides ) and made at me ; and had there doubtless put an end to my Life and Captivity at once , had not his Wife , who was there seasonably present , taken him in her Arms , and sweeten'd him into more moderate Counsels . Some will be ready enough to say , that I was but a Martyr to my own Folly : This was not a place for Dispute , but Obedience . Well , I learnt from hence two Lessons : One , That when the Body is a Slave , the Reason must not expect to be free ; and where the whole outward Man is in Bondage , the Tongue must not plead Exemption . A Second , That it 's fair for Slaves to enjoy the freedom of their own Consciences , without Reviling anothers Religion , though erroneous ; and this Wit I bought , as it fell out , a pretty good Penny-worth . When the Storm was over , my employment was assigned me ( for they had rather see a Slave Dead than Idle ) and for about half a Year it lay in trudging on Errands , bearing Burdens , and discharging other Domestick Services at Command , wherein the only consideration was , That it was Commanded , and not What was Commanded . At this time my Patron had a part in a Man of War , which carried Twelve Guns : She being at Sea , ( with some others of the same place ) met with an English Merchant , Laden with Plate , and other Rich Commodities from Spain , and Bound for London , ( one Isaac being Master ) and after a very sharp , though short Dispute , the Algerines carried her , and brought her safe home . The Adventurers divide their Booty , and being high flown with this success , they Resolve to fit her out again to carry more Guns ; and from hence grew my new employment . Upon the Capenters I attended , waited on the Smiths , to get the Iron-work fitted , and finished ; and truly he allowed me more for Portage than to the ordinary Hammels , or common Porters . When this Ship was now fitted for another Adventure , my Patron tells me , I must go in her ; it was a nipping word : I pleaded , that I was no Sea-man , understood nothing of the Mariners Art , and therefore as he could expect little Service from me in that kind , so I must expect most rigorous treatment , because I could not acquit my self in the Service as well as others ; he removed my Pleas , and promised I should not be wronged ; but there was more at the bottom than all this : For here a Case of Conscience offered it self , Whether I might without Sin in any Case fight against Christians , on the Port of the common Enemy of all Christianity ? The best Resolution I could give my self , was this ; That first , my employmy employment would only lie in managing the Tackle , which will kill no Body ; but it was replied , That without the due management of the Tackle , all the Guns in the Ship would kill no Body : Secondly , therefore I answered , That it was not evident that they would engage against Christians more than all the rest of Mankind , for all the World are their Enemies , who are Rich enough to invite them , and too weak to resist them ; but my Patron had a Solution worth all these : He told me peremptorily , I must , and should go ; I found my self under force , I was a Prest Man : who could not examine the Justice of the Cause . In a word , his Commands were back'd with Compulsion , and whatever his Authority was , he had more Power , than I had Courage to deny , or Strength to resist ; and go I did . Yet this I will say for him , he spoke to the Captain and Officers of the Ship , to treat me civilly , that is , less cruelly than other Slaves were treated : He gave me some Money also in my Pocket , bought me Clothes , and laid me in Provision above the Ships allowance . Nine Weeks we were at Sea , within , and without the Streights , Cruising , and Pickarooning up and down , at last we met with one poor Hungarian French Man of War , whom we took , and so returned . My Patron having been at great charges in fitting , and manning out this Ship , and the Reprisals so slenderly answering his great cost , and greater hopes , told me , I must allow him two Dollers per Month , and Live ashore where I would , and get it were I could . This was a hard Chapter , That he that could not maintain himself , should be compelled to contribute to the maintenance of another ; it was difficult to raise encrease out of no stock , and to pay Interest out of no Principal ; but there was no contending ; It cost me much debate with my self , and I turn'd my thoughts into all forms and shapes , but all Projects that presented themselves were incumbred with so many difficulties , that they amounted very near to impossibilities . The more I consulted , the further I found my self from a conclusion , and I could see no way but one , ( but that was worth a Thousand , could I have made the best of it , ) and that was to commit my self to God , who had brought me into this strait , beseeching him that he would bring me out of it . But that my trusting to God might not be a Cloak for Laziness , or a Pillow for Sloath to rest upon , I addrest my self to an English-man , whose condition was that of a Slave , whose Calling was that of a Taylor . He at first word counselled me to come and stay with him , and he would teach me to work of his Trade . I accounted nothing base that was honest , and necessity would ennoble a far meaner Emploiment , and very readily closed in my thoughts with his motion , and was suddenly elevated into huge hopes that I should now be in a capacity to answer my Patron 's demands , and escape his lash . But my straits were not ( it seems ) great enough to glorifie God ; nor my condition mean enough to magnifie his Power in raising me ; I was not reduced to that Extremety which would make an oportunity to exalt his appearing Mercy ; for when I came to him the next Day , I perceived by his silence that his mind was changed , and I was loth , either out of Modesty or Pride , to give him further trouble ; and therefore interpreting his silence to be a more civil way of denial , I left him , and once more Launched out into the wide World. In this forlorn posture I wandred , but neither knew , nor much cared whither , though the wise God both knew , and cared ; and his Providence directed me to another English-man , who was sitting in a little Shop : He asked me what News ? And ( as that which is uppermost alwaies comes out first ) I presently began the Story of my desperate Condition ; how the Rigid Law of my Patron had imposed two Dollers per Month upon me , and I knew not where to levy the least Mite of it : He heard , considered , pityed my Condition , and invited me to come and sit in the Shop with him ; but seeing nothing but the bare Walls , I asked him , to what end ? What Trade should we drive there ? There 's not much difference between starving in the Streets , and in the Shop . Country-man ( said he ) I drive here an unknown Trade ; here I sell Lead , Iron , Shot , Strong-waters , Tobacco , and many other things . This motion was a great deal to good to be refuesd , and I think at that time no tolerable condition would have stck with me . I acquainted my Patron with my Design , pleaded I wanted stock to set up with ; he lent me a small modicum , and with another pittance that I had privately reserved of my own , I began to Trade . That very Night I went and bought a parcel of Tobacco , the next Morning we dress'd it , cut it , and fitted it for Sale ; and the World seemed to smile on us wonderfully . In this way of Partner-ship we continued for some while , and what we got clear , we divided every week according to the proportion of our respective stocks . In a while , finding the World to come in upon us , we ventured upon no less then a whole Butt of Wine , some Money we had , and some Credit : This Wine we drew out , and got considerably by it . But it 's very difficult to maintain moderation in an exalted State , for even our State was capable of better and worse ; for my Partner being elevated with our good success , grew a good Fellow , and a bad Husband ; neglecting his business , went tipling , and fndling up and down , and the Concerns of the Shop and Trade lay wholly upon my Shoulders . It fell out , that one John Randal , who with his Wife and Child were taken in the same Ship with my self , being put to the same shifts with my self , and , as 't is very common , having a Monthly Tax imposed upon him by his Patron , which he must scrape out where he could , and besides maintain himself , his Wife , and Child , went up and down seeking for Relief , at last the poor Man straggled to our Shop : His Case made great impression upon me , I could not but consider the goodness of God to me , that should now be in a condition to advise , and help another , who so lately wanted both my self ; and it had this operation upon me , that I would not suffer a poor distressed Country-man , a Fellow-Captive , a Fellow-Christian to stand begging at that door , where I had so lately stood my self : Shall I shut the Door , or my Heart upon him , when God hath opened a Door of hope to me in the day of my Trouble ? Shall I so ill requite the Lord's kindness to me ? Surely that God who comforts us in our Tribulations , expects that we should comfort others in theirs , 2 Cor. 1. 4. I bad him therefore come in , and knowing him to be a Glover by Trade , advised him to learn to make Canvas Cloaths for Sea-men that are Slaves ; and for my own part , he should sit Rent-free ; but if my Partner would insist upon his Moiety , he must be willing to satisfie him , for I had no power to determine of another's Right . It were tedious to trouble the Reader how I wore out three or four irksome Years in this way of Trading . All this while there was no dawning of deliverance from our Bondage : As one Year left us , another found us , and delivered us over Captives to the next : Our condition was bad , and in danger every day of being worse , as the mutable Humours of our Patrons determin'd upon us , for our Shop and Trade was no free-hold : The Truth is , in time we were so habituated to Bondage , that we almost forgot Liberty , and grew stupid , and sensless of our Slavery ; like Issachar , we couched down between our burdens , we bowed our Shoulders to bear , and became Servants to Tribute , Gen. 49. 14 , 15. And were in danger to be like those Israelites in Babylon , who being once settled , forgot Canaan , and dwelt with the King for his work , 1 Chron. 4. 23. We seem'd as if our Ears had been bored , and we had vowed to serve our Patrons for ever . Long Bondage breaks the Spirits , it scatters hope off , and discourages all attempts for freedom : And there were more evils attended our condition than the bodily torture , which we were alwaies liable to , and sometimes endured . 1. We were under a perpetual temptation to deny the Lord that bought us , to make our Souls Slaves , that our Bodies might recover Liberty . As Satan once tempted Job to Curse God , and Dye ; so he knew how to change his Note to us , and accommodate his Snare to our condition , to Curse God , that we might Live. How many have made Ship-wrack of Faith , that they might not be Chained to the Galliees ? I can never enough admire the grace of that Promise , Psal . 1253. The Rod of the wicked shal not always rost upon the lot of the Righteous , lest the Righteous put forth their hands to Iniquity ; nor ever enough adore the faithfulness of him , who will not suffer us to be tempted above that we are able , 1 Cor. 10. 13. And 2. Evil is the unmaning , and dispiriting of the Soul to worthy Actions ; for we are apt to put on the Temper and Spirit of Slaves with the Habit , and the Christians of the Greek Communion , are a very sad instance of this Truth . And 3. We were very much at a loss for the Preaching of the World : And yet herein the Gracious God stept in for our Relief . SECT . IV. How God Provided for our Souls , by sending us an Able Minister to Preach the Gospel to us in our Bondage . THE gracious God looking upon the affliction of his poor Servants , and Remembring us in our low Estate , was pleased many waies to mitigate the load of our Captivity : We have Reason to say , with the Church , Ezra 9. 9. We were Bondsmen , yet our God hath not forsaken us in our Bondage , but hath extended Mercy to us , to give us a reviving , and a Nail in his Holy place : And thus he brought about his Design of Grace and Mercy . There was an English Ship taken by some of our Algerine Pirates , and in her one Mr. Devereux Sprat , a Minister of the Gospel . It deserves our consideration , and greatest Admiration , that the wise God should ●upply our Necessities at the cost and charges of others of his dear Servants : But thus Providence sent Joseph into Egypt , where he endured thirteen Years Slavery , that he might preserve the Lives of his Fathers Family , within those narrow walls the most visible Church of God in those daies was enclosed , Gen. 45. 5. Now , some of us observing this Mr. Sprat to be a Person of very Sober , Grave , and Religious Deportment , we addressed our selves to him , and humbly entreated him that we might enjoy the benefit of his Ministry ; in Order whereto , we desired him that he would compound with his Patron at so much a month as he could , and because we were abundantly convinc'd of our Duty to administer to him of our Carnal things , who should administer to us of his Spirituals , we engaged to allow him a Competency to maintain himself , and satisfie the expectations of his Patron : The good man hearkned to us with much readiness ; and now indeed we found our burdens much lighter , and our conditions not prest so hard upon our Spirrits : Thrice a week this Godly , painul Servant of Jesus Christ prayed with us , and Preach'd to us the Word of God ; our meeting-place was a Cellar , which I had hired at some distance from our Shop , where I stowed some Goods that were peculiarly my own when we fell into a greater stroke of trade . To our Meetings resorted many , sometimes three or fourscore , and though we met next the Street , yet we never had the least disturbance from the Turks , or Moors ; for whilst we intermeddled not with their Superstitions , but paid our Patrons their demands , we might , without any disturbance from them , Worship our God , according to our Consciences : It 's true , that such were the circumstances of the Slavery of many poor Christians , that they could not attend ; and such the wretched carelessness of others , that they would not attend , and such the Provisions that God had made for others , by other means , that they needed not , perhaps , attend upon God's Worship with us ; but thus was our God pleased to give us the means of strengthning our Faith , and Comforting our drooping Spirits . At length came one Captain Wildy of Ratcliff to Trade there , who , with the Assistance of the Legorn Mercahnts , free'd our Minister from his Patron . After his freedom from his Patron , yet there remained a Duty of sixty Dollers , which was a particular charge payable to the Publick Treasury , before he could be fully enlarged from the City : We Petitioned therefore the Captain , that he might , and Mr. Sprat himself , that he would still continue to be Serviceable to our poor Souls , in the work of the Gospel , and we easily prevailed , and had the benefit of his Ministry whilst I staid there . SECT . V. Some Remarkable Observations that I gleaned up , whilst I remained in Algires . THey that are pressed with their own Personal Grievances , have little leisure to look abroad , and observe the Motions of others ; and indeed our own Afflictions however sweetned , lay still gnawing , and grating upon our Spirits that we must needs be very ill qualified to treasure up materials to make a History . Such a Design required Leisure , Liberty , Privacy , Retiredness , Intelligence , and strict Correspondence , to all which we were perfect Strangers . Yet sometimes I could make a truce with my Troubles , and obtain so long a cessation from my vexatious Pressures , as to make Observation . And. 1. The Hypocrisie of their Profession was so notorious , that he must put out his Eyes that did not see it . One Month in the year they Observe their Ramedam , which is their Lent ; and indeed rhey Observe it by day with more Monkish Austerity , imposing upon themselves a total Abstinence : An Observation which they may be presumed to owe to that Nestorian Monk , who clubb'd with Mahomet in the cursed invention of the Alchoran : But for all their demure Quadragesimal looks by day , they give or sell themselves to commit with greediness all manner of the most execrable Villanies by night . And they cheat themselves with this evasion ; that forsooth Mahomet Commanded them to Fast so many Days , but not so many Nights ; For now they beat up their Drums , and call their Friends first out of bed , then out of Doors , they provoke , challenge , dare one another to eat , drink , and run into all excess of Riot . They will neither spare Men in their Rage , nor Women in their Lust : The two hungry meals of the Day , makes the third of the Night an errand Glutton . By Day they create themselves a Purgatory , and by night the poor Slaves find a Hell. Now when they have cramm'd their Guts all Night , and are Maw-sick in the morning , they put on their Lenten face again ; and call that a Fast , which is but Physick ; and pretend Religion for that which they are compell'd to by Nature ; that is , they Fast when they can eat and drink no longer : But indeed their Fast by Day is nothing but a dry Drunkenness ; for when they have drunk , and whored themselves into sin , they fancy they merit a pardon by Abstinence . A piece of Hypocrisie so gross , that whether it be to be sampled any where in the World , unless , perhaps , by the Popish Carnevals , I cannot tell . 2. I could not but observe , that though they allow , that every man may be saved in that Religion he professes , provided he walks by i'ts Rules , ; and therefore that at last , the Jews , under the Banner of Moses ; the Christians , under the Banner of Christ ; and the Turks , under the Banner of Mahomet , shall all march over a fair bridg , into I know not what Paradise , a place far beyond the Elisian Fields ; yet they afford no mercy to one , who having once professed , afterwards Revolts from Mahumetanism ; an Instance whereof I shall now present the Reader with . The Spaniards every year return a considerable sum of mony to Algires , to be employed in the Redemption of such of their own Countrey as are there in Slavery : Some say , there is a ●articular Treasury set apart for that Service ; but this I know , that they use the Charitable benevolence of well disposed Persons , to advance it . Now , there was a Spanish Friar , that was a Slave , who being passed by in the Redemption that Year , took it very hainously to be neglected , thought himself much wronged ; hereupon he grows Discontented , and the Devil ( who never works with greater success than upon that Humor ) takes the Advantage to push him on ; and he in a pett , Renounces the Christian Religion , declares himself a Mussulman , and accordingly appears in his Turkish Habit. I knew him very well by sight he was a fat , corpulent person ; but after he had turned Renegado , I observed him to become strangely lean , and dejected in his Countenance . but I little suspected , that the Root of his Distemper lay in his Conscience : but it seems he had severely reflected upon his Apostacy , for he had not Renounced onely his Popery , but his Christianity : His own Conscience , which was a Thousand Witnesses against him , was a Thousand Tormentors to him : Long he bore i'ts secret and stinging lashes , but when he could no longer stand under them , he goes to the Vice-Roy's Palace , and there openly declares himself a Christian , and protests against the Superstition and Idolatry of Mahomet , as a most Execrable , and damnable Imposture : Immediatly he is conveyed before the Councel , and there strictly Examined , he persists resolutely in his Profession , whereupon he is clapt in Irons , and for some time there secured : Now , they pretended this reason for their proceedure . That there had been some practising and tampering with him , either Morally by Argument , or Naturally by some Dose of intoxicating Drugs , that had thus distempered him ; for loth they were it should be thought , that any Man of sound mind , or master of his Reason , would ever revolt from their Religion : But when they saw him fixt in his Resolution , and that neither what he felt , or might fear , what they had inflicted , or could threaten , did unhinge him from his Profession , they proceeded to the last remedy , and inexorably Condemned him to the Fire : A way of Punishment which they learnt from the Spaniards themselves who first set up the Inquisition against the Moors , and have now turned the edg of it against the Protestants . And now they proceed to the Execution of the Sentence , which was performed with some Pomp , and State. And first , they formed a Crown with a Cross upon the top of it , within the Plates , and Bars whereof they put Flax ; thus Crowned , they guard him through the City , out of the West-Gate , about half a mile , which was the appointed place of Execution : and first , one puts Fire to the Flax in his mock-Crown , to take possession of his Head , in the Name of the rest of his Body : at first he shook it off , but another put Fire again to it with a Cane , and then the poor man stood patiently , and presently they put Fire to the whole Pile , and there burnt him : I saw some of his Bones , and scorched Flesh after he was dead ; and the same Evening came a Zealous Spaniard , and carried away some of his scorched Flesh , and Bones , as the Holy Reliques of a Martyr , saying I have now done enough to make satisfaction for all the sins that I have committed . 3. It 's worth Admiration , to see in what great awe they stand of the meanest Officer , who is known to be such by his Turbant , and Habit . If any Affray be made , or a murder committed in the Streets , the Chiaux , or Officer presently comes without any Weapon or Person to assist him ; and if he seizes the Offenders , none is so hardy as to resist even unarmed Authority . 4. The great Reverence which the Moors pay to the Turks , though both Mahumetans , is remarkable : If a Moor shall dare to strike a Turk , he is punisht with great severity : I saw two Moors whilst I was there , whose right Hands were chopt off for this one Crime , and hung about their necks in strings ; the one was set upon an Asse , the other walkt by on foot , the Common Cryer proclaiming before them their Offence , through the chief Streets of the City . I saw another also with his heels tyed to a Horses Tayl ; he was wholly naked , onely he had on a pair of linnen Drawers , and thus was he dragg'd through the Streets ? It was a most lamentable Spectacle , to see his Body all torn with the rugged way , and stones ; the skin torn off his Back and Elbows , his Head broken , and all covered with blood , and dirt , and thus was he dragg'd through the City out at Bubazoon , or the East-gate , where he ended his miserable Life . Two others of their own Country-men I saw Executed in a most terrible , and dreadful manner , ( but either I did not know , or do not remember their Crimes : ) The one was thrown off from a high Wall , and in his fall he was caught by the way , by one of the great sharp Hooks , which were fastned in the Wall ; It caught him just under the Ribs , and there he hung roaring in unspeakable pain till he dyed . The other was fastned to a Ladder , his wrists , and ankles being nailed through with Iron spikes , in such a posture as somewhat resembles the Celebrated Cross of St. Andrew ; and least his Flesh and Sinews should fail , and the Nails not hold ; his Wrists and Ankles were bound fast with small Cords to the Ladder : Two days I saw him alive under this Torture , how much longer he lived under it I cannot tell . 5. They are generally great Enemies to Debauchery in publick : It 's a great scandal to them when they see any Christians , who brought that Beastiality out of their own Countries with them , to be guilty of it . I have heard them say , of a Drunken Slave ; A Christian ? No , He 's a Swine . And though they will indulge themselves by Night ( especially in their Ramedam Month ) yet woe be to him , that shall Offend by Day in that Kind . There was an Englishman , who had brought over with him his drunken Humour , and his Captivity had not made him Sober : and when Religion has not firm hold of the Heart , a little matter will make such a one let go his hold of Religion : This English-man turn'd a Renegado , and of a Drunken Christian became a Drunken Turk , and was not able to keep the Pot from his Head , during their Holy time of Ramedam ; being one day found thus like a Sot , he was brought into the Cassabal , or Chief Court of Judicature , where he was adjudged to receive many hundreds of violent blows ; some upon his naked Back and Reins , others upon his naked Belly ; he could not creep from the place of punishment , but was carried away by the Hammels ; his Belly , and Back were so excoriated , that Sampson Baker , an English-man , who was his Chirurgeon , assured me he was forced to cut off abundance of his Flesh before he could be Cured . 6. What Cruelties they Exercise upon poor Slaves , needs not be mentioned , and there will be an Occasion to speak of the most Ordinary way of punishment e're long . Let it suffice , that all is Arbitrary , and unlimitted . If a Patron shall kill his Slave , for ought I could perceive , he suffers no more for it , than if he should kill his Horse : There was a Dutch Youth , a Slave to a Turk , who , upon some provocation , drew his Knife at his Patron ; for this Offer , he was Sentenced to be dragg'd out at one of the Gates , and there to have his Arms and Legs broken in pieces with the great Sledg Hammer , which Sentence was accordingly Executed , for though I could not see his face for the Crowd , yet I heard the blows , and the miserable Cries of the poor dying Young Man. SECT . VI. The grievous Punishment Inflicted upon John Randal ; the Authors Danger , and Deliverance from the same , upon pretence that they had attempted to make an Escape . IT is time to re-assume my own concerns , and look a little into my own Condition , which , through the good providence of God , was much better than that of many of my poor Brethren and Fellow-Captives ; and yet I met with great ebbings and flowings in my Tranquility : whilst I was managing my Trade very stoutly and successfully , ( John Randal working with me in my Shop ) my Partner now having knockt off , and left all to me : One day I changed a twenty shilling-piece of Gold for Silver with a Friend , and having the mony chinking in my hand , John Randal asked me , what I did with so much mony ? I desired him to keep it for me , till our return , and he should know : For he being not very well , we agreed to walk out of the Town to take the fresh Air ; a liberty , which for somewhat above a mile , is indulged to the Slaves : When we had walked almost to the end of our Tedder , I was desirous to walk a little further to view the Coasts , if , perhaps , any advantage might offer it self afterwards for an Escape , though we Actually designed no such thing . As we were prying about the Sea-side , one of the Spies appointed constantly to watch , lest any of the Slaves should run away , came to us , and charged us with an attempt to make an Escape ? we flatly denied it , but he laid hold on us ; there was no resisting ; Obey we must , and accordingly attended his Mastership towards the City : As we drew near , I espyed some English-men at Quoits ( for with such Recreations and Diversions , they are willing now and then to beguile the tedious minutes of lingring thraldom ) I beckoned to one of them whom I knew , and pretending only to whisper to him , I secretly conveyed to him my purse , wherein were seven pieces of eight ? we were presently met by another Spy , and those two led us to a little blind House , where they search'd us , they took away the twenty shillings , which I had put into my Friends hand , and finding nothing upon me , took away my Doublet , and then brought us before the Vice-roy , and his Council : We were straightly Examined , and strongly charged with an attempt to Escape : We peremptorily denyed all , and stood upon our Innocency , affirming , that our onely design of walking abroad , was to take the fresh Air , occasioned by my Fellows Sickness . This Purgation would not be Accepted , and the Battoon was commanded to be brought forth , we answered , we durst not falsely accuse our selves , nor make our selves Criminal , when we were not so , and therefore if such was their will and pleasure , we must abide by it , and so we sat down by the sticks . The way of Punishment by the Battoon , or Cudgel , as this , They have a strong staff , about six Foot long , in the middle whereof are bored two holes ; Into these Holes a Cord is put , and the ends of the ●●rd fastned on the one side the staff , with knots , so that it makes a Loop on the other side . Into this Loop of the Cord both the Feet of the Person Condemned to this Punishment are put ; then two lusty Fellows , one at each end of the staff , lifts it up in their Arms , and twisting the Staff about , till his Feet are fast pinc'd with the Cord by the Ankles , they raise up his Feet with the Soles upwards , well nigh as high as their shoulders , and in this posture they hold them , the poor man the mean while resting only with his Neck and Shoulders on the Ground : Then comes another lusty , sturdy Knave behind him , and with a tough , short Truncheon gives him as many violent blows on the Soles of his Feet as the Council shall order . But the Vice-Roy , with his Council , gathering from circumstances , and induced to believe us by our constant and resolute denial of the Fact , omitted at present any further punishment ▪ and only commanded us to be laid in chains in the Vice-Roy's Prison till our Patrons should demand our Liberty , and fetch us out . And the next day we were both delivered , though with differing Fates ; as Pharaoh's Chief Butler , and Chief Baker were both taken from Prison , the One to be Advanced , the Other to be Hanged : For John Randal's Patron being a very Termergant , used that absolute and unlimitted Sovereignty which they pretend to , over their Slaves , and commanded him to receive three hundred blows upon the Soles of his Feet with the Battoon , in manner before described : As for my self , when I was brought home , the Spie that seized us , came and demanded Money of my Patron for his good service ( not reckoning that he had any thing of me ) which put him into a most desperate fit of Passion , and calling me Dog and Jew , and all to naught , commanded me to go work in the Looms with two other English-men that were Slaves , and Linnen-Cloth-Weavers : But alas , I was a very Bungler , and understood nothing of the Craft and Mystery of Weaving more or less ; but there I wrought till I had spoiled all that I laid my Hands on : Now , when he saw that my labour this way would not turn to Account , he rated me for a Loggerhead , and bad me fill Quills for the other two ; being now degraded from a bungling Weaver to an excellent ●iller of Quills , I continued about a month ; my Shop all this while lay at sixes and seavens , what was become of it I knew not , and durst not for my Life discover any desire to return to that employment . At last , my Patron asked me for the money that he had lent me when I first began to Trade : I answered submissively , that I had not a farthing , all my small Estate lay in a few Goods , and till they were sold , I could not possibly repay him : He calls one of his Slaves , a Dutch man , and commands him to go with me , and turn all into ready money , and bring it him : When I came to my Old Shop , there was the Nest indeed , but all the Birds were slown ; for in my absence , ( poor John Randal being Lame , and not able to work , my Partner sometime before having left me , and I confined to another Employment ) some of these Rascals had broken open my Shop , and thence carried the best of my Goods , though my Cellar was still safe , and some of my Goods I heard of , and recovered ; what money I had was hid in the Ground , as it was my constant way : That night the Dutch man and my self returned to our Patron , and told him we could sell nothing ; whereupon he remanded me to my Shop , there to Trade , paying him the two Dollars a moneth , as I had done before . SECT VII . The Authors Patron growing poor , he is Sold , or Mortgaged to another ; the wonderful kindness that he found from his second Patron . HEre was nothing yet working towards a Deliverance , nor could I yet see the least glimmering of possibility which might so much as flatter my willing mind with a hope of escaping : But it 's Observed , that the Night is always darkest towards Day-break ; and God is often drawing nearer to us in Mercy , when we conceive he is departing further off in Displeasure . My Patron had been sincking in his Estate a pretty while , the last Ship he had put to Sea broke his back : At last he was grown ( insensibly ) so low , that it could no longer be daubed up with his Repute , but he must be forced to sell all his Slaves to pay his Debts : It was not much to me whither I was chopt and changed ; I might change my Goaler , and my Goal , but still I was like to be a Prisoner : I might be bought and sold , and sold again , but still my Condition was Slavery ; yet one thing methought was comfortable , that the last Instrument of my Bondage was come into Misery as well as my self . In the partage of his Slaves , it fell to my Lot and anothers to be Mortgaged for a certain sum of Money , joyntly to two Persons , the one a Cap-maker , the other a Grave Old Gentleman , who amongst his own People had the Repute or a good Natur'd and moderate Person , ( as good Nature , and Moderation go at Algier . ) The Day of Payment came , the Mony was not paid ; the Cap-maker and the Old Gentleman seize on us , and hold us in Common , but in a While they resolved to divide us , that each of them might know his proper Goods and Chattels , and each of us might know whom to call Master , and whose whistle we were bound to Obey : We are both summoned to appear in a certain place at mid day , and much ado there was about our Dividing : At last they agreed to Cast Lots for us , onely because I was in a handsome way of Trade , it was accorded , that he to whose share I should fall , should pay the other fifty Doubles , which , if I compute aright , is something more then fifty shillings Sterling . I was exceeding fearful I should fall to this Cap-maker , for he had the Character of a brutish , ill-humour'd Creature and therefore I was concern'd to lift my Petition to God , that seeing , when the Lot should be cast into the lap , yet the whole Disposition thereof is of God , he would give me forth a gracious Lot : Whatever there is of Contingency as to us there 's nothing accidental to God. Well , God Delivered me from that Tyrant , and I was adjudged by the decision of the Lot to the Old Gentleman : And if I should be silent here , I should be the most ungrateful wretch Living : I found not onely pity and compassion , but Love and Friendship from my New Patron ? had I been his Son , I could not have met with more respect , nor been treated with more tenderness : I could not wish a Friend a better Condition then I was then in , except my Bonds . If any thing could be mingled with Bondage to make it sweet ? if any thing could Reconcile Slavery to Nature ? if any thing could beget an Acquiescence in such a state , I did not , I could not want it . And indeed the Freedom that I found in Servitude , the Liberty I enjoyed in my Bonds was so great that it took off much of the Edg of my desire to obtain , and almost blunted it from any vigorous attempt after Liberty , that carried hazard in it's Face ; till at last I was awakened upon this Occasion . My Patron had a fair Farm in the Countrey , about twelve miles from the City , whither he took me along with him ? he had me to their Markets , shewed me the manner of them , & at my return , he loaded me home with all manner of good Provisions , that I might make merry with my Fellow-Christians ? I had some Reason to conclude from his great kindness to me , that he intended to ●end me thither to manage the Farm for him . I saw now evidently , that if I once quitted my shop ▪ I should lose with it all means , all helps , and therefore all hopes to rid my self out of this Slavery : And though I might have been there a petty Lord , and Bashaw'd it over the rest of my Fellow-Servants , yet Slavery had in it something of I know not what harshness that I could not brook . Fetters of Gold do not lose their Nature , they are Fetters still : Had Bajazet's Cage been of Gold , as 't was of Iron , yet it was a Cage ; and that was provocation enough to a haughty Spirit to beat out his own Brains against it's Bars . This therefore quickned my dull temper , and I began to Resolve to make an Attempt once for all . Now therefore mustering those few Wits Captivity had left me , I set them on work , and ran through all things possible , and impossible ; he that will find what he has lost , must look where 't is not , as well as where 't is ; and forming stratagems in my Head , some Idle , and Vain ; some Desperate , others impossible ; at last pitcht upon one , that seemed to me feizable and practicable . SECT . VIII . The Contrivance for our Escape , the Persons Acquainted with it , and also those that were Engaged in it ; some Debates about leaving my Patron . HAving Formed the Design , or at least , the rude draught , and general Model of it , my first care was to open it to some skilful and faithful Counsellers , who might more impartially discover to me it's inconveniences , where it was like to prove leaky , or take wind ; And first I acquainted Mr. Sprat , our Minister , with it , and laid before him the whole of the Contrivance ; and he so far approved it , that he judged it possible : Next , I acquainted one Robert Lak● , a very wise and Religious Person , who bestowed his Blessings on it , and wish'd it all good Success : And lastly , I acquainted my Friend John Randal , who approved it : Yet none of these could , or would run the risque of it's miscarriage . Mr. Sprat was already delivered from his Patron , and in a fair way to be absolutely enlarged , in a more safe and Regular way , for not long after our Escape came Captain Pack , of London , and paid the sixty Dollars and took him along with him for England : John Randal had a Wife , and Child and these were too dear pledges to be left behind , and yet too tender things to undergo our Difficulties : Robert Lake was an Ancient Person , and neither able passively to be carried in , nor actively to carry on a Design that required much hardness of Body and Mind to endure , and much strength to go through with it ? we had nothing more from them then Prayers and Counsels , which yet was the mane ? and then my next care was , to take in Partners , and Accomplices in the Design ▪ And herein I had a three fold Respect : First to such as were necessarily required to Form the Instrument of our Escape and Deliverance ▪ Secondly , to such , whose tryed , and approved Fidelity I might presume would be obstinately , and Religiously secret in concealing it : Thirdly , to such , whose Courage of Mind , and strength of Body would render them capable to pursue the ends of it , to put it in Execution , and go through with it . But before I would reveal the Project to any of them in particular , I Required an Oath of Secresie : That whereas I should now reveal to him , or them , a matter of great concernment to their Happiness and Well-fare , they should solemnly promise , and swear , that in case they did not approve it , or would not joyn in it , yet they should , neither directly , nor indirectly , ; for fear , or flattery , discover it , or the Persons engaged in it , to any Person whatsoever . When a Project was once mentioned , which promised in general their Happiness and Well-fare , I needed not tell them in particular what it drove at , they could smell out that with ease ; for what could be Good , or Happy to Slaves without Liberty ? This Oath therefore they willingly took : I judged seven Persons would be enough to manage , carry on , and Execute it ; and therefore except the three fore-mentioned , I communicated it to no one Person but these following , who engaged in it , though all of them did not go through with it . John Anthony , a Carpenter , who had been a Slave fifteen years : his Trade sufficiently shews , how useful he would prove in the Design . William Adams , who since his Captivity , had learnt and used the Trade of a Bricklayer ; his Serviceableness in it will be evident in the sequel ; he had been a Slave eleven Years . John Jephs , who was a Sea-man , and must therefore be presumed one of the Quorum is a Project of this Nature ; he had endured Slavery about five Years . John — a Carpenter , who was a skilful Man in his Trade , Lusty of Body , and therefore must be a good Wheel in this Engine , and he had been a Slave five Years : And two others , whose Employment it was to-wash small Cloaths at the Sea-side , and those had also their parts in carrying on the work , though they went not along with us ; and William Okeley , who presents the Reader with this Narrative , who was taken August 11 ▪ 1639 ▪ and Escaped June 30. 1644 ▪ these made up the Number of 7. There arose a Scruple , nay , it amounted to a Question , whether to attempt an Escape from my Patron , one that so dearly Loved me , so courteously treated me , had so fairly bought me , were justifiable before God and Men ? And 1. It might be a Question in point of Prudence ; for , where could I hope to mend my self ? Or better my Condition ? I might possibly find worse Quarter in England , where the Civil Wars were now broke out , and to that height of exasperation , that those of the same Nation , and , perhaps Blood , would hardly give Quarter of Life one to another : If the Name of Native Countrey bewitcht me , if That dazled my Eyes ; surely where-ever we are well is our Countrey , and all the World is Home to him that thrives all over the World : And why should the Name of Bondage , why should a word grate so harshly upon my delicate Spirit , when the sting of it was taken away ? Liberty is a good word ; but a Man cannot buy a Meals meat with a word : And Slavery is a hard word , but it breaks no mans back . Thousands are more Slaves then I , who are yet their own Masters , and less at Liberty then my self , who have the free rake and range of the whole World. But yet my Patron 's Favour was no free hold ; I held not my Happy time in fee simple , all was advoluntatem Domini ; besides , he might dye , and leave me to another ; or Live to Sell me to another , who might be of another Character , and then my Condition would be therefore wose because I had known a better . 2. I might be Questioned in point of Ingenuity , how I could be so unworthy to leave him , who had Loved me ? Would not all that should hear of it , Condemn me of ill Nature , to leave without taking leave , one that had been a Father to me , who might have used the Right of a Lord ; and used me as a Child , who might have treated me as a Slave ? But really I thought there was more of Manners and Courtship in the Objection , than of weight , and Cogency ; Still I dwelt with Meshech , and had my Habitation amongst the Tents of Kedar ; and one thought of England , and of its Liberty and Gospel confuted a thousand such Objections , and routed whole Legions of these little Scruples . It was no time to stand upon the Punctilio's of Honour and Ingenuity ; no time to Complement , and strain courtesie ; here was no Farewel Patron , in the Case , and therefore I soon overcame that . But , 3. It might be Questioned in the Court of Conscience , whether it were not down-right Theft to with-draw my self from his Service , who had bought me , paid for me , enter'd upon me , possess'd and enjoy'd me , as his own proper Goods , and now I was not my own , had no right to my self : Whether might not a Man be felo de se , in stealing himself , as well as killing himself ? And whether he is not the greater self-robber , that steals away himself , then he that steals away from himself ? But I much questioned their propriety to me ; my Patron 's Title was rotten at the Foundation : Man is too noble a Creature to be made subject to a deed of bargain and Sale ; and my consent was never ask'd to all their bargains , which is Essential , to create a right of Dominion over a Rational Creature , where he was not born a Subject . If I had forfeited my Life or Liberty , the Law might take it ; but I was not Conscious to my self of any such forfeiture , but that I was at my own Disposal . Thus all was clear and quiet , and we went on with our Design , which I now first opened to them : That I had contrived the Model of a Boat , which being formed in parcels , and afterwards put together , might , by the super-intendency of Divine Providence , prove an Ark to deliver us out of the hands of our Enemies . This was soon said , and greedily entertained ; to Escape was a pleasant word , the Name of Liberty made Musick in our Ears , and our wishing hearts danced to the Tune of it ; and a Boat was as promising a means as any thing could be imagined : But when once their thoughts cooled , and came more sedately to look into the difficulties of it ; they appeared innumerable , and some of them seemed insuperable ; and some things that had past currant in my own thoughts , and I went clever away with them , without any rub ; yet when they came to be pierced into with more Eyes , and scann'd upon more Fingers , they were attended with considerable impediments : where this Boat should be built , was one staggering Question : Where it should be Lanched , and where put to Sea , was a Choaking Objection : How we should escape those Argus-eyes , which are always observing us by Day , was a gravelling Qhaery ; or how to get out of the City by Night , whose Walls are so high , whose Gates are so close shut , and strongly Guarded was another vexatious Quaery : How we should be Rigged and Victualled for such a Voyage , was a considerable enquiry : and whether we should design , was not to be slighted . But how such a little Skiff , rather than Boat , should be able to Weather all the Accidents of the Sea , was a Neck Question , enough to strangle Faith , and stifle with us with Despair . To these Objections , I Answered . That I had designed my own Cellar , as the meetest place wherein to build the Boat ; that when it was there Built , it might be taken in pieces again , and carried out of the City in parcels , and bestowed in private places till things were ripe for Execution . That for a place where to put to Sea , it ●ould be time enough to determine upon that when we had finish'd our Vessel : That Mayork was the most commodious place to design to Land in : But in general I told them to this purpose ; That if we never attempted any thing till we had Answered all Objections , we must sit with our Fingers in our Mouths all our days , and pine , and languish out our tedious Lives in Bondage , Let us be up and doing , and God would be with us . To begin is one half of our work ; Let us make an Essay , and Answer particular Objections as they Offer'd themselves , and as we met with them in our work . That the Project had its difficulties , was confessed ; but what has not , that is Commendable , and Glorious ? Yet whatever difficulties & dangers we could meet with , Liberty , kept in our Eye , would sweeten the dangers we might encounter in Attempting ▪ They were all well sati●fied with what was said and all engaged to venture the utmost they were , and had , to accomplish it . SECT . IX . The Model of the Boat , Carrying it out of the City , and bestowing it in convenient Places . IN the Cellar where we had Worship'd God , we began our Work ; and it was not the Holiness , but the Privacy of the place that invited us , and advised us to it . And first , we provided a piece of Timber about twelve Foot long , to make the Keel : But because it was impossible to convey a piece of Timber of that length out of the City , but it must be seen ; and of that shape , but it must be suspected , and that Suspition would bring us into Examination , and the Rack , or Battoon might extort a Confession out of the mo●t resolved , and obstinate breast ; we therefore cut it in two pieces , and fitted it for Joynting thus in the middle . Our next care was the Timbers or Ribs of the Poat , which we contrived thus ; every one of the Timbers was made of three pieces , and joynted in two places , because a whole Rib at its full length , would be lyable to the same inconveniences with the Keel . Now understand , that the joynts of the Ribs were not made with Mortice and Tenon , but the flat side of one of the three Pieces was laid over the other , and two holes were bored at every joynt , into which two Nails were to be put , when we should joyn the parcels of our Boat together : You must understand further , that these two holes at every joynt were not made in a strait line , parallel with the sides of the pieces , for then the three pieces , which make one Rib , being joyned together would have made one strait piece ; a Form which would by no means comport with the Use and Design of the Timbers ; But so , that when both the Nails were in the holes , each Joynt would make an obtuse angle , and so incline so near towards a Semi-Circular Figure , as our Occasion required . All this while here is no visible Provision made for boards , to cloath the naked Ribs of our Boat , without which , the Keel and Timbers looked but like an useless Anatomy ; but neither had we , nor was it possible we should have any boards in our Vessel : Necessity is the best Artificer when all is done , if we accept her Sister Contingency ; to which two the World has been beholden for the most useful inventions , which at this day do ease the Labour and Toyl of wearied Mankind . For the Joynting of these Boards ; and the Nailing of them , to make the Boat Water-tite , would require such Hammering , and that Hammering would make such a clamarou● Echo in the Cellar , as must have drawn upon us the Jealous Eyes of the Algerines , who about their Wives and Slaves are insupportably suspicious : And therefore from the first Conception of the Design , I always resolved upon a Canvas : In pursuance of which thought , being all satisfied that it was practicable ; we bought as much strong Canvas as would cover our Boat twice over , upon the Convex of the Carine ; We provided also as much Pitch , Tar , and Tallow as would serve to make it a kind of a Tawparlin Sear-cloth , to swaddle the naked body of our Infant-Boat : With Earthen pots to melt done our Materials in ; and prefixt a night wherein we might Execute that part of our Labour . The two Carpenters , and my self were appointed to this Service , and the Cellar was the place where we met . Matters had hitherto run very evenly , and smoothly , but here we met with some discouraging rubs . For when we had stopt all the Chinks and Crannies of the Cellar , that the streame of the melted Materials might not creep out and betray us , ( there being no Chimney , ) we had not been long at our work before I felt my self exceeding sick , with the strong , and unusual scent of the melted Liquor ; I was forced to go out into the streets to gasp for breath , where meeting with the cool Air , it over-came me , I swooned , fell down brake my face , and there lay : My Companions missing me , made out to seek me , found me in this sad plight , and carried me in again , though exceeding sick , and unserviceable . They had not proceeded much further before I heard one of them complain he was sick , and cou'd proceed no further , and now our work stood still : I plainly saw that our hopeful Project , that had hitherto so smoothly proceeded , must needs miscarry , and Prove Abortive ; for it would be impossible to finish it this night : and if we once parted , and suffered our Spirits to cool over the Design , they would never cease cooling till they were stone-cold , and hard frozen ; and therefore I advised to set open the Door , and commit our selves , and our work to Gods Protection : For I told them they could not but know , that if any Discovery were made , the burden would fall heaviest upon my shoulders ; and my Back or Feet must pay for all . At length , we resolved to set the Cellar-door wide open , and as soon as that was done , and the stream pretty well gone out , we came to our selves again , couragiously went on with our business , and pitched one half that Night . The next night we met again , set open the Door , and whilst they plyed the work , I stood Sentinel at the Door to give Notice of approaching danger ; but we happily finish'd the whole , and while it was yet dark , carried it to my Shop , which was about a Furlong from the Cellar , and there at present secured it . I shall not question the Readers Ingenuity so much , but that he will suppose there goes a great deal more to a Boat than I have described ; but what should I trouble him with those things that are common to all other Boats , I mention only what was Peculiar to our own ; and I do not intend to trouble him with the Boat-wright's Lecture . In our Cellar we fitted all things , we made the Timbers fit to the Keel , and the Canvas fit for the Timbers , and the Seats fit to the whole , and then took all in pieces again , and laying our Heads together , plotting how to convey all out of the Town , and lodg them in secure and trusty places . And first ▪ for our Keel , we all with unanimous consent judged Will. Adams the fittest Person to execute that part of the Design , for he had long Exercised the Trade of a Brick-layer , and his Employment lay much without the Town ; and besides , he used such pieces in levelling his work . He therefore ; accourted with his Apron before him , his Trowel in his hand , and one of the pieces upon his shoulder , undertook it , and without the least Observation went cleverly away with it , and as he saw his Opportunity , hid it in the bottom of a Hedg ; and not long after conveyed out its Fellow , and Lodged it in the same place . This succeeding so happily , we saw no great difficulty in the Timbers , for we put one nail into a hole of every joynt , and then you will easily conceive , that the two extream pieces of one Rib being folded inwards upon the middlemost , will lye in the room of one of the pieces for length , excepting that litile that the ends of each piece were beyond the holes : Now , by general consent , the conveying these out of the City was committed to one , whose Employment was to wash small Clothes by the Sea-side : He puts them into his bag amongst his Clothes , and so very orderly carried them out , and hid them where he could find most commodious stowage , but yet with Respect to nearness to that Place where the Keel was laid . But how to convey our Tarpawlin safe out of Town seemed most difficult ; by night it was impossible , and by day the difficulties very considerable , and the danger proportionable ; for the Gates are strictly watch'd , the Streets crowded , the Spies pickering in every corner , and the bulk of the Canvas thus dressed was very great . To divide it had been to ruin our selves , for no stitching together again , could so cheat the searching water , but it would find out the needle-holes . At last we ventured upon this way ; we put it into a large Sack , and committed it to him that used to wash Clothes , and lest any should clap a jealous hand upon it , we put a Pillow over our Canvas within the bag , that so its softness might delude the Inquisitor , and make it pass for Clothes . Let none dispise , or condemn these as low , mean pieces of contrivance , for we had not Polititians tools to work withal ; but the less was our Policy , the more glorious does the wisdom of God shine in succeeding it , and yet even that little Policy we were guilty of , was of his bestowing also ; what of sin was in all of it , was entirely our own ; what of Power , Wisdom , and Success , was all his : But our Agent escaped happily with it , and Lodging it in a secret place , returned . We had yet many things to provide , and Oars are absolutely necessary , they were of the Quorum to an Escape by sea : As Finns are the Fishes Oars , so Oars are the Boats Finns , by help whereof she makes her way : Now , to supply this defect , we took two Pipe-staves , and slitting them a cross from corner to corner with a Hand-saw , we made of each Pipe-staff two Rude things , which Necessity was pleased to entitle The blades for a pair of Oars , and these were easily conveyed out , without suspition . Next , we considered , that Provision must be laid in for our Voyage ; and therefore we provided a small , and but a small quantity of Bread , presuming our stay at Sea must be but short ; for either we should speedily recover Land , or speedily be drown'd , or speedily be brought back again : Two Goats skins also , stript off whole , and so Tann'd ( a kind of Bottle much used by the Algerines to carry Milk and Water in ) we had , which we lived with fresh water , and we know that must needs be a great Rarity in the Mediterranean . We remembred also that a Sail might be of right good use to us for expedition , and therefore we bought as much Canvas as would Answer that End ; and when some Dispute was made abou● carrying it out , I Offered to undertake that last part of our work : I had not gone a quarter of a Mile , but as I cast my wary eye back , I espyed the same spie , who once before had seized me , and given me trouble , following me very roundly . My Heart began to ake ; I was loth a Design of so near , and dear concernment to all of us , should be brought to the Birth , and there should be no strength to bring forth . It 's sad , after a Voyage , to ship-wrack in the Haven , but me-thought it was more sad to sink a Vessel before it could be Launched : And here I first found the difference between Innocence and Guilt ; for how boldly could I hold up my head to this Spie , and his betters , ( at least , his Masters ) when I was not Conscious of any such Design in hand ? Where as now the Reflection of my Conscience . was enough to write guilt in my Countenance , ( for some things are sin there which are not so in other places : ) and this had betray'd me , had I not suddenly pluckt up my spirits , and spying an English-man washing Clothes by the Sea , I went the ready way to him , and desired him to help me wash that Canvas ; as we were washing it , the learing Spye came and stood upon the Rock just over our Heads to watch our motions : As soon as we had a little formally wash'd it , to cast a Mist before his Observing Eyes , I took the Canvas and spred it before his Face upon the top of the Rock to dry ; he staid his own Time , and then march'd off . But I was as Jealous of him , as he could be of me for his Heart ; and therefore fearing he might lye in Ambush for me , took it when 't was dry , and very fairly carried it back into the City , and faithfully acquainted my Accomplices how the Matter squared . This Discoraged them not a little , for that they seemed timorous to proceed in the Enterprize . At last we comforted , and encouraged one another , and entred into close Counsel , where we should meet that Night ? At what time ? Where we should put our Boat together , and where put to Sea ? The Time was an hour within Night ; the Rendevouz on a Hill , about half a Mile from the Sea ; and so we dispersed , some one way , some another ; and privily lurking in Hedges and Ditches , lay close till the time appointed . There is one thing that the Reader will be ready to ask ; and I shall be more ready to Answer him for a special Reason : viz. What I did with my Shop and Goods ? When I had once Resolved upon this Adventure , and saw it go on hopefully , I gave my Patron my wonted Visits ; kept fair Correspondence , paid him his demands duly , but secretly I made off my Goods as fast as I could , and turn'd all into ready Money : I had a Trunk , for which John Anthony made me a false bottom ; into which I put what Silver or Gold I had ? and into the Body of the Trunk , what ever it would hold , and was worthy holding : This Trunk I committed privately to the Fidelity of our dear Minister , Mr. Sprat ; he took the charge of it , and he was now ready to receive his full Discharge . This Trunk he Faithfully Secured , and carefully brought over , and as honestly delivered to me when he heard I was come safe to London ; and I was willing to move that Question , merely for the Answers sake , which witnesses his Fidelity , SECT . X. The putting off our Boat together , the Difficulties we met with therein ; and our putting out to Sea , June 30. 1644. AS soon as we were met all together at the appointed place ; we began to think of Executing our long intended Design ; but we were divided in our Counsels , where to begin our work : It had been a Question propounded before , and we thought we had fully resolved upon the place ; but at our Meeting we were strangely discomposed : There were two places which stood in Competition , each pretending good Conveniences for that end . The one was a Hill , about half a Mile from the Sea ; the other was a Valley , encompassed with two Hedges , about a Furlong from the Hill , but of the same distance with it from the Sea : It was urged for the Valley , that it was a place of more Secrecy and Privacy , less obvious to view ; but then it was objected , that we might there be surprized , and seized by the Churches of our Enemies , e're we could have notice to shift for our selves : For the Hill , it had been argued , that we might there make better Discovery of Danger , and make Provision to avoyd it ; and in short , we all agreed over night , to put our Boat together upon the Hill ; promising our selves much Advantage from its Scituation : But when we were met , we all altered our Resolution without any visible Reason , and carried it for the Valley ▪ God is much in the dark to us , but all our wayes are in the open Light to him . It 's very difficult to give an Account what God is doing at present , but we shall know , if we can but patiently wait till future Providences Comment upon the former : And in a while we saw the Reason why God over-ruled our purposes . We had hid several of our Materials near the top of the Hill , where also grew a small Fig-tree , which we had marked with our Eye , as Judging it would be useful to strengthen the Keel of our Boat : Two of our Company were immediately dispatcht to saw down this Fig-Tree , and bring it , and the parcels of our Boat there disposited away with them : They were hardly come to the place , but we heard Dogs bark about the top of the Hill , and indeed two Men with Dogs came very near them ; but our Men being aware lay close and still , and so they passed by without making any Discovery , and then our Men bestirr'd themselves , and brought away the Fig-Tree , and the other Materials , and returned to us . And now we had once more brought the scatter'd Limbs of our Boat into one place , which , like those of Absyrtus , had been dispersed up and down the Fields : It was no time to trifle , & therefore we all buckled to our work in good earnest : But we were so nigh some that were at work in the Neighbouring Gardens , that we could hear them speak , and therefore must needs suppose they might hear us too ; and therefore we Acted by Signs , and pointed , and pulled , and nodded , but were all Mutes : It might have been an Expedient for the Builders of Babel , when their Languages were Divided , to have carried on their great Project by Signs : but certainly there was Confusion poured out upon their Hearts and Counsels , as well as Division in their Tongues and Languages . The two parts of our Keel we soon joyned ; then opening the Timbers , which had already one Nail in every Joynt , we groped out for the other hole ; and put its Nail into it : Then we open'd them at their full length , and applyed them to the top of the Keel , fastning them with Rope-Yarn , and small Cords ; and so we served all the Joynts to keep them firm and stable ; then we bound small Canes all along the Ribs length-ways , both to keep the Ribs from vering , and also to bear out the Canvas very stiff against the pressing water : Then we made Notches upon the ends of the Ribs , or Timbers , wherein the Oars might plye ; and having tyed down the Seats , and strengthned our Keel with the Fig-Tree , we lastly drew on our double Canvas Case , already fitted ; and really the Canvas seemed a Winding-sheet sheet for our Boat ; and our Boat a Coffin for us all . This done , four of our Company took it upon their shoulders , and carried it down towards the Sea , which was about half a Mile off : It was a little Representation of a Funeral , to see the four Barers Marching in deep silence with something very like a Herse , and Coffin , upon their shoulders , and the rest of us decently attending the Ceremony ; but we wanted Torches , and besides , it 's not usual for any to wait upon their own Coffins : But we durst not grudg our Boat that small , and last Office , to carry it half a Mile , for we expected , it should repay us that Service and Civilty with Interest , in carrying us many a League : We carried it at Land , where it could not swim ; that it might carry us at Sea , where we could not walk . As we went along , they that were in the Gardens heard us passing by , and called to us , who comes there ? But it was dark , and we had no mind to prate , and therefore without any Answer , we silently held on our way . When we came to the Sea-side , we immediately stript ourselves naked , and putting our Clothes into the Boat , carried it , and them , as far into the Sea as we could wade ; and this we did , lest our tender Boat should pe toren against the Stones or Rocks ; and then all seven of us got into her : But here we soon found how our Skill in Calculating the Lading of our Vessel failed us : For we were no sooner Embarqued , but she was ready to sink under us , the water coming in over the sides ? so that once again we must entertain new Counsels ▪ at last , one whose Heart most failed him , was willing to be shut out ; and rather hazard the uncertain Torments of the Land , than certainly be drown'd at Sea ; then we made a second Experiment , but still she was so deep Laden , that we all concluded there was no venturing out to Sea : At length , another went a shore , and then she held up her Head very stoutly , and seem'd hearty enough for our Voyage . It was time now to commit , and Commend our selves , and Vessel to the Protection , and Conduct of that God who Rules the Winds and the waves , and whose Kingdom is in the deep Waters , imploring Mercy for the Pardon of our Sins , and resigning up our souls to God , as if we had been presently to suffer Death by the Hand of the Executioner . and taking our Solemn Farewel of our two Companions , whom we left behind , and wishing them as much Happiness as could be hoped for in Slavery , and they to us as long a Life as could be expected by Men going to their Graves ; we Launched out , upon the thirtieth day of June , in the Year of our Lord , One Thousand , Six Hundred , Forty , and Four : A Night for ever to be remembred by his poor Creatures , who are our selves Great Monuments of Divine Providence , and do set up this Littile Monument of his Goodness and Mercy , that may survive us and bear up the Name of God to after-times , that by us Men may Learn to Put their Trust in God : And the Bill of Lading is as followeth ; John Anthony , William Adams , John Jephs , John — Carpenter , and William Okley . SECT . XI . The great Extremities we Endured at Sea for Six Dayes , and Nights , with the Coincident Providences of God that appeared for us in our Extremities , and our Miraculous Landing at Mayork , July 6. 1644. WE are now out at Sea without Helm , or Pilot ; without Anchor , Tackle , or Compass ; but God was these . all these , and more then all these . Our Number was Small , our Work was Great , we could not afford one Idle Hand , not one idle Finger : Four of the Company continually wrought at the Oars ; and indeed we wrought for our Lives , and then I shall not need to say how we wrought : But this I shall say , I can truly say it , I never saw strength so strained , nor the utmost of what Nature could do for Life and Liberty , exerted so much in all my Life . The Employment of the fifth Man was more easie , but no less necessary , which was to free the Boat of that water , which by Degrees leak't through our Canvas . We Labour'd the harder that Night , because we would gladly be out of the Ken of our Old Masters by Day ; but when Day appear'd , we were yet within sight of the Ships that lay in the Haven , and Road , and off the Land : But our Boat being small , and lying close , and snug upon the Sea , either was not at all discovered , or else seemed something that was not worth the taking up : A little hope in the midst of great Fears , made us double , and re-double our Diligence ; we tugg'd at the Oars like those who are Chain'd to the Gallies , because we had no mind to be Slaves to our Old Patrones in their Gallies . But upon all Occasions we found our want of fore-cast , for now our Bread , which was to be the staff of our decayed strength , had lie soaking in the Salt water , like a drunken Toast sopt in Brine , and was quite spoiled : And our fresh water in the Bottles stank of the Tann'd Skins , and Owze , having lye sobbing in the Salt water which made it nauceous : But yet that hope that hover'd over us , and flatter'd us that we should one day mend our Commons , sweeten'd all again ; so long as Bread was Bread , we complained not : Three days with good Husbandry it lasted , but then pale Famine ( which is the worst sheap Death can be painted in ) stared us in the Face ; And there was no substitute for Bread at Sea : At Land , the Roots of Grass the tops of Trees , and the vilest Excrements have served to stop the clamour of a Ravenous Stomach , but that which Slaves despised , we should have admired , and prized : Water indeed we might have , either cold , or hot ; we had choice , but it was a hard choice : Either the cold salt weter out of the Sea , or that warmer which had been strained through our Bodies , and that we chose of the two , but we must not have that , after a while , unless we would first accept the other : And the Misery was , these did not asswage our thirst , but increase it ; nor increase our strength , but diminish it ; yet these were the means of Life : Strange means , that would destroy the End. Several things added to our Misery ; for trouble seldom comes solitary : For first , we had the Wind for some time full against us : And this was both an evil in its self , an evil in its effect , and an evil in its cause . It was a great evil in it self ; it increased our Labour , and then defeated it : We Rowed harder to less purpose : we moved , but did not advance ! we s●ent our strength for nought , and in vain . It was an evil in its effect ; for it engaged the Waters against us , and drew them into its prey , The Sea is a perfect Neuter of it self , and willing to maintain its Neutrality ; but the powerful Winds drew her into the Faction : And that Sea which serves the North to day , shall comply with the more prevailing South to Morrow ; for the Waves are the greatest time-servers in the World : But it was far the greatest evil in its Cause ; for the Winds being against us , argued that God was against us ; for the Wind we know was his : He brings the Winds out of his Magazines . We were now so dispirited , that we debated , whether we should bare up with the Wind , or make the best of our way , and Row against it ? That is , whether it were not better to go back to Algires with ease , then painfully make towards Freedom ? At last like Persons that though we knew not what to do , yet resolved not to return ; we resolved whilst we had Life , and strength , and Breath , we would struggle with it : And now the great God interposed ; he rebuked his Wind ; it was not against us ; nay he reconciled his Wind , and it became our Friend . He that can turn the Rivers in the South , could turn the Winds out of the North : Here we might have had a notable demonstration of Gods Soverignty . He determined the Quarter of the Wind , the Quantity of the Wind , and the Continuance of the Wind. The Quarter , whence it should blow The ; Quantity , how much it should blow , and the Continuance , how long it should blow . The Quarter was our Enemy , the Continuance had quite brought us to Despair ; but had he opened his Hand , and let out one blast more , the proud Waters had gone over our Souls , we had perished in the deep : But we see that our times are in Gods Hand ; the Ocean in the hollow of the same Hand , and the Winds in the same hand ; and Happy it was for us , that we , and they , were all there . A Second great Inconveniency was , that our Labour was without Intermission , though we advanced not forwards at many stroaks , yet cessation had driven us backwards . The poor Sentinel that stands upon the Watch , yet comforts himself that another will Relive him ; but we had none to take the toyl off our Hands , and give us Respite : We might shift our places , but not our pains . A Third great Evil that lay sore upon us , was the extremity of the heat by day ; the Season was Raging hot , being the beginning of July ; the Climent was hot , being under , or about the Fourth Climate ; we wanted fresh Water to cool the Heat , and were engagad in continual Labour to enrage the heat , and all these made it insupportable to our Bodies , and our little , or no hope , ( which now like a Candle burnt down to the Socket , did rather blink , than burn ) made it grievous to our Souls . One small help we had ( if it was a help ) that the fifth Man , who emptyed the Boat of the Salt Water , threw it upon the Bodies of the rest to cool them ; But this was a Miserable Remedy , for our Bodies were so bleached between the scorching Sun , and the cooling Water , that they rose up in Blisters all over . Great pain we felt , great danger we were in , great Miseries were endured , great wants we were under , and had nothing little , but hope , food , and strength . By Day we were all stark Naked , by Night we had our Shirts , or loose Coats , and that was all our Cloathing , the rest we left a shore to ease our Boat. If any shall be so Inquisitive , as to ask , by what Directions we steared our Course , that we did not tack about insensibly in the dark Night or Day ? He may know , that for the Day , one of the Company had a Pocket-Dyal , which supplyed the place of the Compass , ee'n well enough for such a Vessel , and such Mariners . By Night when the Stars appeared , we had our advice from them , and when they dis-appeared , we ghessed at our way by the Motions of the Clouds . In this sad & woeful plight we continued four Dayes and Nights ; on the fifth Day , we were on the brink of the brink of despair , and all hope that we should be saved , utterly perished . And now , as persons despairing of the End , we ceased to pursue the means ; laid by our Oars , left off our Labour ; either we had no strength left , or were loth to throw away that little we had to no purpose , only we kept still emptying the Boat ; loth to drown , loth to dye , yet knew no wayes to avoyd Death : When the End is removed , all means perish with it . They that act least , commonly wish the most : thus when we had left fruitless Labour , we fell upon fruitless wishes , that we might meet with some Vessel , some Ship to take us up ▪ If it was but a Ship , we considered no further ; English , or African , Tross , Tyriusve ; all was a Case : Or if not , yet the worst was better than our bad case ; and therefore resolved , could we have Discovered any Ship , to have made towards her , though it had been one of Algiers : How many wisht themselves again in Egypt , when they Combated with the un-expected Difficulties of the Wilderness ! How oft have the People of God been more afraid of the means of thier Deliverance , than of their Danger ! When Christ came to save his Disciples from the Storm , yet because he came in a way uncouth , and unexpected , they cryed out for fear , Mat. 14. 26. Whether the Reader will pity , or condemn us , I know not ; but to that pass were we now brought , that we would have accepted Life upon any terms , not base and sinful ; and whether we should have stuck at such or no , I have no such security from my own Heart as to resolve him . Whilst we were at this dead Ebbe of Hope , the Great God , whose most Glorious Opportunity to help , is his Creatures greatest Extremity : He that appeared for Abraham in the Mount , and to the three Young Men in the Fiery Furnace ; he that Delivered Israel at the Sea , at the Red Sea ; he who times all his Mercies for their Advantage : even He sent us some Relief , and a little Relief is great , in great exigencies . As we lay hulling up and down , we Discovered a Tortoise not far from us asleep in the Sea. Had the great Drake Discovered the Spanish Plate-Fleet , he could not have more Rejoyced ; once again we bethought our selves of our Oars ; and now our little Boat shewed it self to be of the right breed of Algiers , made of Piratick Timber , and to its poor Abbility would become a Corsair ; we silently Rowed to our Prey , took it into the Boat with great Triumph , we cut off her Head , and let her bleed into a Pot ; we drank the Blood , eat the Liver , and suck'd the Flesh ; warm Flesh , and hot Liquor ( except our own ) had been a great Rarity with us a long time , it was a Novelty of Providence ; and really it wonderfully refresh'd our Spirits , repaired our decayed strength and recruited Nature ; at least , poor exhausted Nature was willing to be cheated , and fancy her self recruited : But there was no cheat in 't we were really refresh'd , and with fresh vigour and courage fell to our Work ; we left our fears behind us , we pickt up some scatter'd crumbs of hope , and about Noon , we Discovered , or thought we Discovered Land. It 's impossible to express the Joy , and Triumph of our raised Souls at this apprehension . The Poets tell us , that as often as Hercules threw the great Giant against the Earth , his Mother Earth gave him new strength against the next Encounter : It was new strength , new Life to us , though not to touch yet to see ; or if not to see , to think we saw it . It brought fresh Blood into our Veins , fresh coour into our pale Cheeks ; we look'd not like Men awaked from sleep , not like Captives broke from the Chains of Algiers , but like Persons raised from the Dead . But Hope and Fear made a strange Medly Passion in our Souls ; like the Reparties of two contrary jostling Tides , or the struggling of the Eddy with the main Stream ; Hope would perswade us that we saw the Land ; but I hill Fear bad us pause upon it , for as we easily believe , what we desire to be true , so we are as ready to fear lest it should not prove true ; for fear had got long possession of our Souls , and would hardly admit Hope to stir , but was ready to suppress it as a disturber of its Empire : We had seen nothing but Air , and Sea ; Sea , and Air in five Dayes and Nights ; that though our Reason tould us there was such a thing as Land , yet the Impressions that fear had made upon us , made it Questionable , whether ever we should see it . And we durst not give too much Credence to our Eyes , that had been used to bring sadder stories to our Hearts . Yet still we wrought hard : Hope did us that kindness it put us upon an earnest desire to see , whether we were deceived or no. After some further Labour , we grew more confident , and at last , fully satisfied that it was Land : I hope I shall never foeget what a sense we had of Gods goodness upon that Assurance . Extreams do equally annoy , and sometimes infatuate the mind : They tell us , that in Greenland , the extremity of Cold will make the Iron stick to the Fingers , as our Experience assures extremity of Heat will do ; for now like Distracted Persons , we all leapt into the Sea , quitting our Boat , and being all good Swimmers , we there Bathed , and cooled our heated Bodies . An Adventure , which , if well considered , had as much of the Desperado in it as our putting to Sea : For now we were at the Mercy of the Sharks ; which might have sheared off a Leg , or Arm ; and now our over-heated Bodies were open to receive the Impressions of that Cold Element : But as we never considered our Danger , the great and good God delivered us from the Ordinary effects of such Folly ; we presently returned to our Boat , and being both wearied with Labour , and cooled a little with the Sea , we lay us all down to Sleep in as much security , as if we had been in our own Beds : Nature being almost spent , must have a Truce ; she will not undertake to keep our Bodies upon their Legs , if we will not submit to her great standing Ordinance of Rest ; and here we saw still more of Divine Goodness , that our Leaky Vessel did not bury us in the Sea , and we awaking find our selves in the other World : But he that gave us Sleep , measured it ; and he measured it exactly , not suffering us to out-sleep the Season of plying our Pump , or that which supplyed the place of it . Being thus refresh'd with sleep , we found new strength for our Work , and God found us new Work for our strength : We tugged the harder at the Oar , because we hoped e'er Night to sleep upon a more stable , and faithful Element . But we made our way very slowly , and when we cast up the Account of our Progress , found that we had gone but little way in a long time ; towards Evening we discovered another Island : The first we saw was Mayork , the second , Fromentere ; and some of our Company that had Sailed in these Seas , would undertake to assure us of it : We debated not long to which of these we should direct our Course , for the latter being much infested with venemous Serpents , and little , if at all Inhabited , we resolved all for Mayork : All that Night we Rowed very hard , and the next , being the sixth of July , and from our putting to Sea ; we kept within sight of it all Day , and about Ten a Clock at Night we came under the Island , but the Rocks were there so craggy , and steep , that we could not climb up . Whilst we were under these Rocks there came a Vessel , very near us . Let the Reader put himself in our stead , let him but Copy out our Thoughts , let him imagine how loth we were to lose all our toil and Travel , to forego our Deliverance , to have this Rich Mercy , which God had put into our Hands , wrested out of them again by some Turkish Pickaroon , or Corsair , that are alwayes skimming those Seas : It concerned us therefore to lye close , and when they were passed by , we gently crept along the Coast as near the shoar as we durst , till we found a convenient place , where we might thrust in our Weather-beaten Boat. If these Papers should fall into the hands of some that are great Clerks in the Art of Navigation , and have conn'd the Mariners Terms of Art , they will smile at my improper wording of these Maters , and say , I am one of Paul's Mariners . But I can be content to be Accounted one of his Mariners , whilst I have shared in his Mercies : How many of those that spake the Language of the Sea , yet have found her Billows deaf to their Cries and Prayers , and their stately Ships made the Scorn of Winds , and the Reproach of Waves , when we , who had none of their Ships , and little of their skill , have had Experience of those Providences , to which rhey have been Strangers . SECT . XII . The great kindness we received at Mayork from the Vice-Roy , and the Inhabitants of that Island and City . WHen we were come to Land , we were not unsensible of our Deliverance , though like Men newly awakened out of a Dream , we had not the true Dimensions of it ; We confessed God had done great things for us , but how great things he had done was beyond our Comprehension : We had escaped the Sea , but yet Death might be found at Land ; and we were ready to say , with Sampson , Judg. 15. 18. Lord , thou hast given this great Deliverance into the hands of thy Servants , and now shall we dye for Thirst ? We had had no Food since we eat the Liver , and drank the Blood of the Tortoise , and therefore leaving three of our Company with the Boat , the other too , viz. John Anthony , and my self were sent out to scout abroad for fresh Water : And the rather were we sent , because this John Anthony could speak both the Spanish , and Italian Tongues very perfectly ; and I had as much of the Spanish as might serve to express our wants , and desires , if perhaps we might meet with any persons there abouts . We were not far gone , before we fell into a Wood , and we were in a Wilderness in our thoughts , which way to take : He will needs go his way , and I mine . Good Lord ! what a frail impotent thing is Man ! That they whom common dangers by Sea , common Deliverances from Sea had United , should now about our own wills fall out at Land. And yet thus we did : He gave me reproachful words , and it 's well we came not to blows : But I went my own way , and he seeing me resolute , followed me , and the Providence of God , not dealing with us according to our frowardness , followed us both : This way led us to a Watch-Tower of the Spaniards many of which they keep upon the Sea-Coasts , to give the Countrey timely notice of any Pickaroons that come ashoar to Rob , and Spoyl . When we came within call , fearing he might Discharge at us , we spoke to him upon the Watch , told him our Condition , what we were , whence we came , how we escaped ; and earnestly begged of him to direct us to some fresh Water , and in the mean time to bestow upon us some Bread. He very kindly threw us down an old mouldy Cake , but so long as it was a Cake , and not a stone , nor a Bullet , Hunger did not consider it's Mouldiness : Then he directed us to fresh Water , which was hard by ? We stood not telling Stories ; we remembred our selves , we remembred our Brethren left with our Boat , and observing the Sentinels Directions , came to a Well , where there was a Pot with strings to draw with : We drank a little Water , and eat a bit of our Cake , but the passage was so dis-used , that we had much ado to force our Throats to relieve our clamourous stomachs : But here we staid not , but , with the four Lepers in the Tents of the Syrians , 2 Kings 7. 9. Rebuked our selves , We do not well , we have glad Tidings to carry , and do we hold our peace ? We return to our Boat , are welcomed by our Companions , acquaint them with the good success of our Embassy , and all prepare to make to the Well . And now we must leave our Boat ; that faithful Instrument of God's Providence , which had so trustily served his purpose to deliver us : It was not without some recoylings upon our Spirits , that we should so much as in appearance imitate the ingratitude of those , who having served their private ends on their Friends , and have now no further use of them , most ungratefully shake them off : That we should be like the water-dog , which uses the water to pursue his Game ; and when he comes to Land , shakes it off as troublesome , and burdensome . But it was no time to stand upon Complements ; Hunger , Thirst , Weariness , desire of Refreshment and Rest ▪ those importunate Duns , Commanded us away ; and tying our Boat as fast as we could to the Shoar , we left her to Mercy , which had been so good to us . As we were going , or rather creeping , or crawling towards the Well , another Quarrel started amongst us , the Memory whereof is so ungrateful , that I shall give it a Burial in silence , the best Tomb for Controversies . And now we are at the Well , and the Well is provided of Water , and we have something to draw ; all these helps God has given us , but he must give us one more , even a throat to swallow it , without which , all the rest signifie nothing . This was the evil Disease Solomon had observed in his Daies , Eccles . 6. 2. A Man to whom God had given Riches , Wealth , and Honour , so that he wanteth nothing for his Soul , of all that he desireth ; yet God giveth him not Power to eat thereof : He that gives us water to drink , and meat to eat , must give us Power to eat and drink also . How totally do we depend upon him for Life , and Breath , and all things ! One of our Company , William Adams , attempting to drink , after many Essays was not able to swallow it , but still the water returned , so that he sunk down to the Ground , faintly saying , I am a dead Man ? we forgot our selves , to remember him , and after much striving , and forcing , he took a little ; and when he and we were refresh'd with our Cake and water , we lay down by the Well-side till the Morning . None of us could watch for the rest , but One God watched over us all : There we lay lockt up , and buried in Sleep : The Heavens covered us , when we wanted a Canopy : Each might say in the Morning , with David , Psal . 3. 5. I laid me down and slept ; I awaked , for the Lord sustained me . When it was clear day , we addrest our selves once more to the man upon the watch-Tower , entreating him to direct us the ready way to the next House , or Town , where we might find relief . He civily points us towards a House about two Miles off , whither , with wearied steps , and joyful Hearts , we now began to Travel : Our Feet had been so parboyled , and quodled with the Suns heat , in the Salt-water pickle , that they were very raw , and more blister'd ; and long it was before we could overcome the tediousness of those two Miles . When we approach'd the House , the Owner espying us , and concluding by our shabby garb , that we were some Pilfering Rascals , presented a Fowling Piece at us , and chatged us to stand . The foremost of our Company , who could speak that Language well , meekly told him , he might spare that Language , we were not able if we had so wicked a will ; nor willing if we had been able , to offer him the least injury ; That we were a Company of poor Creatures , whom the wonderful Providence of God had rescued from he Slavery of Algiers , and hoped he would shew Mercy to the Afflicted . The honest Farmer , moved with our Relation , sent us out Bread , Water , and Olives , with which when we had refresh'd our selves , we lay down , and rested three or four hours in the Field ; and returning thanks for his Charity , prepared to crawl away at our lame rate . He seeing us thankful Beggers , enlarged his Civility to us , called us into his House , and gave us good warm Bean Pottage , which seemed to me the most Pleasant Food that ever I eat in my Life : Our Leave once more taken , we advanced towards the City of Mayork , which from this place is about ten Miles : No water could we meet with upon our way , but towards Evening , we discoverd one drawing water at a Well , we hasted to him , and he drew for us ; that was our Supper , and there was our Lodging that Night . The next Morning we came iuto the Suburbs of the City , the strangeness of our Attire , being bare-foot , bare-legg'd , having nothing on but loose Coats over our Shirts ; drew a croud of enquirers about us , who we were ? whence we came ? whither we went ? We gave them a particular account of our Deliverance , with its Circumstances ; and they as willing to pity , as to know our Estate , and as ready to Relieve , as pity , accommodated us for the present with food ; they gave us Wine , and Strong-waters , and whatever else might recover our exhausted Spirits ; but told us , we must be obliged to tarry in the Suburbs , till the Vice-Roy had notice that such strangers were Arrived : He had soon Information of us , and we as soon a Command to appear before him : He Examined us about many Affairs ; what Men of War the Algerines had at Sea ? what strength they were of at Land ? But above all , he was most curious , and exact in satisfying himself about our Escape , our Boat , our hazzards at Sea , wherein when we had fully obeyed him , he ordered we should be maintained at his own Cost till we could have passage to our own Country . In this while the People gathered us Money to buy us Clothes and Shooes , and we wanted nothing that Nature called for , but thankful Hearts to God. And they endeavoured to help to that Mercy too : As I was walking in the Streets viewing the City , a young Man-steps to me , Friend ( said he ) are you one of those that came lately over in the Canvas Boat ? I Answered Yes , I was one of them : well ( replyed the young Man ) It was not the little Boat , but the great God that brought you Over . I must needs say , I often think on this young man's words , and as often as I think on them they chide me , that I have not hitherto more publickly owned God in his Gracious and wonderful Deliverance . However others may be concern'd to read , I know not , yet I am concern'd to Write of the great things God has done for me . SECT . XIII . The Providences of God which attended us , and Conducted us all safe to England . IT may not prove ungrateful to the Reader , to see how the great God , who begun to work for us , perfected his work concerning us : How he that had , and did deliver , would still deliver us ; as single Stars have their Glories , yet Constellations are more Glorious : So each Providence of God is admirable , but taken together , as one serving another , and this helping forwards that , so indeed they are most admirable ; when the Creator viewed his each daies work , it so punctually answered its Idaea according to which , and Obeyed the Power by which it was Created that he pronounced it Good ; but when he reviewed the Product of the six daies , he pronounced all to be very good : Each Letter in a Book speaks skill , but when those Letters form words , those words , sentences , there is a greater Excellency , and more skill Discovered : Separate Providences speak out eminently some of God's Attributes ; but when we put them together , all the Attributes of God shine forth in them , and one Illustrate another , which refl 〈…〉 a light upon the former . Mayork is a City where our English S 〈…〉 did seldom Trade , and we being full of desir 〈…〉 see our Native Countrey , preferr'd our hum 〈…〉 Petition to the Vice-Roy , That we might 〈…〉 Passage in the King of Spains Gallies , wh 〈…〉 were then in the Road , bound for Alican 〈…〉 Spain , which he graciously granted us : W 〈…〉 cold Entertainment we met with there 〈…〉 some of our own Countrey , I shall draw a 〈…〉 over ; yet even there we found the Mercie 〈…〉 God. One Merchant took Compassion on 〈…〉 and Conducted us to an English-mans Hou 〈…〉 where we Lodged , and gave us half a Do 〈…〉 to defray our Charges . The next day , understa 〈…〉 ing that there was an English-man in the Ro 〈…〉 bound for England , we went aboard to see 〈…〉 Passage ; we made our Condition our best 〈…〉 gument to prevail : The Master told us , he 〈…〉 but little Provision , but if we would be con 〈…〉 with Bread , and Beverage , we might go 〈…〉 accounted that , Royal Fare , and accordin 〈…〉 waited till he set Sail : Whilst we were aboa 〈…〉 two English Merchants came thither also , 〈…〉 were very earnest that we would give them 〈…〉 short of our Adventure : We gratified them 〈…〉 one of them said ; Countrey-men , we have he 〈…〉 your story . After a few days , we set Sail , 〈…〉 when we were at Sea , were hotly Chased 〈…〉 two Turkish Men of War , but being near 〈…〉 A Further Narrative of James Deane and others . THe Methods of Gods Providence are Various , yet all equally fraight with , and guided with adorable Wisdom , Justice , and goodness towards the Children of Men ; sometimes by His Blessing Hee is pleased to Crown weak and unlikely means with strange and Amazing success : At other times to Blast Hopefull projects , and divert or overthrow promising designs when they seem full ripe for Execution . By the one Hee encourages our Faith in Himself ; by the other , corrects our presumption on our own Inventions , and by Both , Glorifies his own Omnipotency , Teaching us , That in and by Him we can do all things , but without Him , Nothing . The foregoing Narrative of a Stupendious Deliverance , is a signal Instance of the First . And that which is here subjoin'd ( referring in diverse Respects to the like Subject , tho failing in an equal Success ) may serve as an Example of the second . And tho' our Relation abound not in such Varieties of Wonder , yet may the same be of some Satisfaction and Use to the Reader , as well for acquainting him with the Miserie 's poor Christians endure under the Tyranny of cruel Mahumetans , thereby to awaken his Compassion , as also to raise his pious thoughts to an Adoration of the Divine power and Wisdom , so Visibly , tho Differently manifested , in these two Cases , wherein as farr as mans Eye could reach , the Contrivance the Conduct , and probability , seemed Equal , or rather to have excell'd in the latter , tho frustrated of Effect . On the 25. of June 1679. we Sailed from Bristol in a Vessel called the Robert and Hester , Captain William Stoakes Commander , bound for Barbado's . Those that go down to the Sea in Ships behold the Wonders of the Lord in the deep , says the Royal Psalmist ; And I could wish that all such would lay those Wonders more to heart , so as better to Improve their Lives : To Consider , that they are every minute within a few Inches of certain Death , nothing but a poor plank ( the daily Embl●● of their Coffin ) between them and a watry Grave ; That every hour they are subject to Storms and Tempests , ready to become a prey between the fury of contending Winds and Waves ; besides the hazard of Enemies and Pyrates , and a Thousand other Casualties , all which were enough one would think to keep them in the most sober frame , an Holy Conversation and strict Dependence on that all-sufficient Power , who alone can protect them from so many immediate and Round-threatning Dangers ; But so incorrigibly hard and wicked is the Heart of Man , that we find too many under the prospect of all these Wonders and Perils utterly insensible ; Mariners that fill their Sails with the Breath of Cursing and Blasphemies , and encrease the raging of the Sea with the Vomits of their Surfeiting and Drunkenness ; And what can such expect but swift Destruction , even to be Swallowed up by an Ocean of Water , and delivered over to a Deluge of everlasting Flames ? I speak this not as reflecting on our Ships Crew in particular ( wherein most were at least Civiliz'd Persons ) but for a General Caution ; Nor yet dare I excuse my self and our Company from many neglects of our Duty , for which it appears in the Sequel , God had a Controversie with us , whose Justice always punishes us , that we should not Sin , and never but for Sinning . After a week pleasant Sailing , on the 2d . of July at Day light , we saw two Ships standing towards us , and soon discovered them to be Turkish Men of Warr , which put us into a great and General Consternation , as knowing how unprepared we were for resistance , both for our small strength , and for that ours was a Pesterd Ship by reason of a quantity of Hay we had on Deck and elsewhere , for a dozen Horses we carried with us ; However we resolv'd to Sell our Liberty at the best rate we could , and prepared to Entertain them ; within an hour and an half , one of them was came up along by our side , and for the First Complement fired in his Broad-side and a lustly Volley of small Shott , which shot off our Taller , and wounded us three Men , but none mortally ; Kild also one of our Horses in the Hold , and having received two Shots more between Wind and Water , we quickly had about 4 or 5 foot Water in the Hold : we Answered them with our Guns , but to little purpose ; for having soon spent all the Powder we had up out of our Powder-Room , and it being Impossible for us at that instant to come at any more ; and at the same time perceiving the other Ship almost with us , and that it was impossible we should make good our Defence against 2 of the best Ships of Algeirs ( For they proved to be the Golden Horse , old Canaria Captain , and the other the Golden Rose , young Canaria Captain , ) we thought best to Compound for our Lives at the price of our Liberties , and surrendred our Ship. Hereupon their Boat came aboard and fetcht us all away , except two whom they left aboard with some of their Turks and Moors . When we came on Board the Turks man of Warr , the Captain by an Interpreter inquired our Lading , and with many menaces exacted a full Account to the best of our knowledge , soon after they took 2 Ships more , and ere they went off our Coast , they surpriz'd in all 9 Ships , wherein were about 170 Souls . And having taken the men out , and pillag'd their pleasure ; some of the Ships they Burnt , and others Sunk , having not Men enough to spare to Man so many , but three of the best they sent away home ; And having now been out of the Straights near six Weeks , they are afraid to venture in without clearing their Ships , and therefore went on the South Coast of Barbary to Magadore , touching also at Saphe and other Towns to take in fresh Provisions ; All this time we poor Captive Christians were put every night in Irons . The manner whereof was thus , between 2 spare Top-Masts between the Decks placed about 6 asunder , we sat close to one another on each side , and in the middle went a long Iron Bolt between our Shackles , so that we were constrained to sleep sitting ( when the necessitie of Nature could Charm our perplexed Spirits into any kind of Repose ; ) not being afforded Room to lye down ; And the weather being extream hot , and the place close and Sultry , we were forced to sit naked ; The Provisions alotted to keep us alive , ( who now began rather to Court and wish for Death ) was only a small pittance of Bread , and some Vinegar , with a few drops of Oyl , and this was all our Allowance for 24 Hours ; and that which yet added more to our misery was , that they afforded us not much above a pint of Water a Day , so that thro' very extremit● of Thirst , we were frequently forc'd to beg and intreat of the Moors boys , to bring us salt Water , and could but seldome obtain that favour of them neither ; Nay when we were in Magadore , tho we could ( like Tantalus for our greater Torture ) see the Fresh-Water plentifully on the shore , and were almost Dead with Drought , in working and continual heaving in of Ballast , yet we could not be allow'd but about 3 pints for four and twenty Hours , and half of that too , Salt or brackish ; whereby we became so faint that we could hardly stand on our Legs ; but it was vain to Intreat or expect any other usage from those whose tenderest Mercies were the Extremities of Cruelly , unless we would have abandon'd all fear of God , and respect to modesty and the Dignity of Humane Nature , by Condescending to the detestable sollicitations of their most unnatural Lusts , to which they were not wanting in their cursed Importunities ; so that our very Souls were not free from their Tortures ; They being so filthy as to mix with Brute Beast , having seen such Evidences of their abominations in that kind , with some Creatures that were on Board , as fill'd our Hearts with horror , and are not fit to be named amongst Christians : At length the Wind standing fair , they resolv'd to Sail Homewards ; but first must perform their Orisons ; ( for these Filthy-Infidels at to the outward Ceremonies and observances of their wicked Religion are Extraordinary Punctual ; ) Therefore for a Peace-Offering to the Sea , ( or whether it were to Mahomet , to send them an Happy passage , I know not , they offered their Sacrifice of a Sheep , having first cut in the midst , one half they heaved Over-Board on the one side , the other on the other ; with certain Muttering Prayers which we understood not ; This fit of Devotion being past , they make all the Sail they could , and in they stand through the Streights-Mouth , and in two or three days Arrived at their Desired Port ; Nor was it undesired by us : For as we long'd to know the worst of our Condition , so we flattered our selves that it must needs be better than that on Board , at least that there we should have Water enough , the Want of which here was intollerable . Being brought ashore we were sent to the Armidore's House , and the next day carried to the Pallace of the Dey , Bashaw , or King , who by his Prerogative out of every Eight Slaves brought in , Chuses one , and commonly elects the Captains , as supposing they are able to procure the best Ransome , or if there happen to be taken any young Lady of Extraordinary Beauty or Youth , well Featur'd , and of a promising Aspect , these he snaps , and sends away as most Acceptable Presents to the Grand Seignior ; for whom there is never any Redemption . The next day about eight of us were carried into the Market , and one or two of the Kings Slaves with us , where about one a Clock we were led about the Market , one by one by a Negro , who in the Turkish Language cryed out as he went , to this effect — Here is a brave Captain , a Mate , a Merchant , &c. ( as the Person is quallified ) one has bid so much , who bids more ? And when they have been the Market round , and none will give more , then they put him by ; And so proceed till all are sold . And then they have us to the Kings House again , and if He or any else there , will give more but to the value of a shilling then was bid in the Market , he shall have the Slave ; otherwise the Market Chapman takes him , and he is thenceforth absolutely His , It was my hard fortune to be sold to a Tagareen ( or Moor , whose Ancestors formerly came out of Spain , and ever since assume the Title of that City from whence they were driven ) but his Name was Haly Hammet Ben Jejilee , and for his Temper it was well known , for as I came out with him from the Kings House , several told me I had got a Cursed Patroon . But I was now in , for better for worse , and followed him very obsequiously to his House , where after a day or two , I with others of his Slaves ( whereof several were English ) were set to gather dung out of a Fondack , as they call it , being the place where Horses , Asses , Mules , and Cows and other Cattel , sometimes to the number of 100 or more were kept , and also the place of Slaughter , where they killed Beasts as oft as they had occasion , whose Blood mixt with their Dung in that hot Climate , made it very noisome and offensive ; but we must not be Dainty-Nosed , but rake it up into Baskets , and carry it out on our Heads or Shoulders , to a Dunghil at a great distance . This Jobb being finisht , we were put to work in the Mould , abord Prizes , for sometime , and after that sent to the Garden or Vineyard ( for it was both ) about four miles from the Town , where instead of digging with a Spade , we had only a Chopp of 8. or 10l . weight which we were forced to work vvith at Arms-end , and I think vvas as hard Labour as any could be , unless grinding at their Silk-Mills ; and if vve Loitered , or they vvere pleased to think vve did so , presently vve had many blovvs on the back , and sides , and sometimes on the Soles of the feet , and our hair torn off our heads , with other inexpressible Cruelties , whilst in the mean time , we had many times but one poor Cake of Course Bread allowed us per day for our diet , and our Lodging at night most hard and miserable , for frequently when we were in the City , we were driven into a Nasty Cellar , where was an House of Office that stank intollerably ; and the room so small , that there being near twenty of us , it would not afford breadth or length enough for us to Ly● Down , but there were some Bords put up and a Platoon made about thre foot from the Ground , where some lay a top , and the rest under neath . Thus for many long moneths we continued as miserable , as to this World , as 't was possible for the Envy and Cruelty of our Patroon to make us . You need not doubt but we had often thoughts of making our Escape , but the manner how to do it , seemed next to impossible ; yet as N●cessity is the Mother of Invention , variety of ways were proposed , some that were men of Courage heated by these Cruelties to a degree of ▪ Desperation , were for taking a Boat from the Mould at Noon-day , & going away maugre all their Force , and defying them to Catch us , but this was lookt upon as extravagant , others had other projects ; and no sooner was any thing offered , but it was disliked , for indeed all were attended with insuperable Difficulties , and yet so greedy were we of Liberty , that we would Catch at any thing that seemed to promise us that happiness , and somewhat eased our present miseries by those pleasing thoughts and Idaeas ; which yet our recollected Reason told us were vain and impracticable . At length one of my Fellow-Slaves told me of a design that He and some others had of getting away , which he verily believed might be feazible , and after he had sworn me to Secresy , acquainted me , That it was by building a Boat privately , but that they wanted strength , and an Artificer for the Work ; which I undertook to procure ; The Names of us Concerned in his Project were William Johnson , Captain Peter Palmer , Doctor John Atwood , of London , Captain Thomas Cheiney , William Knight of Bristol , Henry Bull , William Phelps , Arnold Showel of Bristol , Captain , Another a Carpenter , whose name I know not , though I brought him into the design ; Three Spaniards , a Portuguez Negro , who were with us in the Garden , and my self . Matters being thus resolved on , we applyed our selves to getting of Thyme , some of which we furnisht our selves with , out of our own and the rest from other Folks Gardens , in the Night ( wherein if we had been Caught , we should have had Three or 400 Bastinadoes for Breakfast ) and it was almost a miracle , how those which lay in the Garden , viz. John Atwood and the Spaniards , escaped it , the Moors lying very thick up and down the Hedges ; but at last after much time , hazard and industry , we had formed our Keel , which vvas twenty foot long , six foot broad and three foot deep , and our Timbers fitted to their places , with holes ready bored , that there should not want much knocking , when vve should set her up for good and all ; we had likewise got Canes to make fast with Rope-yarns from Timber to Timber , as also , Pitch , Tar , Tallow , and other requisites , For providing of which ; you must know , that some of us had saved privately , some small parcels of money , and others being suffered to work at their own hand , and follovv Trades , paying their Patroons so much a Month , got Money , which they expended freely on this occasion ▪ But the great difficulty was to get the dressed Hides wherewith we intended to cover our Boat , and to help us therein we were beholding to Mr. Showel , who since his Slavery , upon I know not what former insight into that Mystery , had set up for a Cobler , and lived from his Patroon under Contribution ; and by that means had the Opportunity to buy them , which were privately convey'd into those things in which we carried Dung on the Mules , and so got out of the Tovvn , and so sovved up , vvhich vvas most artificially performed by Mr. Showel and Mr. Bull , and the Boats covering most conveniently prepared , and all things hid in parcells near the Sea-side ready for the Voyage . Hitherto things going on thus fairly , and every one of our Cabal expecting no less than Liberty , the very day appointed for our going away at Evening being come , and having provided Bread and Water and other Necessaries for that purpose . It happen'd our Patroon himself , who had not been in the Garden for sometime , did , by I know not what ill-Fortune , or rather as to me good Providence , come into the Garden , of whose approach a Spaniard set for a Spye , gave them notice , so that they had time enough to hide their things which they were preparing that night to set together , but some of them being found rambling , were strictly Examined , and when come home severely Beaten upon Suspition , but they stood it out stiffly , and never Impeached any . In the mean time I was gone to call some more of our Company , and at my return received tidings from the Spaniard how Cases stood ▪ whereupon we consulted , whether it were best to go on presently , or deferr it for some time , and it was carried for waiting another Opportunity ; which whilst we were expecting , another Accident put us to stand , which was thus , Some of our Timbers being bound together , and put into the next Garden by Consent of a Spaniard , vvho of Necessity must be made privy to the Design , his Patroon happen'd to light upon them so out to pieces , and violently be●t his Slave , but by good luck this old Fellovv and our Patroon vvere not Friends , and so the business never came to his Ear. Therefore this Disappointment of the loss of our Timber did not vvholly discourage , but got others and framed them , and had brought all things again to perfection , vvhen once more our project vvas Interrupted , and by other hands and in an untimely manner put in Execution . For about the latter end of November 1681 there came from other Gardens 2 Dutchmen ▪ a Spaniard and some others ; Who , by I cannot guess , what means , being acquainted with our Designs , and the forwardness we were in , they Ingratiated themselves with the Spaniards that lay in our Garden , and agree with them forthwith to make use of this Expedient for their Escape , And thereupon they threaten John Atwood , who also lay there , that if He would not Consent and go with them , they would forthwith Kill him to prevent his making a Discovery . Poor Mr. Atwood was loth to abandon his Friends , and Rob them of that means which they so long and with such Danger and Charge had been Contriving to leave them behind , and Embarque himself with 〈◊〉 as were for the most part Strangers ; yet dread of Death and Hopes of Liberty prevailed with him to Comply ; 〈◊〉 under pretence of some 〈…〉 another Garden where was an Englishman privy to the Intrigue and 〈…〉 was and that the Carpenter was at Work 〈…〉 resolved to be going by 〈…〉 Clock ▪ 〈…〉 poor Mans Patroon being in the Garden , he could not come till Fight , and finding then gone runs to the Sea●side , and in his hast set several Doggs a Barking 〈…〉 supposed they fearing some might be in 〈…〉 of them , 〈…〉 a Jarr of Water , some Figs , some Bread , and a Blank 〈…〉 behind them ; and so the before mentioned Englishman lamenting the loss of this Opportunity , returned to his Garden undiscovered . Next morning 't was my lot vvith one of my Fellovv Slaves to be sent into the Garden , but finding no body there , and quickly perceiving other Symptomes , I concluded they vvere gone ▪ But Oh! hovv much anger did I svvell vvith against them for leaving me behind , ( for as yet I understood not the Truth , tho aftervvards I did , from the before-mentioned English-man that came too late , ) and vvhat an Excess of Grief and sorrovv did possess me for not going vvith them ; vvhen yet this very thing which I so much fretted my self about , was to me the the most eminent Mercy of Providence ; for those that went off , were never any of them heard of , so that 't is Justly supposed they were all lost and cast away : And as for me that vvas left behind , vvithin six vveeks after , my Ransome-Money came from England , being 400 pieces of Eight , besides 218 for Charges , and so I safely returned to my Native Countrey ; For vvhich Gratious Providence of God , as I hope I shall never forget to return him continual thanks from the Centre of my Soul , so I thought it no less than my Duty to give this Publique Testimony of my Gratitude to that Divine and Adorable Power to whom be all praise , Glory , and Honour both now and for Ever-more . James Deane . FINIS . A63791 ---- Friendly advice to the gentlemen-planters of the East and West Indies In three parts. I. A brief treatise of the most principal fruits and herbs that grow in the East & West Indies; giving an account of their respective vertues both for food and physick, and what planet and sign they are under. Together with some directions for the preservation of health and life in those hot climates. II. The complaints of the negro-slaves against the hard usages and barbarous cruelties inflicted upon them. III. A discourse in way of dialogue, between an Ethiopean or negro-slave, and a Christian that was his master in America. By Philotheos Physiologus. Tryon, Thomas, 1634-1703. 1684 Approx. 219 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 113 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A63791 Wing T3179 ESTC R203819 99825289 99825289 29668 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A63791) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29668) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2158:23) Friendly advice to the gentlemen-planters of the East and West Indies In three parts. I. A brief treatise of the most principal fruits and herbs that grow in the East & West Indies; giving an account of their respective vertues both for food and physick, and what planet and sign they are under. Together with some directions for the preservation of health and life in those hot climates. II. The complaints of the negro-slaves against the hard usages and barbarous cruelties inflicted upon them. III. A discourse in way of dialogue, between an Ethiopean or negro-slave, and a Christian that was his master in America. By Philotheos Physiologus. Tryon, Thomas, 1634-1703. [2], 222, [2] p. Printed by Andrew Sowle, [London] : in the year 1684. Philotheus Physiologus = Thomas Tryon. Place of publication from Wing. A reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with title beginning "Friendly advcie [sic]". The last leaf is blank. Imperfect; -F1 (pp. 64-65); some print show-through. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Slavery -- Jamaica -- Condition of slaves -- Early works to 1800. Slavery -- Barbados -- Conditions of slaves -- Early works to 1800. Jamaica -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. Barbados -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Friendly Advice TO THE Gentlemen-Planters OF THE East and West INDIES . In Three Parts . I. A brief Treatise of the most principal Fruits and Herbs that grow in the East & West Indies ; giving an Account of their respective Vertues both for Food and Physick , and what Planet and Sign they are under . Together with some Directions for the Preservation of Health and Life in those hot Climates . II. The Complaints of the Negro-Slaves against the hard Usages and barbarous Cruelties inflicted upon them . III. A Discourse in way of Dialogue , between an Ethiopean or Negro-Slave , and a Christian that was his Master in America . By Philotheos Physiologus . Printed by Andrew Sowle , in the Year 1684. A Brief TREATISE Of the Principal Fruits and Herbs That grow in Barbadoes , Jamaica , And other Plantations in the West-Indies . The First Part. THis short discourse of the Qualities of the Fruits which that gallant Island of Barbadoes yields , I thought would not be improper , as well for that I do not know that any has hitherto distinctly spoken thereof , as also because they being for the most part the same with those produced , not only in the Western Plantations , but also in Guinea , the East-Indies , and most hot Countries , one and the same pains will serve to describe the Properties of them all ; or at least to give such a general Philosophical Account , that whatever you meet with in th●se Reigons neighbouring to the Sun 's more near and direct Beams , you may be well able by this Specimen , and from the Form , Taste , Colour , Smell and Signature of each Vegetable , to understand its Nature , Use and Operation . In the first place , we must in general observe , that all Fruits in hot Climates are better , as being as by Nature prepared to an higher degree of Maturity , than in Cold ; for the Sun making his nearer visits with auspicious Beams , and an innocent and complemental Warmth both better disposes the Earth's teeming Womb , and by a most excellent Chymistry , refines the ripening Fruits from their gross dull phlegmatick Juices ; Winter , Snows , Frosts and other Excesses , are there only remembred and talkt of , not known ; and that Sol's too ardent kisses may not be offensive , Nature provides always delicate cooling Briezes and refreshing Gales of Wind , which not only relieve the Inhabitants from the ill effects of an excessive Heat , but much conduce to the melioration of the Fruits . Which being thus brought to its full and absolute perfection , before gathered , may much safer be eaten in those warm Countries , than in Cold , where they have not Sun enough to digest their Rawness into a Temperature so fit for Food . And as it is not fit for Man or Beast to labour so much and so hard in hot Regions , as in cold ; therefore the wise Creator has by his Hand-maid Nature given them food prepared to their hands , that they might have no such need of Toiling , there being there no Winter to consume what Summer brings forth , but a continued Spring or perpetual Harvest of most excellent and never-failing Vegetations , some of the chief of which we shall proceed to speak of in particu●ar . Of Pine Apples . THis incomparable Fruit deservedly claims precedency for its delicacy and excellency ; for when full Ripe , its Taste is so exquisitly delightful and pleasant , that it seems to exceed all others that the Earth produces ; whence 't is reported , that when some of them , by great care , and the favour of a speedy Voyage , were brought into England , ( for very rarely can they be preserv'd so long ) and presented to King Iames , he was so ravisht with its charming deliciousness , that he said , It was not fit to be tasted by a Subject , but only proper to Regale the Gusto of Princes , inured to the highest Delicacies . The four grand Qualities , whence all perfect Tastes do proceed , viz. the Astringent or Saltish , the Bitter , the Sweet and the Sour are herein so equally mixt and compounded by Gods Hand-maid ( Nature ) that 't is hard to distinguish which of them does predominate ; but the truth is , the most delightful Moderator and King of all Tastes , viz. the Sweet doth a little exceed all the other three , so that there is nothing appears but an inviting Beauty , delightful Redolency , and ravishing Taste , that feasts in the highest degree , all those Senses at once . For it must be noted , That all the various and numberless Tastes of things , both in the Annimal , Vegetable , and Mineral Kingdoms do all proceed and arise from the four grand Qualities aforesaid , ( at large described in my Way to Health , and The Good House-wife made a Doctor , &c. ) so that there are but four perfect Tastes , they being the Radix of all others , as the seven Notes are the Basis or Foundation of all Musical Harmony ; and according to the Equality of those four , or the weakness or predominancy of each , such a Taste does carry the upper dominion in all things , and accordingly is the same more or less grateful to the Pallate and Stomach , and homogeneal to the Body . But though our Pines are one of the best sorts of Fruits in the world , they stand the Inhabitants of those parts , and the Eaters of them , but in very little stead , being by our English chiefly eaten after or betwixt Meals , to pleasure wanton Appetite and depraved Senses ; for which cause their genuine nature and operation is hardly known to those that devour the most of them ; however , their excellent Taste , pleasant Smell , and curious Shapes do declare their noble Vertues , being either eaten alone , or with Bread on a well prepared Stomach ; for they moderate , cool , comfort and refresh the Spirits , cleanse the Passages , remove Obstructions that fur the Pipes , and also purge away and help to digest all slimy and sharp Juices that offend Nature , being light of Concoction , and if eaten full Ripe , on an empty stomach , it powerfully purgeth by Urine . It makes a good breakfast or supper with the help of Bread , it being clean and easie , that the natural Heat can easily overcome and digest it at pleasure , and Bread does dry up the humidity of the Fruit , and renders the Nourishment more firm . But note likewise , that this rare Fruit is only good Raw ( as we usually , but improperly call it ) that without any other Preparation , than what Nature , and the Sun 's digestive Heat gives it ; and entire and alone ( except only a little Bread eat with it ) it is so compleat , that it will not admit of any alteration or composition , since they cannot add to its Vertues , or raise Nature to an higher degree , as in many other things may be done ; but here , what-ever humane Art is used , or things intermixt , it is still for the worse , because Nature ( the Art of God ) has already cook't it to the sublimest Perfection , it being the best and most fragrant Fruit the West-Indies do bring forth , most wholsom and healthy to be eaten now and then , viz. two or three times a week to make a Meal or part of a Meal with it ; for the God of Eternal Wisdom hath appointed all things to be used with Sobriety , Temperance and Order , for which end he hath given all these brave comforts unto the Sons of men : This is a Fruit highly dignified with Coelestial Energy , being under the Sun and Venus , in the Sign Leo. Of Plantains . THis is a brave noble Fruit , pleasant and grateful to the Senses , if not gathered till full ripen'd on the Trees , they afford a Nourishment of a middle nature , but not so quick nor brisk on the Pallate and Stomach , nor so easie of Concoction as Pines , because in these the Lunar Property does predominate , and the four Qualities or Tastes are not so equaliz'd ; yet it must be acknowledged a good and wholsom Fruit , especially for such as live easily , and work but little ; for hard Labourers ought to have food that affords a Nourishment more firm and substantial ; and therefore such should eat Bread , or some other dry Food with them . It is a general custom to gather them before they are ripe , and let them ripen off the Trees , which is both contrary to Reason and Nature ; for thereby the purer brisk spirituous parts are as it were totally destroyed ; so that the true lively Vertues and Sweetness become of a dull heavy nauseous and unpleasant Taste , and harder of Concoction , affording a much worse Nourishment . Nor is this Fruit good being any way prepar'd as by Art , tho' it be customary for many to make Tarts with them , and compound them with several Ingredients , which is not commendable ; for Nature has already advanced them to the highest degree , provided you let them alone long enough , viz. till they are full Ripe ; and all alteration then is for the worse , and not for the better . But the Women must be doing something , though it be Mischief , as Mother Eve has given them an Example . But if when 't is full Ripe it be eaten temperately , either alone , or rather with some Bread , it is wholesom and profitable to Nature ; but be advised not to eat them in wantonness on full Stomachs , or between Meals , as the custom of the English is , but not without great prejudice to Nature ; for they are naturally a little ▪ dull and heavy , and therefore they require a brisk Appetite and well prepared Stomach , and store of heat to concoct them . This Fruit is under the dominion of the Moon , and the Sign Pisces ; as to heat they are moderate , viz. rather cooling than hot ; when full ripe they gently open Obstructions of the breast , being eaten with Bread in a Morning ; but unripe they are binding , and if baked with Sugar , Spices , and the like , lose their natural operation , and thereby become hot , and apt to obstruct the Passages , and tire the Appetite and Stomach , generate evil Juices , dull Spirits and thick Blood , and therefore so prepared are no commendable Food . Of Bonnanoes . IT is a Fruit much of the nature with Plantains , but somewhat sweeter , or more Venereal , and easier of Concoction , very pleasant and delightful to the Pallate , Stomach , and Senses , Nature having likewise prepared this to the height , so that whatever alteration Mrs. Housewife makes , proves improper and hurtful ; the best way of eating them is like the rest before , either alone or with Bread ; and so they cleanse , open and remove Obstructions , gently loosen the Belly , being of a middle Quality , neither hot nor cold in Excess ; a Meal of them now and then will be not only grateful , but also healthful ; but if they are eaten green , or ripned off the Trees , then their nature and operations will be altogether contrary , and have many ill effects ; for before Fruits arrive to their full Maturity , the Astringent , Bitter and Sowr Qualities do too violently predominate , and all such things must therefore prove hurtful to the Body ; whereas when full ripe , the sweet balsamiak and pure spirituous Qualities do tincture the Saturnine and Martial Properties , and as it were captivate their poysonous fierce hot Natures , that they can scarce be felt or tasted , the powers and vertues of Sol and Venus being become more strong . Besides , ripening of Fruits off from the Trees is unnatural , and opposeth her method in the highest degree , as is before declared . Of Cocoe-Nuts . THe Kernels of this Fruit are of a full strong sweet and delightful Taste to the Pallate and Stomach , but apt to stop and fur the Passages , if eaten alone , or in Quantities . & ut on the contrary , if Order and Temperance be observed , it makes a brave sublime Food , very profitable for all Ages and Constitutions , affording a clean pure Nourishment , easie of Digestion , breeds good Blood , and pure fine brisk Spirits . Besides , this Fruit contains a thin or milky Substance , of a Cordial nature , if eaten with some dry Food , as Bread , and the like . But neither this nor the Kernal is not to be eaten alone on full Stomachs , or between Meals , as English People are apt to do in all places where they come , accounting nothing food but Flesh and Fish ; whereas Herbs , Seeds , Fruits and Grains do far transcend them , as to brave firm substantial Nourishment , as I have else-where in several Treatises demonstrated , viz. in my Way to Health , long Life and Happiness , — The good Housewife made a Doctor , &c. These Cocoe-Fruits are under the Sun and Venus , and the Coelestial sign Libra , but its outward shell or covering is Martial and Saturnine . Of G●ovars . THis Fruit is under the dominion of the Moon and Mars , and the sign Scorpio ; it hath its harsh Taste from Mars , its Sweetness from the Moon . If eaten unripe or green , then it binds the belly , but when full ripe , it is a good wholsom pleasant Fruit , may be eaten raw at Meals with bread and other food , as Milk , or the like : They are of a moderate cooling opening Quality ; but there are two sorts , one that are white within , and the other Red , which last are the best of the two . Of Sour-Sopps . THis is a good Fruit , agreeable to the Stomach if full ripe , and it lie not too long after it be gathered before it be eaten ; it is endued with a grateful pleasant Taste , very easie of Concoction , if eaten moderately , especially with Bread , or some other dry food ; if a Meal be so made now and then , it will prove very profitable to the breast , by cleansing and removing Obstructions that lie in those Passages ; it also moderately cools and allays Drought , and gently loosens the belly , and if a Glass of White-Wine , allay'd with Water , be drank after it , or other proper Liquor , it will bravely cleanse the passages of the Uriters , and cause plentiful evacuation of Urine ; but if they lie too long after gathering , before you use them , much of the good Qualities and natural Vertues will be abated , and it will be apt to have a contrary operation ; it is cold in Quality , and therefore proves most profitable to the Chollerick and Sanguine Complexions , but not so good for Phlegmatick Bodies . Mercury and the Moon have dominion over it , and it is to be attributed to the sign Taurus . Of Prickle-Pears . THis is a pleasant delightful Fruit , very grateful to Nature , and may with safety be eaten both in health and sickness , being easie of concoction , it quickly passeth away , digesting and moving the Obstructions that offend the Passages , if eaten on an empty Stomach , either alone or with Bread , or some other food , it is moderately cooling , and good against the Stone and Gravel , if eaten alone in a Morning when fasting , and a glass of White-Wine , allay'd with Water ( viz. one third part Wine and two Water ) drank after it . Mercury governs it , and the Sign Aries . But neither this nor any other fruit ought to be eaten in wantonness , nor for state or vain pleasure , as between Meals and after Dinner , our Creator never intending them for such uses , but for the support and health of mankind , and those that abuse them otherwise , commit a very great Evil , of which they ought to Repent , and forsake all such superfluities . Of Papaes . THis is an innocent , yet noble Fruit , of little Taste taken as it grows , and that which it hath not very delightful ; but it hath a wonderful , and as it were , Paradisical and most ravishing . Vertue that internally lies hid , which being awakned and raised up by the skill of the good Housewife , and proper Ingredients , it makes various sorts of most delightful food , but more especially Pyes or Tarts , there being no other fruit in the West-Indies ( nor perhaps else-where in the world ) comparable for that purpose ; for it hath no manifest Taste or Quality that does too manifestly predominate , ( as most other fruits have , that are used for such foods ) and thereby it is capable of being raised to what degree of taste or pleasantness the Cook or good Housewife pleases , by mixing and adding proper Ingredients , which cannot be done with any fruits or things wherein any of the four Qualities do too violently over-rule ; for such things as are unequal in their Properties or Qualifyings , or where unripe things are joyned with ripe , can very rarely be altered for the better . This fruit being so unparrallel'd a thing for the use aforesaid , the good Dames of the Western Plantations have no reason to desire or long after other improper Fruits or Mixtures ; for this being aptly prepared and made into Tarts , may yield the nicest Pallates most ample satisfaction : It is under the dominion of the Moon and Venus , in the sign Taurus , but the Moon predominating in its governance , hides the pleasant Qualities of Venus ; but when other Ingredients are mixt with it , then the sleeping or captivated Vertues of Venus appear in their splendor or ravishing Tastes : They are of a cooling opening Nature and Operation of themselves , but when mixed , are varied according to the nature of the Ingredients . I know no other fruit in the West-Indies that can be altered to so good advantage as this . And as the Pine-Apple is the King of all Fruits to be eaten Raw ; so on the other side this is the best and properest to be used in variation or further prepared . Of Water Melons . THis is a most delicious Fruit , very pleasant and delightful both to sickly and healthy People ; if eaten moderately 't is very profitable for hot Chollerick Complexions , and such as are subject to be feaverish , or fumes flying into their Heads ; 't is of a cooling cleansing Property , easie of Concoction , and dis-burthens the Passages of all gross offensive Matter , if eaten ●asting in a Morning with a little Bread ; also , it powerfully cleanseth the Reins and Melancholly , purges by Urine , and therefore the frequent use of them moderates the astringent harsh Quality in such Constitutions as are liable to the Stone and Gravel , for which it is one of the best Remedies in the World. But if you mix Sugar , Wine , or the like Ingredients , then you cannot perceive nor feel its genuine vertue or operation ; for thereby its nature and effects are changed , just as a Painter does alter one Colour into another , by adding other Colours , which ought seriously to be considered by all Compounders of food or Medicines , and the natural Reason to be well understood . This fruit is under the Moon and Venus ( but Luna hath the greatest share in Government ) in the sign Libra , whence it is that they gallantly purge by Urine . There are two sorts , Red and White , but the Red are the best . Of Musk-Melons . THere are two sorts of these , one about as big as our ordinary Pumkins , the other smaller , not much bigger than those in England ; of the two , this last sort are the best , though the other are very good in their kind , and to be preferred before any our Northren Climate produces . The best way of eating them is with Salt and Bread , which renders them more warming and grateful to the Stomach ; nor do they gripe , except it be for want of the bodies being used to them . They gently loosen the belly , and moderately purge by Urine , if eaten for a breakfast with a glass or two of White-Wine , or White-Wine and Water mixt ▪ or plain Water drank after them : They may be eaten by all Ages and Constitutions , but are best for young People , and especially for Chollerick hot Complexions ; for they allay drought , and gently cool the whole body , but they may not be often eaten as food , because they afford not so firm a Nourishment , but between whiles it will be very profitable to make a whole Meal of them now & then with only Bread and Salt. Of Pumkins . PUmkins that grow in the West-Indies , are much of the nature of those we have here with us in England , but not altogether so cold , being brought to an higher degree of Maturity by the powerful Influences of the Sun-beams , who caress them with nearer Embraces ; yet still , this Fruit is of a cold phlegmatick Nature , but eaten stew'd with warming Ingredients , makes an indifferent good food , taking store of Bread therewith , its Nourishment is not firm , but easie of concoction , loosens the belly , is not proper for cold phlegmatick Complexions , but very profitable to be used now and then by the Chollerick : It also gently purgeth by Urine , as indeed most of the fruits in the West-Indies do ; and 't is a great Error in our Northren People , settled in those parts , especially such as are obnoxious to the Stone , Gravel , and the like , that they do not accustom themselves more to the use of those noble fruits ; for if they did , they would not be so subject to those torturing Diseases as they are ; for all foods , be they fruits or other things , and also Drinks , that moderately cool the body , and are of light concoction , do naturally prevent the generation of those cruel Diseases ; as on the other side , such as heat , and are of an astringent nature , do generate them in all Complexions , but especially in those that are inclinable thereunto . The Coelestial Regiment of this fruit is to be attributed to the Moon , and to the sign Pisces . Of Squashes . THese are of a mild gentle nature and operation , being briskly boyled and eaten with Bread , Butter , Vinegar and Salt ; they afford a good Nourishment , but not very firm , cool the body , and are quick of Concoction , cleanse the Passages , are good against the Obstructions of the breast , gently loosen the belly and purge by urine , especially if a whole Meal be made of them without flesh , and only eaten as aforesaid . They are under the dominion of the Moon and Cancer . Of Potato's . THis is a very brave noble and more excellent Root than any other the West-Indies bring forth , of a friendly temperate Quality , somewhat windy if eaten hot or whilest the fiery Atomes or Vapours be in it ; therefore they are far better and wholsomer cold , as many other of the like nature are : They afford a brave firm substantial Nourishment , surpassing therein all other Roots , but not comparative to that of Bread ; they are Restorative , of a most pleasant Taste , comfort and strengthen the body , of a warming nature and operation ; so that they are a good food eaten alone , or with Bread , Butter , Flesh , or the like . The common ways of preparing or dressing them are divers , but the most common are Stewing , and Roasting them in the Embers , the last of which is most commendable , but being more tedious than the other , is not so frequently practised : either way they make a good Dish , being eaten when through cold with Oyl , Vinegar , Salt and Bread , or Butter instead of Oyl , to such as do not love it , or cannot procure it . As to Temperature they are of a middle Nature , but rather warm than cold , easie of Concoction , and the drier they are prepar'd , the warmer and firmer Nourishment they yield . Likewise , they make a good sort of Drink , but it will not admit of much age , being apt then to become acid , sharp and keen ; it may be made either stronger or smaller , according to the Quantity of Potato's allowed , and Water put to them . There are various sorts , but the driest and yellowest are best . They are under Sol , in the sign Taurus . The young and tender Leaves are a pretty good Sallet boyl'd ▪ they cleanse the stomach and loosen the belly ; being eaten with Butter ▪ Vinegar , Salt and Bread , a fine Mea● may be made of them . Of Yams . THis also is an excellent Root , temperately hot , and more dry than moist , of a lovely white Colour , and pleasant innocent Taste , which demonstrates their good Vertues ; they afford an harmless , clean , and yet pretty substantial Nourishment , neither much bind nor relax the belly , but of the two , rather loosen . They are easie of Concoction , and if they be well prepared according to Art , make a brave friendly pleasant food , drest with Butter , Vinegar and Salt , and eaten with Bread : They are good for every Age and Constitution , rarely disagreeing with any ; they are very useful to be eaten with Flesh , a little Flesh and good store of Yams . They are under the government of Venus and Luna , and the sign Libra . Of Cusado-Bread . THis Bread is of an innocent nature and operation , yet affords a strong substantial Nourishment , far beyond what most People suppose ; for being put into any kind of Pottage , Milk , or the like ; it dissolves its self into gellious substance , which is a token of its strength , as its pure white Colour and innocent Taste demonstrates its innate Vertues and Equality of Parts : The four grand Qualities ( at large described in my other Treatises ) whence the four perfect Tastes do proceed , being so equally mixt , that by its Taste it can hardly be distinguished which does carry the upper dominion , under which simplicity lies hid the most soveraign Vertues of Nature ; it is most pleasant when new , but not then the wholsomest ; 't is a good Ingredient to be eaten with Butter , Cheese , Herbs , Milk , or any kind of Pottages , as also with Flesh , and will alone sustain Nature ; for a man may live as long without being tyred , and be as well supported , as to health and strength , with it , as with the best Wheaten Bread ; and being once familiariz'd through a little custom and use , it becomes pleasant to most Ages and Constitutions . I remember a Master of a Ship , that assured me , That being by stress of Weather kept out at Sea much longer than they expected , so that all their Provisions were spent , but Water and Cusado Bread , of which they had plenty ; he and his Ships Crew lived thereon for many days , without any other Sustenance ; and though at first ( being used to variety of other Foods ) they thought it some-what hard , yet after some days it became most pleasing ; and they were so far from complaining of their strength being diminished , that they found themselves more than ordinary brisk and active . As for the Temperature of this Bread , it is rather hot than cold , and is of easie concoction ; 't is under the government of Saturn and Venus , in the sign Scorpio . It s poysonous Liquor which is pressed out of the Root when it is made into Bread , is Saturnine , and the white flowery substance or matter , is Venereal : Nor is it strange to those that understand Nature's course , that Poyson and most wholsom Food should proceed from one and the same Vegetable diversly prepared ; for such do know that in all things , ( as well as in this ) there are lurging Poysons that are the Root of every Life , and without which there could be neither Vitality nor Vegetation . Of Ginger . THis is an excellent Spice , of an hot dry tart Nature , endued with a stronger and more durable heat than Pepper , and every way more efficacious , so that where-ever this Spice is , there is no need of Pepper ; it is chiefly good for cold and moist Stomachs , and such as are troubled with cold windy Diseases ; for it discusseth and helpeth Digestion , and in some degree consumeth crude phlegmatick Humors : good especially for aged People in cold and moist Seasons of the year . But neither this sort of Spice , nor any other , is good to be used in hot Seasons or Climates , except in a Physical way , as I have else-where demonstrated . Particularly , in Young People and Chollerick Complexions the frequent use of such things does heat , dry and consume the purer Spirits and Radical Moisture and inflame the Blood , and in some Constitutions makes it sharp and keen ; they are also injurious to the natural Heat of the Stomach and digestive Faculty , whence the Scurvey , Ioynt-Aches , and many cruel Distempers proceed , and assist not a little to the generation of the Stone , where-ever they meet apt matter for that purpose . The same is to be understood of all other things in which heat and driness do too violently predominate ; the frequent use of which is like the common drinking of Brandy ; when once the Stomach is accustomed to them , it cannot digest its food without them ; and yet the Remedy is as bad as the Disease , for as the natural heat is more debilitated , so more Brandy is craved for , till People utterly destroy themselves . Of Oranges . THere being various sorts of this Fruit , differing in their Temperature and Nature , they are to be considered according to the sweetness , sowrness and tartness of them ; the sowrest sort are the coldest , most sharp and penetrating , and therefore are not so good and profitable as those called Sevil , which is a mean between the sowr and the sweet ; and therefore is best for sawce , and far more acceptable to the Pallate , but especially to the Stomach , than either the sweet or the sowr , which being full ripe fresh gathered , do not only make the best Sawces to most sorts of Food , as Herbs both raw and boyled , Flesh , &c. far exceeding all Vinegars made with Wine or other Liquors , but they also prove profitable in many Diseases , especially to allay Drought in Feavers , and prevent the putrifaction of the Humors ; for they cool and refresh the Stomach , and are good moderately used in times of Health for Chollerick People ; but eat them not too frequently , for they astringe or bind the belly , and are not proper for Phlegmatick or Melancholly Complexions ; and as the moderate use of them for Sawce in food , does excite and sharpen the Appitite , so on the contrary the frequent custom of eating them is apt to hurt the digestive Faculty by their cold dry astringent Qualities , they being Extreams in Nature , and therefore cautiously to be used . The Sweet Oranges are not good for Sawce , for they naturally dull or subvert the Appetite ; nevertheless they being of a middle Nature or temperate Quality , are good and very grateful to well-prepared Stomachs to be eaten alone , or with some Bread or other dry food after them in time of Health , especially for Young People , and the Phlegmatick and Melancholly ; but still they ought to remember their sure friend Temperance , else they will prove injurious , and hinder Concoction . Of Lemmons . AS these are sharper and more sour then Oranges , so they are colder , more keen or piercing , but they make a Sawce that does wonderfully cool , and for the present stir up the Appetite , comfort the Stomach , and are good against Vomiting , very grateful to such as have weak dull or flat Stomachs , they cut and attenuate gross Humors , allay Thirst , and are refreshing to such as have hot Livers ; but on the other side , if not very moderately used , their astringent , sharp or keen Quality will by simile awaken the Saturnal and Martial Fires in the Body , and instead of allaying heat they inflame the Blood , and irritate the natural Spirits , which proves fatal as to Health ; for as all such Fruits are unequal in their parts , so they by simpathy cause an unequal operation in the Humors , which is the Radix of all Distemperatures . Of Limes . LImes are an Immature Fruit , in which two extream Properties do predominate , viz. the Saturnal and Martial Poysons , because the Sun and Coelestial Influences , have not had Power to raise or awaken the balsamick or friendly Vertues of Nature , or bring the Properties into an equal operation , as is done in other Fruits ; for these two fierce Qualities are so powerful , as indeed being the very Radix of the Fruit , that the friendly Property or good Vertue is wholly hid or captivated by them , so that it cannot be tasted or felt ; hence the Juice of this fruit does contain ( as I have elsewhere declared ) a Saturnine churlish fire , which is of an hard coagulating astringent or binding nature and operation , like the raw cold saturnine Air of Winter , which does congeal the Water , and harden all things . 2 dly . A sharp keen Martial Property , of a sour harsh fretting nature and operation . Now these two Extreams meeting together , do render it very hurtful to the genuine nature of the Stomach , and generate bad Blood , stir up the original Poysons by simile , and the Saturnine Property does draw together and congeal the Excrements in the Bowels ; and the Martial Fires are forth-driving , and cannot endure to be bounded , from whence proceed various Diseases , as Gripes , Collicks , Illiacal Passions , or cruel Belly-Akes . For this cause , our English , and others , that use these Juices in their Voyages to the East-Indies , and other parts , are sorely vexed with many Diseases , which they contract ( though they little think it ) from their Punch-Bowls , rather than the disagreeableness of the Climate . Moreover the sharp cold Juices of Oranges and Lemmons , which in hot Countries they are greedy of , and do eat too freely , do prove very pernicious as to their Health ; for the truth is , it is not the Climate , whether hot or cold , that causes so many Diseases , but Peoples Intemperances and taking wrong Measures ; for the Natives both of the East , South and West are as healthy and long liv'd as those of the North ; and these our frequent Distempers when we travel into those parts , do but declare our Intemperances , and that the Meats and Drinks we so much desire are not proper for our Bodies in such Climates , where not our own irregular Fancies , but the usages of the Natives of each Country ought to be our Guides and Examples , both as to Meats , Drinks and Exercises , and then each Country would soon become as natural and wholsom to us as our own , our Bodies being assimulated thereunto . Of Pinpillow-Pears . THis is a Fruit that is not much in use , being some-what troublesom to procure by reason of their Martial Weapons or Prickles ; they are of a sharp brisk Taste , their Juices quick and penetrating , they cut Phlegm , beget Appetite and help Conoction , being of a cooling Nature , they may be eaten with a little Sugar with safety , but they are chiefly good for Chollerick and Sanguine People , and are under Mars in Aries . Of Pepper , commonly called Guinea-Pepper OF this there are two sorts , one great the other small ; but both are much of the same nature and operation , only the smallest is rather the hottest . They both contain three extream Qualities ; viz. 1. An astringent Sulpher , or stupifying Poyson from Saturn ; 2. A fierce bitter keen sharpness from Mars ; And 3. An hot penetrating Poyson from Mercury . In this Vegetation all friendliness and pure Vertues are captivated , and the original forms of Nature do predominate , there being in it no kind of Equality or Harmony , but all is out of Tune , and the four grand Qualities , whence all Tastes proceed , have here their operations in Discord , and confusedly combate one another ; therefore whatever any may pretend , the frequent eating of it must needs prove pernicious to Health ; for those forementioned fierce poysonous Qualities do by degrees as it were insensibly prey upon and violate the natural Heat , and hinders the way of the Spirits , as if men designed to mortifie their natural Legs , on purpose to use Wooden ones or Crutches ; so they destroy the genuine innate heat of their Stomachs , and vainly endeavour to procure a false and adventitious one , that may better ( forsooth ) supply Nature . The truth is , this hot fiery Sawce does powerfully stir up or beget Appetite , and warms the Stomach , which does intice many to eat it with their common food , but they never consider the mischiefs it brings unto Health , being like Brandy , a dram of which after a full Meal of heavy Victuals , will help Concoction , and ease the burthened Stomach , but the frequent use of it will so destroy the natural Heat , that the Stomach will not be able , after a little time , to digest its food , neither with it nor without it : So this Spice being too much eaten , wounds Nature to the very Heart ; for by degrees it debilitates the proper Heat , infects the Blood with a salt sharp keen Quality , partches up and consumes the sweet Oyl and Radical Moisture , suffocates the pure Spirits by whole-sale , causing the Blood ( their limpid Fountain and natural habitation ) to become wheyish and watery . Especially , if Chollerick or Sanguine Complexion'd People shall accustom themselves to the eating of such Sawces , it will much sooner and more deplorably vitiate the Tone of their Stomachs , than of such as are Plegmatick ; but they are not good nor natural for any whatsoever , except now and then in a Physical way for very cold dull heavy Phlegmatick People , and they must eat it sparingly too ; but the mischief is , whoever shall accustom themselves to these Sawces , cannot forbear from Excess therein , without great trouble and constraint upon themselves : The very same is to be understood of all other Extreams , as Brandy , Tobacco , and the like . Besides , all such things are far more pernicious , and bring greater danger to Health in hot Countries , than in colder Climates , as many have found by woful Experience , because there the central Heat is nothing so strong and powerful as in colder Regions , and consequently the pure Spirits and Radical Moisture weaker , and more apt to be wounded , suffocated or evaporated , as all do know that have Eyes that can see into the Arcana of Nature . But to return to our Guinea-Pepper , it is such an Extream in Nature , viz. so hot and poysonous , that if the bigger sort be dryed , and the Cods cut and the Seeds scattered amongst Clothes , Hats , or the like , that are to be packt up , it proves the best Preservative from the Moth , and other Vermine that is known ; for its excessive keenness destroys all Generation , even in the very bud . Likewise , if it be burnt in a Room , the Doors and Windows being close shut , it will destroy and kill all Buggs , Fleas , or the like , and you too , if you do not get out in time , its fumes are so hot , poysonous and penetrating , when once the fire has open'd its body , and manifested what before internally lay hid . This bigger sort our English do commonly pickle , and so preserve it for a common Sawce to eat with Flesh : Now this pickling of it with Salt and Vinegar does still add to its heat and sharpness ; For Salt is of an hot harsh sharp Nature , and if it be not moderately eaten , dries , heats and is of a partching operation , very inimical to Health , but a Ring-leader to the Scurvey and other Diseases , and Vinegar is also of an hot keen fretting Nature , especially when joyned or incorporated with such high fires and things of unequal Natures : Therefore the frequent use of this sort of Swace is to be accounted very injurious to Health , especially in such hot Climates , where the continual influences of the Sun do more exhale and draw forth the Radical Moisture , thereby weakning the central parts , which ought therefore rather to be refresht and cherisht by proper Foods , than annoyed and prejudiced by such hot violent things , as do yet further depress and debilitate them . Of Occora , or Grommer . THis is a brave Noble Fruit , and being boyled , they make a gallant substantial Food , affording a good firm Nourishment , being eaten with Butter , Vinegar , and Bread. Some will boyl and eat them with Flesh , but they do not eat so well as many other sorts of Herbs and Roots do in that case ; for they being in themselves of a jellyous Nature , do not seem so proper to be eaten with Flesh : But they make an excellent Pottage , which if well prepared , and proper Ingerdients added , afford a brave strong firm Nourishment , and yet easie of Concoction . If the intrinsick Vertues of this Fruit were understood , the Food made thereof would be had in far greater estimation than it is ; for both the Fruit it self and the Pottage made thereof are of singular Vertues and use for weakly People , and such as are inclinable to Consumptions , weak Heats and Obstructions of the Breast , far more excellent than Mr. Doctors Ielly made of Harts-Horn , and the like , as being much more natural and agreeable to the Stomach . Which way ever you dress them they are not only delightful to the Pallate , when a little innur'd to them , but also easie of Concoction , gently loosing the Belly , of a moderate or middle Nature as to heat , and may by all Ages and Constitutions , healthy or sickly , be eaten with safety , and to the advantage of Health and Strength ; and we do advise all the English to eat of it more frequently , and then they shall assuredly find more Vertues therein than is here set down . Of Aguma . THis is an Herb of a bitter Nature , but when boyled , that Martial Taste is much allayed , and it becomes a brave noble Salad or Food , being boyled in plenty of good Water , and eaten with Butter , Venegar , Salt and Bread , or with Flesh ; for it powerfully opens the gates of Nature , and the obstructions of the Breast and Stomach , it moderately relaxes the Belly , cools and refresheth all the internal parts , affording brisk lively Spirits , pure Blood , and a good Habit of Body , if Temperance be observed by the eaters thereof , which does give the greatest Credit and Reputation to all sorts of Meats and Drinks ; for the best and most Natural cannot but prove burthensome and harmful , when Sobriety is wanting . The excellency of this Herb does chiefly reside in the distasteful or bitter Quality , which at first eating is somewhat unpleasant , but a little custome will make it friend - and more delightsom than others that are less bitter ; for all Herbs are the most grateful to the Stomach , and easiest of Digestion , in which the Bitter Quality or Taste is a little predominant , for this property is lively , and the cause of Motions quick and penetrating ; for which cause the wise Antients have noted , and not without sufficient ground , all or most bitter Herbs to be good against most kinds of Stoppages and Obstructions . And therefore on that account , this Herb is to be preferred before those of a sweeter milder Nature , because all sweet things are heavy and more flat on the Stomach , and harder of Concoction , and nothing so brisk and lively ; for which reason the Natives in Guinea , have a certain Root or Fruit call'd Tantarobois , which is full of bitter Seeds , and them they mix with their Foods , which proves very profitable to their Healths , so that they live strong and lusty to very great Ages . This herb Agumma , is under the Government of Mercury and Mars , in the sign Gemini . Of Red-weed , or Catterpillars . THis is an Herb of a mild gentle friendly Nature and Operation , easie of Concoction , cleanseth the Stomach , and gently loosens the Belly , and is very profitable boyled in plenty of Water , and eaten with Butter , Salt and Bread , as also with Flesh , but especially with salt-Fish ; for by its mild friendly Nature it allayes the harsh stubborn fierceness of such Flesh , and the heat of the Salt , which if frequently eaten without store of either Herbs or Roots to qualifie them , proves very prejudicial to Health , especially in hot Countries . The truth is , this is an excellent Herb , and ought to be encreased and planted for general use ; for it ought to be held in greater estimation than either Mutton or Beef , or indeed any other sort of Flesh , it being an allayer of all immoderate heat : It is under the Dominion of Iupiter , in Pisces . There are also a great Number of brave Herbs in the West-Indies , which are transplanted from the more Northern Climates , and thrive very well there , viz. Sage , Rosemary , Thyme , Winter and Summer Savory , Mint , Penny-royal , Parsely , Charvil , Onnions , Lettice , Sorrel , Beetes both white and Red , Spinnage , Cabadges or Colworts , Comfry , and many other gallant wholsome Herbs , and they are all or most of them by the Coelestial influences and continual enlivening Beams of that Fountain of heat , the Sun ▪ rendred far more fragrant and salutiferous than in colder Regions , and so do make most excellent Sallads , which being mixt with Oyl or Butter , the Juice of Oranges and Salt , warm the whole Body , and more naturally and pleasantly exhillerate the Spirits than any sort of Wine drank in Moderation . Some brief Directions for the Preservation of Health , and Life in hot Climates . IT is a very common conceit amongst the Europeans , that of late are come to Inhabit in Plantations of America , that by the Nature of the Climate or by reason of the unusual Heats , People there are not so long-liv'd as in the more cold Northren parts of the World ; and for this they appeal to Experience ; Do not we see ( say they ) how men are cut off by Diseases in the prime of their Years , and very few attain to old Age ? Whence 't is a common Proverb amongst them , Soon Ripe , Soon Rotten , as if this were the very Nature of the Climate ; but this is all Mistake ; they blame the Climate , when themselves are only to blame : 'T is their own Intemperance , not that of the Heavens , which shortens their days : The wise and merciful God hath ordered so providentially all parts of this habitable World , that his Creature [ Man ] may thereon live comfortably , if he please : 'T was the Error of the Antients when they divided the Earthly Globe into five Zones , to imagine two of them uninhabitable , one of which they called the Frigid Zone , through excessive Cold , and the other Torrid Zone , through extreamity of Heat . But Experience has confuted their guessing Philosophy , and shews us , that both these are commodious enough to dwell in , if Discretion and Sobriety be used ; Is one Region cold ? God has given its Inhabitants strong Constitutions , great Stomachs , gross suitable Food , and Furze wherewith to defend them . Is another very hot ? Here are refreshing Briezes constantly imployed by Nature , to fan and divert them , rare delicate Fruits , easie of Digestion , to supply all the necessities of Nature , and support them in Strength and Health . But such is the Perversity of men , that being depraved by custom , they pursue and take quite contrary measures to those that Nature dictates , and in the hottest Climates gorge themselves with the grossest Foods , various Dishes of Flesh , Fish and Fowls , whereof they daily eat to Gluttony , and the strongest Liquors , as Madera Wines , Brandy and Punch ; so that where they need the least , finest and lightest Meats and Drinks , they cloy and oppress Nature with the grossest and strongest ; And is it any wonder that they are then afflicted with Diseases , or cut off by immature Deaths ? If a man will turn the top of his Candle downwards , and extinguish it by excess of Tallow , how unjustly does such an one blame the Winds for putting out its light ? The sweet Influences of the Coelestials , and especially the heat of Heaven's bright Eye ( the Sun ) does in hot Countries prepare all sorts of Vegetations and Fruits , so as that they become more wholsom and proper for the Body , than in colder Regions , thereby pointing out which is the most natural food in such Climates ; of which the Natives ( though by us esteemed Barbarous ) are so wise as to take notice ; for they in most hot Countries do more incline to eat Herbs and Fruits ( though not so much as they ought , nor do they prepare many of them so well as they should ) yet thereby , and by being strangers to Riot and Intemperance , they retain an undisturbed Health to very great Ages ; So in the East-Indies , where the food is chiefly Herbs , Fruits and Grains , and their Drink only Water , to meet with Persons of One Hundred Years of Age , is common ; nay , it is credibly reported , that some of those called Brachmans , who do wholly abstain from eating either Flesh or Fish do lengthen out their days to One Hundred and Twenty , and One Hundred and Fifty Years : And in Guinea , tho' it be a very hot Country , and generally the Constitution of the Air accounted very unwholsom , yet you shall see the Ethiopians frequently live One Hundred and Twenty Years in great strength and vigour . By all which it is plain , that the fault is neither in the Soil , nor the Climate , but it is Intemperance both in Quantity and Quality , is the main cause of the grievous Distempers and short Lives of our English that travel into hot Countries , and also of the Weakness and untimely Death of so many of their Children . For Prodigious in the Excess they commit , such as cannot rationally be imagined of any that had not a mind willfully to destroy themselves : for to omit their Extravagances in ordinary Diet , the vast Quantities of Flesh and Fish which they unnecessarily devour , I have heard it credibly related and affirmed , That there has been the Quantity of One Thousand or One Thousand Two Hundred Bottles of Wine , Madera and Claret , consumed at one Feast , made by a common Plantes of Barbadoes ; and that the like Superfluity ( as if they would vye for Luxury with the old Romans , in the declining Age of their Empire ) is not infrequent in that and other Western Plantations . Now let all the World judge , if men will thus seek Death in the Errors of their Lives , how is the Country to be complained of ? He that takes his share of three or four such Treats , will have little reason to accuse the heat of the Weather for casting him into a Feaver . If our English , and others , that travel to and live in those Westenr , Eastern or Southern Regions would be but so obedient to Nature , and kind to themselves as to observe a proper Order and right Method of Living , they would not only live long , but healthy . And for their furtherance and benefit therein ( I mean , such as have not absolutely forsworn hearkening to any Remonstrances of Reason , nor betrothed themselves to Madness and ruinating Debauchery ) I shall here add a few general Rules or Directions for the Preservation of Health , very necessary to be regarded by all such as live in Hot Climates . 1. Flesh ought not to be eaten at all , or very sparingly ; for Flesh in hot Countries is nothing so firm , good and wholsom as in cold ( though the eating thereof may well be spared in both ) but on the other side , Herbs , Roots and most Fruits are abundantly more excellent for Food in hot Climates than in Cold ; The same is to be understood by Fish , as experience has taught the Natives of all such places , who therefore do more incline to eat Herbs , Fruits and Vegetations ; and for want of this Prudence , have not many of our Northern People after a full Meal of Flesh or Fish in those hot parts , been suddenly surprized with various cruel Diseases , as Feavers , Fluxes , and the like . 2. Full and Liberal Eating of any sort of Food , proves of more dangerous consequence to Health , especially if the Foods be gross , fat and succulent , because the natural and central Heat is by the great Power of the Coelestial Influences continually exhaled , and so becomes more external , which does in a degree debilitate the Digestive Faculty ; for which cause a mans Stomach and Appetite is rarely so sharp and strong as in cold Countries . 3. Great Drinking , especially of strong exhilerating Liquors , as Wine , Brandy , or other Spirits , is very pernicious ; for all such Drinks , if not cautiuosly used , and well allay'd with Water , proves of fatal consequence , and wounds Nature to the very heart , as daily Experience does testifie , and doth sooner destroy Health than in cold Countries , though bad in both . I know this is contrary to the Vulgar Notions , but it is agreeable to Truth , Experience and Reason ; only People , by a vitious Inclination , had a mind to debauch themselves with strong Liquors , and the Devil , to humor them , suggested that such Liquors ( forsooth ! ) were necessary , and most to be used in hot Countries ; and so they got a colour for their Excess , and continue the Maxime and now plead , They must be Drunk if they mean to be Healthy , &c. But Nature , as well as Christianity , will read them another Lesson ; for in hot Climates , the natural or central Heat being not so strong , by reason of the forcible Influences of the Sun , powerfully exhaling the Radical Moisture , opening the Pores , and too violently evaporating the Spirits , the Stomach and Digestive Faculty thereby become weak , and the inclination to drinking is encreased ; for which reason many desire hot spirituous Drinks , finding a present Refreshment ; for such Liquors do powerfully awaken the internal or central Spirits by Simile , which makes the Drinkers quick , lively and brisk , during the time of their operation , which is but for a Moment , but afterwards they find themselves heavy , dull and indisposed , their Stomach more feeble , cold and raw than before , which inclines them to take t'other Dram ; and still , the more the worse , till Nature be debilitated to the utmost Extremity . The same operation have all Wines and other Drinks , if Temperance be wanting , but not so violently as the former ; therefore in all hot Climates there ought to be double the care and temperance , as in cold , both in Meats , Drinks and Exercises ; of which , the Natives of hot Countries may be our Examples ; for they do , for the most part live temperately , their Drink Water , or Wine allay'd with Water ; their Food mean , or more simple and innocent than ours , whereby they are better preserved in Health ; the Constitutions of all People in hot Climates being not so able to bear or endure great Meals and superfluous Drinking of strong Liquors , as in cold . Therefore most of those that in such places accustom themselves to the frequent use of those strong spirituous fiery Drinks , and the common course of gormandizing on Flesh and Fish , become very obnoxious to the Dry Belly-Ake , or Griping of the Guts , Dropsies and the Gout . For all such Foods and Drinks too violently stir up and consume the natural Heat and Moisture , whereby the digestive Faculty of the Stomach is rendred uncapable to concoct or make any perfect seperation , whereby the body grows oppressed with a Mass of Crudities and noxious Iuices , that sometimes fall into the Joynts , infeebling and tormenting them ; and this is the original of that Rich Evil , call'd , The Gout . In other Complexions these and the like Disorders prey upon the sollid parts , and waste the Flesh , taking away natural strength and vigour ; so that such Persons pine and languish under such a load of daily ingested Aliment ; for nothing is more usual in Nature , than for Extreams to generate or occasion each other , and these you call Consumptions . In others , for want of Heat and Moisture the Excrement in the Bowels , is contracted into so hard a substance , that it cannot freely pass ; and this is that which the learned call , The Illiacal Passion , and the Vulgar , The Plague in the Guts , for which most cruel Disease there is scarce a Doctor that hath yet found out a certain Remedy . Now in these our Western Plantations all these tormenting Diseases are much encreased by the frequent Tippling of that pernicious Drink called Punch , the Nature and effects of which I have herein before hinted , but more fully demonstrated in my Treatise , entituled , The Country-Man's Companion , pag. 110. In some other Constitutions the central Heat and Humor Radicalis being wasted by such unfit Meats and Drinks so received , is turn'd into a flux of Humors , both windy and watery , which swells the lower parts of the body ; and this is the generation of your Dropsies . But as the Lord our bountiful Creator is always good , and his Hand-maid ( Nature ) an indulgent Mother ; so they have , as it were , chalked out the means of preventing these Evils , and prescribed proper Diet and Drinks in every Country and Climate to its Inhabitants , by the natural Productions of each respective Region , would men be so wise to follow those Dictates ; for all hot Climates , ( as is before intimated ) do furnish their Inhabitants with wonderful variety and plenty of brave noble , and most fragrant Herbs , Fruits , Roots and Grains , and most pure Water , far exceeding those of cold Countries , both in Quantity and Quality ; for in those hot Regions , Heaven's bright Lamp , that central Fire of the Universe , the SVN , has greater power , strength and vertue to fit and prepare all things for our use ; and if our English , and others , would be so prudent as to accustom themselves to those harmless natural simple Food and moderate Drinks , then the fore-mentioned Distempers would hardly be known amongst them . 4. They ought likewise to have regard to the proper Times of their eating , or Meals , that is to say , to eat about Eight or Nine a Clock in the Morning , and then again at Four or Five 'i th Afternoon ; for the common time of Dinner about Twelve or One , is neither Rational nor Natural , because the Sun is then near the Meridian , and doth then so powerfully draw forth , exhale , and weaken the Natural and Centeral heat of the Stomach , that it indisposes the whole Body , more than at any other time of the day , so that then Nature is not so well able to perform her Kitchin-work in the Stomach , by a perfect Concoction or Separation of the Meats and Drinks , and so all the Senses are dulled , and the Intellect stupified , and not a few seeds of diseases are thereby sown throughout the Body . Besides the long Mornings Work or Exercise , has by that time pretty much wearied , dulled , or evaporated the brisk lively Spirits , which are alwayes the main supports of Concoction and Digestion , and so Nature is still rendred the more uncapable of doing her work with ease . But in the Morning , after Nocturnal Repose has recovered the wasted Spirits , and made them Brisk , Airy , and full of Life , the digestive faculty is fortified , and rendred able to digest the same quantity of Food , with much more ease and safety . The same is to be understood in the Afternoon , or towards Night , for then the heat of the day being over , and the Body becomes Cool , Airy , and full of Life , and being a sufficient time before sleep , as at Four or Five a Clock , such Suppers will not Incommode Nature , nor hinder Rest , as late eating is apt to do , especially in hot Countries , and still the more in maturer Age , or such as begin to be striken in years , to whom such Meals are most injurious . 5. Such as have due regard to their Health and Strength , ought for the reasons aforesaid to Rest from Eleaven a Clock till Two in the Afternoon , which will wonderfully recover their Spirits , and render them much better able to go through with their Labour with a lively Vigour , and to do more preparation of each of them ; together with the Nature and Operation of various drinks , as most sorts of Wine , Ale , Beer , Syder , each spoken to distinctly by themselves , &c. 8. They ought to avoid the frequent eating and drinking of all Foods or Liquors in which the Sweet Quality is too highly predominant ; for sweet Foods are of far more dangerous consequence as to Health , than most People imagin ; for all Sweet things when fermented in the Stomach do turn to the highest Sowerness , viz. into a keen sharpness , which does not only spoil the digestive faculty , but infects the Blood with a Mangie , Scorbutick Humour , causing stoppages in all the external parts , whence proceed Indispositions , and akeing Loyns , and feeble Joynts . For the same cause it is , that such as eat much Sugar or sweet food , are extreamly troubled with rotten decay'd Teeth and Gumes ; for those dullified foods cause such a sour acid Quality as generates putrifaction , which centers on the Teeth and between the Gumes , and so destroys them : And it were far better and more healthy for People , if they would accustom themseves to Foods and Drinks in which the Bitter and Sower Qualities were more predominant , especially in hot Climates where most sorts of Fruits are sweetish , for the Root of all Motion , Opening and Cleansing , consists in the Bitter Quality ; for which reason the Sophys or Wise-men , both of the Southern and Eastern Countries have taught the People to moderate all or most of their foods with Herbs and Fruits that are of a Bitterish Quality , which does wonderfully support Nature and preserve Health , whereby they attain to very great Ages , as we noted before of those in Guinea , and the same may be observed elsewhere ; for those Patriarchs whose Longevity we find Recorded , did all of them live in very hot Countries : But their Temperance supported Nature , and so it will ( in a proportionable degree ) all that practice it . And therefore if these Rules of Health be seriously regarded and followed , those causeless scandals on the Climate , the Heat , &c. of these happy Western , Southern and Eastern Regions ( not inferior for Health or Pleasantness ( if rightly understood ) to any in the World ) will cease , and the English Traders or Inhabitants may there extend their lives in Comfort to as good an old Age , as they would have promised themselves in their Native Country : But without Discretion and Temperance in Diet , Drinks , Exercises and Affections of the mind , Diseases will certainly attend us , wherever we reside ; and an immature Death be apt to seize us : There is no Region so happy , no Elevation of the Pole so temperate , no Air so salubrious , as to keep People in Health whether they will or no , and those that obstinately violate Nature , and wilfully persue courses absolutely destructive , may justly be rank't amongst the number of Self-Murtherers ; for it matters not much whether a man kill himself all at once , or by repeated Acts and degrees , only the latter seems less excuseable , since it has not the pretext of a sudden Temptation or Passion , but seems a more deliberate design of destroying both his Body and Soul , against all Cautions and Arguments from time to time offered to him , both by Reason and Experience to the contrary : Those therefore that would avoid the Brand of being Felo's-de-se , let them before it be too late abandon Riot and Excess , and embrace Temperance and Sobriety , so shall they have Health of Body and Strength of mind , and length of dayes here , and a blissful Eternity hereafter . A Caution . LEt no sober well minded men , nor any that profess the honourable name of Christianity be so frequent in those places of Debauchery , viz , Taverns and Ale-houses , the first whereof being the only places of all manner of wickedness , where all the high lofty state of Superfluity is practised , being the haunts of evil Spirits , and where their chief work is done , Women are defloured , and Estates spent , the Soul made uncapable of Salvation , the Health destroyed ; in a word , the whole Macrocosmical man ruined , and is ●he very Radix of devilish Fewds and cruel Murders : Therefore let no good Christians dare to be seen in any such places ; for tell me , I pray , what pleasure or delight can a sober well-minded man take in being amongst such a devilish Croud , where there is all kinds of wicked lewd Behaviour , as Swearing , Lying , baudy Songs , drunken Healths , and roaring Huzza's , where a man can hardly hear himself spake , like the fiery unequal operations of the Elements , or Sea-Tempests and Storms . Now if Christian men scruple the wearing of needless O naments and Garments , with other things of Gallantry and State , wherefore should they not shun and avoid the greater Evils : And although it be lawful to drink Wine in a Tavern , and Ale in an Ale-house , in cases of necessity , as Travelling or the like , ye● they ought in Cities and Towns to avoid drinking or frequenting such places , whereby you will discountenance the Evils thereof , and preserve your selves Harmless and Innocent . 2. All sober People ought to refrain drinking between Meals , especially all Gentlemen , Merchants , Shop-keepers , &c. who are the men that drink the brave noble exhilerating Liquors in Superfluity ; which a little custom would make most pleasant and easie ; besides , it would free the Passages , and disburthen the Stomach from all superfluous matter , by which the Blood would become fine , and cause it to circulate freely , whence will proceed pure brisk lively Spirits , which will also render the whole Body and Mind lightsom , Strong and Healthy ; besides it would cut off all Superfluity and Wantonness in the bud , and gain time , which being well improved becomes a great Blessing . 3. Not only abstaining from Wine ought to be minded but also in Foods , great care must be observed ; for those People that live mostly upon clean innocent Foods , are brisker , more lightsom and Airy , and their minds better disposed , and there does naturally arise in them Praises and Thanks to God for what they have , be it never so mean , As I remember one assured me , that after a little time of living on mean Foods , was more apt to give praise in his Heart to God , for a piece of Bread , than before for the highest delicacies . 4. Whensoever any Persons of Quality , or men of Estates shall in private Quarrels commit Murder , or kill a man ; if the Friends of this Murderer shall obtain a Pardon from the Prince or Governour of the place or Country , then let it be a custom for his whole Estate ( if Childless ) to be forfeited and given to the Poor , and a good part of it to the use and Children of the killed Person ; but if the Murderer have Children , then but one half of his Estate . By which means in a few years there would be yearly Revenues for the Poor , Old , Blind and Lame of most Countries and Cities ; besides , it would in some degree put a stop to such vile Practices , and render such Savages uncapable of committing the like offence for the future . The End of the First Part. THE Negro's Complaint OF THEIR Hard Servitude , AND THE CRUELTIES Practised upon them By divers of their M●sters professing Christianity in the West-Indian Plantations . The Second Part. COmplaints and Lamentations are the natural Language of the Miserable . 'T is some kind of Easement to Hearts swell'd with Grief , and almost broken with the Rigors of Oppression , to tell the sad Stories of their Woes , and when they have lost all other Liberty , to bemoan themselves with Freedom : More especially , since Nature does not so readily furnish us with Tears , ( the usual Expressions of Sorrow ) we hope we may be allow'd to make our Groans articulate , and declare in words how intollerably we suffer by the deeds of unreasonable men . But alas ! what Language is suitable for such a purpose ? What Expressions will be able to equal our Afflictions ? Or to whom shall we address our mournful Appeals ? If to our Country-men , the Inhabitants of those Lands where we first suckt in vital Air , and unhappily saluted the Light , they are too remote to hear us , as well as unable to help us ; nay more , many of us owe the original of all our Miseries to some of their unnatural Cruelty , Revenge or Avarice : Shall we present our dolesom Narratives to Strangers ? They will scarce be able to credit us when we set forth nothing but certain Truths and woful Experiences ; such superlative Inhumanity amongst Nominal Christians will surpass all Belief , and the Extremity of our Calamities making them seem Romantick , debarrs us even of Pity and Commiseration , those general Slaves of helpless Misery : Shall we then fling our selves at our Masters feet , and with universal Cries importune them to Compassion and Charity ? Alas ! those Vertues are Plants that scarce grow in these Islands ; nothing thrives here so fast as po●sonous Tobacco and furious Pride , sweet Sugar and most bitter ill Nature : A false conceit of Interest has blinded their Eyes and stopt their Ears , and rendred their Hearts harder than Rocks of Adam●nt , more Remorseless than hungry Bears or Tygers in the Hercanian Wilderness : To Sigh they interpret to Rebell , and if we do in the least complain , 't is with them a sufficient cause for addition of Stripes , and encrease of ill Usage . Beset thus with thick-coming Sorrows , and without Prospect of Help or Relief from men , to whom can we apply our selves , but to the Fountain of Mercy and Goodness , from whom we and all other Creatures derive their being ? To thee therefore , O thou Eternal and Infinite unknown Parent of Angels and Men ! who numberest the Sands of the Shore , and didst pour forth the Ocean-Sea , who formedst the glorious Sun , and endued all the Stars with their Lustre , in comparison of whom Princes are Vanity , and Kings but animated Shadows , who art gracious in thy Goodness to the Poor and Oppressed , and whose Vengeance shall be terrible to the Proud and the Cruel . To thee , the only Refuge of the Distressed , we direct our Complaints ! By thy holly Power , Heaven and Earth , and all things therein , were made , and by the same preserved and sustained ! Thou hast formed Man in thy own Likeness , and given him dominion and government , not only over the inferior Creatures , but also over each other , in Clemency and Well-doing ; but instead thereof he hath turned away the Eye of his Mind from thy Counsels , and hath precipitated his Imagination into the Centre of Wrath and Fierceness , thereby defaming his Noble Birth , and depraving that innocent Paradisical Estate he was created in : So that whereas he was made a sociable Creature and intended for the well-ordering of the inferior Beings , and the help and comfort of those of his own Species by mutural Acts of Benovelence , Courtesie and Charity ; he is now become a Tyrant , a Plague , a professed Enemy , Hunter , Betrayer , Destroyer and Devourer of all the Inhabitants of Earth , Air and Water , and to those of his own kind no less fierce and cruel ; so instead of cherishing , assisting , and relieving one another , they fight and tear each other like Tygers , and he is the bravest Fellow that can invent the most mischievous Weapons and Engines of Destruction : The stronger and more subtle murder , enslave and oppress the weaker , and more innocent and simple sort at their pleasure , and pretend they have a Right , because they have got Power so to do . Nor is this only amongst us , and those People called Heathens , but even those who call themselves by thy Name , and boast the Title of Christians , are no less active in these Exploits and Practices than any other . We find and feel by sad Experience the fatal consequences of this Apostacy from the Dignity of the humane Nature : We had never been snatcht from the Lands of our Nativity ▪ never travers'd Liquid Mountains , nor journied through the Hazards of vast Seas , to be cast away on Land ; never been brought in Fetters into new Worlds , nor made perpetual Slaves in Regions which neither we nor our fore-Fathers ever heard of before , if we had not first forsaken and violated that Law of our Creator which he had planted in us , and entred with our Wills into the Root of Bitterness and the fierce Wrath , whereby the Savage Nature got the dominion in the hearts of us , and our Ancestors , so that Fury , Revenge , Covetousness , Pride , vain Glory and Intemperance is never satisfied ; Hence Fewds and Wars are set on foot in our Native Countries , and those that are strongest and most numerous , kill , slay and murder the other at their pleasure ; and as for those that they save alive , 't is not out of pity or kindness , but to gratifie their own Covetousness , by making Merchandize of them , and exposing them to Slavery , far worse than Death . For then we are hurried from our nearest and dearest Relations , the kind Husband from his loving Wife , the tender Mother from her helpless Babes , and Youths ( the comfort and joy of Age ) snatcht from their mourning Parents , and that without any hopes of ever seeing one another again . Thus are we sometimes driven many Miles by Land over partching Deserts , and through howling Wildernesses , down to the Sea-Coasts , and and Factories being all the way miserably abus'd by our unmerciful Drivers , and wearied and spent with Over-Travel , Hunger , Drought and excessive Heat ▪ which puts a period to many of our sweet Lives ; but the same , when it happens , is reckoned an happiness ; for thereby that greater and long lasting Misery is prevented , which those that survive must endure ; for no sooner are they arrived at the Sea-side but they are sold ( like Beasts ) to the Merchant , who glad of the booty puts us aboard the Ship , claps us under Deck , and binds us in Chains and Fetters , and thrusts us into the dark noisom Hold , so many and so close together , that we can hardly breathe , there are we in the hottest of Summer , and under that scorching Climate without any of the sweet Influences of the Air , or briezing Gale to refresh us , suffocated , stewed and parboyled altogether in a Crowd , till we almost rot each other and our selves . Nay , many times not only our profest Enemies , but our Treacherous Friends betray us to these intollerable Miseries ; for so far is the Root of bitterness irritated , and such an Ascendent it hath got over us , that for vain trifles our paltry Parents , shall sell their Children , and Husbands their Wives into perpetual Slavery ; Nor let any Christian Tyrants for this upbraid us ; for if it be ( as in truth it is ) a most unnatural wickedness in our People to sell them , is it not upon the matter almost as bad in the Christians to buy them ? Nay , rather is not the chiefest Crime in them , since they are the Tempters and Occasioners of it ? for they allure our ●eople to it , by offering them several sorts of Goods which they find they have most mind to ? And is not this a fine imployment think you , for Christians , to run to remotest Regions , to get their innocent Fellow Creatures and make Slaves of them ? Whilst we are thus mew'd up in the Ship , besides the inconveniencies of heat , and danger of suffocation , and the Torture of our Chains , we also run the hazard of being half starved ; for the Ship-Masters out of Covetousness , and for their own Lucre , will not allow us fit or competent Meats or Drinks , but just enough to keep Life and Soul together , and that corrupt , decayed stinking and unwholsome , by which all our Healths and Lives are destroyed or impaired ; for oft times half or more of our wretched Number dye in the Voyage , and others of us , of more sturdy Spirits and Tempers , when they see themselves thus Captiv'd , scorning to preserve a Life that thenceforth would be only advantagious to others , and burthensome to them , by refusing all Sustenance , have shortened their dayes . As for the rest we are so generally wounded in our Healths by the ill ●sage we receive on Ship-board , that we seldom recover our strength , and when we come on Shore we find no ●etter fare nor Treatment from our ●ew Christian Masters , most of them proving as sharp and Tyrannical as our ●wn Heathen Fathers and Brethren ( as ●hey call them ) for when we by the Ship-Master and Seamen have suffered so many violent Miseries and sore Op●ressions , that we are thereby as poor , weak and feeble as Death , so that we ●an hardly either stand or go , which ●endring us not capable to answer ●he Covetous ends of our new Masters , our Afflictions are thereby doubled ; for when our strength fails us , the inconsiderate and unmerciful Overseers make nothing to Whip and Beat us , ●nd the best words they can afford us , ●re , Damn'd Doggs , Black ugly Devils , ●dle Sons of Ethiopean Whores , and the ●ike . Alas ! we expected another sort of Treatment from the Christians , who boast themselves the Sons and Favourites of the God of Love and Goodness , and who ( we have been informed ) are , or ought to be endued with the Spirit of Meekness , Innocency , and doin unto all as they would be done unto . We understand that to be a Christian is to live under the Government of the Divine Principle of Benignity and Well-doing , from whence all good Vertues are deriv'd , as streams from a Fountain : But verily we find little , very little , or scarce any sign at all of this excellent Spirit to reign in the hearts of our Masters or Overseers ; but on the contrary , find them over-ruled and filled with Devilishness , Cruelty and Oppression , which are so extream that we can as hardly bear them , as the Israelites of Old could the grievous and unreasonable Burthens of Egyptian , Pharoah , and his Task-masters , which did force them to cry unto the Lord for ease and deliverance from those cruel Bonds and Slaveries , even as we do at this day . To enumerate the miseries we endure by a particular Bill of 〈◊〉 , would be too tedious , we shall Instance in some few of the most Insufferances , that all knowing Power , to whom our Cries are directed , knows all the several aggravations of them , and the Consciences of our Masters , cannot but witness to the Truth and Justice of our Complaints . 1. Though we acknowledge man is born to Labour , and had not hands only given him to put Victuals into his Mouth , but first to use them in tilling the Earth , and getting Food and all other things requisite for humane Life , yet certainly the merciful God never intended that any of his Creatures should be forced to Labour beyond their natural strength , nor have burthens imposed on their weary Shoulders , greater than they are able to bear : Labour was undoubtedly enjoyned as an exercise to preserve Health and Strength , and prevent Sloth and Idleness , not as a perpetual Plague to destroy Nature , and make Life a Torment , and Death a Courtesy ; yet our Flint-hearted Tyrants , not content with diligent Industry and pains , force us to unreasonable Labours , both for toil and continuance , beyond the power of Nature ; and whereas a good man is merciful even to his Beast , they extend no Compassion to us , who are of the same Species with themselves , but slave us on in continual drudgery , till our Heart-strings crack , and our Nerves are enfeebled , and our Marrow is exhausted , and our Bones fall under their Burthens , and our Spirits are consumed , and our Souls in Weariness and Anguish ; wish for Death rather than Life . The end of all Natures Motions is Rest , nor can she perform any of her Operations without Refreshment ; Ground alwayes plow'd yields little encrease , but must lie fallow now and then , if you expect a Crop : A Bo● alwayes bent will hardly send an Arrow to the Mark , but our inconsiderate Masters regard neither the voice of Nature nor Reason , but with Cruelty compel us to Labour beyond our strength , and allow us no competent time of Rest or Refreshment , in so much that often-times we are forc'd to work so long at the Wind-Mills , until we become so Weary , Dull , Faint , Heavy and Sleepy , that we are as it were deprived of our natural Senses , or like men in a maze , that we fall into danger , and oft times our Hands and Arms are crusht to pieces , and sometimes most part of our Bodies ; and though sometimes these evils do befall us through Carelessness , yet oft times they come by the means aforesaid . So also we are forced to stand and work at the Coppers , in the hot sulpherous Fumes , till Nature being overcome with weariness and want of proper Rest we fall into the fierce boyling Syrups , and in these disasters little or no pitty is taken of us , for though some indeed profess a superfinal sorrow for our mischances , it is cheifly for their own sakes , not ours , because thereby they have lost the worth of so much Money as we were reckon'd at , not for the loss of our Lives , which yet to us are as precious , and of as much value as those of our proud and haughty Masters ; and so also they are in Thy sight , O our gracious Creator ! for we likewise are the work of Thine hands , and endued with equal Faculties , both Sensitive and Intellectual . As in the excess of Labour , so also 〈◊〉 the hours of working , our Christian and European Masters do commit great Errors , compelling us to work ●ll day in the scorching heat , till our Spirits are thereby exhaled , and our Radical Moisture dryed up , which is the fountain of Life ; they seldom conside●ing the nature of hot Climates , wherein no Mortal can endure so many hours severe Labour as in colder Regions . For , 1 st . The Constitutions of men in hot Climates , are naturally weaker than in cold : 2 dly . They come to Maturity in fewer years : 3 dly . The continual Heat of the scorching Sun opens the Pores , and at those innumerable Sally-ports powerfully draws out and steals away the sweet Oyl and Radical Balsom of Nature , which causeth a dull faintiness and wearisom Indisposition to attend the whole Body with great Drought , which proves very injurious to Health and Strength : 4 thly . All sorts of Foods are here of a weaker or more unfirm Nature than those of cold ; and as they sooner arrive to Maturity , so consequently they sooner perish and corrupt . For all which reason , it is unreasonable to expect men should constantly and without due intermission undergo such Labour and Travel in torrid Climates , as in those more temperate and refrigerating . Do not hot Countries presently set open all the Gates and secret Passages of Nature , even to the very Centre ? which weakens and evaporates the pure subtle or volatile Spirits , whence follows excessive Sweating , Drought & Faintiness ; whereas on the contrary , cold Climates shutting up the external Passages , drives the natural heat inward , and makes it more central , which occasions strong natural Heats and Stomachs , able to digest the firmest Foods , and in great Quanties , whence Persons there become strong , hardy and healthy ; likewise most sorts of Food in cold Countries is of a firmer , stronger Nature , and generates a more vigorous Nourishment , and firmer Flesh and Fat , and their Fruits will generally keep longer good : Nor did the All-wise Iehovah intend or require men to work and labour so strenuously much and long in hot Climates , having in his natural Providence made no such occasion for it , because there is there no Winter , nor sharp saturnal Airs to cut off and destroy what the Summer brings forth , but Nature here is always pregnant and teeming , and displays her self in all Seasons of the year , with pleasant and fragrant Fruits , and prepares them to an higher degree , and fitter for present Food , though not so firm and lasting . Besides , People in hot Regions have not need of so many things , there is no occasion for their Houses being so close nor furnisht with so many Circumstances of Beds and Bedding , continual Fires , and the like Provisional Accommodations to be laid up before-hand , either for Man or Beast ; as also half the Clothing will furnish Nature ; and the same is to be understood of Foods ; for all things necessary to the Maintenance of Life are far easier , and with half the Labour procured in hot Countries . But these things our Masters never lay to heart , but lay burthen upon burthen , till we utterly sink under the weight of their Oppressions ; though many of them cannot but be sensible , that they themselves , though they do little or nothing but eat and drink of the choicest Meats & Drinks , and sleep their fill without disturbance , yet they are here nothing so strong or able to endure Labour and robust Exercises , as they have been and would be in cold Countries ; which Reflection , if they had any Bowels of humane Sympathy and Compassion , should encline them to moderate our Servitude , and grant some Allowances of respit and Refreshment unto us , such as might enable us both more cheerfully and effectually to serve them . It is a custom amongst many of the great Dons of Masters , to allow their Servants little more than only a small piece of Ground to raise their whole Food and Sustenance from ; and tho' this be hard , yet that which renders it worse , is , that they will not allow us any sufficient time to manure it , but we must abate it out of that little time which is permitted us to rest in , otherwise , it must be done upon their Sabbath day , whereon we are allowed to rest from our ordinary Labours for our Masters ; but if then we must work as hard to manure our small pittance of Ground , or else starve , I do not find what great advantage we have of that day more than another . It is also an order or custom in some Plantations , where the Christians inhabit , to allow their Negroes two hours Rest at Noon , viz. from eleaven of the Clock till one , which is a wise and righteous Law ▪ but few there are that will admit us above half that time , but hurry us again to work , which proves very injurious to our Healths ; for then the Sun ( which is the central heat of the Universe ) draws near the Meridean , which does powerfully open the Pores , especially of those that labour hard in the scorching beams thereof , and exhales the Radical Moisture , which weakens and indisposes the whole body and mind , and renders us unfit for the After noons work ; for he that shall rest from eleaven till wo , which is three hours , shall thereby be rendred so lively , lightsom and brisk , that he shall be able to perform more labour than another man of the same natural strength , that is kept to it all day long , or allowed but one hours rest only , and with much less prejudice to Nature . This is a thing worthy to be considered by our Masters ; for it would add much to their Profit and our Health , which is also their Wealth ; for pray tell us , O you brave and swaggering Christians ! who exercise this strange and severe Mastership over us , who sport your selves in all manner of superfluity and wantonness , and grow fat with our Blood and Sweat , gormandizing with the fruits procured by our Slavery and sore Labour ; set by your Rum-Pots , your Punch-Bowls , your Brandy-Bottles , and the rest of your Intoxicating Enchantments for a while , and stand still a little , and suffer the cool of the day to overshadow you , and the long obstructed Fountain of Reason in your Hearts to send forth its streams , and then you will be able to tell us what heart or life , strength or courage any man can have that goes to his sleep late , with half his Belly-full , and it may too what he did get , was but of little Nourishment , and that unfirm , and then to be called out again as soon as 't is light , and work hard till a eleaven or twelve a Clock , and to have neither Mistrisses nor Maids to provide you any Breakfast , and at Noon to have but one Hours rest , and a poor sorry Dinner , nothing but a few Potato's or Yams , and these without either Butter or Bread , and as soon as you have got a few of these into your Belly , to be hurried again to work in the scorching Heat , until it be dark : Tell us , I intreat you , what Liveliness or Briskness would you have if you were under such Circumstances , not for a day or two , but from Week to Week , and Moneth to Moneth , and Year to Year ? Or would you be willing to be thus treated and dealt with , if you were in our condition ? No , no , I am certain you would count it hard , very hard measure , and complain loudly of Cruelty and Oppression ; and will you , can you be offended and angry with us for doing no more than what you cannot but acknowledge you would do your selves ? It may be you will say , That Potato's , Yams , and the like , are a brave nourishing Food ; And indeed so they are , yet give me leave to tell you , that they afford but a weak unfirm fading Nourishment , in comparison of many other things that are to be eaten alone , especially to People that have nothing else , and continually work hard : And for you that so cry up the Excellency of these things , which of you all would be contented to live with such Food only for one quarter of a Year , and sometimes to want that too , as you know we often do ? I 'll warrant you would then think it miserable fare , and be ready to Swear you should be starv'd , and yet you might much better support your selves therewith then we , ●ecause you live easie , or rather idle ●ives in comparison of us ; for you ●ie on Beds , and as long as best plea●eth your selves , and scarce do an Hours work in a Moneth ; and if you got but to your next Neighbours ●o smoke and drink , you must have in Horse to carry you , and a Slave to attend you ; and during all the hot time of the day , you take your Rest , or keep out of the torrid Beams of the Sun ; and if you with all these Advantages cannot live on bare Yams and Potatoes , how do you think we can go through with our continual hard Labour , with no other Provisions ? The truth is , our Slavery , hard Vsage and Burthens are greater than we can bear ; and yet if we complain , our Remedy is like your going to Doctors , when a man is sick , or wants his Health , viz. worse than the Disease ; How often are we compelled to carry heavy Burthens five , six , seven , eight , nine or ten Miles , viz. an hundred Weight , or more , with one to follow as with a Whip and a Spur , until our very Hearts ake , and our Limbs fail to bear us , and when we come to our Journeys end , there is no Breakfast , no Mornings-Draughts , no Refreshment provided for us , but only Water , where we can find it , so that we are forced to pilfer Sugar , Malassus , Poultrey , Corn , or any thing of that kind , and sell it to buy a little sorry stinking rotten Fish , or Flesh , to give our Herbs and Roots an Hogo or Taste ; And then we have so many Miles to travel back , and there no Rest , but presently to work again till Night , and when we have thus moil'd and toil d al● day long worse then Horses , our Accomodation is worse than theirs too , for we have no Meat , no Provinder provided 〈◊〉 but have our Suppers not only to dress and cook , but to get , which oft times we hazard our Lives to procure . For our Masters and Governours make strict Ordinances , That it shall be lawful for any that take us a stealing Hens , or any other Fowls or Provisions , not only to beat and whip us at their pleasure , but also to kill us , and yet at the same time some of these godly Law-makers will force us , that is , put us upon an unavoidable Necessity , to steal Provisions from our Neighbours , by not allowing us any thing near sufficient Quantities of Sustenance , to support and relieve the Necessities of Nature , or answer the continual expence and waste of Spirits by such grievous Labours as they compel us to undergo . And yet though they make such severe Laws against us , it seems they themselves do not account Stealing in it self any Evil , for besides their daily practice of over-reaching one another in Bargains , which is but a civil way of Stealing , we remember that not very long since , six or seven of our Country-men , who were Slaves to a great man , were taken stealing of Provisions from one of his Neighbours ; he that took them did not use the rigour of the Law , that is to kill them upon the place , but very Neighbourly brings them to their Master , and complains , who ordered the Overseer to whip them soundly ; which being executed accordingly , the Master commanded them to be brought before him , and there complemented them in this manner ; You Rogues ! I beat and whip you not so much for Stealing , as for that you suffered your selves to be caught . Is not this rare Christian Equity , to beat us unmercifully for that which they themselves do but Laugh at , and make a Jest of ? Does this savour of the true Christian Spirit ? Nay , certainly , but of the depraved Hellish Nature . This more than savage Cruelty and Oppression , proceeds without any Compassion to Age or Sex , for they have no regard to the Weaknesses , Diseases or Infirmities of our Women , nor of our dear and tender Infants , they make our Wives , during the time of their Pregnancy , work equally with the rest , even until the very day of their delivery , or Birth of their Children , which we can scarce call their Lying-in , for , alas ! they have no monethly Nurses , nor groaning Cheese , none of the Comforts of Ale , or Wine , or Caudles , or rich refreshing Suppings , but must be content with a few dry Potatoes , and a Caudle made with stinking Mackarel , or Broths of unwholsom putrified Flesh , and glad if they can get it ; for in truth they allow them little or nothing more than at other times , and but two or three dayes Rest ; and then they must out again into the Field with their young and tender Babes , and leave them sprauling on the Ground , which is their only Nurse and Cradle ; nor can they expect any Rocking , unless God to punish our Masters Inhumanity , should send an Earthquake ; Nay , when they cry for want of the presence and tendence of their Mothers , and for lack of Sustenance , our rough and churlish Overseers will hardly allow time to give them Suck . If our Women be disordered by the natural Infirmities attending their Sex , or by the frowardness and crying of their Children , which have broken their and our short Hours of Sleep ; No body comes and asks , Forsooth ! how have you rested to Night ? Nor cries , Pray keep no Noise , she has not slept well to Night ; No , no , let the case be how it will , as soon as the Gray-ey'd Morning draws the Curtains of the Day , and the Light begins to peep from behind the Mountains of the East , the blustering Overseer blows his Horn , or Sheal , and then presently all Excuses set apart , we and our Wives must turn out with our tender Children , whether we or they be well or sick , disposed or indisposed , it matters not , to Work we must go , under the Whip and the Spur , and the Sun's scorching Beams all the day long , and none comes and desires them to eat a bit and drink before they go out , to prevent the Wind ; but on the contrary , if our Wives never so truly plead their Inability to labour thus , they find no Ears open to hear them with pity , but severe Hands and lusty Whips ready to lay on cruel Stripes upon their tender and fainting Backs , and so they are forced to carry their Children with them into the Work-field , and suckle them there , when they can get an opportunity all day , and so lug them home again at Night , and have no refreshing Drinks , nor proper Foods to supply them with dry or moist Nourishment . These things , though our hard hearted Masters regard not , yet methinks , our Mistrisses , if not out of Christianity or good Nature , yet out of respect to Woman-hood , and their own Sex , and by a Compassion raised from their own experience of the diffiulties of Child-bearing , might be induced to prevail with their Husbands to be more tender in such cases , but so far are even these counted of the softer Sex , from any such ●ommiseration , that where they alone have the sole command , as when they are left Widdows , or the like , many of them are more fierce , dogged , pinching , oppressing and severe than the men themselves . But we are not only with unreasonable Beating , made to labour beyond our strength and abilities of Nature , but many of our Masters will not allow us Food that 's sufficient , either in quantity or quality , to support and maintain Health , Strength and Vigour ; so that being pined with want as well as worn out with excessive Drudgery , we oft times perish , or at least become poor , lean , feeble , and hardly able to go . For as when they do allow us Ground to plant for our Nourishment , the same is so little , as not to be half sufficient for that purpose , and so much the worse , because they afford us no time to Till and Improve it ; So when they pretend to buy us any Food , more than our Plantation-Provisions , viz. either Fish or Flesh , they will go to all the Merchants in the Town , and diligently inquire out , and buy the worst they can lay their Hands on , viz. stinking decayed Flesh and rotten Fish , and cry , It is good enough for Negro's , they care not how bad it is , so they can buy it cheap ; Some of them indeed are so free that they will allow us one salt Mackarel or two a Week , but others will afford us none , which lays us under a necessity either to Starve or Steal ; for we are reduced to such Extremity , that if a Horse dye , and is buried several dayes , if some of our People come to know it , they will dig up the putrified stinking Carrion , and make good Chear of it ; others will eat all the Cats , Dogs , Rats and Mice they can lay their Hands on ; So that through Necessity , and the depravedness of our Minds , with evil Customs , we are immers'd into all the Beastiality and Uncleanness , which the Christians have never endeavoured to regulate , or prevent , but rather the contrary . By these , and variety of other the like Miseries and Oppressions , many of us have been brought to dispair , and chuse a miserable sinful Death , rather than such a wretched Life , whence some have Hang'd , others Drown'd themselves , some cut their own Throats , and procured to themselves the like violent Deaths ; but our Blood is of no value in the sight of our Masters , which yet we doubt not but will cry unto thee . O thou most just Creator and Governour of men ! for Revenge upon those that have been the prime occasions of all these Evils . For these hard Usages and Cruelties do terribly awaken the central Wrath and sleeping Poysons of the Original Nature , by which means and provocations we become sullen , dogged , malicious , envious , angry and revengeful , all which devilish Dispositions are occasioned , or much increased in us by the harsh Tyranny of our Masters ; Hence many times we neglect our Labour , run away , spoil our Business , & in the anguish of our souls continually curse our Masters and their Posterity ; And thence on the other side , our Masters take occasion to redouble their Cruel Usages towards us , and be-labour themselves to Beat and Whip us , and hang us up by the Hands , Feet , and the like , and so Bastinado us till our Bodies become like a piece of raw Flesh , and we are just ready to give up the Ghost : For though we are , O Great Creator ! the Work of thy Hands , and were made in thine Image , and endued with rational and immortal Souls , yet we are nothing more in many of our Masters esteem , than their Money , and if some of them could find out a way to torment and plague us ten fold more , they would do it , provided we might still be but able to perform our Drudgery , to maintain them in Superfluity and Gluttony . For our precious Lives are reckoned no more than those of so many Dogs , though they cannot gratifie their Pallates and Paunches , nor maintain themselves in their Luxuries , and sinful Vanities , but meerly by our Labours , yet on any irregular Passion or devilish Humor , some of them will sacrifice our Lives to their Fury , and neither count it Murther , nor any Sin , neither did we ever hear that their Law in such Cases made Inquisition for Blood , or punished those that committed such Murders , otherwise than by a Fine , or ordering them to pay so much Sugar for the business ; as if there were any Equality , Proportion or Adequateness between such a Crying Crime , and such a triffling Punishment . Do not your Plantations which have drank up our innocent and unrevenged Blood , cry unto the Lord , the righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth , for Justice and Retaliation ? For divers of our Country-men have been Butcher'd this way , and little more notice taken of it than if we were Fleas or Gnats , or Wolves or Bears . Nay , some of us have been Burnt for running away ( and yet we were therein justified by the Law of Nature , for who would not escape , if he could , out of Slavery ? ) and this too , although their Mistrisses and Masters might have sold them , to be transported elsewhere ; but their Envy , Passion and Revenge was so great , that they prefer'd it before their Gain ; one Widdow Woman above all the rest , ( as we have heard ) burned her Negro for running away , and saying , that , Where-ever he met her , he would Kill her : So when she caught him , she was Judge , Jury , Executioner , and all , though at the same time she might have sold him to be Transported to Mevis . Here was ( as doubtless 't is true ) Revenge in the highest degree ! If she had only threatned him , as he threatned her , she had been even with him , but nothing would satisfie her Malice but to Roast him . O thou most just and eternal Lawgiver , and Perswader of all Creatures ! Do these things taste or favour of Christianity ? Have they any such Examples left them by thy Primitive Servants ? Or did thy eternal Son , the Saviour of the World , preach any such Doctrine , or set any such Example in his meek and holy Pilgrimage on Earth ? If not , by what Authority , or by what Dispensation against his divine Law do you practise these things ? Is it not from the power of the Serpent and the Dragon , viz. the devilish fierce wrathful hellish Nature ? Undoubtedly if they Repent not of these their cruel Crimes , though they call themselves Christians never so much ; the Christ of God will say unto them , Depart from me , I know you not , ye bloody Workers of Iniquity . By what right , or on what pretensions is it , O you nominal Christians ! that you take upon you to make us your Slaves , to over-labour , half starve , beat , abuse and kill us at your pleasure ? Is it because we are not of your Religion and Belief ? Hath God any where given a Commission to those that profess Christianity , that they may , when they list , fall upon any Persons , whom they call Heathens , and dispossess them of their Lands , or lead them away Captive , and make Merchandize of them , and use them in all respects as Beasts , or rather much worse ? This was not sure the way by which Paul and Peter , and the other good men of Old , ( whom we often hear you speak of and practise ) did convert our Heathen Ancestors to your Faith : We have heard some of our Christian Masters say , That Christ , ( whom you pretend to follow as your Prophet , Lord and King ) is Son of the Eternal and most Merciful God , his Right-hand , and his eternal Love , in which he reconciles himself unto mankind , even all those that shall live in this Love-Principle , from which proceeds nothing , either of Wrath , Anger , Violence , Malice or Oppression , but altogether the contrary , as Patience , Courtesie , Good-will , Compassion , Charity , and the like , to all the World : This , if we mistake not , is the true Christian Doctrine , which most of you do acknowledge in Words . But how does this consist or agree with the Violence , Injustice and Oppressions which you exercise upon us ? Or is your Religion one thing in profession , and another in practise ? This we are sure of , though , your Tongues may be Christian , your Hands are Heathen ; nay , most times your very Language is contrary to your before-mentioned Pretensions , for how else comes it to pass that you Rant , and Rave , and Swear , and Curse , and call devilish Names so fast upon the least thing , wherein we displease your Humors . But perhaps you will say , That not by virtue of your Religion , but by some super-excellent or higher Dignity of Nature above us , you claim a Right to make us your Slaves and Vassals . But pray , have you this Prerogative from your Descent or Pedigree ? Or from some different Fabrick of your Bodies ? Or from your extraordinary Endowments of Mind ? As for the first , do not the Oracles of your Religion oblige you to believe , that the great God created the Man whom you call Adam , and that from him came all the People that ever since were , or are in the World ? And if so , are we not of as good Parentage , as ancient a Family , as noble a Descent as the best of you ? Ought you not then to love us as your Brethren , descended from the same common Father ? or at least respect us as your Kinsmen , and of the same Lineage . Are not our Bodies of as proportionable a Frame , and as well furnisht with useful Limbs ? Are not all our Senses as good and quick as yours ? Nay , are we not naturally obnoxious to fewer Diseases than you , though now indeed by your harsh usage our Days are often shortned , and our Health impaired ; but this is not the fault of our Constitutions , but of your Severities , which bring upon us those Weaknesses and Disorders , which we were never before acquainted with ▪ For any Exercises of Running , Leaping , Swimming , and the like , which of you can equal us ? As for the blackness of our Skins , we find no reason to be ashamed of it , 't is the Livery which our great Lord and Maker hath thought fit we should wear ; Do not you amongst Furs , prize pure Sables as much as Ermins ? Is Iett or Ebony despised for its Colour ? Can we help it , if the Sun by too close and fervent Kisses , and the nature of the Climate and Soil where we were Born , hath tinctur'd us with a dark Complexion ? Have not you variety of Complexions amongst your selves ; some very White and Fair , others Brown , many Swarthy , and several Cole-black ? And would it be reasonable that each sort of these should quarrel with the other , and a man be made a Slave forever , meerly because his Beard is Red , or his Eye-brows Black ? In a word , if our Hue be the only difference , since White is as contrary to Black , as Black is to White , there is as much reason that you should be our Slaves , as we yours . Lastly , as to our Souls , you dare not deny but they are Immortal as well as yours , consequently capable of as much Bliss and Happiness , being as well as yours , created in the Image of God , and of an heavenly Original : Have we not the same Faculties , Understanding , Memory and Will ? Are we not endued with a reflex Power , whereby to condemn or approve our own Actions as they are either good or evil ? Are we not , if we had the advantages of Education , altogether as docible , and apt to learn Arts and Sciences as any of you ? witness Averves , Avicenna , and others of our Country-men ▪ who were famous Physitians , Philosophers , Astrologians , and the like . For in us as well as you , are contained the true Natures of all Elements , the Seeds of all Sciences , and an hidden Epitom of the four Worlds , Intellectual , Rational , Elemental and Sensitive . 'T is true , we are not so ready at Words , nor so nimble to express our Conceptions , but we can more than guess at what is Just , and Fit , and Honest , and Seemly , and know what is agreeable to the dignity of humane Nature , and what not , though the Christians despise us by the Name of Heathens ; we must acknowledge that we are not so well acquainted with the wordy and notional matters of Religion , nor do talk so much of it , nor keep so much ado about it , as many of the Christians do , for we do not Wrangle , nor Fight , nor Backbite or Hate one another for , or touching the Worship of God : Nor do we Kill , Burn or Imprison any for not agreeing with us , or being of our Intellectual Complexions , because God in his Wisdom has made all things to differ ; many there are whose Eyes are open see into the truth of these things . As for our Faith , touching God and Eternity , we have not much to say , neither do we ever use many Words ; For we have only one Book , viz. Our selves , in which is contained the true Nature and Property of all things , both Internally and Externally , and happy is he that can read but the Christ-Cross-Row in his own Book , it is more profitable to him than a multitude of Books , cry'd up and admired by the World : And this we do know and acknowledge , that there is a good and an evil Spirit or Principle within us , one which prompts , and invites , and leads us to Good , and the other drawing us to Evil ; and by the light of the good Principle , we distinguish between what is Right , and the contrary ; and whensoever we do Evil , we are convinced and reproved for it by this good Genius , whereby we are sensible that Lying , Swearing , Adultery , Idleness , Disobedience to our Masters , Burning of Houses , Murther , and the like , are Sins against God ; and when at any time we commit any such things , we are accused and condemned for the same in our Hearts , though our Masters , nor any Creature else know thereof . In short , the main Differences between the Christians and us , seem to be no more than these , that they are White , and we Black , because they are born in one Climate , and we in another ; they have Learning , as Reading , Writing , speaking of various Languages , and we have none of those Ornamental Advantages ; but they may please to remember that the more Paint Glass has upon it , the more it keeps out the Light ; They are educated under certain Rights and Forms , and taught divers Notions of Religion , which we are not skill'd in : But the grand point of Religion , To do as we would be done by , we understand as well as they , and are sure they practise it less than we . What then do they talk so much of the Leaves , when we can see no Fruits ? let us feel their Christianity , and see it , as well as hear of it , and no doubt then we shall be more in love with it . These , I say , are the chief Differences ; for as to the natural ●roperties of the Body and Soul , there is but very little , setting aside Custom and Education . For as I said before , as to the Members of the Body , and inward Faculties , we are alike in all particulars ; neither is there any difference as to the Soul and Spirit , they are as much subject to Passions , Lusts , and irregular Affections as we , as also to Sicknesses , Mortality , and all other Misfortunes ; And as your Prophet hath said , God ( whose wonderful Works we both equally are ) is no Respecter of Persons , but every one t●at feareth his Name , and worketh Righteousness , ( according to the Measure and Gift he has endued every one with ) whether Bond or Free , Jew or Gentile , is accepted of him . And it is not the Name that will justifie , but a living in the Nature and Power of well-doing , according as the Creator has dispensed his Gifts to each Person : And let Christians know this as a certain truth , that neither before , nor at the great Day of Reckoning , and when Accounts must be given , good Words , nor long formal Prayers will stand them in stead , except they have lived in the Nature , Power and Operation of the good Spirit , which we pray , and wish they would do ; and that they would Act what they Talk , and then both they and we should find the Benefit , to the Praise and Glory of God , and our own Comfort : For this is without dispute , that since Christians do know more of God and of the heavenly Mysteries than we do , then there is the more required of them ; and how they discharge themselves in their Practice we cannot see ; for surely they do very little or not at all live in , and under the Christian Spirit ; for that leads all that are guided by it , to love even their Enemies , to take Compassion , and do unto all as they would be done unto , and also endues it Followers with the Virtues of Meekness , Humility , Self-denyal , Temperance and Purity , and to deny all Ungodliness and worldly Lusts. But instead of these dictates of thy most holy Religion , O thou great Preserver of men ! they enslave and oppress thy poor unworthy Servants , and are drunk with our Blood and Sweat ; We rise early , and lie down late , and labour beyond our strength , whilst our luxurious Masters stretch themselves on their soft Beds and Couches , they drink Wine in overflowing Bowls , and set their Brains a-float without either Rudder or Compass , in an Ocean of other strong and various Drinks , even till they are Drunk , and vomit up their Shame and Filthiness , whilst we are allow'd nothing but Water , and now and then a little Cowou : They feast themselves with the fattest Lambs , and variety of rich costly Foods , and live in all Uncleanness and Gluttony : They have their Men-Servants , and their Maids , their Coaches and Horses to wait on them , whilst we groan under the over-grievous Burthens , and excessive Labour which they impose upon us : They wantonly consume the Encrease and Product of our heavy Pains in Riot and Voluptousness , in Superfluity , and all kind of extravagant Vitiousness ; their chief Study and Philosophy being to gratifie their liqourish Palates , and insatiate Paunches , and to enslave us with many intollerable Burthens ; so that their Lamps are ready to be extinguished by their Superfluity and Excess of Oyl , whilst they make frequent and solemn Feasts , ( that is , offer Sacrifices , and celebrate Festivals to their Idol Belly-God-Paunch , the Divinity which they chiefly adore ) and invite our rich Masters and Dames , and there they sit Eating and Drinking , ( whether they have any Appetites or no ) in a formal way , perhaps two or three Hours , inticing each other to Gormandize and Guzzle down great Quantities , and variety of rich Food and strong Cordial-Drinks , not only beyond the Necessities , but even the power of Nature ; and yet not therewith content , when they have thus already exceeded all bounds of Temperance , they yet proceed to gorge themselves with Wine , various sorts of brave noble Fruits , Tarts , Sweet-Meats , and a thousand Novelties brought from forreign Regions of themselves , more than sufficient for a sober and temperate Meal , not considering the Injuries they thereby do both to their Bodies and Minds , nor regarding in the mean time , the starving condition of us their poor Slaves , that would be glad of the Crums that fall from their over-spread Tables ; and yet 't is from our sore Labour , and grievous Sweat , and pinched Bellies , that what they thus wickedly waste upon their pampered Lusts , is extracted . Alas ! how few of our Christian Masters , do ever consider or endeavour to put into practice either Abstinence or Sobriety , though their own Prophets and Apostles commend those Virtues as the surest Bulwarks and Fortifications against Temptations and Viciousness , and such as render the Body pleasant and healthful , fit to discharge all its Functions , and prepares the Mind to be the Temple of the Lord. But these are things too sublim for our gorbellied Christians to consider of , when a number of them gather themselves together to the Burial of a Swine , which they will Roast ( or burn ) it whole , and then bury it in their ungodly Paunches , and make them swim in their foolish Hogshead , accompanied with drunken Healths , and roaring Huzza's , where one or two of these Epicurean swearing roaring Christians will destroy in Superfluity as much as an hundred of us poor Vassals can get with our hand and sore Labour . But why , O ye Christians ! do you thus violate the Commands of our Creator , and withstand , and walk contrary to the pure innocent Laws of Nature , and by your Intemperances and Oppressions contemn the great Law of Love , and doing unto all their fellow Creatures as they would be done unto : Consider these things impartially , and count us no longer Dogs , nor hide the Pearl any longer in your ungodly Earth , and be as studious and careful to look for it , and find it , as you have carelesly lost it , and you shall see and know the Errors of your wayes ; and above all , know this , that every Master must give an Account of his Stewardship to the grand Master of Heaven and Earth , and that there must be Retaliation made , either in this World , or the World to come . But alas ! what likelihood or hopes are there of our Relief , Ease , or Refreshment from those Oppressions and Burthens under which we languish , when these we complain of are become so unnatural , that they deal as hardly and cruelly with their own Seed , even the Fruit of their own Loins , as with us ? For do not our Masters , to gratifie their raging Lusts , sometimes take our Women , and make them their Concubines , viz. either our Wives , or our Daughters , which best pleaseth them , ( For Adultery is accounted no greater a Crime amongst many of them than Fornication , & both of them but Venial Sins , Tricks of Youth , or Modish Gallantries ) upon whom they beget mungril Children , that are neither White nor Black , but between both , which therefore are called Molatto's , and when these poor Women in compliance with such their brutish Heats , have conceived by them , and brought forth , yet the Fathers , being without natural Affection , though they are their own Seed , do expose them , and make them perpetual Slaves , both they and their Posterity . Now what can be more hellish Cruelty , or greater Baseness , then for men to afflict their own Seed , to beget Children in their Drunkenness and Paroxisms of Lust , and then not to care what becomes of them ; nay , to make themselves Authors of their Miseries as well as of their Beeing , and instead of providing for , and well Educating them , to enslave and tyrannize over them , and leave them in that wretched condition to all Generations : There cannot sure be a greater Sin against Gods pure Law in Nature ; Do not the whole Hosts of the four Worlds condemn this ? and will not the very Beasts of the Earth rise in Judgment against such vile hard hearted Wretches , and Nature disown and spue them out as abominable ? For as the Cruelties and Oppressions of our Masters are our Plagues at present , so they will certainly draw down Judgments on themselves in time , if not prevented by Repentance and Reformation ; for their Violence awakens the center of dark Wrath , both in the internal and external Nature , and by a secret and sympathetical Power these awakened poysonous Properties do strongly excite the malignant Influences of the Coelestials , and attract their Male Configurations ; for every particular Quality in Nature has a Key in it self to open the Gate of its own Principle , whence proceed many Calamities , according to the degree of the Sin or Evil committed , there being a certain Secret ( by powerful sympathy ) between the Coelestial and Terrestrial Bodies , by and through whose evil Influences mutually working on each other , Plagues and Vengeance , and Calamities are engendred ; as on the other side , by their benigne Influences sweetly clasping and embracing each other in Harmony , Peace and Plenty , Health and Security do proceed . For this cause it is in point of Self-Interest , a thing of dangerous Consequence for our Christian Masters to be so severe towards us ; for the groaning of him that suffereth Pain and Torment , is the beginning of Trouble and Misery to him that is the cause thereof . And it would be well for them , and happy for us poor Vassals , if our Masters would but be so sober as to consider , and be sensible of this Truth , that their fierce Wrath , Violence , and Oppressions to us , do clearly demonstrate that the poysonous Wrath is awakened , & does predominate in them , so that let them call themselves by what name or title they please , His Servants they are whom they obey ; the dark fierce Spirit has overcome the good Genius in their Soul , and all the pure Virtues , as Temperance , Compassion , Fellow-feeling , Courtesie , Humanity , Iustice , and Charity , are clapt under Hatches , just as we were when we were brought Captive out of Guinnea , into the Land of Bondage . And then this irritated Wrath , or poysonous Spirit , does powerfully penetrate all Elements and Bodies , and where-ever it finds matter capable or disposed to receive its malignant Rayes they incorporate : For the All , wise Creator has endued every thing in all the four Worlds with an attractive and influential Virtue ; and therefore the Sons of men by their Vncleanness , Violence and Oppressions do first awaken and stir up the wrathful Spirit in themselves , which kindles the Wrath in the Coelestial Bodies , and attracts their ill Influences ; and if whole Nations or Countries live in the irritated Wrath , then there are showered down Epidemical Diseases , as Pestilence , War , Famine , and the like , all according to the nature of the Evils committed , or Properties of Nature that were awakned . The same is to be understood when any particular Person or Family has awakned the poysonous Wrath , it doth powerfully attract the male Influences , whence Sickness , waste of Estate , and many other great Troubles & Miseries , both to the Body and Mind follow ; the truth of this daily Experience doth testifie ; how many of our great Masters have by their Vitiousness , Vncleanness , Intemperance , Violence and Oppressions both to Man and Beast , whom they have had the Government over , fallen into great Disorders , Distempers , Losses , Crosses , Troubles and Vexations , so that their Children that were kept so fine and choice , that they would hardly suffer the Air to blow on them or their Legs to carry them whilst they lived in Prosperity , are many of them come to nothing ? some forced to work hard for their Bread , others have taken worse Courses , and have been immaturely cut off . 'T is true , the Evils both private and publick are sometimes more tollerable , also the good Life and Prayers of some sober People that live in a Town or Country , do interpose , and in some degree withstand or mittigate the poysonous kindled Wrath , so that the Judgment is sometimes deferred , and with-holden , as for two or three Ages , according to the degrees of the awakned Evils , and the intermingled Virtues . Therefore since we have obtained the favour to plead our own Cause , we will be bold to tell our Masters , that these things cannot be otherwise , it being the eternal Law of God in Nature , that whatever Evil , Violence or Oppression is committed , either by Superior or Inferior , if not repented of , there must be a time of Retaliation either in this World , or that to come , according to the Nature of the Evil ; for as there is such an Affinity between man and man , that they can move each other either to Love or Hate , so there is a proportionate Similitude between him and the Coelestial Bodies and Elements , Man being not only the Image and Likeness of God and Nature , but the Horizon of both Worlds , in whom the superior and inferior Natures are conjoyned , and have their Intercourse ; for he is the Off-spring of the Stars , as well as the Sun of the Earth . Therefore let us praise and magnifie the Lord , Creator of this wonderful Nature , which is surpassing humane Understanding and Number ; For there is no Religion or form of Worship in the World so noble and well-pleasing to him , as for mankind to imitate him by living in , and under the power of the eternal Principle of his Light and Love , which will lead all that hearken to the Voice of Wisdom into all Innocency and Well-doing , and thereby as naturally attract or draw down the sweet and pleasant Virtues out of all things , as the Loadstone doth Iron . But on the contrary , our Masters have built their Babel , and fortified themselve ; with the Poysons of Saturn , and Fierceness of Mars , and made Gluttony their Trade , and Violence their Study , whence proceed all our Miseries and Oppressions , which at long-run recoyl back upon themselves with Interest , destroying all their peace of Mind , health of Body , and outward Estates . For are not most of those that thus violate our Creator's Law in Nature , miserably afflicted with many cruel Diseases , as the Stone , Collick , windy Distempers , Palsies , Cramp , Leprosies , Kings-Evils , Gout , dry Belly-Aches , Dropsies , Consumptions , and an hundred other Evils of this Nature , which they also intail on their Prosterity ; so also are they plauged with Vexations and Discords between Man and Wife , and with disobedient and rebellious Children ; Rot and Murrain amongst their Cattel , their Crops blasted or spoiled by unseasonable Weather , Losses and Disappointments in their Trading , even to the consumption of their Estates ; All which are the Iudgments of God , and just Rewards that follow Oppression ▪ Violence and Cruelty , and of spending the Blood and Sweat of their poor Slaves in superfluous Wantonness ; for they make nothing to squander away Talents in Courtly Vanities , and value not Money in the way of Gluttony , then it shall go by whole Sale : But if a poor Slave breaks but a Glass ▪ or miscarries in any little inconsiderable thing , then presently the livid Poyson of Saturn is raised , and the flaming Thunder-bolts of Mars are let fly in the greatest Fury and Fierceness imaginable , and the best word that comes out of their Mouth , is , Dog , Devil , damn'd Dog , Bitch , and the like hellish Expressions , not to mention their horrid Oathes , Curses and Execrations , which lewd Words are followed by inhumane Blows ; for they fall upon us with Whip and Spur till the Blood come , and we are almost killed with their Cruelty . And though they boast , and speak excellent things of the Christian-Religion , and contemn us for being ignorant of it ; yet 't is plain they never design that we should know and embrace it ; for why else do they make it loathsom in our Eyes , by acting so contrary to its Genuine Nature and Principles ? Why do they dress up that which is the greatest Beauty , and the most amiable thing in the World , in the shape of a frightful deformed Hag , or terrible Fury , that seems good for nothing but to Bite and Scratch , and Prog for its Paunch , and wallow in Uncleanness like a Swine ? Were they in earnest , or desirous to make us Christians , and save our immortal Souls , they would remove out of our way all Stumbling-Blocks of Scandal , & draw us with the Cords of Love and Meekness ; they would set us Examples by their blameless Lives , and holy Conversations , they would be at pains and charge to teach us the Foundation Principles of Christian Religion , and to read the Bible , and would in those , and other Exercises of Virtue and Piety bring up our little Ones : But so far are they from any of this , that they act the direct contrary , and desire and endeavour to keep us Heathens , that we may continue their Slaves , and thereby are Guilty not only of oppressing our Bodies , but ( as much as in them lies ) of damning our Souls . But our God is more merciful , and expects a Return but proportionable to the Talent he hath intrusted ; his Ways are the Paths of Love , and all his Out-goings are Compassion ; he hath not left us without a guide , even a Light shining in a dark place , to the conduct whereof , if we give heed , we shall do well . Nor do we in this Complaint intend to tax all our Christian Masters , for we must acknowledge that there are some few of them more Just and Merciful unto us ; for though under them we labour hard , yet we have our Food in some order , both as to Quantity and Quality , and have tolerable Rest , which gives us Life and Vigour in our occasions ; neither do they lay upon us Burthens greater than we can bear ; besides , they often speak kindly to us , which chears and comforts our Hearts and Spirits ; they call us no evil Names , which is well liking unto us ; They allow us the usual time each day to rest in , and eat our Food ; They treat our Women more kindly , and allow them better Accomodations , when they bring forth their young Ones : And though sometimes some of this better sort , will command our young Women to be their Concubines , yet then in such cases , if they prove with-Child , they will have some regard to their own Seed , and respect to the Women : And it is also observable , that all such as deal any thing gently , and with Moderation and Compassion towards us , are generally blessed with the Dew of Heaven , and with considerable Profits , and their Men and Women Servants , and Cattel , do stand to Health , and thrive ; for by well-doing , though it be but as it were by halfs , they attract some of the sweet Influences , both of the superior and inferior Worlds , and go not without a Reward ; which might teach all our Masters to imitate that course , and use Pity , Good-will and Equity in their dealings with us , whereby they would not only preserve a good Conscience void of Offence , which is the greatest and most durable Riches on this side the Grave , but also might increase their outward Wealth , by saving them in their Purses one , two , three or four Hundred Pounds per Year , in the buying of Slaves . For the Tyranny , ill Usage and Improvidence of the generality may further appear by the great Numbers of our Country-men and Women that are brought every Year to America , and the Isles thereabouts , which shews the vast Consumption or Destruction that is made of us in those parts ; we shall only give one Example ; in the small Island of Barbadoes there are supposed to be commonly resident , forty or fifty Thousand of our Country-People , that are Slaves ; and though we have our Custom of Plurality of Wives , and are naturally as fruitful as most Nations , yet our Off-spring will not maintain the Number , but they are forced yearly to bring in by Shipping , several Thousands more of our Country-men , as fresh Supplies , and to maintain the old Stock or Number ; so that it looks like the Fields of Mars , where often Recruits are required to supply the place of the slaughtered Soldiers . Now would not any rational man conclude , that if One Thousand Men and One Thousand Women , ( most of them young , and capable of Generation ) lived in a seperated place or Isle , where they want for no Conveniencies , for a matter of ten or twenty Years , who , ( I say ) could but in reason expect these two Thousand to be multiplyed at least to four Thousand , or more , and that they would encrease so fast as to grow rather Superfluous and Super-numerary , than that there should be any occasion to purchase more at dear Rates , from remote Regions : For thus it usually happens in other parts of the World , as England , ( which is the Country of many of our Christian Masters ) does not it spare every Year great Numbers of Men , which of late Years have settled several Colonies , and peopled divers Countries and Islands in America , which are like to become very numerous , and yet still their own Country rather over-stockt , than wanting of men to carry on their Affairs ; besides , there come thence great Numbers of Young men , as Factors , Sea-men , Soldiers , and others that daily are transported by Troops , many of whom never return again : And how many Thousands of Women might England spare yearly ? of whom many that are fit and capable of Generation , are never married ; and others , through want of good Husbands in time , or to please their Parents humours , or for base Lucre , marry Old , and have no Issue , and yet still England wants no People , but ( as we have heard ) is able to spare two or three Hundred Thousand on a good occasion ; And why might not we in America encrease and multiply proportionably , were it not for those violent Oppressions , and harsh Usages , which our Masters afflict us with , whereby we are destroyed before our time ? And is it not a strange , & an unheard of thing , that a fourth or fifth part every Year should dye , and be made away with , more than there are born ? Or can there be a more undeniable Evidence of the Cruelty exercised upon us , occasioning this extraordinary Mortality , and the immature Deaths of such great Numbers of us yearly ? And though nothing can be more against our Masters Interests , since their chief Wealth consists in their Servants , yet the devilish Wrath has such power over them , that they will not forbear their Oppressions , though to their own Detriment , as well as our Destruction . Therefore despairing of Relief from them , To thee , O thou most merciful Creator ! we address our Complaints ; it is thou alone who canst put a Period to our Miseries ! Let our Cries come unto thee , for we are the Works of thine Hands , though now become Slaves to unreasonable men : Molify our Masters obdurate hearts , and endue them with true Vnderstanding and Christianity indeed , as well as Name , and then shall we and our Posterity have ease from these intollerable Burthens , & with enlarged Hearts , and loud Songs of Ioy in our Mouthes , celebrate thy Praise , who art both our Creator and Redeemer . Amen! Amen! A DISCOURSE In way of Dialogue , Between an Ethiopean or Negro-Slave And a CHRISTIAN , That was his Master in America . The Third Part. Master . COme hither , Sambo ! you look as gravely to day as a Dog Out-law'd , or a Iustice of Peace set in the Stocks ; I doubt you have been doing some Rogury ; I call'd you to make us some Sport , let us see one of your Dances , such as are used in your own Country , with all your odd Postures and Tricks , for Diversion ; I have heard you are the best at it of all my People . Slave . Boon Master ! If you will have me Dance upon mine Head , or Caper on the top of the House , I must do it , though I break my Neck ; for you are become Lord both of my Feet , and every part of me , but I fear I shall not be able at present to answer your Expectation handsomly , I am so much out of humour , and unfit for Feats of Activity . Master . Why ? What 's the matter Sirrah ! I 'll warrant , you have been frollicking so long amongst your Companions , that now you 'l pretend your are Weary . Slave . Truly , Sir ! this being the only Day in the Week you spare us from hard labour , and allow us for Recreation , we do a Sundayes amongst our selves , endeavour to forget our Slavery , and skip about , as if our Heels were our own , so long sometimes , till our Limbs are almost as weary with that , as with working ; But that is not my present case , for I have been walking all alone several hours upon the Shoar , viewing that prodigious heap of Waters , that with roaring Waves continually beat upon this little Island , and sometimes casting up my Eyes to that glorious Eye of Heaven , which ( they say ) at one view beholds half the World , I could not satisfie my self which was the greatest Wonder ; so that the Contemplation of them both together , has fill'd my Brains with abundance of strange Conceits , and made me very Dull and Melancholly . Master . And what , I pray , might be the Result of our wise Worships speculations ? Slave . I had a thousand different Notions offered themselves to my Mind , and amongst the rest , I was thinking , what if the Sun should forget to Rise to morrow Morning , whether your Man , ( our Over-seer ) would make him get up , as he does us , by blowing his Horn ? Or else how we should do to work in the Dark ? Or if the Sea should swell a little higher , and wash the tops of your Sugar-Canes , I might not then lawfully swim Home to my own Country , without being beaten to a Jelly for a Run-away ? Master . Out you Rogue ! Are these your Contemplations ? nothing but studying Mischief to your Master ? Your Bones shall presently pay for the busie Idleness of your Brains , and the Sauciness of your Tongue . Slave . O boon Master ! I beseech you be not angry , I meant no harm in the World : This is a Day on which you do not Work , & therefore I hope you will not Fight , which I conceive is ten times worse ; for I had rather work all the Sunday , then be beaten once : If you will be pleased to lay by your huge Cudgel , and vouchsafe to answer me a few harmless Questions , I doubt not but I shall divert you as much to your satisfaction , as if I had danc'd two Hours . Mast. Though you are an Impudent , yet since you seem to be an ingenious Raskal , I am content ( for once ) to hear your Prate : What is your wise Question ? Sl. I desire first you would lay that frightful Cudgel a little further off , and then begging Pardon for the Presumption , since this is the Day you observe to serve God in , I would crave leave to be a little instructed touching that Service , and wherein it consists . Mast. Why ? It consists in being Christians , as we are — But what should I talk to such a dark ignorant Heathen , scarce capable of common Sense , much less able to understand things of such an high and mysterious Nature . Sl. I confess we are poor silly dark ignorant Creatures , and for ought I find , so are many of the Bacchararo's * too , as well as we ; but that you may not grudge your Time or Pains , I will assure you , that I will attend very seriously to what you say , and possibly may prove somewhat more docible than some of our Complexion ; For I was the Son of a Phitisheer , that is , a kind of Priest in our Country and Way ; he was also a Sophy , and had studied the Nature of things , and was well skill'd in Physick and natural Magick , I have heard him often discourse of a great and mighty Beeing , ( greater far , and brighter too than either Moon or Sun ) which framed both Land and Sea , and all the glittering Glories of the Skie ; and he was wont to say , Men were the Children of the great King , who if they were good , would take them up ( but I think it was after they were dead here ) into spangled Regions , where they should do no Work , nor endure any Pain , nor Fight one with another , but remain in Ioy and Peace , and Happiness : 'T is so long ago , that I was taken from him and sold hither , that I have forgot much of his Talk , and yet I remember some of his Skill , whereby I have Cured several of my Country-men since I came hither , of Diseases , that your Doctors could not help , either so surely or so suddainly . Mast. I have heard something of your suecess that way , and since thou art the Son of an Heathen-Philosopher , and pretendest to more Wit than the rest of thy Fellow-Brutes , what is it thou wouldst be at ? Sl. Sir ! I desire to be informed , what a Christian is , or ought to be . Mast. Though I think it will be to as little purpose , as to go about to wash thy Skin white , to inform such dark stupid Heathens as you are ; nevertheless I shall endeavour to gratifie your Curiosity . 1 st ; He that is a Christian , ought to believe that God made the World , and all things therein . Sl. O then , Master ! I am a Christian , for I believe that as well as you . Mast. Hold your Tongue , there go many other things to make a Christian besides that ; for he must also know and believe , that Man being thus made , did by transgressing the Law of his Maker , fall from that good and perfect State , wherein he was made , into a sinful estate , and thereby was liable to the Wrath of God , and so to be Damn'd forever , or suffer everlasting Punishment . But God out of the unspeakable Riches of his Grace and Goodness to his Creatures , thus become miserable , determined in his own secret Counsel , and in fulness of time did actually send down his most beloved and eternal Son , Iesus Christ , to take upon him mans Nature , who after a most unspotted exemplary Life , and laborious Preaching the good Tidings of Remission of Sins to all that should believe in him , and enduring many Persecutions and Affronts here on Earth , was at last put to Death without the Gates of Ierusalem , by the cruel Hands of the Iews , and being buried , rose again to Life the third day , and ascended into Heaven ; by which Death of his , he satisfied the Wrath of God for the Sins of the whole World , as the Scripture witnesseth . Sl. If Jesus Christ dyed for the Sins of the whole World , or satisfied God's wrath for the Sins of All Mankind , then we that you call Heathens may justly challenge equal priviledge with your selves . Mast. O no , you do not believe in his Name , nor observe his Commands and Precepts . Sl. As how I pray ? Mast. You are not Baptized in the Name of the Holy Trinity , nor do believe the Merits of Christ's satisfaction , or that he hath taken away your Sins . Sl. This is a brave Religion , that by the Death and Suffering of one , all men that in after Generations believe this , shall have their Sins pardon'd , and be blest with eternal Happiness . Mast. Still , Sambo ! you are too quick , there is more required then a bare Faith , or verbal Belief that such a thing was done , Christ is our Prophet to teach us , and our King to rule us , as well as our Saviour to redeem us ; They must yield Obedience , and do a Christian's Duty , that shall have an Interest or Benefit by his Death . Sl. I pay then tell me the duty of a Christian. Mast. The Gospel of Christ , or the Doctrine which he taught , and we profess , instructs and requires us ; 1 st , To fear the Lord that created all things . 2 dly ; To be Merciful , and do unto all men , as we would be done unto . 3 dly ; To be Sober and Temperate in Meats , Drinks and Exercises , mortifying the Lusts of the Flesh , and avoiding all kind of Superfluity , that so we may not waste or abuse the good Creatures of God. 4 thly ; To avoid evil Communication , because it corrupts good Manners , and vain Words , but especially wicked Ones . 5 thly ; To observe the Rules of Purity , and abstain from all appearance of Evil , both in Words and Works . 6 thly ; To free our selves from Envy , Strife , Malice , Back-biting and Slander ; not to accuse men behind their Backs of what they will not speak to their Faces , or cannot prove . 7 thly ; Not to judge of things we understand not , lest we be judged ; nor condemn those things of which we have no certain Knowledge or Experience . 8 thly ; To be sensible that the Lord by his all-seeing-Eye and divine Principle , beholds all our Wayes , and that to him there is nothing hidden . 9 thly ; To believe and know for a certain truth , that the Lord will Retaliate and Reward every one according to his Works . 10. To live according to the Gospel and divine Principle , by denying all Vngodliness and worldly Lusts , and Vncleanness , as Whoredom , Adultery , filthy Speaking ; yea , even all unchaste Desires , for so our Lord teacheth us , That he that looketh on a Woman , and lusteth after her , commits Adultery . 11. To regulate our Passions and Affections , and to abandon all Wrath , Anger , Malice , Envy , vain or immoderate hopes , as also dispair , and all perturbations of Mind ; to shun and avoid Covetousness , ( that Root of Evil ) Pride , Ambition , and all Vncharitableness ; And on the contrary , to walk Humbly , and Meekly towards God , and towards man , and to practise Patience , mutual Forbearance , Moderation , Kindness , and Commiseration in all our wayes . 12. That we be not too confident , nor conceited of our selves , or our own knowledge , but to have regard to the Lord in all our Thoughts , Imaginations and Conclusions , and in every thing to have an Eye to his Providence . 13. To return God the Praise and Glory of all the good things we enjoy , as Health , Strength , Food , Rayment , Knowledge , Vnderstanding , and the like , acknowledging them all to be the free Gifts of his Bounty ; and when we are in any want , trouble , distress or danger to relie upon the same God for help , succour and relief , and with earnest , hearty and faithful Prayers , to implore the same of him only . 14. To be merciful to all the inferior Creatures , and to use them gently , and with Moderation , avoiding all kind of Oppressions , Violence , hard Heartedness or Cruelty , either to Men or Beasts . These , Sambo , are some of the Principles or Rules of the Christian Religion , the Doctrine which it teacheth , and the Practices it requires . Negro . Master Christian ! I give you a thousand hearty Thanks for this account of your Religion & Philosophy , which no doubt is the best and noblest of all others : Therefore if these be your Christian Principles , I am already a Disciple ; but I beseech you be in good earnest , and tell me the truth . Mast. I do assure thee , they are the Principles of our Lord , Christ , the Son of the living God , that he preached to the World when he was on the Earth , and which his Apostles recommended , and left them on Record in the Bible ; and which he still continues to Preach by his Spirit in the Hearts of all that are his . Negr. Since these things are so , I cannot but at once be surprized , and as it were amazed , with two different Objects of Wonder . Mast. What are they , prethee ? Negr. First , I admire the Excellency of your Doctrine , and the wonderful Mystery contained therein ; it undoubtedly surpasseth all other Religions in the World , as much as the Sun's Light doth that of a Glow-Worm : It seems to me to be an open Gate into Paradise , and a Leaf of the Tree of Life ; so agreeable to the Nature and Glory of the great God , so suitable to the condition of weak Man ; no wise Person can make any scruple of the things you have delivered , they command assent ; for they proced from a true Root . But then I cannot but also much wonder and admire that you Christians live and walk so wide from , and contrary unto all those undeniable Truths , and holy Rules , so that what you preach with your Tongues , you pull down with your Hands , and your daily Conversation gives the Lye to your Profession . Mast. You now grow Sawcy thus to upbraid us ; we have indeed our Failings , but I hope we do not walk so Retrograde as you talk of : What Instances can you produce to maintain so general a Charge ? Negr. I intended not to upbraid you , but to satisfie my self , for perhaps you may have some Reason that I do not know of , why you act contrary to what you teach ; nor do I say that all , and every Christian does so , there may be Hundreds and Thousands that I am not acquainted with , and there are some that I know , of whom I cannot say , but that in a very great measure they live according to that righteous Doctrine ; but for the generality or major part , I must say , That in all , and every of the aforesaid Points by you mentioned , the whole Tenour of their Ways , and the continual Practice of their Lives , is directly contrary to the same : And since you command me to instance Particulars , I shall endeavour it in some of the chief . 1. You say , that Christian Religion teacheth to Fear the Lord , that created Heaven and Earth : The truth of this we make no doubt of ; but how can we believe , that very many who go under the Name of Christians do obey this Voice of Wisdom , since they so lightly and vainly use the Name of God in their Triffling , and wicked Talk , and boldly Swear by it ( and that for the most part falsly too ) in their ordinary Conversation , contrary to his express Commands ; nay , not a few , will commonly challenge the great God to Damn or Confound them , with divers other Blasphemies ; And do you call this Fearing the Lord ? 2. To be Merciful , and do as you would be done by , you in the next place assign , as a grand and important point of Christianity ; but where shall we find it ? We cannot perceive any thing of Mercy to dwell in your Hearts ; for you commit Oppression with Violence ; and that which you call Trade or Traffick ( as 't is manag'd amongst you ) is little better than an Art of Circumventing one another ; and you practise all sorts of Cruelty , not only on the inferior Creatures , but also on those of your own Kind , else what makes us your Slaves , and to be thus Lorded and Tyrannized over by you ? In a word , not only We , but the whole Creation groans under your heavy Burthens ; & yet you tell us of your Mercy and good Nature , and boast of your Christian Charity . 3. You acknowledge , this divine Religion requires of you to be Sober in Meats and Drinks , &c. and not to indulge Nature with things Superperfluous : But does it not appear by your Conversation , that you never regard its Counsel , since your Wayes are directly opposite ? Do not we see it a common Practice amongst the Christians , to drink to Drunkenness , and eat to Superfluity and Gluttony ? & even of those that seem most reserved , scarce any , that have wherewithal , but will indulge themselves great variety of rich compounded Foods , and Cordial-Drinks , that contain too great Nourishment , beyond not only the Necessities , but even the Power of Nature , and the digestive Faculty of the Stomach , which produces many evil Effects ; for besides the waste of the good Creatures , and a most Vngrateful abuse of the Creator's Mercies , it heats the Blood , makes it thick , hot and sharp , and causeth all the Members to glow with an unnatural Heat , makes both the Body and Mind uneasie , and disables each of them from performing its Offices as it ought , and also sets open the Gates of Venus to many lewd Practices : And thus in defiance to the Laws of your Religion , and to his own Personal hurt , one great over-grown Christian shall spend as much in one Day , to gratifie his Lusts or Vanity , as an Hundred or Two of his poor Slaves can get by their sore Labour and Sweat. And as for Exercises , there is rarely here in this Island any of the Christians that will labour , except pure Necessity constrain them to it , but you lay heavy Burthens on us , and as your most illuminated Prophet , saith , will not touch them your selves with one Finger . So that you make it a Genteel Quality , and honourable , to break and violate that great Command of the Creator in the beginning , which I have heard is recorded by a most famous Prophet of the Iews , and whom you also receive , viz. That Man should get his Bread by the Sweat of his Brows ; which yet amongst the more Noble Christians , as you call your selves , is counted a poor , low , Base and shameful thing . What Heathen People ( as you call them ) are there in the whole World , that more pamper their Carkasses , and indulge themselves like you , with things that are not needful , nor convenient ? Do you not invent an hundred Superfluities and needless Toys , to gratifie your own , and your Childrens Pallates and Sensuality ? the Wind , forsooth ! must not blow upon them ; and as if the Earth were not good enough to bear them , nor their Legs made to carry them , you provide Horses and Coaches for them , or we poor Slaves , must lugg them about , who are as well able to go as we . For your Garments , Houses , Furniture , &c. who can exceed your Pride , and Vanity ? One of your Women shall wear at once as much in value as would clothe an hundred poor People in modest Rayment , each far better than hers , to defend them from the Injuries of the Elements , which is the chief end of Cloathing : Add to this , your great Palaces , and sumptuous chargeable Buildings , and all kind of rich superfluous Ornaments , and Knick-Knacks in your Houses , wherein you study to out-try and exceed each other , meerly for State , Pride and vain Glory , and to be honoured of men ; which extravagancy is attended with another sore Evil , for that it cannot be maintained but chiefly by great Oppression of Men and Beasts ; for those that spend Talents daily , must lay about them for a continual Supply , so that rather then they will be without those chargeable Vanities , they care not how cruelly they use their Servants , and inferior Creatures ; They will scourge their Slaves for a Penny , and kill their Beasts with over-labour , and at the same time spend Pounds in base depraved Wantonness , and feasting of the Rich , &c. 4. You mention the avoidance of Evil Communications , as another duty of your Religion , which we Heathens do acknowledge , and therefore we have a Proverb amongst us , when any use lewd Discourse , to bid them , Wash their Mouthes with Water ; but we have observed , that amongst the Christians there is nothing more frequent than Evil Communications , whensoever any Number meet together , are not your Discourses vain , idle and frothy , and oft-times such as no modest Ear can hear without tingling forth Horror and Indignation ? Most of it tending to Debauchery , or injuring the good Name of Persons absent , Iesting , Lying , Vapouring , or speaking of Things and People they understand not , nor have any thing to do withal ; Nay , a man cannot pass the Way or Street , but his Ears shall be grated with horrid Swearing , and ungodly Speeches , so that 't is evident you walk in the greatest opposition imaginable to his command . 5. You say , You are required to observe Purity , and the natural Rules of Cleanness , and to avoid all appearance of Evil : Which indeed is no inconsiderable point in Nature and Religion , but as far as we have been able to observe , you practise the quite contrary ; for not only your Words are very unclean for the generality , but also in your Foods and Drinks you make no distinction , but rich provoking Food in excess , and all strong intoxicating Drinks , you desire with greedness , which over-heats the whole Body , and irritates the fierce wrathful beastial Nature , whence all wanton , vain and unclean Thoughts and Imaginations are generated : Also , you make as little distinction between clean and unclean Beasts as we , nay , not so much as some of our Country-men ; and you eat Blood , though I have been told there is not any one thing more frequently , expresly and plainly forbidden in all your Bible than that ; besides , you make no distinction of the Times and Seasons of the Year , when Beasts are subjects to Surfeits , and other Uncleannesses ; neither are your Preparations and cooking of your Food so clean , proper and natural , as they ought to be ; and instead of abstaining from all appearances of Evil , we see you court and improve them on all occasions ; For do not you appoint set Meetings , and make great Feasts ? to which you invite the Rich , that will invite you again , where you drink to Drunkenness , and eat to Gluttony , roaring all the while like mad Bulls , and mixing your Food with horrid Oaths , and vain Discourses , the fear of the great Creator being banisht from your Hearts , nor any pity shewn to us your poor Vassals , that endure the Heat of the day , and are ready to fall and faint under those heavy Burthens laid upon us , and would rejoyce to partake of the Crumbs that fall from your Tables , which you will not afford , & yet spend our Sweat , and the Labours of our Hands , in all kinds of Wantonness and Superfluity , by which many of you contract such grievous Diseases , both to Body and Mind , that they become themselves more miserable then us their poor Slaves . 6. You say that the next great point of Christian Doctrine , is to free your selves from Envy , Strife , Malice , Back-biting and Slander ; which is also contradicted by your general practice ; for what is more frequent amongst you than Envy and Revenge ? And though in your Prayers you formally use those Words , Lord forgive us our Trespasses as we forgive them that trespass against us , yet at the same time Envy lies lurking in your Hearts , and the very next moment shall erect it self ; for do not many of you keep your Neighbours and Brethren in loathsom Prisons for some very little offence , or in truth for none at all , but only to shew your Power , and gratifie your devilish Fury : And as for the Gentleman called Strife , he rides the Fore-horse , and is Quarter-master-General amongst you ; what Fighting , Swearing , Damning , Railing , &c. is there in every House between Fathers and Children , Brothers and Sisters , Relations and Neighbours , ready to destroy and murder one another , and all about Things , not worth a wise mans Thoughts ? What swarms of Lawyers , Clerks , Pettifoggers and Idle-men , does your Strife , and unjust Contention maintain ? And how many are yearly with their Families utterly ruined thereby ? I 'll not leave him worth a Groat , cries one : I 'll make Dice of his Bones , swears the other : Let him not in Goal , says a third . This is your Christian Charity , and Remission of Injuries . And for Backbiting and Slandering , even Eating and Drinking , is scarce more universally practised amongst you ; almost every man speaks Evil or slighting of those that are not present , though to their Faces he Complements and Flatters them . Calumny is the Sawce at your great Feasts , and Reproaches & scandalous Stories the Entertainments of your Clubs and Visits , so that scarce any honest man is free from the Lashes of your invenom'd Tongues , or from having large Furrows plowed upon his Back , his good Name wounded , and his Reputation unjustly blasted or called in question , by your false Stories and malicious Suggestions , whereby many are daily ruined , there being nothing more base and unmanly than these whispering Doemons ; nor is there any Practice that more opposes Christianity , and the pure simple Law of God in Nature , and therefore is a Sin to be condemned forever , and banisht the Society of all good men . 7. Not to judge and speak of things they understand not , is a very excellent Precept , yet nothing is more common among many Christians than to judge , censure , and condemn Things and Persons , though they understand them no more then a blind man can distinguish Colours , or the Deaf judge of Musick ; but right or wrong without any true sight or comprehension , they will pass their Verdict , and shoot their Bolts , for they count their Tongues their own , and think they may say what they list , and so call Evil good , and Good evil , and abuse their own Consciences , and their Neighbours , so greatly are many of the Christians depraved . 8. The eighth Point you mentioned , was , That the Lord beholds all mens Wayes and Doings , and that unto him , and his Divine Eye there is not any thing hid : Which without all doubt , is a most certain truth , which neither Christian nor Heathen dare to deny ; for as your own Prophet saith , It is he that searcheth the Heart , and tryeth the Reigns . But how can we perswade our selves , that you do in truth and in earnest believe this , since we daily find that you stand more in awe of Mens seeing , or knowing your Wickedness , than of God's beholding , and revenging of it ; and therefore you love to seem , and be counted Honest , and Iust , and Merciful , but scarce a Soul of you seriously endeavours to be so ; 't is the Name and the Credit you look after , not the Thing , which shews that you seek to please , and be well spoken of by Men , but regard not the righteous Judgment of God , who looks through the Fig-Leaves , and requires Truth and Purity in the inward parts : This Hypocrisie of yours is notorious , and every one almost taxes his Neighbour for it , and yet all generally practise it , and each huggs himself therein , as one of your own Poets complaineth ; If my foul Deeds of Darkness may Be wrapt in Clouds as black as they ; If being ugly I can Paint , And act the Devil , yet seem a Saint ▪ Cheat and Oppress , Forswear and Lye , Yet scape the Law and Infamy , I mind no further Honesty . 9. On the contrary , to believe and know ( as you say ) That the Lord will Retaliate every man according to his Work , is a most true and necessary Principle ; but if Christians did so , surely they could not , nor would do as they do ; For what kind of Rewards and Returns do or can you expect for all your Oppressions to us your poor Vassals ? For do not you oppress us at your pleasure , beat , whip , over-labour , and half-starve us , and many of you scruple not to Kill us for a small Offence , and possibly for none at all , but in your Drunkenness to satiate your fierce devilish Passions ? Nor do our tender Children , and dear Wives escape your Violence . Now if Retaliation be one point of your Christian Doctrine , and every man shall be rewarded according to his Works , then what a sad Reckoning will you have to make , when God shall arise to visit for these things ? And you would not certainly adventure upon those things , which you must pay so dear for , either in this World , or that which is to come , if you were sufficiently sensible of the Compensation that must be made for the same . 10. 'T is a noble Truth , that men should walk according to the divine Principle , and forsake all Vngodliness and worldly Lusts : But the generality of Christians take contrary measures for the Gospel of Truth , neither inwardly nor outwardly doth teach any to compel others by outward Force to believe , and do as they do , be it right or wrong ; but advises all to do as they would be done by ; and to let their Moderation be known unto all men ; and to bear with one another in Love : Whereas you impose upon one another , and tye up other men to your own Conceptions , and without any Compassion or Charity ▪ fall upon such as will not go your way , and do as you do , though you have nothing to object against their Lives and Conversations . And whereas you acknowledge the Doctrine of Christianity , where-ever it is entertained in the Love thereof , will bruise the Head of the Serpentine Nature , that is , of Lust and Uncleanness , and all Ungodliness , yet we see you daily wallowing in all those Pollutions ; so that you do not only contradict this holy Doctrine , which you boast so much of , but some of you do also severely persecute others for obeying the same and submitting to its guidance ; And as for brutish Vncleanness , Adulteries , Whoredoms , &c. they are but your Sports and Pastimes , things that many of you glory in ; and to be Chaste and Modest , is to be an object of your Scorn and Derision . 11. How well you regulate your Passions ( which is another thing you say Christian Doctrine teaches you ) all the World sees , and we often feel ; the Sea when agitated with contrary Winds , it throws up Dirt and Sand from the bottom of the Deep , and spits its froth up towards towards Heaven , is not more disorderly or dangerous to come near , than you are , when the least thing happens contrary to your Minds , your Souls are in a perpetual Tumult , your Lusts duel one another , Covetousness fights with Luxury , Wantonness jostles Ambition , and Revenge is opposed by Cowardize ; Sence gets above Reason , the Man is ridden by the Beast , and when in this hurry , Conscience gets leave to be heard , then presently there is nothing but Furies and Dispair : Is not all this as contrary to that Calmness and Stillness , that Peace and Serenity of Mind ( which true Christianity , both requires and gives , and is delighted in ) as Light is to Darkness ? 12. 'T is as great point , and as true that men should not be too resolute , confident or conceited of their own Wisdom or Knowledge , but ought to have regard to the Lord in all their Thoughts , Imaginations and Conclusions , and to eye the divine Hand of Providence in all things , it being better to Fear , than to Boast . But tell us , O Master ! who do violate this Rule more than the generality of Christians ? Do not many of your learnd Ones boast of their Lights and Knowledge , and count all others little better than Brutes in comparison of themselves ? And does not every one fancy his own Opinion to be the only Truth , and condemn the Sentiments of others , how well grounded soever they may be ? And do not many endeavour to spread their Notions by Violence , Fighting and Oppression , and by Cruelty , to force all to be of their Complexion in Understanding ? Which self-conceited Proceedings are a true token and demonstration , that they love to contradict the whole course of God and Nature ; for he hath made all things to differ , and by that difference the Universe is sustained ; and from those various Notes proceed the sweetest Harmony ? Is it not for want of this Spirit of Humility , that you wrangle , fight , contend , punish and imprison each other , for not thinking as others do , or because they have not all one coloured Hair ? For alas ! men's Minds and Understandings are as different and various , as their Complexions or Visages ; wherefore then are you angry with your Creator , because he hath not made you all alike ? If you were not blind and ignorant , and yet very presumptuous and Self-admirers , this could never be amongst People that believe all in one Prophet , and one God : I perceive therefore it is not about true Virtue that you make all this ado in the World ; 't is for your own Conceits , your own Inventions , your own Dreams , that you thus contend and disquiet your Neighbours . 13. Your thirteenth Point of Christianity was to return God the Glory of all your Enjoyments , and relie solely upon him in your Distresses and this you observe no better than the rest ; to give God the glory of your Health , Strength , Wealth , &c , is to use the same soberly and discreetly , and imploy them as he hath required ▪ for the benefit and advantage of our fellow Creatures , and our own Happiness both here and hereafter ; but you only swagger and vapour and domineer with them , as if your own right hand had made them , your own Wisdom and Power had procured them , and not as given , or rather lent you by the Lord , for the good ends before mentioned ; whereas you use and bestow them only for Pride and Ostentation , for Vanity or Luxury , to accomodate your Lusts , or gratifie your Revenge ; this is sure very far from a true Christian improvement of what you enjoy . Lastly , Whereas you say , your Christian Doctrine enjoyns you to be merciful to all the Inferior Creatures , and to use them with Compassion , and avoid all kind of Oppression and Violence to those of your own kind : How contrary most Christians act hereunto , our own woful Experience has too sadly informed us , that there is little or no Mercy or Compassion dwells in your Hearts ; for on every small occasion you will not only beat and oppress us , but some of you count it no more Sin in their drunken fits to Murther us , than to kill their Horse , or their Dog ; but let them know , we are humane rational Souls , and as much the Image of God as themselves , and want none of the noble Faculties , therefore our innocent Blood will equally call for Vegeance , and as powerfully as if you had killed one of the pretended Christians . The Voice of God in Nature is the same ; and it is not your custom of Killing will make it the more lawful or excusable in that day , when Accounts and Retaliation must be made , every Principle then apprehends and comprehends its own Children ; those that have immers'd , or precipitated themselves through Violence , into the fierce Anger and wrathful Principle , shall be therein captivated even to Eternity : It is not good Words , long Prayers , and fair Speeches , that will break or untye the wrathful Net , which men all their Lives have been tying ; but look what Principle has carried the upper Dominion in the Heart , to that Kingdom you belong . As for the inferior Creatures , they groan under your Cruelties , you hunt them for your Pleasure , and over-work them for your Covetousness , and kill them for your Gluttony , and set them to fight one with another till they dye , and count it a Sport and a Pleasure to behold them worry one another ; whereas the same should be matter of Grief to you , to see the Gate of Wrath thus opened amongst the Creatures , and that you your selves have been the original Cause thereof , by violating the Law of your Maker . Thus , Master Christian ! have I briefly shewed , that in all the particulars by you mentioned , the generality of you Christians do act the clean contrary ; what then do you boast of , and wherein are you better than we ? Only that you pretend to understand more , and do less , and so deserve the greater Condemnation . Will you make us believe , that those men have any Religion , who have no God ? or have they indeed a God , who prefer their Lusts , or Wealth , or Honour , or any thing in the World before him , and his holy Commands ; Can we think that you know what it is to believe that there is a God , and a Life to come , and to renounce the Flesh , the World , and the Devil , and give up your selves to a Saviour , and a Sanctifier , when we behold you persuing after Vanity with out-stretched Arms , and committing all kind of Wickedness with greediness ? Can you your selves think , whilst you are awake and sober , that Perfideousness will avail you , and Rebellion save you ? or that the God of Wisdom , Holiness and Justice , will accept you for a perjured Profession to be , and to do that which never came into your Hearts ? Is Hypocrisie a Virtue ? Or will Lying and Dissembling bring a man to Heaven ? Christianity ( by that very Description you have given of it ) is such a blieving in Christ , to bring us unto God and everlasting Glory , as maketh the Love of God become the very Nature of the Soul , and thankful Obedience its Imployment , and an heavenly Mind , and an humble , pure , harmless and holy Life , to be its Constitution , and constant Trade ; and the Interests of fleshly Lusts , and the Pomps and Vanities , the Riches and Honours of the World to be truly esteemed but as dross and dung ; Now tell us in good earnest , is this the Life which you live , or which you hate ? Why will you profess a Religion you abhor ? Or why will you abhor and despise a Religion which you profess ? Why will you glory in the part of a Parrot , or an Ape , to say over a few Words , or move your Bodies into such Forms and Ceremonies , whilst you detest the humane and divine part , to know , and love , and live to God ? Do you profess your selves Christians only for Self-Condemnation , to be Witnesses against your selves in Judgment , that you wilfully lived Unchristian Lives ? What is there in the World that you are so averse to , as to be seriously that which you profess to be ? That is , to walk uprightly and sincerely in all those fourteen Particulars by you enumerated . Whom do you hate more than those that are that in Heart and Life , which you call your selves in customary Words ? or that are serious in the Religion which you your selves say , You hope to be saved by . Call us Heathens as long as you will , I am confident Christ hath not more bitter Enemies in the World , than some of you that wear his Livery ; We Blacks are more gentle to you , than you Christians are to one another ; and I have been assured , that all the Heathens in the World have shed less Christian Blood , than what Hypocrite Christians themselves have greedily let out , or occasioned to be destroyed : Thus you honour dead Saints , and abhor the Living , and would gladly make more Martyrs , whilst you keep Days in Commemoration of those that others made . Can any thing be more preposterously absurd , more foolishly wicked , than these interferring Contradictions ? Were it not better to be what you call your selves , or to call your selves what you are ? If you approve of these Christian Doctrines , why do not you square your Conversations accordingly ? If you think them needless Notions , why do not you disown them ? Or why do you so much cry up and magnifie them ? Be either Christians indeed , or cease to upbraid us for being Heathens ; for such shuffling Hypocrisie is more abominable to God and Man , than the most ignorant Paganism . Mast. I have given you , Sambo , a large liberty of Prating , and you have used it very confidently : How come you so wonderous Wise ? How dare you upbraid us that have the Light of the Gospel ? Or indeed why should we mind any thing such Heathens as you can say or talk of ? Negr. We boast not of Wisdom ; what I have said , arises from plain matter of Fact , which no Person whom our Creator hath endued with a rational Soul , can be ignorant of , if he do not wilfully quench and extinguish in himself that Light which enlightneth every man that cometh into the World , and which one of your own Prophets calls , The Candle of the Lord. Nor are we altogether such ignorant dark Heathens ▪ as you call and suppose us ; for many of the Christians do not esteem , nor look on us any otherwise , or better than Dogs ; for tell me , I pray boon Master ! what difference has our Creator made between you and us ? Hath he endued you with any particular Quality or Property more then we are furnisht with ? The Members of our Bodies , the Faculties of our Minds , our Senses and all the Furniture of Nature , are equal , and the same in us as in you : We are not Beasts , as you count , and use us , but rational Souls , and in us is contained the true Nature and Properties of all Elements , and created things ; Nor do we contemn or flight the Light of the Gospel ; as you call it , but we wonder at you that so much talk of it , and so little practise the good Rules of Life contained therein . Besides , since you are pleased to grant us the Liberty to plead our own Cause , we might tell you , that we have the same Gospel that you so much talk of , written in our Hearts , and doing by Nature the things that are written in the Law , being without the Law , are a Law unto our selves , as one of your illuminated Prophets speaks : And if we do the things that are right in the sight of God , and walk in his innocencent Law in Nature , according to our measure and understanding , we have so far discharged our Duty , and we doubt not but the goodness of our Creator will accept thereof , and pardon our involuntary Misprisions , and Failings ; and if you have a larger Manifestation of the eternal Light and Love of God , which we have no reason to doubt , then the more is required of you , and therefore the greater and more sore will your Condemnation be . Mast. And do you black Heathenish Negroes then dane compare your selves with us brave white Christians ? Does not your very Hue , that sooty Skin of yours , serve for an Emblem of the darkness of your Minds ? You eat all unclean Foods , Carrion and Vermine without scruple ; you have no Order nor decent Ceremonies at your Marriages ; you go naked , and have not wherewithal to cover your Shame ; in a Word , you are in most particulars the very next Door to Beasts , and therefore we have hardly so much care and esteem for you , as we have for our Horses , or other Cattel ; Are you not altogether unlearned , and can neither spue Latine , nor sputter Greek , nor understand the Hebrew Rabbins , and the Talmud ; your Discourses are not trim'd with Flowers of Rhetorick , nor can you chop Logick , nor make Syllogisms , and run down both Truth and Sense with Mood and Figure , and the Magick of a concluding Ergo : What Divines or Clergy-men , what cunning Lawyers have you to boast of ? Though you pretend to do Cures , yet you never read Galen nor Paracelsus , nor have any Apothecaries to make a Trade of the Materia Medica , nor Chymists to tell you the Medicinal Vertues of Minerals ; you have very few Persons of Honour amongst you ( except your Kings ) and but a few Misses , and no Theaters or Play-houses for the Education of your Youth ; your Women are not so nobly arrayed , nor have those charming Arts , to invite men to love and dote upon them , as ours daily study ; neither do you drink Wine in Bowls , nor understand the genteel mystery of quaffing of Healths with an Huzza ! or to Swear Modishly with a boon Courage ! All these things We enjoy , and make sumptuous Feasts , where we spend as much in a few Hours , as two or three Hundred of such Wretches as you can earn in some dayes : We have all forts or War like Weapons , and murthering Engines to use at our pleasure : We eat and drink of the fattest Foods , and richest Liquors , and take our ease , and clothe us in costly Attire , and study new Fashions for our Garments , to render us more honourable and admired , and many other great Priviledges we have , which you are destitute of . Negr. These , Sir ! are brave things indeed to vapour with ! Is it possible that rational men , much less such illuminated Christians , as you account your selves , should thus be taken with things that are so much below the Dignity of humane Nature , to boast of your Evils , and glory in your Shame ? As for our Complexion , 't is the Livery of our Creator , the property of the Climate and Soil , wherein his good Providence disposed of us to be born and bred ; we made not our selves Black , nor do you make your selves White ; wherein then have you any thing to brag of above us ? If for this cause you despise us ; you at the same time despise that adorable Power , which is the Maker both of us and you : And thought White be an Emblem of Innocence , yet there are whited Walls filled within with Filth and Rottenness ; what is only outward , will stand you in no stead , it is the inward Candor that our Creator is well-pleased with , and not the outward ; have a care therefore that you be not found as black within , as we are externally . You upbraid us with eating unclean Foods , Carrion , Vermine , & c.. But I pray , is it not your Cruelty , in not affording us what is sufficient to support Nature otherwise ; that makes us do it ? This is first to make us Cripples , and then beat us with our Crutches for being Lame . As for our poor Coverings , or going Naked , as long as Man remained in the innocent State , he wanted no Garments ; and you are forced to Rob several sorts of Creatures to cover your Shame ; nor do you bring into the World any greater Ward robe with you , than we do ; nor have you occasion to carry out any more . But how depraved and dishonourable does it look , for that noble Creature , [ Man ] not only to be glad to borrow of his inferior Creatures to hide his Shame , but also to grow Proud of those Ornaments , which are but the Spoils , or the Labours , and many times the Excrements of Beasts and Flies , or Insects , and the like lower Graduates ? As for Order in Marriages , we have as much as you ; for though Plurality of Wives is contrary to your Custom , it is not to ours ; and he is no wise man that admires or contemns the various Customs of different Regions , any further than they contradict Nature : Now this Custom of ours , as it is be friended with Examples amongst the antient Patriarchs , and the Laws of many Nations so renowned for Civility , as to esteem all others Barbarians , so it seems somewhat to agree with the Law of Nature , and to prevent Out-rages against Nature , it being not fit , nor natural for Men to meddle with their Wives when they are Breeding , or great with-child : However , these any things are more of Custom , than any thing else , and we our selves esteem that man most happy that contents himself with one Wife : But you , although your Customs and Laws forbid Poligamy , and Adultery , yet whilst you comply somewhat in the former , do make nothing , many of you , to violate the latter , as often as you can meet with an opportunity . When you say , You hardly esteem of us so well as Beasts ; we have Reason to believe you , from your cruel Usages , and not allowing us what is necessary for Food and Rest , which yet is to be wondred at , since if we are not worthy ( forsooth ! ) to be your Brethren , we are however your Money . So that — this Cruelty towards us , doth savour more of Envy , than of Christianity or Frugality . It is also true , that we have no Lip-learned Doctors , nor are confined to the old musty Rules of Aristole or Galen , nor acquainted with the new Fancies of your modern Fire-working Chymists , or Vertuosi , nor will we compare our selves to you in those things ; but we have so much understanding , as not to content our selves to see with other mens Eyes , and put out our own , as many of your learned Rabbies do ; nor want we amongst us those that God and Nature have endued with Gifts of knowing the Vertues of Herbs , and that can by genuine Skill , administer good Medicines , and perform greater Cures , than your famous Doctors with their hard Words and affected Methods . Neither will the Art of Chymistry advantage us ; for since God hath hid all sorts of Meettals in the deep Bowels of the Earth , and on the contrary adorned its Surface with so many noble and salutiferous Herbs and Plants , we conceive he intended the latter , not the former , both for the Food and Physick of man ; And also we observe , the most who have hazarded their Healths and Lives , to get them out of these Subterranean Caverns , have done much hurt by the use of them in the World Yet in our own Country we have in divers parts the best Mettals near at hand , viz. Gold , which too many of the Christians make their God. Our Women , 't is true , have no other Ornament than what is Natural , which is more than abundance of yours have , for they want the great Ornament of that Sex , Modesty ; for though ours go naked , yet they are not so impudent as your Misses , who make a Trade of Lasciviousness and Filthiness . We drink not Wine in Bowls , nor without ; and it would be much better and more becoming Christianity , if you did not too ; for doth it not heat our Blood , irritate the central Heat , set the whole Body into an unnatural Flame , & precipitate the Mind into Fury and Madness , and excite the Senses to Uncleanness and Beastiality ? For pray , good Master ! tell me , how many Villanies of all sorts do some nominal Christians commit against God , and his pure Law in Nature , by reason of their Excesses in that kind ? And what grievous Diseases do such Debauches occasion both present , and for the future ? Nay , to the further shame of Christians , have you not by lewd Examples defiled and debauched us Ethiopeans , and the Indians amongst whom you converse ? So that instead of learning us Virture , and courting us to your Faith and Religion by Sobriety and Godliness , you set before us destructive Presidents , and make us more the Children of the Devil than we were before ; which has forced many of your Religion to make strict Laws , that no Christians shall suffer Indians to drink strong intoxicating Liquors , or sell the same unto them ; so that we must needs say in that respect , you have been kinder to us , than to your selves ; for seeing the great Inconveniences and Hurt the drinking thereof does do us , you endeavour to prevent the same , and yet you continue and encrease the evil Practice thereof your selves , and so long as the Christians thus trade in Debauchery and Superfluity ; there is no likelihood or hopes that they should draw any considerable Number of us , or the neighbouring Indians to embrace their Religion , though undoubtedly it is the most excellent Doctrine that ever was communciated to the World : But the vicious Lives of its Professors , their saying , and not doing , cuts off in the Bud , and wholly destroys the growth and encrease of those sublim Truths , and makes the World despise both the Christians and their Doctrine ; for it is not your good Words , and long Prayers , ( and indeed some are short enough ) that are pleasing to our Creator , or edifying to us ; It must be your good Works that shall convince any of the Truth , and beget Love and Amity in all men . But instead thereof , you spend your time in Riot , Excess , Vanity , or wicked Plays , whereof evil Daemons were the Inventers , whilst we sigh and groan under your heavy Burthens . But our Cries are slighted by you , and your Ladies too , who many of them will Swagger , and Curse , and Rant , and equally oppress , and as much abuse us as your selves , which Fierceness and Cruelty looks more monstrous in them , though bad in both Sexes , and where-ever practised , must of a certain truth be retaliated . I have heard some of our Master Christians talk of , and cry out against the Tyranny of the Turks , and the Slavery they impose on what Christians they can get into their Cluches at Algier ; Is it not strange that you should Practise the very same thing your selves , that you so much Condemn in others ? Nay , you do ten times worse than they , both because you profess your selves Christians , which is a Religion of Love , Sweetness and Beneficience to all the Creation ; and for that you use us worse than the Turks do their Servants ; and especially in this , that you rather hinder , than promote our embracing the Christian Faith , whereas amongst the Turks any Christian Slave may turn Mahumetan , and is encouraged thereunto , and thereby gains his Liberty . Mast. The World is come to a fine pass , that such ignorant Slaves and Heathens as you are , that do neither know nor worship the true God , should presume either to instruct , or condemn us . Do not you know , that most of the hard usage you so much complain of ; is occasioned by your selves , for if we should not be severe , and rule you with a Rod of Iron , you are so stubborn and disobedient , that there would be no governing of you ; therefore we are forced to beat you into Obedience and good Manners , you are so morose , surly and inhumane ; so that you are the first cause of those Miseries you endure : Have not you made several Attempts to Rise , and cut off the Christians Root and Branch , and make your selves Masters of all that we have ? And do not such Offences require a strict Hand , and severe Punishments ? What greater Crime can there be , than for you to betray your Masters ? Negr. True it is , the World is come to that pass , and mens Wickedness is arrived to that height , that good Advertisements , and wholsom Counsel , either of Christian , Iew or Gentile , will not be entertained , let it come from whom it will , if it tend to Vertue , be sure it shall be withstood with various Pretences . Whereas you accuse us of evil Carriage , and that the same hath been the Original of all our Griefs and sore Oppressions , there is a certain Truth therein , tho' not as you intend it , for if we and our Fore-fathers had not violated the innocent Law of Nature by Violence and Transgression , we had never fallen under your Yoke , nor been carried away Captives out of our own Native Country ; but now we have by the divine Justice been retaliated , for ours , and our Princes Transgressions ; However , though we acknowledge this is but just from God , yet that doth not concern you , nor can you from thence justifie your Oppressions , which could not be occasioned by the Miscarriages you speak of , because they had long been practised upon us , before any of us made any of those ill Attempts you mention ; 't was your Cruelties put us upon those extravagant courses : And since Oppression ( according to the Doctrine of your most holy wise Prophet ) makes Wise Men mad , 't was no wonder if some of our silly Country-men were thereby so far transported , as to seek by unjustifiable means , to gain their Liberty , or a Melioration of their wretched condition . Besides , if we had indeed offended you , yet you ought not to retaliate Evil for Evil , since on the contrary your Christian Doctrine enjoyns you to return Good for Evil , & to love even your Enemies ; how dare you then in the Light of this holy and everlasting Gospel , to talk and act after this manner ? Do you indeed dream that your Cruelty , and ruling us with a martial Rod , and barbarous Fierceness , will make us Tractable and Friendly , or to love our Masters , and do our Labours with willingness ? Alas ! we imagined you to be greater Seers into the Mysteries of God , and his Law in Nature , than to entertain such vain and impossible Conceits ; For how contrary is this not only to your Christian Principles , but also to Reason , and the common Sense and Experience of all mankind ? With the Froward thou shalt learn Frowardness , saith your own Prophet . And again , Did ever the Wrath of Man accomplish the Righteousness of God ? Or Tyranny beget Love ? If those who have the government of generous Horses , or go about to tame wild Beasts , and endeavour by gentle Vsage to make them tractable , and fit for Service , rather then by Cruelty and Beating ; much more those who have the command of Men ▪ should bring them to Order and Discipline by the mildest and fairest means , and all the Arts of Sweetness and Perswasion ; not treating them worse than Gardiners do those wild Plants , which by careful looking to , and good Usage , lose the Savageness of their Nature , and in a little time come to bear excellent Fruit. In vain therefore you go about to excuse your Tyranny and Oppression towards us , by making the World believe , that you are as it were constrained , or forced to be cruel to us ; Though yet the same be true in one Sense , viz. you are irritated there - unto from you own innate awakened Wrath , which does predominate in your Hearts and Souls , and then those fierce Arrows of Mars , and Poysons of Saturn , which you let fly at us , do by simily stir up the original Venoms , and wrathful Qualities in us : And this , and this only , is it that hath occasioned some of the worser sort of our Country-men to Curse you and your Posterity , and to endeavour to kill and destroy you , which is a crying Sin , which we neither justifie , nor can execute , since 't is condemned by God , and his Law in Nature ; And all that have attempted such savage Mischiefs , ought not to go unpunisht , neither will they ; for the just Law of Retaliation will take hold them ; but will you therefore punish the Innocent for , or with the Guilty ? because some called Christians commit Murders and Treasons , must all of that Profession be cut off by the Ax , or the Gibbet ? If you will deal ingenuously , your own Hearts will tell you , that the occasion of these Evils committed , or endeavoured to have been committed , arise from your Sins , and the great Abuses wherewith you have from time to time afflicted us , viz. your Murdering us at your pleasure , and no Account or just Compensation rendred for the same . Therefore does our innocent Blood call for Vengeance on you , and ( without serious Repentance and Amendment ) must be reckoned for . Consider well these things , and then tell us ; Do you think , or can you in Reason , but expect , that the great Tyranny , Injustice , and cruel Usages you have practised upon us , will in due time be brought back upon you and your Land or Posterity , if you do not atone for these Evils , and give us Ease and Refreshment ? And though we are never so submissive , can not the kindled Wrath raise up other Enemies to destroy you and yours in a Moment ? Therefore be intreated to bethink your selves in time , for undoubtedly the Cup of Wrath is almost full . Mast. I have considered what you alledge , touching the severe Usage , which we have and do daily offer to your Country-men ; & I must confess , I cannot well seehow the same can be reconciled to the Doctrine of our holy and harmly Christian Religion : But alas ! What would you have us do ? If we should leave off these Practices , how should we live at the Rate we do ? fill our Tables daily with variety of costly Dishes , and swill our selves and numerous Visitants with rich Wines , and other strong Liquors : How should we maintain our Grandure , and our Pomp , and raise great Estates for our selves and Children , and leave our Posterity great , and rich , and honourable in the World ? We consider nor your Labour , Weariness , Disorders , Sickness , Hunger , Drought , want of due Rest , or convenient Food , nor any the like Hardships that you suffer : If we can but live in State and Abundance , and make vast Quantities of Sugar , or other Commodities yearly , which is our chief delight , and the highest good we desire ; and he that does thus do , how hard soever he uses his Slaves , is counted a brave Husband , and a good Christian too , a very notable man , fit for others to make Examples by , and imitate his prudent Conduct . Negr. But all this time you look not into the Radix , nor consider the lamentahle Oppressions and Violences that cleave fast to this your good Husbandry ( as you call it ) that your Houses are cemented with Blood , and all your Dainties and your Riches accompanied with the dolorous Complaints , Sighs and Groans of your poor Vassals , which are continually sent up to Heaven against you . Mast. No , no , we expel all such Melancholly Thoughts with a plentiful Glass of Wine , Jovial Company , or other sensual Diversions . Negr. Those Arts you use to lay your Reason and Consciences to sleep , will in the end both hasten and aggravate that Vengeance which must necessarily follow all Injustice and Oppression . As for maintining Pride , Superfluity , and other Evils of that nature , I am of your mind , that they cannot be supplied without Oppression and Violence ; for all Extreams beget their Likenesses : But sure you Christians above all others , ought not to regard such Vanities , but relinquish and detest all Superfluity , Pride , Gluttony , and other the like Intemperances , since they are so diametrically opposite to your Profession and Religion . Besides , you abuse your selves and Posserity , by thinking to raise great Estates , or derive any lasting Temporal Happiness to you or them , by over-charging us with labour ; For does not Reason and Experience let you know , that Houses built with mouldering Stone and rotten Timber , will not long continue ; and that Estates heap'd together by Violence , carry along with them a Curse and are blasted from the Radix , so that at most they seldom descend to the third Heir , and rarely out-live the first or second Generation ? What are become of all the Glories of the Nimrods , and the Caesars , and the Alexanders ? of all the mighty Tyrants , and spreading Monarchies of the Assyrians , Medes , Persians , Macedonians and Romans ? Are they not all long since crusht to pieces by one another , because their Foundations were laid in Violence and Spoil , Injustice and Oppressions ? The Spaniards , who baptized the New World in Blood , murdered many Hundred Thousand Indians , on pretence of propagating the Christian Religion , when in truth it was only to get Gold and Empire ; Have they not met with Retaliation ? Have they not decreased in Power ever since those Cruelties , and instead of grasping an universal Monarchy , ( which their Ambition promised themselves ) are now scarce able to defend their own antient Patrimony , or keep off an Enemy from the Frontiers of Castile ? If all these mighty Men of War have Shipwrackt by steering this Course , how hope you with your petty Pinnaces , and tottering Skiffs , to avoid the like Tempests ? If just Vengeance hath overturned whole Empires and Kings , that called themselves Invinceable , for their Cruelties and Oppressions , how shall your private Fortunes be establisht , that have no other Foundation but the like Violence and Injustice ? On the other side , I pray observe , there are many honest , compassionate , and truly Christian-spirited Men amongst you , that do not willingly oppress either Man or Beast , and yet you see how they are blest , and prosper , and enjoy more true Content and Happiness in one Week , than you whose Minds are continually distracted with greedy Desires , or anxious Fears , do in all your Lives ; Nor are any of your Estates so firmly establisht , as those whose Possessors use Mercy and Gentleness in all their Doings ; for Vertue and Well-doing will as naturally attract the Influences , and favour both of God and Man , and of the Coelestials , as well as inferior Creatures , as a Loadstone does Iron : And whosoever endeavours sincerely to live according to the innocent Law of God in Nature , shall be filled with good things , but those that study to grow rich by Wickedness and Oppression , shall be sent empty away , and both their Estates and their Hopes be scattered like Leaves before the Wind. Nor is your Practice herein less Impudent than Ungodly , all Wickedness being indeed the height of Folly , and Piety and Vertue evermore the best Policy . For why should you oppress us , by whose Labours you are sustained ? And our Ill is your Loss , are we not your Money ? And what a small matter more than you allow us , might plentifully supply us ? As suppose such Masters as have Fifty , a Hundred or two Hundred Negroes , if they would add to our Allowance , Fifty , or one Hundred , or two Hundred Pounds per annum , it might maintain us in lively Strength , and sufficient Vigour to go through with our Labour with cheerful Spirits , and brisk Dispositions ; then should our Souls ( instead of Cursing , and calling for Vengeance upon you ) Bless you , and serve you cordially and willingly , with all our Power . For those that are wise amongst us , matter not their Freedom so much , provided they might but be admitted such necessary Supports , Priviledges and Accomodations , as our bountiful Creator by his Hand-maid , Nature , has plentifully provided for all his Creatures , and especially for the race of Men : And then would you have Peace in your own Houses and Spirits , whereas now you are always filled with Contention , Anger , Strife , Jealousie or Suspitions ; nor need you ever then fear our Rising up against you , to cut you off , or any other Invasion ; for nothing does so much disarm the Rage of the fierce Wrath , as Well-doing and Innocency ; these being the surest Bulwarks both against inward and outward Enemies . Mast. I cannot deny the Truth of what you have said , nor know I how to make any further Objections , therefore I think it will more become us to amend our Practices , than to study Arguments to cloak or defend them . Negr. I am over-joy'd , good Master , to hear these Words from your Mouth ; they sound well in our Ears , and make most pleasant Musick ; nor will you , I dare promise you , ever have cause to Repent of these merciful Resolutions , for the only way for you to have good Servants , is for you first to be good Masters ; and though some of our Country-men are untractable , sullen , morose , cruel and revengeful ( more especially by reason of the Oppressions before-mentioned ) so others of them have notwithstanding given you strong Motives to believe their Integrity and faithful Honesty towards their Masters , and Christians in general , for many of us at several times , and on sundry occasions , have givem most clear and demonstrative Testimonies of our Faithfulness , in discovering several horrid Plots and Conspiracies , which some of the worst of us had designed against our Masters ; And how little do many of us value our dear Lives , to save our Masters ? And how ready are we to go , run , work , watch and defend our Masters ▪ and to preserve their Rights ? So that many of our Christian Masters have been heard to say , That they would as soon , and willingly trust their Lives with some of their Negro Slaves , as with the most trusty Christian Servants they had . And I doubt not , but if our Masters deal justly , and with tenderness preserve us , by allowing us such suitable Food , Drinks and Rest as are needful for the support of our Lives and Health , and suitable to the Climate , we should all in general become more tractable , obedient and diligent , and thereby not only perform our Labour much better , but secretly attract the sweet Influences of God and Nature on their Heads , and then twenty of us would dispatch as much Work and Business as thirty do , or can do , that have neither Food that is proper , either in Quantity or Quality , nor due Rest , for want of which , the whole frame of the Body , and all the Members grow heavy , dull , weak and heartless , and the Mind indisposed and averse from , as well as unable for Work or Business , which can never go on well , and to satisfaction , where the chief motive is Whip and Spur , Fear on the one side , and Cruelty on the other . Besides , if we and our Wives were kept in good Heart , we should be able to get not only more strong and healthy Children , but more in Number , which would supply your Business far better , than for you every Year to be at that great Charge of buying such Numbers of new Negroes , of whom many fail , and many dye upon the change of Climate ; For by reason of the Hardships used to us , and especially the Cruelties towards our Wpmen , during their Pregnancy , they so often Miscarry , that we upon the Island cannot keep our Number , but decrease so fast , that you are forced every Year ( at vast charge ) to fetch about ten Thousand ( as I have heard ) new Ones ; whereas there is no doubt to be made , but if we were conveniently supplied with Food and competent Rest , and some due Respect or Commiseration had to our Wives when they are big , then every of our Masters Families would so encrease by his own Bread , that there would be no more occasion for buying of new Ones , which would wonderfully enrich you ; so that if either you regard the Rules of your Holy Religion , and will not justly be branded for Hypocrites or Atheists ; If you have any respect to Humanity , common Honesty , and that universal ●rinciple ( but almost universally neglected ) to do as you would be done by ; or lastly , if you would avoid divine Vengeance , in Retaliation for your Oppressions , and would justly encrease your Estates by such ways , as they may be a comfort to your selves , and continue to your Posterity : If all or any of these thing , I say , have any weight with you , then speedily leave off your Severities , and let your usage of us be such as is fit for Men to practise towards Men , let us see the excellency of the Christian Religion , by the goodness of your Lives that profess it , by your Meekness , and Charity , and Benignity , and Compassion towards your fellow Creatures , especially those of the same Species with your selves , and who have no less rational and immortal Souls than the best of you : If these things you do , we and our Posterity shall willingly serve you , and not count it any Slavery , but our unspeakable Happiness ; Peace shall be in your Dwellings , and Safety shall surround your Island , for Innocency is a better defence than Forts and Citadels , than Armies and Fleets , than Walls of Brass , flankt with Towers of Adamant : In a word , you shall have Satisfaction within , and Security without , and enjoy the Blessings both of Time and Eternity . But if neither the Voice of Religion , nor Nature , can be heard ; If neither Humanity nor Self-interest can prevail with you , be assured , that although you are wilfully Deaf , our great Creator will be ready to hear our Cries ; and you must certainly one day make Retaliation to the uttermost Farthing . Mast. Sambo ! I have hearkened attentively , and well considered your Discourse , which carries with it such Evidence and Reason , that I must acknowledge I am convinced that our former Conduct towards you , has not been agreeable to our Religion , or common Equity ; therefore for my own part , you shall see by future Vsage , what Impression your Words have made upon me , nor shall I be wanting to acquaint others with what you have offered — It grows late , therefore you were best be gone , and betake your self to Rest. Negr. Boon Master , I return you a thousand of Thanks for the freedom you have given me of speaking to you : And I am overjoyed to hear , that you have thereby received some satisfaction ; I shall now return to my fellow Servants ; and as I have used some Arguments to you to be kind to them , so I shall on all occasions press them with Arguments to be obedient , humble , just and respective to all their Masters . Mast. Therein honest Sambo ! you will do very well , and so good Night to you . Negr. Good Night , my good dear Master ! FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A63791-e10120 * So the Negro's in their Language call the Whites . A25743 ---- The history of Algiers and it's slavery with many remarkable particularities of Africk / written by the Sieur Emanuel D'Aranda, sometime a slave there ; English'd by John Davies ... Relation de la captivité du sieur Emanuel d'Aranda. English Aranda, Emanuel d', b. 1602. 1666 Approx. 476 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 145 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A25743 Wing A3595 ESTC R12929 12203450 ocm 12203450 56140 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25743) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56140) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 118:9) The history of Algiers and it's slavery with many remarkable particularities of Africk / written by the Sieur Emanuel D'Aranda, sometime a slave there ; English'd by John Davies ... Relation de la captivité du sieur Emanuel d'Aranda. English Aranda, Emanuel d', b. 1602. Davies, John, 1625-1693. [19], 270 p. Printed for John Starkey ..., London : 1666. Translation of: Relation de la captivité et liberté du sieur Emanvel d'Aranda. French ed. published in 1557. Cf. Nouv. biog. gen. Reproduction of original in British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Slavery -- Algeria -- Algiers -- Personal narratives. Algiers (Algeria) -- History. 2005-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion How the Christian Slaues are beaten at Algiers . THE HISTORY OF ALGIERS And it's SLAVERY . WITH Many Remarkable Particularities of AFRICK . Written by the Sieur EMANVEL D' ARANDA , Sometime a SLAVE there . English'd by JOHN DAVIES of Kidwelly . LONDON , Printed for John Starkey , at the Mitre in Fleetstreet , within Temple-Bar . M.DC.LXVI . TO THE HONORABLE Sir Philip Howard . WORTHY SIR , I Happen'd to wait on your Honour , when a Relation was brought you , of the Treatment , which some of our Nation , taken by the Dutch , in the last years Engagements , receiv'd among them . Vpon the hearing of that , and a reflection on what I had read in the ensuing Treatise , I imagin'd to my self , what parallel might be made between the Slavery at A●g●ers , and the Restraint at Amsterdam , and ▪ other places in the Netherlands ▪ and , abstracting from the Obligations of a Christian Perswasion on the one side , I weigh'd the actions of both , by the ballance of that Generosity , which may be expected from an Enemy . The result was , an inclination to believe , that down-right Mahumetisme may rise up in judgement against the feign'd professions of Christianity in a Low-Country people , exemplary for their persidiousness to their greatest Benefactors the English . Having thereupon fix'd my thoughts on the rendring of this Piece of the Slavery of Algiers into English , I withall resolv'd to dedicate it to that Person , whose easiness of access , even when the last years Contagion was neer the height of it's rage ( a singular favour to a person of my station ) had given me the occasion of doing it . It hath pleas'd that invisible hand , which guides all humane actions , to answer the wishes I made at a great distance hence , to wit , that , at my return , I might find your Honor ( as I have ) in perfect health . Which indulgence of Heaven fills me with hopes , that a life so miraculously preserv'd , will , for the future , be as miraculously continu'd . I flatter my self with a presumption of your pardon , for the roughness of this Address , especially when I reflect on the many favours I have receiv'd from your Honour since the happiness of my first being known to you . These I must confess have been so great , that they require , not only an acknowledgement , but also a publick profession of my being , WORTHY SIR , Your Honours most humble , and much obliged servant J. DAVIES . ADVERTISEMENT . Concerning the Author and the Work. ' T Is commonly said , that , by the Pattern , a man may judge of the whole Piece ; so , from the miseries endur'd by the Person , from whom we have the ensuing Relation , it may the more easily be inferr'd , what is suffer'd by forty thousand , reduc'd to the same wretched condition of Captivity . What he writes therefore is not to be look'd on as a kind of Romance , to please such as fondly imagine , that most of what is acted on the Stages of remote Countries is onely the issue of insinuating Fiction ; but as a sincere and plain Relation of that diversity of strange accidents and adventures , good or bad , which happen'd to himself or others , during the time of his Slavery . Whereof having given a particular account , from the beginning of his misfortunes , to his happy return into his native Country , he afterwards comes to give an exact , but short one , of the Antiquity of the City of Algiers and its reduction under the power of the Turks ; wherein may be seen many particular remarks relating to Africk . At last , he closes up the Work with fifty Relations , which he names Particular , as happening to divers persons , his fellow-Captives , either during the time of his Slavery , or not long before , or after it . From all which may be inferr'd the strange uncertainties , whereto humane Affairs are subject ; and what advantages some make of their afflictions , and how irreformable others are in theirs . It was our Authors fortune to be acquainted with his , while he was yet very young ; and it may well be imagin'd , that they have contributed much to his a●ter-advancement . Of which we shall give the Reader onely the satisfaction of the ensuing Coppy of Verses , printed before the French Edition , which came forth the last year , and so ease him of all further advertisements at this time . J. D. Nobili Consultissimoque Domino , D. EMANUELI D'ARANDA , I.V.L. Regiae Maj. Cath. a Consiliis , & in Districtu Brugensi , & Territorio Franconatensi , Justitiae Militaris Praefecto , uti de vera Libertate gratulatur , ita perpetuam felicitatem apprecatur OTHO SPERLINS , Phil. & Med. D. TU qui , magnorum nunquam non dignus avorum , Barbaricas inter puppes , piratica Monstra , Cerbereosque canes , caelum jus , fasque perosos , Triste jugum vultu didice isti ferre sereno , Sortis Aranda tu Faber es , tu pictor Aranda , Exant latorum terraque marique laborum . Has inter spinas , atque haec dumeta , vepresque Haec tibi lecta rosa est , viridi dignissima cedro , Publica doctorum quam nunc par pulpita spargis . Macte animi fortis ! non haec sine numine Divum Contigerunt , nec erunt magni sine munere Regis Hesperii , tales sueti pensare labores . At vos , queis curae est , alieno audire periclo , Quid labor , & quantum paupertas sobria possit ; Discite vos quantum patientia possit inermis , Discite quam nullo libertas vaeneat auro , Discite inexperti , merces quam grata laborum . A TABLE OF THE Particular Relations . A Relation of the Captivity and Slavery of the Sieur Emanuel D' Aranda Page 1 A Short account of the Antiquity of the City of Algiers p. 75 How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks p. 79 Of the Scituation , strength and government of the City of Algiers p. 97 Emanuel D' Aranda's particular Relations during the time of his Slavery . RELATION 1. The History of a Religious man , a Spaniard , a Slave at Algiers p. 109 Rel. 2. Of the Gallantry of a Dutch Captain , who with one Ship engag'd against five Turkish Galleys and two Bregantines , and worsted them . p. 115 Rel. 3. The Constancy and perseverance of a Christian Slave in her Religion p. 120 Rel. 4. Ignorant persons imagine strange things p. 122 Rel. 5. Of five Turkish-Slaves who ma●e a strange escape by meeting a Dunkirk-Pyrate p. 125 Rel. 6. A strange effect of an abhominable Love p. 126 Rel. 7. Of two unfortunate Slaves who were put into the Masmora at Tituan p. 127. Rel. 8. Of a Portuguez Gentleman taken and brought to Algiers p. 130 Rel. 9. A new Slave ought to be distrustful of all people p. 135 Rel. 10. Of a new married couple taken by the Turks and brought to Algiers p. 138 Rel. 11. Of the ingratitude of a Portuguez Slave p. 140 Rel. 12. The Custom of bewailing the Dead at Algiers p. 142 Rel. 13. Of the inconsiderate Zeal , and the prudent p. 144 Rel. 14. Two Examples of Liberality and Gratitude p. 146 Rel. 15. Of the celebration of Marriage at Algiers p. 149 Rel. 16. Necessity is the Mother of Diligence and Industry p. 152 Rel. 17. Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites , a Slave , and his Patron Alli Pegelin p. 159 Rel. 18. The use of Poison is very common in Africk p. 162 Rel. 19. The Turks keep their words p. 165 Rel. 20. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray p. 168 Rel. 21. A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon p. 172 Rel. 22. Of a French-man who would have turn'd Turk , but continu'd a Christian in spight of his teeth p. 173 Rel. 23. Of the simplicity of a young Jewess p. 174. Rel. 24. Of the prudent retirement of a Pyrate p. 176 Rel. 25. How God provides for such as intend well p. 178 Rel. 26. A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker , a Slave p. 180 Rel. 27. The odd traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves p. 182 Rel. 28. A Slave makes use of any thing for hi● livelihood p. 186 Rel. 29. Of the fidelity of a husband , and the unfaithfulness of his wife p. 188 Rel. 30. A Scuffle between the Spanish and the Portuguez slaves p. 192 Rel. 31. A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron p. 193 Rel. 32. Of a Religious Man , a Slave at Algiers , who out of weakness renounc'd the Christian Religion , and afterwards repenting suffer'd Martyrdom p. 196 Rel. 33. Of the design we had to render our selves Master of the Ship which brought us to Tituan p. 200 Rel. 34. Curiosity is satisfied by Time and Patience p. 203 Rel. 35. The Innocent accus'd p. 207 Rel. 36. Fidelity , Constancy , Recompence and Gratitude p. 209 Rel. 37. A wrack in the Haven p. 212 Rel. 38. The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue , Knight of the Order of Saint James p. 213 Rel. 39. What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen , and his old Patroness p. 227 Rel. 40. Revenge , Malice and Industry p. 234 Rel. 41. The Renegad●-Engineer p. 238 Rel. 42. The Disappointment p. 242 Rel. 43. Of the Impious dutifulness of an Iseland-Slave p. 247 Rel. 44. The Unfortunate Adventurers p. 250 Rel. 45. Superstitious Piety p. 254 Rel. 46. Avarice mask'd p. 257 Rel. 47. The imaginary Slavery p. 259 Rel. 48. The Execrable Revenge p. 263 Rel. 49. That the Turks prefer Mony before Love p. 266 Rel. 50. The counterfeit Hypocrisie p. 268 THere is newly printed the History of the C●aribby Islands , viz. Barbado's St. Christopher , A●tego Martinico , Dominico , Ba●●onthos , Mevis , St. Martin , &c. being twenty eight in number , in two Books containing the Natur●l and Moral History of those Country's , adorned with many sculptures of all divers rarieties in those Islands , Englished by John Davies . In folio . Also , Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences of the French V●rtuosi upon questions of all sorts for the improving of Natural Knowledge ; made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris , by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation . Englished by G. Havers and J. Davies . In folio . Medicina Instaurata , or a brief account of the true grounds and principles of the Art of Physick , with the insufficiency of the Vulgar way of preparing Medicines , and the excellency of such as are made by Chymical Operation , with a light to the true preparation of Animal and Vegetable Arcana's , with a discovery of the true subject of the Philosophical Mineral Mercury , and some light to the preparation and ●se of the said Mercury in the dissolution of Minerals and Metals for Physical use , by Edward Bolnest Med. Lond. with an Epistolary discourse on the whole by the Author of Medela Medicinae . In Octavo . All three to be sold by John Starkey at the Miter in Fleet-street neer Temple-Bar . A RELATION Of the CAPTIVITY And LIBERTY Of the Sieur , EMANVEL D' ARANDA . HAving continu'd a whole year in Spain , in order to the design I had to see that Kingdom , and learn the Language , I made account to return into Flanders ; but whereas , at my coming from England , I had Landed at St. Lucars , and had in that Voyage very narrowly escap'd being taken by the Turks , as will be seen in the ensuing Relations , I conceiv'd it my safest course to return by St. Sebastian's , to avoid going so far by Sea , and especially the danger of the Turks , who are perpetually Roving up and down the Coasts of Andalusia and Portugal , as also to see Castilla la Vicia , and Biscay . I left Madrid the first of August M.DC.XL . having for my Companion a Country-man , named Renier Salde●s . I came to St. Sebastian's the 13th . following , where I met with Monsieur John Baptist Calo●n , and the Knight Philip de Cherf , and we resolv'd to Embark in one of the two English Ships which lay in the Port , ready to set Sail with the first fair wind . The same night it came to the Point we wish'd it in , so that the next day , I went aboard with the three friends above-named , but within two hours after we were got to Sea ; the weather grew calm , and the same night the wind prov'd contrary , so that we were forc'd to Laveer , hoping it would in time prove more favourable to us . Having spent four days in that manner , we found our selves at the Altitude of Rochel in France , where we met with a Frigat of that City , a Pyrat , which presently came up to us , and finding ours to be an English Ship , the Captain sent out the Boat with four Souldiers aboard us , to see our Master's Pass-port , who immediately shew'd it them , giving the Souldiers a piece of money ; which done , the Souldiers return'd to give their Captain an account . Whereupon the Captain coming up on the stern of his Frigat , cry'd out to our Master , that he should look to himself , for there were five Turkish Pirates under sail at the mouth of the Channel . But our Master being a person of no great experience , presum'd that the English Men of War ; which sometimes came out of that Channel , would secure that Coast against the Turks , and slighted the danger , not considering how unable he was to oppose his enemies , and so went on his Voyage , confident that it was impossible the Turkish Pyrates should come out so far , where the Privatiers of Dunkirk and the Dutch were perpetually crusing . Thus , ●he wind continuing still contrary , we had been aboard seven days since our departure from St. Sebastian's , and were still on the Coast of Brittany in France . The same day about two in the afternoon , we discover'd at a great distance two Ships , which we took to be Merchant-men ; and soon after we could perceive but one , to wit , the lesser of them , making all the sail she could towards us , and as she came neerer and neerer , we found her to be a Caravel . Whereupon the Master order'd the sails to be furl'd up , giving this reason , that it was not the custom of the English to run away at Sea ; so that the Ship which follow'd us bearing all the sail she could , was got within Canon-shot , without putting up any colours , whence it might be easily judg'd that she was a Pyrat . But our ignorant Master , order'd the Boat to be put out , to enquire what they were , thinking it had been some French or Dunkirk Pyrat . The Turks , who were in the Caravel , ( as I understood after I was taken ) seeing they were expected with the sails furl'd up , and that the Boat was put out to Sea , and in a word observing all that is wont to be done when a fight is intended , attributed that procedure to the want of experience in our Master , and the desire he had to defend himself . The Captain of the Caravel in like manner caus'd his men to furl up their sails , being unwilling to come any neerer us . In the mean time , night came on , and the Caravel continu'd still in sight , with a Lantern at her stern , as a signal to her Companions . This was the judgement of us Passengers , but our Master laugh'd at us . All we could obtain of him by fair words , was to put our Ship into a posture of defence ; in which preparation we spent the night ; but , of four pieces that were aboard , there was onely one fit to be us'd . All these things past while both Ships were in a manner at a stand , both having their sails furl'd up . In that posture the night pass'd away , and about 5. in the morning ( Aug. 22 ) we discover'd two great Ships making all the sail they could toward us . That oblig'd us to entreat our Master to make away ; but he continued obstinate , every one gave his reasons , and the Master , who had not any himself , would not hearken to any from others . About 10. in the morning the two Ships got up to the Caravel , but all without any colours . Soon after they had got the wind of us , and were come up within Musket-shot . There was upon the stern of the greater of the two Ships a Turk , who had a little Flag or Streamer about his arm , and there stood by him a Christian Slave , who cry'd out in the Flemish tongue , Str●pht v●or Argiers , that is , Deliver your selves up for Algiers . Whereupon he who held the Streamer display'd it . It was green , wrought with Half-moons . It is easie to conjecture how much we were pleased with that sight . We propos'd it to our Master that he would treat , and proffer to give them thirty two thousand Paracoons , conditionally they would land us on the next place of Christendom ; for it sometimes happens that when the Turks take a Ship upon treaty , they keep their words , and set the Prisoners ashore in some Christian Country assoon as they can . But our gallant Master , instead of treating , onely ask'd whether he should have good Quarter ? Answer was made from the Turkish Ships , Yes , yes , good Quarter . Whereupon without any more ado ; the Master caus'd the Flag at the stern to be taken down , and with three or four of the Seamen got into the Boat , and made towards the Turkish Ships , to deliver themselves up into the hands of their enemies . Assoon as they were aboard there , the Turks greedy of pillage , came presently in their Boat , to the number of ten or twelve aboard our Ship , under the conduct of a Captain , who was an English-man , but a Renagado . I being on the Deck , he as'd me what Country-man I was ? Whereto I made answer , that I was a Dunkirker , and by profession , a souldier . Whereupon he reply'd in Dutch , Have patience Brother , this is the chance of War , to day for you , and to morrow for me . I gave him what money I had about me ; and at the same time another , a Turk , putting his hand in my pocket , took out my Box , my Handkercher , my Beads , and my Prayer-Book ; which he return'd me again , with the Handkercher , but the Beads and the Box he kept , by reason whereof he said I was a Surgeon . Having rifled those who were on the Deck , and at the Stern , they carried us aboard one of their Ships , leaving in ours about a dozen Turks , to conduct it ; and the wind being Easterly , they turn'd towards the Coast of Spain , and within two dayes , we discover'd that Cape of Galicia , which is called Cap del ●ort . I was all this while as it were in a dream , wherein a man sees strange apparitions , which cause fear , admiration , and curiosity , reflecting on the several Languages ( for they spoke the Turkish , the Arabian , Lingua Franca , Spanish , French , Dutch and English ) the strange habits , the different Armes , with the ridiculous Ceremonies at their Devotions , assuring you , that all this found me matter of speculation . But admiration , fear , curiosity , and melancholy finding me nothing to eat , and my stomach calling for it , I joyn'd with four Christian slaves , who , though they were allow'd nothing but Bisket , yet made pottage of Rice or something else they had brought with them from ashoar . 'T is to be noted , these slaves came in one of the Algiers Ships , for the Turks make use of Christian slaves for Sea-men . The wind continu'd still favourable . The eleventh day after our taking , we got to the streight of Gibraltar , at which passage the Turks observe many superstitious ceremonies ; among others , one is , they cast into the Sea a pot full of Oyl , and believe that that pot goes to a mountain , called by Seamen , La Montague des Signes . For the Turks a●e● , that there lives there a glorious 〈◊〉 , or Saint , who ( as they affirm and believe ) is nourish'd by that Oyl so cast into the Sea. They also put little Candles lighted on the great Guns , suffering them to burn during that passage , especially when they go through in the night . All these superstitions are perform'd with many prayers and ceremonies . The third day after our passage through that streight , we were got about Sun-rising opposite to the City of Algiers , whereupon the Captain caus'd the great Guns to be discharg'd , which noise brought all the curious persons about the City to the water-side . For my part , I was asleep among thirteen other Christians , every one with a foot chain'd , and they had cast Anchor ere we were got out of the Irons . Assoon as I had my feet at liberty , I got up on the Deck , whence I saw the Sea-side cover'd with Alarbes . I ask'd the Captain ( who was an affable person ) what those people were , for they had no other cloathing , then three or four Ells of cloath wrapp'd about their bodies , without any Taylor 's work about it ; he told me , These are the poorer sort , and the Inhabitants of the Villages of this Country . Here begins our Tragedy . The Owners of the Ships which had taken us , having got us ashoar , conducted us to the Market , where the Christians are sold , to see if any one there knew us . Thence we were brought to the Palace of the Bassa , or Governor . Some give him the title of King , but he is onely a Vice-roy , inasmuch as he receives his part of the new slaves , to wit , of eight , one falls to him . He was set in the Hall of Audience , cross-legg'd , as Taylors are here when they are at work , on a spacious seat , cover'd with a piece of blew Tapistry . He had in his hand a plume of Feathers like a Fan. His Garment was a long Gown of red Silk , and he had on his head a great Turbant , neatly interwoven , but his leggs were bare . He was a person of a goodly presence . But before we were sent to him , he had already been inform'd that the Knight Philip de Cherf was a noble Cavalier , and so he took him for his eighth . After the Bassa had taken his right , we were brought to the house of an honourable Turk , who was one of the Owners of the Ships which had taken us . As we were going into the house , he ask'd us in Italian , whether we had eaten any thing that day ; whereto we answering that we had not , he commanded one of his Christian slaves , to bring us a basket of Grapes , and some Bread. The house was built after the Italian way of building , the Galleries were of white Marble , both the Pavement and the Pillars , and the Arches very well proportion'd , according to the rules of Architecture . We were to lye in the night in those Galleries , on the floor ; but I could have wish'd my self lodg'd in the Stable , upon Straw . For being not accustom'd to such accommodations , in the mornings we were stiff , and in a manner depriv'd of the use of our arms and leggs . We were not to go out of that house , till such time as we were ●old . We staid there seven days , expecting till some Christian slaves , who were taken before us , were sold . In the mean time , that Christian Master-Traytor , of whom I make mention in my IX . Relation , came to visit and comfort us ; but we had notice before-hand that he was a Rogue . The General Alli Pegelin , and some of the chiefest Turks came to see us , in order to the buying of us . They ask'd us , whether we had wherewith to pay our ransome , and told us , that they would buy us , and find us good passage ? We unanimously answered that we had no mony , but that we were in hope that some good people in our Country would endeavour to assist us with their Alms. The slaves before-mentioned being sold the 12. of September , we were brought to the Market . A certain old man with a staff in his hand took me by the arm , and led me several times about the Market-place , and those who were desirous to buy me , ask'd me my Country , name , and profession ; whereto I made answer , that I was born in the Country of Dunkirk , ( instead of saying Flanders ) of the City of Damm , and by profession a souldier . They took me by the hand , to see if it were hard and brawny by working , and they caus'd me to open my mouth , to see whether my teeth were able to overcome Bisket in the Gallies . Then they caus'd us all to sit down , and the old man took the first in order , and led him three or four times about the Market , crying , Arrache , Arrache , that is , Who offers most ? The first being sold , he was set on the other side of the Market , and another was serv'd after the same manner . While the first among us were under sale , I sate between my Companions Monsieur Caloën , and Renier Saldens , who notwithstanding that tragical action , said , fetching a deep sigh , This is a solemn day at my village in Flanders , if we were there , we would drink a glass of good wine , and be merry among our friends . I reply'd , Me-thinks this a solemn day with us . Which I had no sooner said , but the old man taking me by the arm caus'd me to march as he had done the others , crying , Arrache , Arrache . I heard several persons proffering mony , yet understood not what they said . I ask'd an old slave how much they proffered for me ? He told me , one offers 190. Pattacoons , and another 200. and at last , the bargain was concluded at 200. Pattacoons . He who bought me was a Renegado , named Sab●● Gallan . But the Bassa having a priviledge to take to himself any slave at the rate proffer'd for him in the Market , we were once more carried before him , haing every one in his hat a note of the sum for which he was sold , whereupon the Bassa took us three , to wit , M. Caloën , Saldens , and my self , telling us he had been credibly inform'd , that we were rich and persons of quality . But notwithstanding the quality he attributed to us , we were carry'd to the Stables belonging to his Palace , where we found two hundred and fifty other slaves for the supply of his own Galley . We continu'd in the Stables one and twenty days , where our daily allowance was two loaves of Bread. It was now neer the end of September , about which time the Gallies make their last course abroad . The slaves who were with us made what provisions they could in order to their going to Sea. There was distributed by the Bassa's order to every slave five Ell● of course cloath , to make a Shirt and a pair of Drawers ▪ such as are wor● in the Gallies . I receiv'd my propo●tion with the rest , and it came very seasonably , for I had but one pitiful ragged shirt , and that well stor'd with ve●mine . The day the slaves were to go aboard , there came into our Stables five or six young Lads ▪ Apprentices to Barbers , who began to shave their heads and beards , who were to row in the Gallies . When they were all shaven and fitted , the Captain of the Galley and the Bassa's Steward came into the S●●ble , and having brought all the slaves of that place into a Court or Garden , they began to distribute the offices and places they were to have in ●owing . And when they had compleated their number , there were twenty new slaves over and above . Which the Captain observing said to the Steward , as he pass'd by us , Let us leave these wretched Raskals ●ashoar , they are yet Savages ; which expression we thought no injury at that time . The Bassa's Galley went out the same day , accompany'd by three other Gallies . In the mean time , we continu'd in the Stable with the sick slaves , and such as were incapable of service and superfluous . Of the cloath I had receiv'd ; I made a shift to cut out a shirt , and to make it up , but the Drawers I knew not how to begin . Which a Portuguez Gentleman who was also a slave , observing ▪ said to me , Friend , I perceive you are no Taylor by your profession ; whereupon he gave three or four aspers ( a small piece of money in that Country ) to another slave , who cu● out the Drawers and made them up for me . The Bassa coming afterwards to be inform'd that we were not persons of quality , nor rich , as it had been reported , to wit , we three , Caloën , Saldens , and my self , he caus'd us to be brought into the Hall of Audience , where there was present the General Alli Pegelin , who said to us , Christians , I have bought you of the Bassa , but at a very great rate . He sent us thence to his own house , where there were twenty Women ●laves , Christians , who waited on hi● wife . But they are not often seen ▪ in regard they come but very seldome out of their lodgings . There were also ten or twelve Men-slaves who were employ'd about the house , and forty young Boys between nine years of age and fifteen , whom they durst not trust to go out of the house , for fear of being debauch'd by the Turks ; for Alli Pelegin himself , our Patron , had the reputation of being a hater of that abhominable sin . And for those Boys , he kept them onely out of ostentation , as great Lords in Christendome keep Pages , Lacqueys , and Halbardiers . We were sent thence to the Bath of our new Master , which is the place appointed for the Lodging and Aboad of such Slaves as are intended to serve in the Galleys . This Bath was a street of his House , of the quality and scituation whereof I shall give a short description . In the first place , it had a very narrow entrance , which led into a spacious Vault , and that receiv'd its Light , such as it was , through a certain Grate that was above , but so little , that at mid-day , in some Taverns of the said Bath , there was a necessity of setting up Lamps . The Taverners , or Keepers of those Taverns are Christian Slaves of the same ●aths , and those who come thither to Drink are Pirats , and Turkish Souldiers , who spend their time therein drinking , and committing abhominations . Above the Bath there is a square place , about which there are Galleries of two Stories , and between those Galleries there were also Taverns , and a Church for the Christians , spacious enough to contain three hundred Persons , who might there conveniently hear Mass . The roof is flat , with a Terrace , after the Spanish mode ▪ We were there five hundred and fifty Christian Slaves , all belonging to our Patron Alli Pelegin ; yet did he not allow any one of this great number ought towards his sustenance . The only comfort we had was , that we ●ad three hours every day allow'd us to shift for our Livelihood ; so that every one was to make the best advantage he could of his industry , as the Reader may see more at large in my XVI . Relation , where I shall shew , that necessity is the Mother of diligence . Reserving therefore the said account to that particular Relation , I shall here only declare what happen'd to me the first Night after my disposal into that new Lodging . I knew not where to take up my Quarters , and being not acquainted with any one there , I went in the Evening , with a Coverlet , which I had receiv'd in the Bassa's Lodgings , up to the Terrace of the Bath . That place seem'd to me the most convenient to avoid being troublesome to any other ; for I was a perfect Novice among them . Being ready to go to my Loging , a certain slave of the Bath , a Knight of Malta , and his Companion , a French-man , began to ask me what news there was in Christendom . While I was telling them what I knew , I heard below in the Quadrangle one of the Guardians ( who are those that have the oversight of the Christians , and what they do ) crying out aloud , that the next morning such a number of slaves , were to go to work at the break of day , and with that the Guardian went his wayes , locking up the Bath . Assoon as the door was lock'd , I could see an old Fox , a slave , an Italian , bringing in a great burthen of Woollen and Linnen cloaths , Shirts , Brass-pots , and other pieces of houshold-stuff , who began to cry , Arrache , Arrache . I ask'd the Knight what it meant ? His answer was this , Whereas our Patron does not allow his slaves any thing towards their subsistance , the greatest part of them live upon what they can steal , and every night the booty of the precedent day comes to be sold . The next morning , 〈◊〉 the Sun was up , the Guardian coming into the Bath began to cry , S●rsa cani ▪ ● baso canalla , that is , Get up you Dogs , come down you scoundrels . ( this was the good morrow ) He presently conducted us towards that part of the Suburbs which is called Baboloet , where we found all the tools requisite for the making of Ropes , and without asking whether we understood any thing of the trade , we were forc'd to work . My Companion Renier Saldens and I were appointed to turn the Wheel , which we did with all our strength , and all the diligence we could , because the Guardian still cry'd out to us , Forti , Forti , and we thought it signify'd that we should turn as fast as we could . But it seems , in Lingua Franca ( which is the common Language between the slaves and the Turks ; as also among the slaves of several Nations , it being a mixt Language , consisting of Italian , Spanish , French , and Portuguez , otherwise it were impossible for them to command their slaves , for in our Bath , among five hundred and fifty slaves , there were two and twenty Languages spoken ) the word Forti signifies Gently ; and therefore having not obtain'd what he would have by crying out upon us , he came with a good cudgel , and taught us what was the signification of the word forti . We follow'd that imployment five or six days , and whereas I was not accustom'd to any hard labor , especially such as that of Rope-m●king , returning to the Bath , I went and laid me down extreamly wearied on the top of the Terrace . The two French Cavaliers before-mention'd , seeing me so quarrel'd , partly out of compassion , partly out of kindness , ask'd me whether I would take part of this little Chamber , where I might be a little warmer , for in the other place I lay in the open Air. I heartily accepted of their proffer , and afterwards I lay in their Chamber , or to say better , Kennel . And there I erected me a Bed made of Cords upon four sticks , which served for Pillars , much like a Hamock . After we had made the Ropes , we were taught another Trade , but much more painful to those who were not accustom'd to hard labor , to wit , the pounding of Wheat in a Stone-mortar . That work was extreamly painful to me , yet with little advance , by reason of my want of strength , which the Guardian observing , said to me , What a dog art thou ? Give over that work , thou art yet too savage . When the Wheat was pounded , it was put into bags , and by misfortune there fell a little of it on the ground , which the Guardian taking notice of , said to me , Pilla esse cani , that is , Take up that you Dog ; but I not understanding by his Language what he meant by Pilla , he gave me three or four bangs with a Cudgel over the back , which caus'd the blood almost to gush out , for I had nothing about me but my Shirt . The Wheat being put into the bags , he gave every one a load to carry ▪ but I had hardly gone four or five steps so loaden , ere the bag , for want of strength , began to slide down from my head , so that the Guardian was forc'd to be so kind as to help it up again , but in requital for his assistance , he gave me three or four blows over the face with his fist , so that the blood came out of my Mouth and Nose , which forc'd me , notwithstanding the impossibility , to go forward with my load . But as ill luck will have it , ere I had got some few pa●es further , the string which ty'd up my breeches broke , so that it fell down , together with the bag of Wheat . Finding my self reduc'd to that extremity , I made a shift to get up my breeches , and by the assistance of some good people that pass'd by , I got up the bag on my head again , and march'd on towards the house of Alli Pegelin our Patron , where being come I fell down once more , being so weary , that I was hardly able to stir . But what remedy was there ? The greatest work of all was now but beginning , because we were to carry up those bags forty steps high into a Granary , which it would have been absolutely impossible for me to do . But God of his goodness knowing the strength of men , it was his pleasure , that my Companion Renier Saldens , who was much stronger then I , having emptied his bag , and coming down the Stairs , found me at the bottom in a sad condition , to wit , groveling on the ground , all bloody , sweaty and dusty , and in a word , almost dead , and the Guardian standing over me , and threatning to dispatch me . Whereupon Saldens being a daring and resolute person , said to the Guardian , What do you not perceive that this slave is sick ? And with those words he took up my bag , and carried it up for me . It may be easily imagin'd how kindly I took that act of friendship and compassion . That days work being over , I return'd in a very sad plight to the Bath , with Renier Saldens , who to comfort me carried me into one of the Taverns within the Bath : for Saldens , when we were taken , had made a shift to hide five or six pieces of Gold. He call'd for a pot of Wine , and something was brought us to eat , which cost nothing , for , paying for the Wine , all is satisfy'd , whether a meat or not . As we were eating and drinking , to recruit our spent forces , my other Companion M. Caloën came in . He had been all that day imploy'd in leading a Mule loaden with Bisket from our Patron 's house to the water-side ; and whereas in Algiers the Streets are very narrow and dirty , and that the custome is , that when one leads a Mule or Camel loaden , he ever and anon cries Belec , that is , Take heed there ; it happen'd that our new Mule-driver , not knowing the custom , overthrew a Turk in the dirty Streets . The Turk getting up again , and being extreamly incens'd , drew his Knife ( for the Turks in the Cities wear a kind of long Knives , as people do Swords in these parts ) but as good fortune would have it , there came in some Turks , who spoke on the behalf of M. Caloën , saying to the Turk who fell down , What would you do , do you not see that this Christian is yet a Savage , and that he does not know the custome ? They call'd him a Savage , because he was then in his Christian habit , after the Spanish mode ; and indeed that habit is inconvenient for a slave , in regard it is thence inferr'd that he is of no long standing there . We spent that Evening in mutual relations of what adventures had happen'd to us the day before . And finding that we were to work every day , yet not have a piece of bread from the Patron , and that we had not confidence and subtilty enough to steal , for that profession requires practise , especially in a place where there are so many Thieves , and consequently people are the more distrustful , the Knight de Cherf , whom the Bassa had sold to our Patron , Monsieur Caloën , R. Saldens , and I resolv'd to go to an Italian Merchant , named Francisco Capati , Resident at Algiers , and to receive of him 75. Patacoons , conditionally that he should be paid a hundred at Anwerp . The next day we put our resolution in execution , and the Merchant was content we should have the money , on condition that we were all joyntly and severally bound for the whole sum . The next day we were to go to delve in the Vineyard belonging to a Country-house of our Patron 's , which was a very hard work . As we were returning to the City , I fell into discourse with the Guardian , and told him I was a sickly person , and not very strong , and that if he would thence forward put me to some easier work , I would give him in requital of his kindness , four Ryals a month , which he granted , conditionally I would give him a months advance , which I gladly did . Whereupon he said to me , hence-forwards you shall onely carry four great pots of water to the Lodgings of the Bassa-Guardian , that is , the chiefest of the Guardians . For , there being five hundred and fifty slaves of us belonging all to the s●me Master , there were five or six Guardians or Overseers to look after us . I was extreamly well pleas'd with that new employment . The Bassa-Guardian's Wife was a Negro , but a very good-natur'd woman . Sometimes she gave me a piece of Bread , or a Mess of Pottage ; but that was onely when she was to Bath her self , or when I carried the Bread to the Oven ; so that it was a kind of reward for my extraordinary services . I continu'd in this employment some days , to my great satisfaction . But in regard it is a hard matter for Youth to fare well and enjoy leisure without danger of being debauch'd , it happen'd one day as I was carrying my ordinary pot , pouring it into the Tinaga ( which is a great earthen pot or Cestern , wherein the provision of water for the house is kept ) there entred into the house a Turkish woman , attended by a Christian slave , an English-woman , I ask'd her whether she would drink a Glass of Sack. I know not whether the Guardian 's wife perceiv'd , or heard it , but the next day I was forc'd to turn over a new leaf , and from thence forwards I was oblig'd to work with the rest of the Slaves , among whom my work was to serve the Masons . I came by little and little to brook that kind of life . This was in the moneth of December , about which time the Turkish Pirates cruze up and down along the Coasts of Andalusia , knowing that the wines and fruits are then transported in English and Hamborough Vessels . It happen'd about this time that the Turkish Pirates had taken a Frigot made at Dunkirk , called the Pearl , coming from Malaga . I durst not go to the water-side , because I had been at Malaga , and at Dunkirk , for fear of being known by any one . The same night that the said prize was brought in , a Slave of Anwerp came to me , who knew me by my own name , as having been aboard our Ship when we were taken , and he told me , that in that last prize , there was come a Gentleman , who had ask'd him ▪ whether he knew not two Flemish slaves , one call'd Monsieur Caloën , the other 〈…〉 . Whereupon I desir'd him to give the other notice that he should not by any means ●●quire for them under those names , insomuch as those persons had chang'd their names , and were there known and call'd among the slaves , by those of 〈◊〉 V●●●ten ●erghe , and James Van Zeveren . I 〈◊〉 immediately ( not without fear of being known ) ●o communicate this news to my Companions , to wit the Knight 〈◊〉 Cherf , Monsieur Caloën , and R. Saldens , and we resolv'd to go and speak to our Patron concerning our redemption , before we were discover'd . For our Patron Alli Pegelin was still perswaded that the Knight de Cherf was some Prince , and we the servants . But upon second thoughts , we conceiv'd it requisite , that , before we spoke to our Patron , we inform'd our selves by this new Slave , whether there were any course taken in Spain for our redemption , and should enjoyn him 〈◊〉 to speak to any one concerning us or our qua●ity . Some dayes after ▪ it happen'd that this new Slave was sold to our Patron , and brought to his house with the other young Lads , for he was not above sixteen years of age , and very beautiful . I sent him word by M●●thias Perez , that he should come the next day about nine in the morning to the Terrace of the Bath , under pretence of coming to hear Mass ; for 〈…〉 said before , those young Lads were not permitted to come out of the house . At the time appointed I met with that new Slave upon the Terrace , who seeing me said , Monsi●ur , I am 〈…〉 to see you 〈…〉 condition . Leona●● , reply'd I , ( for so was he called ) 〈…〉 you not to call me Monsi●ur here , my name is James van Z●veren . He thereupon gave me an account , ●ow tha● , in Spain , among our friends , it was known what misfortune had happen'd unto us ▪ and that about fifteen days before some friends of mine ▪ Flemings , a● Malaga , had drunk 〈…〉 of their Country-men who might be in the Gallies off Algiers . I charg'd him not to discover who we were ▪ promising him all the assistance that lay in my power ▪ But he knowing that I stood in need of relief my self , gave me three Jewels , which he had made a 〈…〉 save ; such as are called in Spanish 〈◊〉 , of the value ▪ in all , of about ten or twelve Crowns , ordering me to sell or pawn them , as though fit , to help me in my misery . I engag'd them for ten Crowns , which was as much as they were worth . That 〈◊〉 came very seasonably , for the seventy five 〈…〉 we had receiv'd from the Italian Merchant , were spent , and the Merchant had had no letters that the Bill of Exchange was paid at An●●erp ▪ But this fresh supply heightned our courage very much ▪ and recruited our credit at the Taverns of the Bath , where there was good Sack brought in from the las● 〈◊〉 which the Turks had taken ; whence it came that our Bath ●as every day full of drunken Turks and Christian slaves , who were ●enagadoes ; 〈◊〉 onely such were admitted as had money . So that it was 〈◊〉 a continual ●air in Flanders . There were thousands of impertinences committed , caus'd by Drunkenness . And whereas our Patron had set 〈◊〉 those Pirates who had taken the said two Ships coming from Malaga , loaden with Wines , whereof I have spoken before , there were 〈◊〉 two Slaves of 〈…〉 the unloading of those Ships ▪ 〈◊〉 for their reward , they had Christian Taverners who bought the wine as much as came to a Patacoon out of every Pipe. For the Turks can neither drink , nor sell wine ; and yet the drinking of it is tolerated , but not the selling of it . These thirty two Slaves were c●ll'd persons ▪ and they were imploy'd in the most painful works . They were all of that quality in the Gallies , which they call Bogavands , that is the outermost men at an Oar. That C●ue is called the Caravan , the one half whereof were Russians or Muscovites , and the other Spaniards or Italians . They had been at work several days about the unloading of those two Ships , and having gotten a considerable sum of mony , they return'd in the Evening to the Bath as drunk as so many Tinke●● . The sixteen Russes took occasion to pick a quarrel with the sixteen Spaniards and Italians , and without many words , they fell a fighting , so furiously , that the Guardian● who is always at the door , hearing the noise , came immediately to decide the quarrel with a good cudgell , so that both parties were forc'd to retreat . It was late , and the Guardian went to see whether all the Slaves were within the Bath , and at the same time gave order what was to be done the next day , as the custom was . That done , he went away , locking the door after him . I was walking by chance on the Terrace of the Bath , and assoon as the door was lock'd , those Spaniards and Italians , met together , in the place where they sold what was stollen , and one of them went to the little room of the Russes or Muscovites ▪ and saluted them with this speech ; Dogs , Hereticks , Savages , Enemies of God , the Bath is now lock'd , and the Guardian hath sent word , that if you have the courage to fight , you should come out of your hole , and we shall see who will have the better . He had hardly finish'd his speech ere the sixteen Russes and Muscovites appeared in the Field , falling on immediately , and the Spaniards and Italians receiv'd an answer to their Embassy in good bangs with Cudgels , for they had no other Arms then their fists ; but in an instant , as the saying hath it , — Furor arma ministrat . Some Forms and Tables that stood before the Taverns , and some Ladders which they also met withall , they converted into Armes , Swords , Pikes and Muskets , defending themselves generously . This engagement happening in the night-time , caus'd so terrible a noise and hurly-burly , that a man who had not seen them would have said they were two Armies fighting in an open and spacious field . The advantage seem'd to be equal on both sides , and the number of the wounded and such as were laid on the spot was much at one , whom I thought dead . They continu'd in that posture till darkness began to get the upper hand , and yet neither party seem'd willing to quit the field . At last a Priest of one of the Religious Orders , who liv'd in the Bath , and was a person generally well-belov'd , came up to the place of the engagement with a Wax Candle in his hand , endeavouring all he could to appease and separate them , telling them they were all Christians , notwithstanding the difference of Religions , and if ever the Patron came to know how they had demean'd themselves , they should not want good cudgelling . This remonstrance put a period to that engagement , whereupon the Surgeons were immediately call'd up , for there were five or six in the Bath , who belong'd to the Patron , who presently fell a dressing the wounded . It was imagin'd all this would have pass'd without the Patron 's knowledge ; but in regard the fight had lasted a good while , and the noise had been great , the Patron having heard it from his Lodgings , came immediately to the Bath with Cresset-lights and Lanthorns attended by four or five Guardians well furnish'd with Cudgels and Bulls-pizzles . He began to enquire what had pass'd , but those who had fought like Lyons slunk away , and hid themselves like Foxes . Notwithstanding that , the Patron , by his exact enquiry , made a shift to surprize one of the Spanish party , and ordering him to be stripp'd stark naked , he caus'd him to be held by four Slaves by the hands and feet , with his belly on the ground , and a hundred blows with a Cudgel to be given him over the Back and the Buttocks ; which execution perform'd , our Patron was appeas'd . The rest of the Combatants hid themselves , fearing the like treatment . By this time we had been six months at Algiers , a sufficient terme to have receiv'd answers from Flanders . We went together , M. Caloën , Saldens , and I , to our Patron 's Lodgings , we kiss'd his Robe , or the Sleeve of his inner Garment ( a Turkish Reverence ) and I told him that we had been so long at Algiers , presuming that he was sufficiently inform'd of our poverty , and that we understood that he had agreed with some of his Slaves about their Redemption , conditionally that they should go in a Ship which lay ready to set sail for Legorn in Italy , and that they continu'd there in prison till their ransomes were paid ( for the Great Duke of Florence then permitted some such thing ) we ask'd him how much he would have from us . What are you willing to give , replyed he ? We expect your excellency should make your demand , answer'd I , For it may be you will set such a rate on us that there will be no likelihood of any agreement . After he had a little consider'd , he said , You shall pay two thousand Patacoons at Legorn , or fifteen hundred here . That 's absolutely impossible for me , said I , for I am a poor souldier , and therefore I had rather continue a slave at Algiers , then dye in prison at Legorn . The most I shall be able to give will be five hundred Patacoons at Legorn . Whereto he made answer , You offer too little , I am now going out of the City for certain days ( which was true , for his Horse stood ready for him ) we will talk further of it at my return . Those words gave me much comfort , for I imagin'd our Patron thought my proffer not much out of the way . With this answer we return'd to the Bath . And our Patron went away with the Slaves of the Caravan , to fell Timber for the building of a new Frigot , against the year following . In the mean time we were at work about a house our Patron had a building in the upper part of the City ; for it is to be noted , that the City of Algiers is built on the ascent of a high mountain , and the place where that house was built , was so steepy to get up to , that a Mule could not go up it with any load . So that all the materials were to be carried up on mens backs , or in their arms . This was about the middle of February . The Guardian conducted us to the work , as he was wont , but at our going from the Bath , we ordered the Knight de Cherf to get some kind of pottage ready for us against our return . This Knight was exempted from working , beca●se he was lame . While we were at work , two Turks came to the Bath , and ask'd for three Dunkirk-slaves , named John-Baptist Caloën , Emanuel d' Aranda , and Renier Saldens ; but there was not any body knew those slaves . They shew'd an attestation in Latine ; and the Spanish slaves being commonly Sea-men , said the attestation was in Dutch , and the French slaves said it was in English . The two Turks began to be angry , and said , Call a Papas , ( that is a Priest ) or some Gentlem●n , for in the Country of Dunkirk the Papas and the Gentlemen commonly speak that Language , and not such raskally dogs as you a●e . Thence the Spanish and French slaves inferr'd that the Attestation was writ in Latine . Then they call'd a slave of Bra●●●●● , by a military name called Francis the Student , because he had studied at Lovain . He writ Letters for the slaves of Dunkirk , as the Reader may find more at large in the XVI . Relation . He read the Attestation , and though we had chang'd our names , yet by the marks of the time , and the Ship wherein we were taken , he immediately concluded that we must be the three Christian slaves whom the Turks enquir'd for . Whereupon he made them answer that he knew us very well , and that we were Slaves in that very Bath , but that we were then abroad at work . Now Monsieur Caloën and Renier Saldens not fearing blows as much as I did , were got from their work , a●d had hid themselves in some corner of the Bath , where they pass'd away the time at Cards . This Student found them out , and told them , that there were two Turks below who came from Du●kirk , and that they had letters for them . They both immediately ran down , where they found the two Turks , who gave them a letter , which was from Monsieur Caloën's father . He was very joyful , and the Turks also , because they had found us all at Algiers ; for the contract which those Turks had made with our Friends requir'd , that they should deliver us , wherever we were in Barbary . They thereupon conducted Monsieur Caloën and R. Saldens to the house of the Turk Barber Assan , father-in-law to Mustapha Ingles , who was in prison at Bruges , with four others , to be exchang'd for us three . The Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha were extreamly glad to hear that he was alive , and that he might ere long return into his Country . I knew nothing of all this , for I continu'd at work till the Guardian gave every one permission to go and get something towards his subsistance . I had a good stomach , for it was afternoon , so that hoping to meet with some pottage of the Knight's providing , as we had appointed , I run from my work streight to the Bath , and as I was going in I met with the Student , who said to me , James , I have good news for you , which is , that you are no longer a Slave . For there are two Turks come from Dunkirk , and M. Caloën and Saldens are gone out along with them . This so good and so unexpected news over-joy'd me so that I had almost fallen into a swound , so far was I then from thinking of hunger . I went immediately to find out my two Companions with the Turks , whom I met with all four in the Street . Assoon as M. Caloën perceiv'd me , he said to the Turk , This is our third Companion Emanuel d' Aranda . I ask'd the Turks how my Friends did ; they told me that my Mother knew nothing of my misfortune , and that my Brother was well . They came along with us to the Bath , and spoke to the Guardian not to put us to work any more ; in regard we were free . We spent the remainder of the day very merrily , drinking with our friends upon this good news ; but we minded not much the old saying ; Joy may be within the house , and grief and sadness at the door . The next day we resolv'd to sp●ndias merrily as the night before . But about noon ; a Jew came to the Bath , by order from the wife of Alli Pegelin , ( ●he knowing it seems all that pass'd ) to tell us that the ●●ssa would speak with us . We were brought before him ; he commanded us to go into a little with●drawing ●oom of the Palace , where were some young Lads , who were Christian slaves , and we continu'd there about two hours , not knowing why we were put in there , nor what the Bassa would have had with us . At last we perceiv'd coming in to us the Steward with a Cudgel in his hand , saying very roughly ▪ You Dogs , which of you writ into his Country to be exchang'd for Turks ? Whereto we answer'd , that no body had written to the Country ; but that what was done had been done by our friends , without our knowledge ▪ At which answer he was extreamly incens'd ▪ and he gave Monsieur Caloën and me some ●●ngs with the Cudgel , saying ▪ I will come anon at night , and cut-off your Noses and Ears . Whereto Salde●s answer'd , Patience , and for reply to that word , he receiv'd some bangs with the Cudgel that he might not laugh at us ; which done , the Steward said to us , You shall not escape ▪ so well as you imagine● ▪ you are not Alli Pegelin ' s slaves , but the Bassa ' s ▪ you were onely lent to Alli Pegelin , and the Bassa will not have Turks for your ransome , 〈◊〉 money . This business was set on foot against us by the malice of Alli P●gelin's wife in the absence of her husband . For there is a general Law in all parts under the jurisdiction of the Grand Signor , that any Turk , what condition soever he be of , provided 〈◊〉 be a Souldier , may procure the liberty of any Christian whatsoever , provided he pay the sum he 〈◊〉 , swearing by the Grand Seignor's head , that it is to deliver another Turk out of Slavery among the Christians . But the Bassa made an exception against that Law , pretending that it was not to be understood of his Slaves , because he represented the Grand Seignor , who was not subject to those Laws . The next day , we writ a letter to Mustapha's Grand-mother , in Spanish ( for she was a Moor forc'd thence with the Moors in the time of King Philip the third ) by which letter we gave her to understand at large what hall pass'd in that new prison , and that she should remember , that her Grand-child was in the power of our Friends , and that the injuries were done us would be reveng'd upon him . This letter put the old woman into great trouble , insomuch that she came immediately to speak with the Bassa's Lady , earnestly desiring her , that she would not suffer us to be ill treated . The Bassa's Lady assur'd her we should not , and the old woman sent us notice thereof , that we might be no longer in fear , which she did also lea●● we should write into Flanders , that the Turks , who were in prison there , might receive the same treatment . Alli Pegelin was not yet return'd , and in the mean time , we were kept up in the Bassa's Palace ; so as that none from without were permitted to come to us , which yet was sometimes secretly done . Our daily allowance was two little loaves ; but we had this happiness , that the Bassa's Caterer was a French-man , a Renagado , who had been Lacquey to Monsieur Chamois , that is , the Knight of Malta before-mentioned . And in regard the Caterer knew that I was familiarly acquainted with that Monsieur Chamois , at Alli Pegelin's Bath , and that we had lain for some moneths in the same room , he gave us something every day , as Oyl , Figgs , Tobacco , or somewhat to eat . Yet here it was that we endur'd the greatest misery of all our Slavery ; for as I said before , we lay in a very little room ; with ten or twelve Boys who were full of vermine , and though we spent most part of the day in lousing our selves , yet within an hour after , we were as well furnish'd as before . The Bassa's Steward walk'd always with a cudgel in his hand , because there was a necessity that some body should be beaten , though it were onely for his divertisement . All the satisfaction we had , was , that all the Slaves the Bassa had for his eight part came the first night to lye among us , before they were sent to the Bassa's Bath ; and being there were some taken every day , and consequently new Slaves came in , by that means we came to know all that pass'd in Christendom . Having continu'd in this misery eighteen days , our Patron Alli Pegelin return'd to the City . The two Turks who were come to set us at liberty went immediately to salute him , and to acquaint him that there were seven Turks to be exchang'd for us three Christians , telling him that they would reimburse what we had cost him . Pegelin made them this answer , I have bought my Slaves to make some advantage by them , and not to exchange them for Turks . Whereto they reply'd , We are poor Souldiers . Besides you know our priviledge , conformably to the Laws , we therefore intreat you to grant our request . Alli Pegelin hearkening to their reasons , said to them , I know very well what your priviledges , and what the Laws are ; but one of you is a person of great wealth , and he ought to have no advantage of that Priviledge , because he is no Turk , but onely a Moor , and born in Algiers . And he who was born in the City of Algiers , at the time aforesaid , cannot be a Souldier . For you are to know , that the Turks take the Citizens of Algiers for Subjects , having subdu'd them by force of Arms , because they would have revolted . Upon that account is it that they are not admitted to be Souldiers , and consequently they are incapable of making any advantage of the priviledge . But if you will follow my advice , you may have the three Christians , and yet it shall not cost you much , and I shall nevertheless have satisfaction . This advice was lik'd by the two Turks . Whereupon Alli Pegelin found out this expedient , that these two Turks on the behalf of their four companions Prisoners in Flanders , should go and agree with the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha Ingles ( who was the Moor born at Algiers , and could make no advantage of the priviledge ) that among them six they would buy two of the Christian slaves , to wit , Emanuel d' Aranda , and Renier Saldens , and that the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha should buy John Baptist Caloën . The two Turks lik'd the proposal , and put it in execution . They went to Mustapha's Grand-mother , and told her they were all poor , yet had resolv'd among them six to buy the two Christians , and that it was requisite she , being very rich , should oblige herself to buy the third , to wit , M. Caloën . The old woman accepted the condition , and a contract was drawn to that purpose , according to the Turkish way . They went to acquaint Alli Pegelin , that they were agreed , and ask'd him what he would have for d'Aranda and Saldens . They agreed at five hundred Patacoons for both . Mustapha's Grand-mother went the same day to Pegelin , and acquainted him with the misfortune of her Grand-son who was in Slavery among the Christians , and that there was no way to recover his liberty , but by delivering a Dunkirk-slave he had , whom she would pay well for . Pegelin reply'd , If you would have a Dunkirk-slave , to do you a kindness , I will bestow one on you . Nay , reply'd she , I am content to pay for him , but it must be one , whose name is John Baptist Caloen . Pegelin pretending a little astonishment , answer'd , How ! John Caloën , he is a neer kinsman of the King of Dunkirk's , and therefore he will cost you six thousand Patacoons . The old woman hearing this answer was astonish'd , and without making any reply return'd to her house , sending us word , that Alli Pegelin demanded six thousand Patacoons , that she had not so much money , and consequently that she saw no remedy for the recovery of our liberty , if we would not contribute to the making up of that sum . Whereto we return'd answer , by the same Messenger , that we would not contribute a peny , and that if she would not redeem us , she might let us perish , but remember withall that her Grand-son would also dye in Flanders , since he was in the power of our Friends . While this affair was under accommodation , there slip'd away nine weeks and three days , during which time , we continu'd in the Bassa's Palace , in great misery , fear , and disquiet . At 〈◊〉 Mustapha's Mother agreed with Alli Pegelin for the redemption of Monsieur Caloën at fourteen hundred Patacoons , conditionally that the said sum were paid before Caloën went from Algiers . Upon this agreement we got out of the Bassa's Palace . VVhen I could walk the Streets , I thought my self at liberty , after so much trouble , so much fear of being ill-treated , and so much misery . The first night Monsieur Caloën took up his lodging at Mustapha's Grand-mothers , and R. Saldens and I went to the house of a Turk , who had deliver'd us ▪ whose name was Cataborn Mustapha . His habitation was in a great house , where were many souldiers liv'd together , such as there are in some parts of Flanders . It was a fair Structure , having a Quadrangle with four Galleries , and four stories high . Every souldier had a little room to himself kept very neatly by the Boys , for every souldier almost had a little Boy , or a Christian or a Renagado slave to wait on him . Our new Patron Cataborn Mustapha treated us very well , considering his ability , and made his excuses to us , that he was not the cause of our so long aboad in the Bassa's Palace . The next day R. Saldens took his Quarters at the house of a rich Turk named Mahomet Celibi Oiga , Uncle to one of the five Turks who were to be exchang'd for us . Mustapha's Mother and Grand-mother were much troubled about the money they had paid for M. Caloën , giving him very reproachful words , so to force him to pay one moiety of the fourteen hundred Patacoons . On the other side we were earnest with the Turks , to have our liberty , according to the agreement in Flanders . In answer thereto they said ( and not without reason ) that it were to hazard the loss of their money and the return of their companions ; for the contract made in Flanders with our Friends was to this effect , that the Turks were to send us with the soonest into some part of Christendom , after they had found us . So that we were forc'd to make a new agreement with them , that one of us three should be set at liberty , who should be oblig'd to bring the five Turks remaining in Flanders to Ceuta , Ora● , in Africk , Cities belonging to the King of Spain , and the two others should remain behind as Hostages . This concluded , it was resolv'd I should go for Flanders , and that I should be sent with some of the Pyrat Ships of Algiers , who were to set me ashore on the Coast of Spain . But as my ill-fortune would have it , a Barbarian King named Bennali , a Tributary to the Kingdom of Algiers revolted , and that Civil War was the cause that the Bassa , to defend the Country , stood in need of the Gallies , so that they could not that Summer go out towards the Coasts of Spain , as they were wont . About the same time there was a Ship of Legorn homeward bound , ready to set ●ail , and our Companion Saldens , who was as desirous of his liberty , as I was of mine , prevail'd so with the Turks , as also with M. Caloën , that he was pitch'd upon to go for the Low-Countries , and so went aboard that Ship of Legorn . I was extreamly sad at his departure , considering with my self , that I was to stay behind ; but the great promises he made , that he would return assoon as he could , and bring along with him the five Turks gave me some comfort . I continu'd still with my new Patron Cataborn Mustapha . And though he were but a poor Souldier , ye I liv'd well enough with him : for he would often say to me , Emanuel , be not so melancholy , imagine that you were my Patron , and I your Slave . I did eat with him out of the same dish , sitting down with him , cross-legg'd , after the Turkish way . He made me the best cheer he could , and often said to me , Emanuel , have I not reason to make much of my self , for I have neither wife nor children , and when I dye , the Bassa will be my heir , according to the custom of this Country . I told him , True , you do prudently , and you have reason to live as much as may be at your ease . I could say no less because I did eat and drink with him . But these words did not please a Renegado-boy who waited on him , kept his money , and wash'd his linnen ; in a word , that Boy did the work of a woman in the family , and was perpetually grumbling , and saying , You make away with all you have , and there are yet so many days ere any more pay comes in ; you should be asham'd to be drunk every day , this is not the life of a right Turk . But my Patron liv'd nevertheless at the same rate . One day being drunk , as he was wont , he fell out with a Bulcebas ( that is a Captain of Foot ) and among other injurious words , he call'd him a Christian . The Captain complain'd , and my Patron was cast into prison , and at the first assembly of the Duana , that is , the Councel , my Patron was condemn'd to receive a hundred blows with a Cudgel on the Buttocks , and besides that to go and serve in the field against King Bennali for the space of six moneths . I was much troubled at the misfortune of my Patron , who at parting said to me , You must henceforwards go and live at Mahomet Celibi Oiga's house ; I hope in God you will be at liberty before my return . If I had any money , it should be divided between us . I made answer , Patron , I am sufficiently sensible of your good inclinations and your poverty , I give you thanks for the kind entertainment I have receiv'd in your house . When you come into Flanders , said he , present my service to your Friends , particularly to your Cousin at Dunkirk , for he often made me drink strong Beer . After the departure of my Patron , I went to Mahomet Celibi Oiga , and said to him , Cataborn Mustapha is gone to the Army , and hath sent me to lodge at your house . Whereto Mohomet reply'd , You should with all my heart ; but I have no convenience for it in my house . This he said , because my Companion Saldens , while he lodg'd there , had spoken too familiarly to his wife , a clear argument that he was jealous of him . I earnestly intreated him , telling him , that I knew not whither to go . At last he condescended , and shew'd me a little room above the Stable , which was at a little distance from the house . Some days after my reception there , I was much astonish'd , that my Patroness spoke ●o● to me . For she understood the Spanish , and spoke also Lingua Franca , and the women of that Country will take any occasion to fall into discourse with the Christians . I dress'd my Patron 's horse , and I went every day for water to ●upply the house , though I were not commanded to do either , and by degrees I got into the favour of my Patroness . In the morning , I went along with my Patron to the Shambles , thence he sent me home with what meat he had bought . On the other side , my Patroness sent me to buy fru●ts and herbs for the house . At length my Patroness's mouth began to open , and she fell into discourse with me so often , that I was afraid it might breed M●ggots in my Patron 's brains . One time among the rest she said to me , Christian , God send you your liberty , pray tell me , are you poor in your own Country ? I am a poor soldier , reply'd I , You may say what you please , said she , yet you are not like our Gregorio . This Gregorio was another slave of the house , a Native of Galicia in Spain , and in his Country a Fisher-man ; but there he was a Gardener , at a Garden of ou● Patron 's without the City . This slave had a body well made for hard labour , otherwise he had been well brought up , considering his quality . This good woman put many curious questions to me every day . She was of high Statu●e , had a comely face , and inclining to fatness , wherein the beauty of a woman consists , according to the opinion of the Africans . Every morning after I had dress'd the horse , fetch'd water , been in the Market and done some other things , I ask'd my Patroness leave to go to Mass at Alli Pegelin's Bath , which she never deny'd me . Mahomet Celibi Oiga was a graceful person as to his body , well brought up , and very temperate in his meat and drink , for he drunk only water . He was also very devout in his Religion . He was curious in enquiring news of remote Countries . He ask'd me how the Spaniards and Flemings liv'd , and whether the Flemings were Papists Christians , meaning by that word Catholicks , because the Catholicks have a dependance on the Pope . He understood somewhat of Cosmography . He ask'd me why the King of Spain , being so powerful as he is , could not with the forces of the Kingdom of Dunkirk , that is , with the Provinces of the Low-Countries , subdue the Flemings ; by Flemings he went the Hollanders . I told him that heretofore those Countries had belong'd to the Crown of Spain , but that they were revolted . My Companion Caloën was at Mustapha's Grand-mothers , where he was unworthily treated . For in the house , he was confin'd to a Chamber with fourscore pound weight of Iron at his legge ; and sometimes he was sent to a Country-house , three leagues out of the City , where he had not half as much victuals as he could have eaten . Mustapha's Friends , who had given so much money for M. Caloën , beg●n to grumble that they heard no news from Mustapha , and thence took occasion to say , that the King of France had taken the Kingdom of Dunkirk , and threatned to make him pay his ransom , in case they heard not from him within four months . And whereas Sea-affairs are subject to many misfortunes , and that my Companion Saldens should have been on his way with the five Turks , I was afraid all might not be well . But God , who looks on the afflicted , gave me comfort when I was most cast down ; for my Patroness gave me all the kind words I could expect . I had been six months in that house when I receiv'd the first news from my Companion Saldens by a letter of his dated at Ceuta , whereby he gave me an account of his being there with the five Turks , and that we should make all the hast we could to the City of Tituan , in the Kingdom of Fez , to make an exchange , according to the agreement made at Algiers with the two Turks . He writ to me also concerning the seven hundred P●tacoons which Mustapha's friends expected from M. Caloën , which rather then pay his Father said he should perish in the Gallies . But in the Margin he had written in Latine haec propter bene stare , which words we blotted out , and gave the Letter to Mustapha's Mother , that she might get it read and interpreted by some Flemish Slaves , which she did . And whereas the Letter onely made mention of the five Turks , not specifying their names , the Woman began to quarrel , saying her Son was not at Ceuta , and that M. Caloën should deliver up her Son , or she would have him burnt , if he paid not his ransom of six thousand Patacoons . But the same day she receiv'd a Letter from Ceuta written by her Son , wherewith she was appeas'd , and we very glad , hoping she would be fully satisfy'd . But as some trouble is many times the shadow of satisfaction , assoon as she had read over the Letter , she order'd a hundred weight of Iron to be fasten'd to M. Caloën's leggs , alledging it was his fault that his Father would not pay the seven hundred Patacoons . But we continued courageous notwithstanding this unexpected traverse of fortune , till we heard of a Ship bound for Tituan , the place appointed for the exchange with the five Turks , who were at Ceuta . Yet were we still in some fear , least , in case that Ship should be gone without us , we might stay there four or five moneths longer , ere we met with such another opportunity . In this extremity we thought it our best course to take the advice of a Renagado , a Field-officer named Saban Gallan Aga , a person much respected among both Turks and Christians , for his honesty , integrity , and prudence , as being a Man full of Moral virtues , as may be seen more at large in my XIV . Relation . I went , and made this discourse to him ; The fame of your Virtues as well among the Turks as the Christian Slaves hath encourag'd me to come hither , to desire your advice in my misery . He ask'd me who I was ? I am Emanuel d' Aranda , said I , born in Flanders , one of those three Christians who are to be exchang'd for the five Turks taken in the Caravel of Barbar Assan , and in pursuance of a certain contract we made six months since , at Algiers , one of our Companions is gone for Flanders , and now he is come back as far at Ceuta , where he expects us with the five Turks , and according to that contract we are to be deliver'd at Tituan to compleat the exchange . But they do the contrary ; for after we have been at vast charges in sending our third Companion , through Italy and France , and now that he hath brought the five Turks by the way of England into Spain , and that they are at the present come to Ceuta , as I told you before , instead of sending us thither , the Grand-mother of Mustapha Ingles hath put my Companion John Baptist Caloën into Irons , and demands of him 700. Patacoons . Besides she would have the five Turks brought to Algiers , which is directly contrary to our contract . Saban Gallan repli'd , I will inform my self of your business , come to morrow about this time , and I will give you my answer and advice . The next day , at the hour appointed I went to him , and asked him whether he had been mindful of me . He answer'd , I have inform'd my self of your affair , and you are to know , that the Mother and Grand-mother of Mustapha , do this only to see if they can get any money from J. B. Caloen . Take heed therefore that you do not promise any thing , and you are safe enough . You shall infallibly go with this Ship which is now ready , and though Mustapha 's Grand-mother threatens you , yet will it come to nothing . For she durst not for all the World detain either you or M. Caloën , in regard the two Turks that are here , and the friends of the other Turks would complain thereof to the Bassa . I thank'd him for his advice , and gave him a Bill under my hand , whereby I oblig'd my self to pay him 25. Patacoons as soon as I were come to Tituan , which I perform'd accordingly . I gave M. Caloën an account of what I had done . He was put into a little Cellar , with a chain at his Legg , and hearing we should go along with the Ship which lay ready in the Port , as also that we should not pay any thing , he was much comforted . While I was speaking to M. Caloën , the old Woman came and ask'd him , whether he would give the 700 Patacoons ; but M. Caloën laugh'd at her . Which made her imagine , that I had given him some advice , which made her angry with me . The next day she came to my Patroness , and said to her , Why do you not put your Dunkirk - Slave into Irons , that he may not come to give ill advice to his Companion ? My Patroness repli'd , Why should I do so ? My Dunkirker serves me faithfully , and therefore I have no reason to put him into Irons . The same afternoon , going for some Provender for the Horse , my Patron not being at home , my Patroness had the leasure to tell me , what had pass'd between her and Mustapha's Grand-mother . The next day I went to visit M. Caloën , and as I was telling him what Mustapha's Grand-mother had said to my Patroness , the old Woman came in and said to me , When I was last at your Patron 's , I spoke to your Patroness , who had it not been for me , had put a hundred weight of Iron about your Leggs . I thank'd her for her kindness ; telling her , I knew well enough what good offices she had done me there . That answer vex'd her , insomuch that soon after she sent a Turk to my Patron 's , to make a complaint to him , that I hindred my Companion from giving the seven hundred Patacoons , which she expected from him , and to desire him to put me into Irons , or send me to her house , to be put into the same chain with my Companion . Which was accordingly done , without the knowledge of my Patroness ; for I was taken in the Streets , and carried to Mustapha's Grand-mother's , where they chain'd me with M. Caloën , to a chain of a hundred pound weight , and conducted me to a little Cellar ; where we know not what would be the issue of all this ; for we were afraid , that with beating they would force us to promise something . Having been in that place three or four hours , a Christian Slave , named Gregorio came to visit us , who being sent by my Patroness , told me , that she was extreamly troubled , and knew nothing of what happen'd to me , and that if I wanted somewhat to eat , she would send it me , and that I should take heart , for no hurt should be done me ; that all this was done by Mustapha's Grand-mother , to get our mony . This Message of Gregorio comforted us much , and we sent him with a note to a Tavern in Alli Pegelin's Bath , where we had credit , for a pot of wine , and a dish of meat . Now Gregorio coming from my Patroness , the old Woman durst not deny him entrance to us . At night , the old Woman came to see us with the Keys of the Cellar , and said to us , Have a care , have a care what you do , this is the last night , to morrow the Ship goes away for Tituan , therefore if you love your liberty , give the seven hundred Patacoons , otherwise you shall dye here like Dogs . M. Caloën reply'd , Since my Father will not give any thing , and that you have seen the Letter , for my part , you know I have not ought to give , and therefore hang me up , if you think good , but remember that your Mustapha is in the hands of my Companion ; you know him , and that he is not one who will suffer such an injury to be done to his Friends and Companions . The wrinkled Hag hearing this grew almost distracted , and so using her accustomed menaces , she went away locking the Cellar-door after her . The next day , ( being St. Andrew's ) she came to us before day , saying , The Wind is East , and the Ship will be gone this day , therefore resolve whether you will be set at liberty or not . We answer'd , If you have a mind to see your Mustapha , send us away , if not , we will continue Slaves . About noon , two or three Christian Slaves , who were to go in that Ship , came to see us ( we had set them on work ) and to take their leave of us . They desir'd to speak with the old woman , and said to her , Madam , we hear by our Country-men these two ●laves , that your Grand-son is at Ceuta ; we are going away within this half-hour in the Ship which is bound for Tituan , and thence to Ceuta , if you command us any service , we shall faithfully do it . The old Woman hearing that the Ship was ready to set sail , began to cry out , and make a stir as if she had been mad ; Hammers , Files , Pincers , to take off the Irons , that my Mustapha may return , O Christians , for God's sake , help us to take the Irons off these two Christians . They , who knew the Ship could not go away to soon , made as if they understood her not , and said to us , Farewell Country-men , we shall acquaint your Companion Saldens what condition we left you in . And with that they went away . Whereupon the ch 〈…〉 man Slaves , who 〈…〉 at last she call'd 〈…〉 a great deal 〈…〉 chain . In the 〈…〉 insatiable 〈…〉 months 〈…〉 with the 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 their 〈…〉 chai● 〈…〉 immediate 〈…〉 your 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 kne● there was time enough , 〈…〉 was 〈◊〉 at the Mos●e●ey , ( that 〈…〉 ver I 〈◊〉 ended to make all 〈…〉 went 〈…〉 to our house● , to 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 she had of me . She 〈…〉 Leggs out of the Irons , and that 〈…〉 absolute liberty . 'T was about the time ▪ th 〈…〉 Sala is the prayer of the Tu 〈…〉 quey door to expect my Patron 〈…〉 together to speak with the 〈…〉 told us he should not go away 〈…〉 would 〈…〉 with the first 〈…〉 with my 〈◊〉 , pressing him all 〈…〉 provision for our voyage , for I 〈…〉 not have any thing aboard but old Bis 〈…〉 ess gave me half a Majorca-Cheese , a 〈…〉 ne fifteen pounds of white Bisket . M. Caloē 〈…〉 also something of Mustapha's mother . Being ready to be gone , there arose another difficulty , to wit , that the Turk who was to go along with us to Tituan , and to have fifty Patacoons for his pains , should be paid by us ; but after some contest , it was concluded , that we should pay the one half , and they the other . December the 8. the wind was fair for us , and we went aboard , whe●e we found some Christian Slaves bound for Tituan , there to treat about their liberty with some Merchants , Jews and Moors . Being all aboard , a Gun was discharg'd , as a signal for the Farmers of the Customes to come and search the Ship , and especially to see whether the Christians who were redeem'd had paid the duty ; for though the Patron be satisfy'd , yet before a Christian can be dismiss'd , he is to pay a certain proportion according to his ransom . Having visited the Ship they return'd to the City , whence they gave the signal that the Ship might be gone , inasmuch as they cannot get into the City , untill the Ship be at Sea. And this is done , to prevent the stealing of Slaves . The wind continu'd right for us , till we came to the unhappy place Cabo de Tenes , three leagues from Algiers . I call it unhappy , because the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. Oct. 17. lost there by tempest the best part of his Gallies and Ships , when the enterprize upon Algiers fail'd . Here the wind turn'd quite contrary to us , which oblig'd us to return to the place from whence we came , and the next day we got to Algiers . I went to my Patron Mahomet's , where I staid till the wind turn'd , which was after some few days , and then we went aboard again . The wind was so good , that , in three days , we pass'd the Islands of Frumentera and Yvica , and we were got in ●ight of the coast of Valentia . But all to no purpose , for after eight dayes being at Sea , we were glad to put in again at Algiers , whether we got December 29. Those of the City seeing the Ship return'd thought she had finish'd her Voyage , but they were mistaken . I was extreamly disorder'd , for we were sixteen Christians who had been shut up eight days and as many nights in a room towards the Prow , which was but nine foot in length and seven in breadth . And among those sixteen Christians there were some sick , who were very troublesome to the others . And all consider'd , I wonder we were not all sick , for the tempest lasted eight days without any intermission . So that not one of us during all that time went out on the Deck to clear himself of Vermine or to wash , but continu'd in our little room like so many Dogs in a Kennel . Assoon as they had cast anchor , I went ashore , and to my Patron 's who was astonish'd to see me . I acquainted him what misery we had been in for the space of eight days . I was troubl'd that we could not advance our Voyage ; but the refreshments ashore rais'd my spirits . Besides , I was glad to see the solemnities us'd by the Turks , when they celebrate their Easter , which they call the Easter of Ramadan , for they have several Easters . And though I had been at Algiers the year before , yet had I not seen any of those solemnities , for at the time of Easter I was shut up in the Bassa's Palace . This Festival lasts eight days , and is celebrated with great pomp and much rejoycing ; there being every day without the City Cavalcades , and certain recreations on Horse-back , which in the Spanish language are called Juego de Caguas . And the Turks children are drawn in little triumphal Chariots , and Christian slaves serve for Horses , and they know what is to be given them for their pains . Some in those eight days make a shift to get fifteen or sixteen Patacoons . The other Christian Slaves sold the children some toys or other , as they do at the K●rmesses in Flanders . Others had instruments for some childish plaies , and they also made a shift to get money out of the children , and every day there was wrestling , at which exercise some Moors were very expert ; but the most considerable celebration of the Easter consisted in drinking ( though it be directly contrary to the command of the Alcoran ) Wine and Brandy , and making good cheer , which they must eat with a very good appetite . For they fast a whole month before their Easter , whereto they are oblig'd onely in the day time . This Lent , or to say better Fast , is so rigorously observ'd , that if it were known any one had eaten a bit in the day time , they would pour melted Lead into his mouth , according to their Laws ; but in the night they are permitted to eat . And to give people notice that they may eat , Drums are beaten all night up and down the streets . This Easter is also advantageous to the Christians , for as in these parts on New-years day they give New-yeers-gifts , or something to the Men and Maids , so the Turks do the like at the Easter of Ramadan ; and the three or four first days , no slave is put to any work . Having seen all these solemnities , the wind continu'd still contrary till the 14 of January 1642. and then we embark'd the third time . Assoon as we were got out of the Port , the wind turn'd . But in regard we had return'd twice , and that some Turks had abus'd our Master , saying he understood not his profession , he incens'd at that reproach swore that he would not return any more to Algiers , till he had finish'd his voyage , nay that he would rather sink . The wind was absolutely contrary , so that we could onely Laveer , hoping it would turn . The eighth day we got before Oran , that is , about fourty leagues from Algiers . The same night , the Turks who were upon the Guard in the Ship discover'd at Sea two other Ships , which continually followed ours . Our Master and his people were afraid they might be Christians . But the next day they perceiv'd they were two Pirates of Algiers ; one was the Admiral , named Amet Arrais , born at Dunkirk . Our Master ask'd them whether they had seen any Christian Ships , whereto having answer'd that they had not , we pursu'd our course . Four days after we cast anchor before Tremesen , where we unloaded some commodities . Several Merchants went ashore , and staid there , to wit , some Jews and Moors , who came along with us . Tremesen was heretofore a powerful Kingdom , and the King of Algiers was a Tributary thereto . But now Tremesen is Tributary to Algiers , and the Bassa of Algiers hath at Tremesen his Caja , that is , his Lieutenant . This Kingdom lies at the utmost part of the Grand Seignor's territories ; for at that place begins the Kingdom of Morrocco and Fez. The Grand Seignor is in confederacy with those Kings ; but notwithstanding that confederacy , the Kings of Morrocco and Fez are many times in war with those of Algiers , without any violation of the confederacy , as those of Algiers are also many times in war against those of Tunis , yet so as that the Grand Seignor concerns not himself in what the Bassa's do . And yet these two Kingdoms are his . They do not think it making war , when they do not take places of importance . Having continu'd three days at Anchor before Tremesen , the Wind came East , and so was right for us . We prosecuted our Voyage ; and whereas divers Marchants , Jews and Moors , stay'd ashore at Tremesen , we were almost as many Christians in the Ship , as there were Moors and Turks . 'T is true there were three and twenty Jews , besides the Turks . Now we Slaves had engag'd our selves in a design at Algiers , before we went aboard the third time , to render our selves Masters of the Ship , and to Kill all the Turks , if an opportunity presented it self , and to that end , having been twice aboard , we had observ'd all conveniences . We had also made some preparations in order to the compassing of what we intended . The first proposer of the Design was a Spaniard , who lay all night on the Deck , with seven other Christian slaves , and we sixteen lay below in the little room towards the Prow ; as I said before . But though we were shut in , yet with the assistance of our Companions who were upon the Deck , we could secretly open the Hatch , so as the Turks should not perceive it . But the same night that we thought to put our Enterprise in execution , the chief Agent in it , who should have given the Signal , either neglected it , or had not the courage to proceed . So the enterprise prov'd ineffectual , as may be seen more at large in my three and thirty Relation . After that night we had no opportunity ; for the nearer we came to the Coasts of Spain , the more were the Turks in fear of losing the Ship , and the more careful in keeping their Guards . Feb. 9. 1642. We came to the Altitude of Malaga . The next day about seven , we perceiv'd two Ships making all the Sail they could towards us ; which much frightned our Master and the Turks , for we could not avoid coming within their Shot . Our Mast was cleft , so that we could not make a full Sail to get further into the Sea. They came so near us , that we could see their Dutch flaggs . Our Master commanded all the Christians under Deck . Then he made ready the Boat , that he might forsake the Ship , and get away with the chiefest of the Turks towards the Coast of Barbary , as I was afterwards told by the Turk who was to look to Monsieur Caloën and my self . But these two Ships being Marchant-men , as we understood two days afterwards , had no mind to Fight without any occasion . Our Master was glad to see them pass by without medling with him . The next day , about the same hour we met with a Pirat of Salley , who ask'd us whether we had any tidings of some Christian Ships , telling us that the two Dutch Ships we had seen the day before were Marchant-men , that traded on the Coast of Barbary . The wind continu'd still fair , so that Febr. 12. in the Evening , we cast Anchor in a Bay within a League and a half of Tituan . In that place there is a River falls into the Sea , the mouth whereof serv'd heretofore for a Port to the Ships which came to load and 〈◊〉 l●ad Commodities from Tituan . But the Marq●●ss of Santa Cruz's Grand-father , being General of the Spanish Galleys , made that River useless , by sinking in it some old Indian Gallions , loaden with stones and earth . This was done to hinder the Pyrats who extremely infested the Ports and Coasts of Spain . Being here at Anchor , we thought we had escap'd all the dangers Fortune might prepare for us , and we were in hopes that night to lodge ashore . But this was reckoning without our Host . For the Sea being extremely rough by reason of the East-wind , which forces the Mediterranean into the Ocean , our Master would not suffer the Boat to be put out for fear of some misfortune , that place being as it were between two Seas , which caus'd a great alteration in the Sea. We were therefore forc'd to cast two Anchors more , and the worst of it was that we could not make out to Sea , by reason the Wind was so high , and that the Bay is as it were a half-moon of Land , and that the Wind blowing from Sea was very violent . Add to this , that the Storm increased still , insomuch that the next day it was absolutely impossible for us to Disembark . The Master and the Turks were extremely at a loss ; and perceiving the Tempest still increas'd , they knew not what to do , fearing the Cables might break , and that the Ship would run against a Rock , and fall to pieces , without any hope of saving any one of all those who were aboard . The Master being thus puzled , and expecting to be Wrack'd , call'd up a Christian Slave , born at Norway , named Hans Maurus , a Man very expert in Navigation . He ask'd whether he knew any remedy in that imminent danger . The Slave repli'd , If you will take my advice , with the help of God , I yet see one way to save the Lives of all that are here , but the Ship will be broken to pieces . What is to be done to save our Lives , says the Master ? We must , repli'd he , make ready the Bow-sprit Sail , to the end it may be in a moment set before the VVind , and we must turn the Ship that she may run upon the Sands , ( shewing the place to which he would have her directed , about a Musket-shot from us ) otherwise the wind will force us upon that Rock , and will break the Ship into a thousand pieces . This advice was approv'd , and the Sail was prepar'd , as he had ordered . This was done about noon , the Tempest still continuing . Which the superstitious Turks perceiving , they said their Sala with the accustomed Ceremonies , making vows to bestow Alms as soon as they came ashore . But no miracle appearing , they resolv'd to offer a Sacrifice to their Prophet Mahomet , which is the last refuge of the Turks , when they are in danger at Sea : And is done thus . They take alive Sheep , ( for which reason they always have some aboard to be us'd upon such occasions ) and if there chance to be any one among them who hath been at Meca , to visit the place where the Body of their Prophet is , he with many Prayers and ridiculous Ceremonies cuts the Sheep alive into four quarters , and casts them over-board on the four sides of the Ship. We Christians recommended our selves to the Divine goodness . Hans Maurus told us that the Tempest would still inc●●●se till mid-night , and that then the Cables would break . Night came on , and the Turk who was to see us safely Lodg'd , shut us up as he was wont . We desir'd him , that in case the Ship should run a-ground , he would let us out , that every one might shift for himself , and save his Life if he could ; which he promis'd to do . Accordingly at mid-night , the Moon being just in the full , the Cable of our great Anchor broke , and the two others had lost their hold , in regard they had not above fifteen fathom of Cable , and were dragg'd after the Ship. We all that were in the Prow prepar'd our selves for Death ; but the Turk kept his promise , and opening the Hatch , said to us , Christians , come all up , that we may all Dye together . We could not come out otherwise than one after another , which caus'd a great confusion , for every one endeavour'd to get out first . As soon as I was got up on the Deck , me-thought I saw a representation of the last judgement . For the Turks were all at the Stern crying out as loud as ever they could , and imploring the assistance of their Prophet Mahomet . About the main-mast there were 〈◊〉 Jews , who address'd their prayers to Abraham , 〈◊〉 , and Moses ; and we Christians , at least such as were Catholicks , directed ours to our Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ , and his glorious Mother . Others , who were of the reform'd Religion , and Schismaticks , very heartily recommended themselves to God after their way . Nay , I may say , the most wicked person among us seem'd then to be very devout . We continu'd in this perplexity and confusion a good space . And perceiving the two Anchors staid 〈◊〉 the Ship at all , but were dragg'd after it , order 〈◊〉 given that the Cables should be cut . Immediate●● the Bow-sprit Sail was nois'd up , and the Ship turn'd with the Prow towards the Land with an incredible force and swiftness . Hans Maurus cried out in Dutch , Take heed of the Mast , I fear me it will fall . But nothing fell , save only ten or twelve Turks , who tumbled off the Deck into the Sea. But the wind forcing the Sea with so much violence to the Shore , those who fell into the water , were by its means immediately forc'd to the Land. All this happen'd in less time than a Man could have said a Miserere , and the Ship running a-ground burst , and most of those who were in it leap'd into the Sea , fearing the Ship might cleave asunder . For my part , perceiving that the Ship leaned on one side towards the Shore , that is , the side on which all leap'd into the Sea , I was afraid it might fall by reason of its continual agitation , and so thought it not safe to stay any longer on the Deck . And whereas the Ship was built after the Italian way , like the Vessels called Pollaces , which have little Rooms jetting out , as the Galleys have , I went into one of those , and thence leap'd into the Sea , where it happen'd to be so shallow that I had ground , but could not continue long in the same place , by reason of the agitation of the Sea ; 〈◊〉 ●hat I was forc'd to swim three or four fathom , an●●ith that I got quite to Land. Having given God hearty thanks for this deliverance , I went to look for M. Caloën ; for though I saw him leap into the water , yet was I not certain that he got to land . He on the other-side was in the same perplexity for me . Having at last met , I went to look for the Turk who was our conductor ●rom Algiers . I found him among a company of Christian-Slaves , Turks , and Jews , who stood as close as they could one to another , to get themselves a heat . For being wet , we were almost starv'd to death . Those who had escap'd were numbred , and there were above twenty wanting ; but by degrees they came together to the main body , all but two , to wit , a young Lad , a Jew , who was drunk , and a Turk , who was half-distracted . We were now out of all Sea-danger , but not out of that of the Barbarians , who were very numerous all along that Coast . Nay , if they had had any tidings of our misfortune , and that the Ship would have run-a-ground , they would have been there in great numbers , to make a prey of all they could meet with , and to kill us without any mercy ; but our Master immediately dispatch'd away two Turks , who knew the way to Tituan , about a league and a half thence , and they gave notice to the Governor of our misfortune , and desir'd his assistance against the Barbarians . We continu'd all this time in the cold ; but one of the Turks , who took Tobacco having a little Tinder-box about him , we made a shift , with sticks , Barrel-staves and such things as the Sea had cast ash●●● , to make a fire . We pass'd away the night the best we could ; and at the break of day the Barbarians stood at a distance to see whether there were any thing to be stollen ; but we being about 70. persons , they durst not come neer us . Besides it was not long ere they came from Tituan a party of horse to convey the goods we had sav'd to the City . The Governor came also in person attended by twenty horsemen arm'd after the African mode , with long Lances . The Turk who was to conduct us hir'd a horse for himself and his baggage , that is , what he could make a shift to save . For the Tempest beginning to abate about the break of day , what belong'd to the Passengers was taken out of the Ship ; and most of the goods were sav'd , but wet and spoil'd . When they went in the morning into the Ship , to get out the goods , they found the Turk Alli , whom we gave over for drown'd . He was got into the Cabin at the Stern , where he had met with the Master's bottle of Brandy , and had made himself drunk , and so knew nothing of the past danger . M. Caloën and I hir'd a horse for us both , and we got about noon to Tituan . The Jew who was with us got us a lodging , for our money , in the Quarter where the Jews inhabited . After we had been two days at Tituan , there went thence a Cafila ( that is , a great number of persons travelling together ) to Centa , along with whom there went also two Moors , persons of quality , who were going to Ceuta , to remain there as Hostages , that the Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives ( who were then come to Ceuta ) might remove thence the more safely to Tituan , to treat with the Governor about the ransoming of certain Christian Slaves . We were glad of that opportunity to write to our Companion Saldens , who should be , as we thought , at Ceuta with the five Turks . For it happens sometimes that when there is any difference between the Governors of those two places , there is no correspondence between them for two or three months together . With this Cafila , we writ to Ceuta , thinking Saldens had been there because he had written thence to us , and two days after the Cafila return'd with two Fathers of the Order of the Blessed Trinity . Their arrival caus'd great rejoycing , as well among the Christian Slaves as the Citizens ; for the former were in hopes of obtaining their liberty , the latter of receiving money . We went immediately to salute the Fathers , who deliver'd us a Letter written from Ceuta , by a Spanish Gentleman named Dom Martin de Pegnalosa . The Letter was to this effect , Your Companion Renier Saldens , weary of staying here , is gone to Gibraltar to recreate himself , but hath left me order to supply you with all things necessary ; and whereas I find by your Letter , that you would have two hundred Patacoons return'd to you , I give order to a Moorish Merchant named Alli Tigarino , to furnish you with the said sum , and the same Merchant will be engag'd for you , that you may remain in the City , and not be oblig'd to go into the Masmora , ( the Masmora is a prison under ground ) and I will immediately write to Renier Saldens , that he may return hither , to compleat the exchange of the five Turks , ( who thanks be to God are all well ) for you two . This news extreamly satisfy'd us ; but we had already forgotten , that there is no great distance between mirth and sorrow . The five Turks walk'd the Streets of Ceuta upon the engagement of the two Merchants , Moors , whose ordinary residence was at Ceuta . In the mean time , though our Companion Saldens was gone but to Gibraltar , yet Mustapha Ingles imagining he was return'd into Flanders , or gone to some part of Spain far thence , writ a Letter to Tituan to the Turk who kept us , that Renier Saldens had promis'd , at his being in Flanders , to contribute seven hundred Patacoons , towards the ransom which his Relations had paid for M. Caloën , and that he should put us into the Masmora , till such time as we had promis'd to pay that sum . The contriver of this business was Hibraim Arrais , one of the five Turks , who gave out at Ceuta , that M. Caloën and I had promis'd the seven hundred Patacoons before our departure from Algiers . The Turk who kept us having receiv'd this letter communicated it to the correspondents of Mustapha's friends , who thought it fit that we should be put into the Masmora , as well to see whether they might get the seven hundred Patacoons , as to shew their readiness to serve Mustapha's friends . The Turk came and gave us an account what had been resolv'd , telling us it was no fault of his . And thereupon he conducted us to the Masmora . This Masmora is a Vault thirty foot under ground divided into three partitions . The greatest of the three is about twenty eight foot in length , and twenty four in breadth ; the two others are less . And there were commonly detain'd there an hundred and seventy Christian Slaves . This prison hath no other light than that of three gates which are above in the mid'st of the Street , and at each of these grates there is a hook fasten'd to a Line ; and when in the day time any Christians pass by , they charitably bring water to the poor Slaves ; or if they have money , they buy somewhat for them ; and the hook and line serve to let down what they would give them . The Jaylor or Keeper of this prison suffers not any body to come in without giving him something . There is no Privy in it , but the prisoners and Slaves use pots as they do in Spain , and those pots are hung about the Walls , and so serve both for Tapistry and perfume . Besides they are not to be empty'd till night , and then an Officer opens one of the grates , and they are drawn up by the hook . And for every pot that is empty'd , there must be paid a Bobe , that is about half a farthing , which methinks is a great cruelty , and yet all those who are put into that miserable prison , are forc'd to lye on the ground , unless they are permitted to hang up Hammocks made of Cords against the Walls , as they do in Ships . But there are so many people , and the place is so streight , that the poor Slaves are forc'd to crow'd together , and lye like so many Herrings . Thence it comes that in the Summer time especially , there is such abundance of Vermine , and so much other nastiness , that it is as troublesome being there as rowing in the Gallies . It was our fortune to be there in Winter . But what troubled us most was , that in the night time , when all were laid in their places , some lewd Boys , Moors , to vex the poor Christians , would cast in filth , stones , water , and other things through the grates . This happen'd some nights three or four times , and that alarm oblig'd all who lay neer the grates to rise ; for all lying on the ground , he who rose not presently was in danger of being trampled under-foot by his companions , the floor being all cover'd with bodies . M. Caloën and I lay in a hole , so that we were not oblig'd to rise at that alarm . That favour was done us by a Knight of St. James's , a Spaniard , named Dom Geronimo de Figuroa , born at Corduba , and a Slave , who was very kind to us . He told us that he took his diet in the Masmora , with four other Slaves , at ten ( simple ) Ryals a month ; whereupon M. Caloën and I desir'd to be admitted among them at the same rate , and I must confess we were well treated , as Slaves , having as much meat as Nature requir'd , and a cloath laid on our table . Our Host was a Spaniard , who had been thirteen years in that prison , getting his livelihood by that way , and yet , among the one hundred and seventy Slaves , there were but five , who could be treated at that rate . While we were in this misery , our Companion Saldens returns to Ceuta , where he receiv'd one of my Letters , wherein I gave him an account of all that pass'd , and that we were in the Masmora , upon order from the five Turks at Ceuta to the Turk who kept us , to put us there , till we promis'd to give the seven hundred Patacoons , which he had promis'd in Flanders , as the same Turks affirmed . And to shew that M. Caloën and I had promis'd nothing as to that sum , as they gave out at Ceuta , I sent him also a Letter written in the Turkish language , by the Turk who kept us , wherein he acknowledg'd , that we had promis'd him onely twenty five Patacoons for himself , and to pay for our passage from Algiers to Tituan . The Turk gave me the Letter unseal'd , and I writ a Post-script to Saldens , that he should cause the five Turks to be chain'd and put into the Masmora at Ceuta , which is a more inconvenient place then that of Tituan , as being under an Oven , which causes an insupportable heat . The Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives , whom I spoke of before , return'd to Ceuta , without redeeming so much as one Christian . The reason was , that they could not agree with the Governor of Tituan ; for the ordinary way of agreeing is , to pay a third part in money , and the other two thirds in commodities , whereof there are patterns shewn . The difference was , that the Governor would not take the commodities at the rate set upon them by the Fathers . Besides he would have oblig'd the Fathers in the first place to redeem thirty Slaves belonging to himself , at the rate of two hundred Duckets a piece . Which the Fathers would by no means condescend unto , in regard that all those Slaves were either Portuguez or French , and the Fathers said , not without reason , As long as there are any Spanish Slaves , we cannot redeem those of other Nations ; insomuch as the Alms we bring were given in Spain for the redemption of Spaniards , and it is but reason that they should be preferr'd before others . Hence it came that the Fathers return'd without doing any thing . I gave my Letter to a free Christian who went along with the Fathers to Ceuta , desiring him to deliver it to Saldens himself ; which he did , telling him , he had left us the day before in the Masmora at Tituan , whereat Saldens was extreamly incens'd . He immediately order'd the five Turks to be brought to the Masmora at Ceuta , and being at the entrance of it , he said to the Captain Hibraim Arrais , who was one of the five , Pilla Basso , that is in Lingua Franca , Lay him down on the ground , and let four hold his arms and leggs , that he may be cudgell'd over the back and buttocks : For Saldens had a cudgel ready in his hand ; having learnt that kind of justice when he was with us at Algiers . Hibraim Arrais began to put off his cloaths , weeping , and giving all the fair words he could , and the other four Turks shook like an Aspen leaf , fearing the same Treatment . All that pass'd by ( for this was done in the Streets ) made a halt to see the end of the Tragedy . Among other spectators , two Turkish Merchants , who chanc'd to be at Ceuta about their commerce , passing by the place , said to Saldens , What would you do with these Slaves , are they not unfortunate enough to be Slaves , but they must also be beaten ? Salden being extreamly incens'd , made answer , I will cudgel two or three of these ungrateful Traytors to death , I have suffered them to walk freely up and down the City , and yet not withstanding that kindness , they have caus'd my Companions to be put into the Masmora at Tituan , ( though they had given good security ) where they are at this present in misery , and these Dogs walk up and down the City where they please , and they have written a thousand lyes to Tituan , to Trapan us out of our money by their malicious inventions , contrary to all right . Upon that the two Merchants spoke to the five Turks in their own language , and after their discourse was ended , they said to Saldens , Forbear beating these Slaves , and we will put in security here that your Companions shall come out of the Masmora , and be brought hither with the first Cafila . We will write to morrow for their delivery out of the Masmora . Saldens seem'd to be satisfy'd with what was propos'd , yet would fain have given them a beating . But upon the intreaties of some Captain 's of the Garrison , he was perswaded to go along with the two Merchants to the Governor , who then was the Marquesse of Miranda , and Saldens and the two Turkes alledged their reasons . After he had heard both parties , and brought them to an agreement , he write a Letter to this effect to the Governor of Tituan . Send me along with the first Cafila two Christians , named John Baptist Caloën , and Emanuel d' Aranda , and I promise you upon the word and faith of a Christian and Knight , that assoon as those Christians shall come to the gate of Ceuta , I will set at liberty the five Turks , named Mustapha Ingles , Hibraim Arrais , Alli Tagarino , Rhodes Mustapha , and Mustapha Oiga . There liv'd at Ceuta a Jew , a man of great reputation for his wealth , who undertook to accommodate ( or rather over-reach both sides ) the difference between the Fathers before-mentioned and the Governor of Tituan , whether he was to go the next day . The Marquesse's Letter was given to him , with order to deliver it to the Governor of Tituan himself , which he did the next day . In the evening , we were let out of the Masmora , with permission to walk within and without the City , as we pleas'd our selves . We went immediately to our Chamber in the Jews Quarter , which had been kept during our absence by the Turk who had the over-sight of us . What happen'd in the Masmora , during the time of our being confin'd there may be seen in the VII . and XIII . of the ensuing Relations . We walk'd up and down with the Turk who kept us , in expectation of the Cafila from Ceuta , having bought us each a white Cloak , such as in the Language of the Country are called Albornos , and a red Cap , garments befitting Christians who had newly recover'd their Liberty . Most of the Christian Slaves gave us Letters to be sent to their Friends and Relations . The Jew who mediated between the Fathers for the Redemption of Captives , and the Governour of Tituan having compos'd the difference , ( or to say better over-reach both ) was to return the next day , which was the 23 of March , 1642. We took two hackney Horses of a Moor who was to go with the same Cafila to Ceuta : And got a couple of Pullets made ready , and a large bottle of Wine , to refresh our selves by the way . We left Tituan , accompani'd by the Knight Philip de Cherf , and some other Christian Slaves our friends to a place within a quarter of a league to the City , where all who went along with the Cafila were to meet . We took leave of such as came along with us , who were much dejected that they were still to continue in that miserable state of Slavery . We got that evening about two Leagues , all along a Champion Country , which from that place to Ceuta is neither cultivated nor inhabited , but absolutely desert , though the soil be fertile enough . We alighted in the open fields , and having unloaden the Mules , three or four Turks with their Cutlasses cut down good store of Wood , and made a fire . For the nights in that Country , as well as in Spain are very cold in March. All setled themselves about the fire , and eat what they brought with them . We intreated some of the chiefest Turks to participate of our provisions , but they would have excus'd themselves , saying that the Pullets had been kill'd by some Christian , and that therefore they could not eat thereof . I was fain to swear that a Turk had kill'd them ; which was true , for we had brought the Pullets purposely to treat them by the way . Had they been Pyrates of Algiers , they would not have been so scrupulous . Having supp'd well , we lay down by the fire to sleep . The next day an hour before Sun-rising we took our way towards Ceuta , and from the place where we had quarter'd the night before to Ceuta , we met not with any person , nor any sign that men had ever inhabited that way , save onely the ruines of a house . In our way , a Turk , who was on Horse-back , having a fire-lock kill'd a wild Boar ; but in regard the Turks are not permitted to eat thereof , M. Caloën promis'd them two Patacoons if they would bring him to the City for us ; which they did , cutting it him into quarters , and putting them on the Mules . When the Cafila comes within a league of Ceuta , it must take a certain way that it may be discover'd by the Sentinels of the City ; and the very coming that way signifies friends . When we were got within two Musket-shots of the City , a Moor said to M. Caloën and me , Christians , stay here , I have order to keep you here , till the five Turks are come hither also . There was no reply to be made ; I gave my Prayer-Book to a Jew , who was going to the City , to serve for a signal to Saldens , that he might know we were there , expecting admission into the City . This was about nine in the morning , and we continu'd there till three in the afternoon , there being no person with us but the Moor who guarded us , devoutly expecting the five Turks . We could not imagine what might be the reason of their stay . But between three and four we saw the gate opened , and the Draw-bridge let down ; and there came out some thirty Horse-men arm'd with Lances and Bucklers of Leather , which in Spanish are called Adargas , and one of the party better mounted than the rest , rode a good way into the Country , as it were to make a discovery . Then he put up his Bonnet on the top of the Lance , as a signal that there were no Ambuscadoes . Those of the party having seen that signal divided themselves into divers lesser parties , and planted themselves upon some of the avenues . The Leader of that Party wish'd us happiness with our Liberty , and told us , that our Companion was talking with the Governor concerning our entrance into the City . While I was speaking with the Captain , I saw coming out of the City a Company of Foot , about one hundred and fifty men in number , which Company drew up into a little Batallion , between the Horse and the City . After that I saw coming out about a hundred Slaves , Turks , and Moors , every one loaden with two heavy Iron Chains , with a great Pot on his Back , and they came between the Body of Foot and the City to fetch Spring-water in their Pots . And this was done twice or thrice a week with the same vigilance , as well out of a fear of being surpris'd by the Barbarians , as of loosing their Slaves . Having observ'd all that pass'd , we wondred much that Saldens staid so long . The reason was , that the Governor of Ceuta by his letter before-mentioned had promis'd the Governour of Tituan , to set the five Turks at liberty as soon as we were come to the Gates of Ceuta , which he durst not do at that time , in regard it was publickly known at Ceuta , that a Ship was expected there from Tangiers . And if those five Turks had then been permitted to go for Tituan , no doubt they would have given notice of it to the Pyrats of that City , and so the Ship might run the hazard of being taken . On the other side , we were in great hazard and danger , either to be forc'd to return to Tituan , or remain without the City to be a prey to the Barbarians , who many times come within reach of the Canon of the City . But our Companion Saldens manag'd the business so well with the assistance of Dom Martin de Pegnalosa , that the Governor having sent for the five Turks , said to them . 'T is true , I have engag'd my word to the Governor of Tituan , that I would set you five at liberty assoon as the two Christians should come to the gates of this City ; and now that they are come , I neither can nor dare set you at liberty according to my promise , because you know there is expected here a Ship richly loaden from Tangiers . But to shew you that I am a person tender of my word , the two Christians shall return back again to Tituan , or they shall remain without the City , till the said Ship be come in . But if you are content that the two Christians shall come into the City , I promise you upon the word of a Knight , that assoon as this Ship shall come in , I will permit you to depart , and in the mean time I declare you from this present free . The Turkes accepted of this condition , confiding in the promises of the Governor , yet thought they fit to draw up a little writing of it . Whereupon about four in the afternoon Saldens sent us word that he would come and meet us , but that he was first to speak to the Governor . About half an hour after he came , accompany'd by Dom Martin de Pegnalosa , who kindly assisted him in all his affairs . It is impossible to express the joy and satisfaction of his meeting with our Companion after whom we had languish'd so long . After mutual embraces , all present wish'd us happiness with our liberty . VVe made our entrance together into Ceuta , more content then the Roman Emperors when they return'd in triumph to the City of Rome . We went to kiss the Governor's hand , presenting him with the head of the wild Boar which had been kill'd by the way ; and as we came out of his Palace , the five Turks came to welcome us : They went along with us to our Inn , where we treated them , and we mutually related to each other our past adventures . Then was it that there pass'd among us three , the greatest satisfaction and enjoyments , that ever we had , or ever shall have in our lives . But , as I said several times before , an excessive mirth will soon meet with some check or other ; our Companion Saldens began to relate unto us , how that one of the five Turks being in prison at Bruges had embrac'd the Christian Religion . We fell into a consultation what we should do upon that conjuncture . For if we discover'd that he was become a Christian , the Governor could not permit him to depart . And whereas he had engag'd his word to the Governor of Tituan , that he would set them all at liberty , no doubt he would have sent us back thither . For he was a person understood himself very well , as to what he was oblig'd to , when he had pass'd his word to a Mahometane Governor ; and he laugh'd at those , who taught , that a man is not oblig'd to keep his word with people of another Religion or Sect. To suffer him to go , knowing he was a Christian , went against our Conscience . We advis'd with an old Cavalier , who was better acquainted with the disposition of the Turks , then he , who , out of zeal without prudence , had converted that Turk . His advice was , that Saldens should speak alone to the Turk , and that his discourse should be to this purpose . Alli ( so was his Name ) you know that you embrac'd the Christian Religion in Flanders , what is now your intention ? In case he reply , I am a Christian , and I will continue in the Christian Apostolick and Roman Faith : Then Saldens shall say to him , Go to the Governor , and tell him that you are a Christian , and that you will stay here ; and go and say the same thing to your four Companions . Then the Governor , in the presence of his Companions , will ask him , whether he will return into his Country . If he answers , that he will not , and if he say that he is a Christian , he shall stay , and the Governor shall be discharg'd . Saldens put this advice in execution , but Alli made answer that he would return into his Country . Whereupon we engag'd our selves no further in the business . Mach 24. 1642. Was the day of our absolute liberty , whereupon one of my friends made these two Chronograms , whereof one shews the day of my being taken by the Turks , the other that of my Redemption . Chronicum Captivitatis . MensIs aVgVstI DIe XXII . CaptVs . Chronicum Redemptionis . MartII XXIIII . reDVCtVs fVIt . The day after our arrival we went all three to the great Church at Ceuta , to do our devotions . This Church is called , Our Lady's Church of Africk , and it is the Metropolitane Church . We kiss'd the Bishop's hand , who was a devout old Man , and all his train consisted of one Negro-Slave . He ask'd us whether we were Christians ( he meant Catholicks ) We answer'd that we were Roman Catholicks , and subjects of his Majesty of Spain . Upon this answer the good Bishop gave us his benediction . We staid at Ceuta eight days , intending to go to Gibraltar with a Brigantine well arm'd ; for that passage is very dangerous . This Brigantine had fifteen banks , and on every bank two Souldiers to Row , who had their Arms lying ready by them . In four hours , we pass'd from Africk to Europe , not without great fear of being once more taken by the Turks , for I knew those Souldiers were as good Sea-men , as the English Master , when we were taken , shew'd himself a valiant Souldier . We came to Gibraltar , and stay'd there three days , and went to do our devotions at a Chappel a quarter of a league without the City , and directly where the distance is least between Africk and Europe , called Our Lady's Chappel of Europe , a place much frequented by all those who have friends and Relations in Slavery . VVe went from Gibraltar on Horse-back for Cadiz , which is two days journey . M. Caloën and I were in our white cloaks and red caps ; whence it came that in our way , and at all the Villages where we alighted , all those who had any friends in Slavery came to see us , to know whether we had any Letters or news from them . Being at Cadiz , we got us cloaths made us after the Christian mode , and thence we went to Madrid , where we staid two months all three together . Some days after , Saldens went away with his old Master , the Marquess of Solero , for the Army of Catalonia , and M. Caloën and I came to St. Sebastian's in Biscay , and travell'd without any Pass through all France , trusting to an Attestation we had from the Fathers employ'd about the Redemption of Captives , certifying that we came out of Slavery . But where we had no occasion to shew the Attestation , we pretended to be Hollanders . Being come to Paris , we were inform'd that at Dieppe , as also at Callice , the Governors very strictly examin'd Strangers , especially such as would cross over into England . To avoid this examination we took Shipping at Rovën in a Hamburgher , bound for Scotland . Being at Sea , we told the Master that we would gladly see England , and that if he would set us ashoar neer Dover , we would give the Boats-crue somewhat to drink . VVe were accordingly landed within half a league of Dover , whither we went afoot . And the next day we pass'd over with the Packet-boat to Dunkirk . Thus , after divers traverses of fortune and strange adventures , I came to Dunkirk , reflecting on the hardship , the dangers , the vain hopes , the happinesses , the misfortunes , and a thousand other accidents which I had run through , during the time of my unhappy travels , wherein I was much troubled in body , but much more afflicted in mind . I leave it to the Reader , to imagine what satisfaction it was to me , to see the Steeples and other Structures of my dear Country , where I had wish'd my self a thousand and a thousand times , representing to my self the delightful interview of my dear friends , and particularly my indulgent Mother , from whom , my Brothers and Sisters , for important reasons , had till that time conceal'd my Captivity , and other misfortunes , perswading her sometimes that I was sick , sometimes that other accidents , yet such as were probable , had happened to me . Amidst these reflections , on the 20. day of August 1642. I came to the City of Bruges , rendring most humble thanks to God , who had conducted me , through so many dangers by Sea and Land , to the gates of the City where I drew my first breath , and gave me the time and convenience to praise his glorious Mother the Virgin Mary , whom all Christians ought to invocate as the Comforter of the afflicted . But for my part , I shall , for many reasons , acknowledge all the days of my life , that I am particularly oblig'd to honor her , to serve her , and to render her all possible thanks , as a Christian ought to do to the common Mother of all Christians . And in the next place , according to the commandment of God , to honour my natural Mother , whom I found in health with my Brothers and Sisters . The content and joy we had at our meeting , I omit as being beyond expression . But what I have said elsewhere , to wit , that mourning and sorrow are the neer attendants of joy and satisfaction , may be further seen here also ; for some few days after my return , my Brother-in-law , and dear Mother ended their days , to whom I wish eternal rest ; laying aside my Pen , to acknowledge the pains the Reader hath taken in perusing my Adventures . A SHORT ACCOUNT Of the ANTIQUITY Of the City of ALGIERS . THe City of Algiers is scituated in a Province of Africk , anciently called Mauritania Caesariensis , on the side of the Mediterranean Sea. Its elevation is at 37. degrees . It is not known who were the Founders of this City , for what is conjecturable seems fabulous . But whta's most certain , is , that Strabo , a creditable Author , speaking of Mauritania Caesariensis , says , that on the Mediterranean , there was a City called Jol , which was rebuilt by Juba , the Father of Ptolomy , who chang'd the name of Jol into Jol-Caesaria ; affirming further , that the said City had a little Island before the Port , at the 37. degree of Elevation . Whence it may be inferr'd , that he speaks of Algiers ; inasmuch as there is no City on the Coast of Africk at the 37. degree , which hath a little Island before the Port , but this . It is to be observ'd , that we speak here of young Juba , Son of King Juba the first of that name , and Nephew or Grand-child to that great Boncho King of Mauritania . This Juba , of whom I speak , was taken in the Battel , wherein the forces of Pompey , being retreated out of Africk , were defeated by the Caesarian Party . And this young Juba was carried to Rome , fasten'd to the Emperor 's triumphal Chariot , according to the custom of the Romans . Being a young man , he was brought up at Rome , and prov'd so successful in his Studies , that the Emperor Augustus not onely gave him his liberty , but also married him to a daughter of Mark Anthony's and Cleopatra , named Silen● , Queen of Egypt , as Suetonius affirms , lib. 1. and for dowry gave him his Father's Kingdom , to wit , all Mauritania , which at that time , comprehended the Kingdoms of Morocco , Tr●●ante , Fez , Tremesen , Oran , Tunis , Algiers , ●●gy , as far as Bona , which is a vast space of a very fertile and rich ground . Thence is it that Plutarch saies , that Juba had a fortunate Slavery ; and as Suetonius affirmes , lib. 2. Juba in acknowledgement of the kindness he had receiv'd , and to continue in the Emperor's favour , gave that City the name of Jo●-Caesaria . Whence it may easily be conjectur'd , that this City was in that time a place of great account , since Juba made choice of it among all those of his Kingdome , to eternise the name of that glorious Prince Augustus Caesar , since he Re-built it , and kept his Court there , as Pliny affirms , lib. 5. ch . 2. After Juba's Death , Ptolomey , his Son , succeeded him in his Father's Kingdome : But the Emperour Caligula caus'd him to be Kill'd , and by that means , became Master of all those Kingdoms , dividing them into two Provinces , calling the one Mauritania Tingitensis , from the name of the City Tingis , now called Tangiers , according to Suetonius , lib. 2. making that City the Metropolis of Mauritania Tingitensis ; and calling the other part Mauritania Caesariana , taking that name from Jol-Caesaria , inasmuch as that City was the Metropolis of that great Province . In that met the Assembly which the Romans called Conventus Provinciarum , and the Roman Governours kept their Residence there . The Emperour Claudius , who succeeded Caligula inrich'd that City with Roman Colonies , with the same freedome and priviledges as the Citizens of Rome then had . In the year of our Lord 427. Guntario and Genserico Kings of the Vandalls and Alans , having subdu'd Spain , pass'd into Africk , destroy'd and sack'd the two Mauritania's , especially the two Metropolitan Cities . And in the year 697. the Alarbes , or Arabians , destroy'd in a manner all Africk ; but notwithstanding that second Destruction , that City was still Inhabited , and that by reason of its excellent Scituation . For the Sea strikes against the Walls of it , and a little Island , distant from the City about a Bow-shot , serves for a Port to it . The Fortifications in that time were very good , and the Soil very fertil , by reason of a great many Springs which water the Gardens . Whence it came , that this City never wanted Citizens . The change of the name of Jol-Caesaria was caus'd by the Alarbes , who conquer'd Africk ; for they call'd it , as indeed they do at present , Algezir , which signifies an Island , inasmuch as there is a little Island before the City , as if they meant by Algezir , the City of the Island . But in regard Foreiners cannot well pronounce the word Algezir , the Italians and Spaniards call it Argil , the French Alger , and the English commonly Algiers . When the Alarbes were absolute Masters of Africk , and had made a division of all the Provinces , Mauritania Caesariensis fell to the King of Tremesen , to whom those of Algiers paid tribute a long time , till one Albuferiz a very powerful King of Tunis became Master of the City of Bugy , forcing even the King of Tremesen to be his Tributary . The King of Bugy dying , divided his Territories among his three Children , and gave the youngest whose name was Habdulhaziz , the City of Bugy , making it as it were the Metropolis of that new Kingdom . This King Habdulhaziz engag'd himself in a War against the King of Tremesen ; those of Algiers finding themselves incommodated by the War , and considering that the King of Tremesen ( to whom they paid a great Tribute ) had no care of them , nor Fo●ces sufficient to defend them , were oblig'd to pay Tribute to the King of Bugy , and so they declar'd themselves enemies to the King of Tremesen . This subjection lasted till the Count Pedro Navarro in the year of our Lord 1509. got for the King of Spain the Cities of Oran and Bugy . Those of Algiers fearing the same success as Oran and Bugy , thought it their best course to put themselves under the protection of the great Prince of the Alarbes , named Selim Eutemi , who had always Liv'd in the Campagnes about Algiers . This Selim came and made his residence in the City of Algiers to defend it ; which he did for some years , till the Turks , by Tyranny , became Masters of Algiers , as shall be seen in the subsequent discourse . How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks . THe ordinary exercise of the Citizens of Algiers , in that time , was to play the Pyrats with their Barks with Oars ; and this exercise increas'd daily . In the year 1592. in which King Ferdinand got the City of Granada , great numbers of Moors pass'd as well from Granada , as from Valentia and Arragon , into Africk , who had been brought up in Spain ; So that knowing the ways , the Language , and being vers'd in the business of War , all their work was , by perpetual Incursions , to infest the Coasts of Spain , Major●a , Minorca , Ivica , and the other Islands . The City of Oran being reduc'd in the year 1509. as we said before , King Ferdinand sent a powerful Fleet to destroy the City of Algiers , with all Pyrats belonging to it , and to clear the Sea of that barbarous Nation . Those of Algiers seeing that Naval force ready to fall upon them , submitted to the King of Spain , obliging themselves to pay him an annual Tribute : And whereas the main design was to destroy the Pyrats , the Spaniards made a Fort within the City ▪ kept by a Capt●in and two hundred Souldiers . This place was always well furnish'd with Ammunitions , and Provisions , and kept both Pyrats and Citizens in awe . As long as that great Monarch liv'd , those of Algiers paid their Tribute , and patiently endur'd the inconvenience of that Fort , not presuming so much as to Mutter , till the Death of that King , which happen'd in the year 1516. Upon his Death , they resolv'd to rid their hands of their Neighbours the Christians , as also of the Fort , that they might pay no more Tribute to the Spaniards . In order to the execution of their design , they sent to Aruch Barberossa , who was then at Higir , a place seated on the side of the Mediterranean Sea , distant from Algiers , East-ward , an hundred and eighty Italian miles , intreating him , as a valiant Souldier ( for he was famous at that time for his Victories ) to make all the haste he could to Algiers , with his Turks and Galleys , to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians , who much incommodated them by that Fort , promising to recompence him nobly for his p●ins . Barberossa having receiv'd this Embassy , was very glad of i● , looking on it as a fit opportunity to make himself Lord of Algiers , and by degrees reduce under his power great Territories in Barbary . He pretended to be much troubled that the Christians lay so heavy on those of Algiers , and made answer , that he wish'd nothing so much , as that he were able to deliver them out of that misery , and that within a short time he would come and relieve them . The Ambassadors glad of that promise return'd to Algiers . In the interim Barberossa looses no time . He sends away eighteen Gallies , full of Turks , Ammunition and Artillery , and himself with his Turkish and Moorish forces comes by Land. Selim Eut●mi Lord of Algiers , and the chiefest Citizens were glad to see the ready assistance which Barberossa gave them ; they went and met him a days journey short of the City , imagining he was coming streight to Algiers . But Barberossa excus'd himself , saying , that some affairs of great importance oblig'd him to go first to Sargil , sixty Italian miles from Algiers , on the Sea-side , Westward , promising to return in a short time , and to do what they desi●'d , if not more . Accordingly he went with his forces by Land towards Sargil , giving order to his Gallies , which were already at Algiers , to go immediately towards Sargil , where was Car-azan , one of his Captains , who had commanded some Picaroons of his own Squadron . But this Car-azan , thinking it more advantageous and more honorable to command then to be commanded , had debauch'd some of Barberossa's Ships , and was got to Sargil , inriching himself by his courses on the Coast of Spain , by the assistance of the Moors , who liv'd there , most Natives of Granada and Valentia , who retir'd thither when Dom Ferdinand conquer'd Granada in the year 1492. Car-azan astonish'd to find Barberossa so neer , 〈…〉 to go and wait on him , and to restore him 〈◊〉 Ships and Turkish souldiers he had debauch'd from him , presuming Barberossa would think it sufficient satisfaction . But Barberossa not admitting any excuses , caus'd Car-azan's head to be struck off in his presence , took all his Ships , Slaves and Goods as a booty , and the Turkish Soldiers were listed among his own forces . This done , he forc'd the people to proclaim him their King and Master ; and leaving a Garrison of his most trusty Soldiers in the place , he return'd with his forces towards Algiers , and his Fleet did the like . Being come thither , all welcomed him , especially Selim Eutemi , who lodg'd him in his own Palace , doing him all the honor , and entertaining him after the best manner he could . This crafty Pyrat desirous to perswade them that he had no other design in coming thither then to deliver them out of their subjection to the Christians , the next day after his arrival , drew a Trench , and rais'd a Battery against the Fort of the Christians in the Island . The Battery being rais'd , ere ever a Gun was discharg'd , he sent a Turk to the Captain who commanded the Fort to tell him , that if he would deliver it up , he should have Shipping to carry him and his Soldiers over into Spain ▪ and in case they refus'd , they should be all cut to pieces . The Captain 's answer to this summons was , that the proffer of Ships and menaces of death signify'd nothing to him , those overtures being to be made onely to Cowards . Barberossa upon this answer , order'd that they should shoot continually , though the Island was not above three hundred paces distant from the City ; yet was 〈…〉 great hurt done , in regard he had onely 〈…〉 Field-pieces . Having play'd on the Fort twenty days and nights without intermission , to little purpose , the Citizens of Algiers began to mutiny , and to complain openly , th●t they had brought into the City so many Turks , who committed insupportable violences , and insolently threatned the Citizens . The Prince Selim Eutemi was troubled to see himself so slighted by Barberossa , as well in his own Palace as publickly , and Barberossa's thoughts were wholly taken up , how he should become absolute Master of that City , and the Territo●ies belonging to it . At last , he reresolv'd ( notwithstanding the kind treatment he receiv'd ) to kill his Entertainer Selim Eutemi with his own hands , and by force of arms to get himself proclaim'd King by his Soldiers , and in fine to make the Citizens of Algiers to acknowledge him for such . To compass this design without any popular tumult , one day about noon , as Selim Eutemi was going into the Bath of his Palace , to wash , before the saying of the Sala , or mid-day prayer ( as the Turks and Moors , according to the Alcoran , are wont to do ) Barberossa , who was lodg'd in the same Palace , entred secretly into the Bath , attended by some of his people ; and finding the Prince alone , naked , and without any Arms , he strangled him , and retiring secretly out of the Bath , left the body on the place . A quarter of an hour after , returning publickly to the Bath , and seeming astonish'd to see the Corps of his Entertainer , he call'd his Servants , and told them their Master had dy'd in a Swound . This was immediately divulg'd ; but the Citizens having already had some experience of the cruel disposition of Barberossa , imagining him to be the Author of their Lord's death , went every one to his own house , fearing some tumult or massacre . On the other side , the Turks having already had notice of what had pass'd , appear'd armed in the Streets , and with the assistance of some Moors conducted Barberossa on Horse-back through the principal Streets of the City , and proclaim'd him King of Algiers , without any opposition . Selim Eutemi's Son , fearing Barberossa's tyranny , assisted by his Menial Servants , retir'd to Oran , where he was receiv'd by the Christians . The Tyrant being thus proclaim'd King by his Soldiers , summon'd the wealthiest Citizens to appear before him , and promis'd them great priviledges , if they would acknowledge him absolute King. Which they did , rather forc'd thereto , then otherwise . He immediately began to Coin mony , to fortifie the Alcazar ( one of the Fortresse's of the City ) where he put good store of Artillery , and Garrizon'd it with a considerable number of Turks . Some days after , the Turks , finding themselves absolute Masters of Algiers , began to ill-intreat the Citizens , at first by injurious speeches , and afterwards by publick plundering , so that now they clearly perceiv'd it had been much better to be tributaries to the Christians then subjects to the Turks . The Government of the new King was so heavy , that the Citizens began secretly to entertain a correspondence with the Governor of the Island-Fort , declaring that their intention was to massacre all the Turks , and to renew the payment of their tribute to the King of Spain . The Captain promis'd them assistance . On the other side , the Moors of the Country of the deceas'd Prince Selim E●●●mi promis'd also assistance to the Algerians , as well out of a desire to be reveng'd for the death of their Lord , as to exempt themselves from the great tribute which that new Tyrant Barberossa forc'd them to pay . The disorders of this Pyrate caus'd a confederacy between the Algerians , the Moors of Mutiia ( the Country of Selim ) and the Christians of the Fort. The design was laid , to wit , that a great number of those Moors should , on a day appointed , come into the City , with armes hid under their garments , under pretence of buying some Commodities , and that they should fire twenty two Galliots which lay a-ground on both sides of the City . And when the Turks went out to quench the fire , the Citizens should shut to the Gates of the City , and then the Christians of the Fort , should come in little Boats to the City , to assist the Citizens . But the design was discover'd by the great vigilance of Barberossa , who craftily dissembled what he knew of it . And thereupon , he doubled his Guards , as well in the Galliots as at the City-gates , so that the Moors were so far from firing the Galliots , that they had not the confidence to come neer them . On a certain day of their Juma , ( that is the Fryday , which is as it were the Sunday of the Turks ) this new King came as he was wont to the great Moskey to say the Sala ; and some of the wealthiest Algerians being also come in , the doors were shut of a sudden upon them , and a great number of Turks stood about the Mosquey , so that the Algerians were besieg'd , and made prisoners . Then Barberossa began to discover what he knew of their design , and commanded them to be bound hand and foot . That done , he caus'd the heads of twenty Citizens to be immediately chopp'd off , as those whom he conceiv'd most guilty , and order'd the bodies and heads to be cast into the Streets , where after they had remain'd a certain time for a spectacle , they were buried in a dung-hill . All this happen'd in the year 1517. And from that time to this present , the Algerians have suffer'd the Government of the Turks , either by force or fair means , without any contradiction , and consequently they are subject to the Turks . In the same year 1517. Selim Eutemi's Son , ( who , as was said , retir'd to Oran ) upon the intreaty of the Marquess of Comares , General of Oran , with the assistance of the Cardinal Francisco Ximenes , and all the Councels of Spain , obtain'd a Naval Army of ten thousand men , to drive Barberossa and the Turks out of Algiers . For the Councels of Spain thought it not rational that that Arch-Pyrat Barberossa should make Algiers a refuge for the Picaroons and Pyrats , who infested the neighbouring Kingdoms . This Army under the conduct of a Knight named Dom Francisco de la Vexa , and Selim's Son , got neer the City of Algiers , but it met with a misfortune , as there did afterwards to the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. for a great Tempest surpriz'd them so , that some of the Ships fell foul one upon another , and the rest run a-ground . So that the greatest part of that Army was swallow'd in the Sea , and the Souldiers drown'd . Those who had escap'd the dangers at Sea , were either kill'd by the Turks , or made Slaves , and very few return'd into Spain . This misfortune of the Christians much heighten'd the courage of Barberossa , and made him more dreadful then before ; for by that disaster , the forces of Salim Eutemi's Son , the right heir of the Kingdom of Algiers were lost , he out of all hope of restauration , and the Christian forces very much weakened . All these successes , on the other side , made Barberossa so proud , so insolent , and so insupportable , that the Alarbes , who liv'd in the flat Country , under the jurisdiction of that Kingdom , finding themselves so cruelly treated by the Government of the Turk , resolv'd to take for their Protector the King of Tunis ( a Country distant from Algiers , about thirty miles Westward ) and sent Ambassadors to treat with him about it . This King of Tunis , whose name was Hamidalabde , considering that Barberossa grew daily more and more powerful , and fearing that troublesome neighbour , promis'd the Alarbes assistance , conditionally they would engage in a joynt war against that Pyrate ; and in case they might get him out of Algiers , that the Moors should bestow that Kingdom on him and his successors . This condition was accepted by the Moors . King Hamidalabde got together ten thousand Horse , as well his own Subjects , as from his friends and Allyes , and march'd with that Army towards Algiers , in June , in the year 1517. The Alarbes , who liv'd under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Algiers , seeing that Army , openly declar'd themselves enemies to the Tyrant . Whereupon the Army increas'd daily in both Horse and Foot. Barberossa having intelligence of what pass'd between Hamidalabde and the Alarbes prepar'd for War , not onely for the defensive , but also for the offensive . All his confidence was in the Valour of his Turkish Arquebusiers , which his enemies wanted . He left the Government of Algiers to his Brother Cheredin , with a small Garrison . And to secure the City , he took along with him twenty of the richest Citizens . He began his march towards his enemies with a thousand Arquebusiers , Turks , and five hundred Moors of Granada and Valentia . Barberossa having march'd twelve leagues Westward met with the enemy's Army , and the first charge was very desperate . The Turks and Moors being well skill'd , with the excellent conduct of their chief Commander gave their enemies a defeat . The King of Tunis seeing the confusion , retreated faster then he came thither , and Barberossa pursu'd his victory , following him as far as Tunis , where the King durst not stay , for fear of being besieg'd . He went thence towards Mount Atlas , and Barberossa without any resistance took the City of Tunis , plundering all that unfortunate King had left in his Palace , and the Souldiers doing the like with the Citizens houses . Barberossa staid some days to refresh himself at Tunis , and within a short time after was proclaim'd King of Tunis by the Citizens that were left behind . The fame of this victory spread over all Africk ; and it happening at that time , that the Moors of the Kingdom of Tremesen ( which is fifty leagues from Tunis Westward ) had some difference with their King , they sent word to Barberossa , that if he would come thither with his Turks , they would make him Master of the City , and the whole Kingdom . Barberossa having heard this proposal , thought he should not let slip so fair an opportunity . He writ a letter to his Brother at Algiers , to send him immediately by Sea ten little Guns , with all things requisite for them ; which his Brother did , sending him five Galliots loaden with Artillery , Powder , and other Ammunition . Barberossa having receiv'd them , took a good quantity of provisions , which he put upon Horses , and began his march towards Tremesen . Several Nations of Moors , through whose Countries he pass'd submitted to him , and some follow'd him , in hopes of good booty . But Aruch Barberossa finding himself got so far into the Country was afraid the King of Tunis , who was driven out of his Kingdom , might return with some Moors to recover it , and prevent his retreat , or that the General of Oran might come out with his forces , and hinder his return . All this hindred not his marching into the Country , commanding his third Brother Isaac Beniioub to keep the City of Tunis , with two hundred Musketters , Turks , and some Moors , He march'd four leagues beyond Oran , where he met with Abuziien King of Tremesen , who knew nothing of the infidelity of his Subjects ; but hearing of Barberossa's advance , he thought it fitter to meet him in the field with his forces then to expect him , and suffer himself to be shut up in a City , as not being over-confident of the Citizens of Tremesen . His Army consisted of six thousand Horse , and three thousand Foot. As soon as both Armies were in sight , they were set in order for an engagement . The place was very fit , for it was in the spacious Campagne about Aganel . The fight began very furiously on both sides ; but Barberossa soon had the advantage , by reason of the great number he had of small Shot , and his small Guns ; so that the King 's best Troops were defeated , and himself forc'd to retreat to Tremesen , where the Citizens , his Subjects , took him Prisoner , and cut off his Head , before Barberossa got thither , to whom they sent the Head by their Deputies with the Keys of the City , promising him , as they had done before , submission . Two days after , he made his solemn entrance into Tremesen , confiscating the Goods of the deceas'd King , as well to pay his Souldiers , as to make some Fortifications about the City ; for he conceiv'd his Neighbour-hood would not be well lik'd by those of Oran , and to secure himself , he immediately entred into a confederacy with Muley-hamet , King of Fez , promising him assistance against the King of Morocco , against whom Muley-hamet was in open War , conditionally that Muley-hamet would defend the Kingdom of Tremesen against their common enemies the Christians . Barberossa , to enjoy himself after his Victories , resided the remainder of the year 1517. at Tremesen , leaving for his Lieutenant at Algiers his second Brother Cheredin . But it was the pleasure of Divine Justice , at length , to give a check to these great Successes , for Barberossa's third Brother Isaac Benijoub , who commanded the new Conquests at Tunis , and other places , through his extraordinary Exactions and Tyrannies , become so odious to the Moors of the Country , that they revolted , and kill'd him with all his Turks , except forty , who , thinking to make an escape , were all cut to pieces . Barberossa was extremely troubled at the Death of his Brother , but desert'd his revenge to a fitter opportunity . In September in the year 1517. came into Spain , King Charls , who afterwards was Emperour , with a powerful Naval Army . The Marquess of Comares , advertis'd of his Arrival , went in Person to wait on him , and give him an account of what had pass'd in Africk . And the Pyrat Barberossa growing daily more and more dreadful , he advis'd his Majesty to quench that spreading fire . And to animate his Majesty the more , he carried along with him Abuchen-men , King of Tremesen , who had taken refuge at Oran , and got of his Majesty ten thousand Souldiers , to engage against Barberossa and the Turks . Which the Pyrat hearing of , sent for assistance to the King of Fez , according to their mutual confederacy . But seeing that the relief came not with the expedition he expected , and that the Marquess of Comares was already got to Oran , and marching with his Forces towards him , he thought it his best course , not depending on the relief from Fez , to come out of Tremesen with fifteen hundred Turks and Andalusians , Arquebusiers , and five thousand Moorish Horse . But considering that the said number of fifteen hundred Arquebusiers were not able to oppose ten thousand Christians , ( for he had no great confidence of his Moorish Horse ) he resolv'd to continue at Tremesen , expecting from day to day the relief from the King of Fez. But when the Marquess was come in sight of Tremesen , Barberossa observ'd that the Citizens began to flinch from him ; whereupon he took a third resolution , which was , to get away with his Turks in the night time , without giving any notice thereof to the Citizens , and to make all the haste he could towards Algiers . This resolution was prosecuted ; but , at the first halt he made , the Marquess having intelligence of it , so speedily pursu'd him with some Fire-locks , that he overtook him about eight Leagues from Tremesen , at the passage of a River named Huexda . Barberossa finding himself pursu'd so closely , and his Turks kill'd , made use of this Stratagem , to gain time to cross the River . He caus'd to be strew'd along the High-way great quantities of Money , Plate , and other things of great Value , thinking by that means to amuse the Christians , while he got over the River . But that valiant Marquess encourag'd his Souldiers with so many urgent reasons , that they slighted all those rich Baits , to take Barberossa alive , who , as I said , was at the River-side , ready to cross it , when the Christians furiously charg'd the retreating Turks . Which Barberossa perceiving , fac'd his Enemies , resolving to Dye generously in Fight . The fifteen hundred Turks , and Barberossa among them defended themselves like Lions ; but in a short time they were all Kill'd , and Barberossa also . Thus ended all the great designs of Barberossa , who first brought the Turks into Barbary , and taught them the way to get Wealth out of the Western parts of the World , laying the Foundations of what the Turks are to this Day possess'd of in Barbary . The Marquess of Comares satisfi'd with this Victory return'd to Tremesen , with the Head of the Tyrant on a Pike for a Trophey , and without any opposition of the people , put the King Abuchen-men in possession of his Kingdome . Fourteen days after this defeat , the King of Fez Abdeda came neer Milta with twenty thousand Moorish Horse , to assist Barberossa . But hearing of the defeat of his Army , and his Death , fearing the like misfortune , he return'd the same way he came ; and the Marquess leaving the King of Tremesen re-establish'd in his Kingdome , return'd to Oran . Thus dy'd Aruch Barberossa , after he had continu'd fourteen years in Barbary , committing incredible out-rages on the Christians by Sea , and doing the Moors of Barbary much greater mischiefs by Land : For he was the first who reduc'd them into that condition , wherein they now are , of being Subjects , and as it were half Slaves to the Turks . The news of Barberossa's death was soon carried to his younger Brother Cheredin Barberossa , who Govern'd at Algiers . It troubled him very much upon a double account , both out of a consideration of the loss of his Brother , and a fear that the victorious Marquess might come and besiege him in the City of Algiers . Whereupon he was neer resolving to leave the place , and to retire with twenty two Galliots towards the Levant . But some Pyrats advis'd him to expect a while , to see which way the victorious Christians would take their march . And finding that the Marquess being return'd to Oran , sent his Men aboard in order to their Transportion into Spain , the Turkish Souldiers with the Pyrats chose Cheredin for their King , and Captain-General of the Kingdome of Algiers . And indeed he was a Person deserv'd to succeed his Brother . Being possess'd of that Kingdom , the first thing he did , was to send a Galley with some Letters to the Grand-Seignor , acquainting him with his Brother's death , and desiring his protection and assistance against the Christians , promising either to pay Tribute , or put the Kingdom into his hands , together withall he was possess'd of in Barbary . The Grand Seignor hearing this news , not onely return'd a favourable answer , but also sent him an assistance of two thousand Turks , accepting of the proffer he made him , that the City of Algiers with its Territories should be put into his hands . All these transactions happen'd about the beginning of the year 1519. The Reader may here see how and when the City of Algiers came into the hands of the Turks . I thought it not besides my purpose to bring in this short History , to undeceive those who imagin'd that Aruch Barberossa had made these acquests in Barbary , as a General of the Grand Seignor's . For what he did was upon his own account , without any other title then that of a Pyrat by Sea , and a Tyrant by Land. In the year 1530. Cheredin finding himself incommodated by reason of the Fort which the Christians kept in the Island before the Port , resolv'd to beat it down with Cannon-shot , and afterwards to make a Port from the City to the Island , which very design Aruch Barberossa had in the year 1516. For by reason of that Fort , the Ships were oblig'd to secure themselves on one side of the City neer the Gate called Babazon , where they lay in great danger to be cast away upon the least tempest . Cheredin Barberossa began his enterprise upon the Fort , with this stratagem . Two young Lads , Moors , by his secret order , went and delivered themselves to those of the Fort , saying they would embrace the Christian Religion . They were kindly entertain'd , and the Captain , who commanded the Fort , named Martin de Vargas , took them into the house , and caus'd them to be Catechiz'd , that they might receive the holy Sacrament of Baptism . On Easter-day , when the Governor and all his Souldiers were at Church , these two Youths went up to the top of a little Tower , whence they gave the signal to those of the City by a Flagg ; which being observ'd by a Servant-maid of the Governors , she immediately went and acquainted her Master with the treachery , who came presently out of the Church with all his Souldiers , and fearing the enemies , he put these two youths in prison , and a while after caus'd them to be both hang'd up in an eminent place , whence those of the City might see the spectacle . Cheredin had soon notice of it , and was extreamly incens'd thereat , as if it had been done in derision of the Mahumetane Religion . He sent a Boat to the Fort with a Renagado , named Alcade Huali , to tell the Governor that if he would deliver up the place , he and his people should have good conditions , otherwise they were to expect no mercy . The Governor made answer , that he was astonish'd , that Cheredin Barberossa , a person so highly esteem'd for his experience in military affairs , did not consider that he had to do with Spaniards , who value their honour above all things , and laugh at the menaces of their enemies ; That he was further to know , that he was of the House of Vargas ; that he glory'd not so much in the Nobility , as his endeavors to imitate the Heroick vertues of his Ancestors , and that therefore he would expect the utmost attempts of Cheredin Barberossa , and do all he could to shew himself faithful to his God and his Prince . Cheredin having receiv'd this answer , took some great Guns out of a French Galion , which chanc'd to lye before Algiers , and some other pieces which had been cast there some months before for that purpose . May 6. 1530. he rais'd a Battery , which plaid fifteen days and nights without any intermission , and the distance being but two hundred paces or thereabouts , the Muskettiers also shot continually ; so that the sixteenth of May , the Walls were almost broken down , and a great number of the besieg'd kill'd or wounded . Cheredin took one thousand three hundred Musketteers and Archers , Turks , in fourteen Galliots , and being come to the Fort , they landed without any obstacle . For the Governor was wounded with fifty three of the Soldiers , and the rest extreamly tyr'd out , as may be easily conjectur'd , having been sixteen days in continual alarmes . The Captain Martin de Vargas yeelded up the place on certain conditions , and after three months imprisonment , he was without any reason , bastinado'd to death , in the presence of Cheredin . Thus dy'd that valiant Captain , carrying along with him to heaven the crown of Martyrdom , and leaving to his Successors an example of valour and fidelity ; which vertues are so deeply rooted in that illustrious family , that there are to this day in the Low-Countries , Knights , who are not onely heirs of that Noble House , but also imitators of the Vertues of their Ancestors , and such as are look'd upon all over the world , as examples of Valour and Fidelity . After the massacre of this brave Captain , he employ'd the Christian Slaves to make a Moal from the City to the Fortress , which was finish'd in two years . Of the Scituation , Strength , and Government of the City of Algiers . THe scituation of this famous Den of Pyrates is on the ascent of a mountain , which rises by degrees from the Sea-side up into the Country , representing to those who ●ail by it the several stories of a Theatre , the variety of the Structures , whereof a man hath as it were a full sight , makes the prospect the more delightful . Insomuch that there is no house , but all the rest may be seen from it , which way soever a man turns his eye , when he is upon the Terraces , wherewith they are covered . They have also all of them this convenience , that they have a prospect into the Sea , as far as eye can see . It is in a manner square , and about three thousand paces in compass . The Walls are of Brick built after the antient way of fortification , with little square Towers . The Ditch about it is not above sixteen foot wide , and about the depth of a Pike , dry , full of filth , and ill kept , having no fortifications without . The whole City is commanded by the hills which encompass it ; and the Inhabitants can make no advantage of the Walls , as to defence , in regard there is no Champion behind them , but the want of room in the City hath forc'd them to build houses on the R●m●arts , which serves for one side of Walls . The streets are very narrow , and are chain'd up in the night time , save onely the principal streets , which runs cross the City from the Po●t of Babaloet , between the Grand Mosquey and the Bassa's Palace , to the Gate of Babazon , which is not shut up . There are many Mosqueys . The Bassa's Palace is a publike structure for those who are advanc'd to that charge , well built after the modern way of Architecture . Since the year 1650. part of the Garrison is lodg'd in five great publick houses , built square , with a spacious Court in the midst , which may serve for an Armoury . They will contain each of them about six hundred Soldiers , each whereof hath a room to himself , not paying any thing for it . But some of the best accommodated take lodgings in other great houses , well built , which they call Fond●cas , and belong to private persons . The Castle called Alcazabar , is onely that part of the City which lies Southward , divided by a Wall , which begins at the Rampart on the East-side , and reaches to that on the West . About three hundred paces from the City , there is , in the Sea , a little Island , which in the year 1530. was joyn'd to the City by a Moale , made for the safety of Ships and Gallies , which about the beginning of the year 1662. was carryed away by a Tempest with the loss of many Vessels and Gallies . There are also some inconsiderable Fortresses without the City , whereof the chiefest is that built by Asan Bassa in the year 1545. about one thousand and seven hundred paces from the City , on a Hill , at the same place , where the Emperor Charles V. had set up his Tent in the year 1541. Neer that place is the source of the Spring which supplies the City with fresh water , which it does so plentifully , that they need no other besides that and the rain water , which is preserv'd in Cesterns . It is convey'd by Arches and Pipes under ground , which fill the Reservatories in divers places , as well in the upper as lower part of the City , even to the Gate at the water-side , where all the branches fall into one great Channel , which conveyes the rest of the water into the Sea , and there the Gallies and other Vessels take in their provisions of water . At every Reservatory or Conduit there is a Cock , with a dish standing by , for the convenience of those who would drink . Those who come to these Conduits for water , take it in their Turns , save onely the Jews , who are to give way to every Slave who comes after them , and to be serv'd last of all . The water which falls to the ground is receiv'd into holes neer those Conduits , and is convey'd into Common-Shores under ground , which carry away the filth of the Privyes about the City , all whith fall into these Shores , and meet together in one neer the three Gates of the Store-houses , where all falls into the Sea. The hundred thousand Souls which inhabit this City are divided into twelve thousand Souldiers , Turks , belonging to the ordinary Garrizon , thirty or fourty thousand Slaves , of all Nations , and the rest Citizens of Algiers , Moors , Moriscoes , and Jews , and some Christian-Merchants . The chief Governour of all these is the Bassa , who takes it not unkindly to be flatter'd with the title of Sultan . He acknowledges a kind of subjection to the Grand-Seignor , in words , but makes little account of his orders , Pass-ports , or the Treaties he hath concluded with other Soveraign Princes , if he hath not agreed to them himself . The Soldiery is more dreadful to him then the Grand-Seignor . Accordingly his greatest work is to see them punctually pay'd at every new Moon , for if he delay it three hours after it is due , he is in danger of being Massacred , or at least imprison'd . This is done out of the Tributes , which the Alarbes , and some petty Princes , Moors , about Algiers , pay him , as also out of the contributions of the people , and his proportion of the Prizes . The Bassa is also to be careful that he take no more then his due , for fear of incensing the Soldiery , which prognosticates certain death to him , as it did in the year 1661. in the month of September to Ramadan Bassa , whose throat , with twenty eight persons of his Councel , were cut by the Soldiers , and their bodyes cast to the Dogs in the Streets , for having caus'd to be adjudg'd to himself a greater proportion of a prize of Wheat , then was due to him . The rest of the Councel being forc'd to the water-side , got into a Fisher-boat , and put off from land , to avoid the fury of the mutinous Soldiery , but they were taken by the Malteses . After this exploit , the soldiers took out of prison another Bassa whom they had imprison'd some years before , because they were not punctually paid , and re-advanc'd him to the Government , exhorting him to do righteous things , which yet he forgot within three days after , thinking of nothing so much as to be reveng'd of an Aga , who had prosecuted his former imprisonment ; and to execute his design , he promis'd ten thousand Patacoons to two soldiers to kill his enemy ; which they undertook , and went with that resolution to the Aga's , and desir'd to speak with him . The Christian Slave , who spoke to them , judging by their countenances , and the Scimitars they had , contrary to the custome of Soldiers , who wear onely long Skeenes , when they walk about the City , that they were engag'd upon some lewd attempt , made answer that his Patron was gone abroad , though he were not , and went presently and gave his Master an account of all , who having discover'd the Bassa's design , made his complaints to the Souldiers , who mutiny'd , seiz'd his person , and shut him up between four walls without any covering , where he had onely room enough to sit down , with a hole to put him in some meat . The Aga thank'd the soldiers for the speedy justice they had done , offering himself to be their Bassa , with a promise to augment their pay by a Double a month , which they accepted . The necessity of this punctual payment obliges the Bassa to endeavour the getting of mony above all things , by hook or by crook , by breach of Treaties , or a wrong interpretation thereof . This last reason was the cause that his Majesty of Great Brittain in August 1661. sent his Admiral the Earl of Sandwich with eighteen Men of War to lye before Algiers , to demand reparation , for that the Pyrates had taken out of the Vessels of his Subjects some persons who were not English , with their Merchandize , contrary to the peace made with England . The Admiral came before the City August 22. 1661. sending ashore his Lieutenant with Credential Letters , to make his complaints to the Bassa and the Duana ; but the Admiral had no other satisfaction , then that he got the English Consul out of the City , and batter'd some of the houses with his great shot . This Bassa does many time deceive his Confederates , and takes their Merchandise , forcing the Masters of Ships , by Cudgelling , to confess that the goods belong to other Nations ; or if he forbea● that rigor , there is a stoppage set on the goods , and while they pretend to verifie the fact , all is sold , and under some ill pretence , the prize is declared good . And to say truth , it is very hard for the Bassa to observe peace with any Nation whatsoever , if he will be belov'd by his Souldiers , in as much as his proportion out of the prizes is the greatest part of his Revenue ; which it would not be , if he exactly observ'd peace with any other Nations , which would have all the Trading , were there a freedom of Navigation , and consequently there would be but few prizes , and his Revenue arising from his proportion thereof , would come to little or nothing . The twelve thousand soldiers , which make the ordinary Forces of the Bassa , are most of them Renegadoes , dissolute persons , without Religion or Conscience , fugitives out of Christendom and Turkey for the enormity of their crimes . This place is a refuge to all such persons , nay , to such as have offended the Grand Seignor himself , as it happen'd in the year 1640. upon my arrival at Algiers , when some shew'd me Sigala , Son of that famous Admiral , a Renegado of Genua , of the same name , who had taken refuge in this City to avoid being strangled , as their custome is , upon this score , that in the year 1636. being commanded by the Grand Seignor to convey with a Squadron of Gallies , the Ships which brought home the yearly tribute of Egypt , and other wealth , that had joyned with them , he had left his Gallies , and came ashoar to spend away his time among women , and in entertainments , insomuch that during his absence , the Maltezes had an opportunity , to carry away that Ship which had the Tribute and the precious commodities in it . And this it was that had forc'd Sigala to get away with his Galley to Algiers , where he liv'd by what he got by Piracy , till the death of Sultan Amurat , soon after which he obtain'd his pardon of Sultan Hibraim , his Brother and Successor . The soldiers observe the Bassa's orders , if they approve of them , and they oblige him to change them , if they like them not , and so they rather command the Bassa , then are commanded by him . In the year 1642. a tributary King of Algiers refus'd to pay his Tribute , and came with an Army into the field , whereupon the Bassa Isouf being unwilling to go out against him , would have been excus'd upon his indisposition . But his excuse was not receiv'd , there was a necessity of his going , if he would preserve his life and charge ; only the Soldiers were so kind as to permit him to go as far as he could in a Galley ; but imagining the Bassa might take some occasion to leave them , they accompany'd him with another Galley better furnish'd with both Rowers and Soldiers , with order , to force the Bassa to land at the place appointed , which he quietly did . There are Renegado's of all Christian Nations , and in my time , I found there above three thousand French. Heretofore , the Renegadoes could not serve for Soldiers among the Turks and Janizaries , and the Turks and Janizaries could not go upon the account of Piracy ? But Mahomet Bassa , to prevent the jealousies and quarrels happening thereby , reconcil'd the Renegadoes with the Turks , allowing , in the year 1568. to both the priviledge of being Soldiers or Pyrates , without any difference . The Moors , the Morisos , the Algerians , the Sons of Turks born at Algiers , Renegado Jews , are not admitted into the Soldiery ; but the Jews who would serve , e●ting Swins flesh before they renounce , affirm , that by that means they are become Christians , and then they renounce with the same solemnities as are observ'd by the Christians . The pay of the Souldiery is eight Morisco Doubles a month , every Double is worth twelve Patars , ( that is somewhat better then twelve pence Sterling ) according to the number of the years they have been in service , the p●y is encreas'd , and they receive a Double , a month , more then they had before . In like manner , if there be a Son born to the Grand-Seignor by the Sultaness , a Double ; if any Soldier hath kill'd his enemy in a Skirmish , or hand to hand , and hath brought away his head , a Double ; if they have had any remarkable engagement against the rebellious . Alarbes , the Bassa promises them an augmentation of a Double in the month ; but all the monthly augmentations of Doubles are not to exceed the number of fourty . The Batchelor-Soldiers have greater priviledges then those who are married ; the latter have no daily allowance of bread , the former have four loaves . The pay is to be exact and punctual , as I said before . 'T is not out of any fear of the Christians , that the Bassa maintains so great a number of Souldiers , but that he might be the more dreaded by those of Algiers , the Alarbes , and the petty Princes , who pay him tribute , against whom they are sent , if they come not soon enough to prevent them . The soldiers keep little or no guard within the City , but a Watch , which they call Mesuart , walks round about it with twenty five persons . At the Gates there are but two or three men . In the Summer , Algiers is in a manner distitute of a Garrison , for some of the soldiers are dispers'd to Tremesen , Bugy , Sargel , and other places under the jurisdiction of Algiers . They often change the Garrisons , and send that of one place to another . Another part of the soldiery is sent away by Bodies of five or six hundred , thirty or fourty leagues into the Country , to quarter on the Alarbes , and to receive the Tribute ; and the greatest part is employ'd at Sea in the Galleys . I observ'd in the Summer 1641. that the sixty five Pyrates Ships and the four Gallies , which were then at Sea , every one for what could be gotten , were most of them mann'd by soldiers of the Garrison . The remainder , who are neither employ'd at Sea , nor sent to the Posts before-mentioned , live at ease , and divert themselves at their Country-houses , two or three leagues out of the City . The Citizens , and the originary Inhabitants of the Country are irreconcileable enemies of the Garrison . There is but one Councel , called the Duana , which with the Bassa resolves all matters of State , and what relate to the administration of Justice . This Councel meets commonly thrice a week , in a Gallery of the Bassa's Palace . It consists of fourty persons . The Bassa sits , as Taylers do , cross-legg'd , on a Table about two foot high , at a little distance from the Wall , cover'd with a shaggy-Carpet , and so long , that twelve of the chiefest may sit as the Bassa does , six on the right hand , and as many on the left ; the rest of the Councel stand at both ends of the Table , cross the Gallery , making , with the Arch , a kind of circle . This Bassa hath commonly a Fan of Feathers in his hand ; he pronounces sentence , and the plurality of voices carries it , but they have this particulary remarkable , that they begin to gather the voices , while some one is alledging new reasons for or against the business under deliberation . All causes , wherein the soldiers are concern'd are try'd before this Councel ; but differences between Citizens are determin'd before the Caya , who is as it were the Bassa's Lieutenant . Every man is to prosecute and plead his own cause in person , without the assistance , of any Advocate , Lawyer , or Atturney . Great Robbes , Murtherers , and other eminent Criminals are put to death , if they be Moors or Jews ; but the souldiers are supported by their Agas , who ever find excuses to get them off , unless the offence be against another souldier . An accusation prov'd by two witnesses , is sufficient in order to condemnation . He who hath the worst in any cause , receives a certain number of blows with a cudgel , besides what he is oblig'd to do by the Sentence . If the accusation be found malicious , the Accuser is to suffer a punishment suitable to the crime impos'd . The sin of abhomination is not punish'd among them . As to the grimaces of their Religion , they are the same with those us'd in most parts of Turkey . This is a short account of the State and Government of Algiers , where the miseries of Slavery have consum'd the lives of six hundred thousand Christians , since the year 1536. at which time Cheredin Barberossa brought it under his own power . 'T is hard to imagine a reason , why its Government being so ill administred , could endure so long , making that hole dreadful to all Europe , since its scituation , strength , and Fortresses are no way considerable . I must confess Christian Princes will ever have cause to remember the enterprise of that great Monarch Charles V. made on this City in the year 1541. with an unfortunate issue ; but I hope that will not divert their generous thoughts from promoting the advantages of Christendom . There was a concurrence of many accidents in the attempt of that great Emperor , which may be avoided , or are particular to that expedition : The season for the taking of Algiers was Autumne , at which time the Mediterranean Sea is no less rough then the other Seas , by reason of storms and tempests , which hindred the coming in of provisions to that Army , and occasion'd the loss of the Baggage and Artillery . The Garrison was then return'd , some from Sea , others from their expeditions against the Alarbes and the Tributaries . The dissention among the Emperor's Commanders contributed also somewhat thereto ; and yet notwithstanding all these traverses , Asan Bassa , a generous Captain , a Renegado , born in Sardinia , brought up by Cheredin Barberossa , and all the people of Algiers were in distress for fresh water , the source whereof had been diverted another way . Nay , they never durst attribute their deliverance to their valour , but their opinion still is , that a Marabout , or Santon ( that is a Saint ) who then liv'd neer the City , wrought a miracle , beating the Sea with his staff , which caus'd that dreadful tempest . They have accordingly erected to the memory of this Marabout a Chappel without Babaloët-gate , on the left hand , where he is interr'd , for which place the Turks have a reverence , as some Christians have for places of devotion , affirming , that if the Christian Army ever return thither , they will raise the greatest Tempest that ever was , by casting into the Sea the bones of that Marabout . In this perswasion consists the force they have to defend themselves against the Christians . I conceiv'd my self oblig'd to give this short account of the antiquity and scituation of Algiers , to remedy the deficiencies of other Chronologers , who confound the years , the names , and the Nations , taking the Turks for the Moors . As concerning a more ample description of the City and its Fortresses , the dispositions of the Inhabitants , the Pirates , Merchants , Tradesmen , their Cloathing , the Marabouts or Santons , the Ceremonies , the exercises of the Women , their several Easters , their Vices and Vertues , and what was done there in the last Age , I thought them besides my design , and superfluous , as being common things related by diverse Historians , who speak of the Turks in general . And so I pass forwards to those things , with I accounted worth my reducing into particular Relations , during the time of my Slavery . EMANVEL D' ARANDA'S Particular Relations , During the time of his SLAVERY . The first RELATION . The History of a Religious man , a Spaniard , a Slave at Algiers . A Spaniard , whom we shall here call Domingo , having entred into one of the principal Orders at Sevill , in the year 1626. and compleated the year of his Novice-ship , took the three accustomed Vows , and some years after was advanc'd to Priest-hood in the same Order . But Domingo grew weary of that kind of life , so that he left the Cloister , and retir'd in his Sacerdota habit into the Kingdom of Portugal , and plante● himself in a little Village , where , after he had sojourn'd some time , he made a shift to get a smal● Country living . That life after a while grew as tedious to him , as that of the Religious order had been to him before ; so that he chang'd the habit of a Pries● into that of a Lay-person , and took up his residence at Lisbon , the Metropolis of Portugal , where he Married , and at the years end had a Son. Some time after his Wife prov'd with child of a second ; whereupon Domingo finding himself burthen'd with children , and having not wherewithall to maintain them , he Listed himself a Souldier , to be Transported into ● Country newly conquer'd by the Portuguez , scituate on the River of the Amazons , in the Indies , where he was to have a certain proportion of Land , and other allowances for himself , his Wife , Son , and what other children he should have in that Country . Upon these Overtures , Domingo embarks in the year 1639. and after they had been some hours at Sea , his Wife fell in Labour , and was deliver'd of a second Son , to whom the Captain of the Vessel ( whom I know ) was God-father . Some days after , they came in sight of some Turkish Pyrats , and after a short engagement , the Ship was taken , and brought to Algiers , where the Prisoners were sold . Domingo , to avoid the miseries of Slavery , goes to the Jews , and tells them that he was a Jew , intreating them to redeem him , his Wife and Children . The Jews , who are commonly more subject to avarice then prodigality , began to examine him ; he immediately answer'd their questions in the Hebrew tongue ; so that they believ'd what he said . In fine , they told him he should be redeem'd if he could tell them what Tribe he was of , and in what Register were written the names of his Parents and other Relations . He repli'd with a wonderful confidence , In the Register of the Synagogue of Venice , where such a Rabbi ( naming him ) will give an attestation of all I have said . The Jews immediately writ to Venice , where , having examin'd all the Registers , there was nothing found concerning Domingo . The Jews of Algiers having receiv'd that answer from those of Venice , were very much astonish'd , and look'd upon him as an Impostor . Domingo being out of all hopes of obtaining his Liberty by that means , bethought himself of another expedient . He made his applications to two of the Fathers employ'd about the Redemption of Captives , who were come from Valentia in Spain , and manag'd his business so well , that they redeem'd his Wife and two Children , and carried them away with the other Slaves , whose ransom they had paid . In the mean time Domingo continu'd a Slave at the house of a considerable Officer of the Army , named Saban Gallan Aga. After the departure of his Wife and Children , he fell in love with an English-Slave , a very handsome Woman , in his Patron 's house ; but the Mistress was so watchful , that he could not have his desires of her . Yet so great was the affection he had for her , that he found out a way to deceive both his Mistress and the English-Slave . He told the English-woman , that his Wife was dead , and in case she would marry him , he would redeem her , and that there was an order come for him to receive three thousand Duckets , which sum would suffice for the ransoming of both . The English-woman , whether she were in love with him or not , accepts the proffer . Whereupon Domingo , to compass his design , went to an old Woman a Moor , one very well known for her Wealth and Covetousness , and says to her , Madam , the hope I have of receiving a good reward caus'd me to come hither , to give you notice of a Commodity , by which you may gain at least two thousand Ducats . The covetous Woman immediately ask'd him what kind of Commodity it was , promising him a great recompence . There is , said he , at my Master's house an English - woman Slave , well descended , which my Master knows nothing of ; and besides , there is a secret order come to the City for her Redemption , though she should cost three thousand Ducats . If you can keep your own counsel , you may buy her of my Master for four or five hundred Ducats . This proposal pleas'd the covetous old Woman so well , that she went immediately to be further inform'd concerning the English-slave . She went to Saban Gallan's wife , and ask'd her , whether she would sell her English-slave ; whereto Saban's wife making answer that she wanted not money , the old One repli'd , set what rate you please on her , I would fain have her . In fine , after a little hagling , they agreed at five hundred Ducats . The English-slave was deliver'd to the old Woman , who receiv'd her with great satisfaction . The poor English-woman finding her self sold and deliver'd , and the price paid , imagin'd that all was done with Domingo's money , and thence fondly inferr'd , that she was already at Liberty , and thinking her self happy , that she had ( as she thought ) me● with so good fortune ; but she was as far from it as ever . In the mean time Domingo was perpetually solliciting her , calling God and Heaven to witness , and swearing thousands of Oaths , to assure her of the sincerity of his affection . He ●●joll'd her so long , that she condescended to do any thing he would have her , impatiently expecting to be transported thence for some part of Christendom ▪ and the old Woman on the other side being full of expectation of the three thousand Ducats . Domingo kept them a long time in blindness , so a● the one knew nothing of the other . At last the English-woman prov'd with Child , and , when her time came , was deliver'd of two Children at a birth , a good booty for the covetous old Woman , instead of three thousand Ducats . Th●n were Domingo's Impostures discover'd , and what was worse , his Master coming to hear of the business would have dispos'd him into the G●lleys , as an absolute Rogue and an Impostor , for he had promis'd his Master a considerable ransom . Domingo , to avoid the mischief threatned him by his Master , found out a new expedient . He came to one of the B●ths , where the Churches of the Catholicks are , desiring to say Mass , that he might live upon Alms , as those Priests who are Slaves commonly do . The Spaniards and Portugu●z , who knew Domingo and his Wife , oppos'd it , saying he was a Raskal , and married . I must acknowledge , said he , that I am Married , but that Marriage is Null , because I am and was a Religious man , and a Priest before I married ; affirming , that , notwithstanding all that had pass'd , he was still a Priest . Those who had the over-sight of the Church and Altars , thought fit to write concerning this business to the Bishop of Ceuta , for Algiers is comprehended within his Diocess . The Bishop having receiv'd that account of him , forbad Domingo to celebrate , upon pain of Excommunication . Which being told Domingo , he repli'd , I am a Religious man , and under my Provincial , subject to his command , and therefore the Bishop hath no power over me . The difficulty was too great to be decided by the Christian Slaves . 'T was sent to Rome , and not long after there came to Algiers a Capucine , sent express from Rome , an Italian born , in a Ship of Marseilles , under pretence of redeeming some Christians , having also some Letters from the King of France concerning some private business . This honest Father heard the reasons of Domingo on the one side , and on the other , what the Christians said of him , and he thereupon order'd that Domingo could not say Mass , but that he might frequent the Churches , which the Portuguez would not have permitted . I afterwards saw him singing in that Church , as he still did at my departure thence . RELATION II. Of the Gallantry of a Dutch Captain , who with one Ship engag'd against five Turkish Galleys and two Brigantines , and worsted them . IN September 1641. the Caja ( or Lieutenant ) of the Bassa of Tripoli came to Algiers with a Galley set out with Standards , Flaggs , and Streamers of Silk , embroider'd with Ottoman Crescents , some Trumpets , and other Naval Musick . The Souldiers were all Turks , cull'd Men , or Renegadoes , well clad , and better arm'd , according to their mode . The Slaves , who Row'd in the said Galley were most of them Russians and Muscovites , who seem naturally to be design'd for labour . The Caja's business at Algiers was to buy two hundred and fifty Slaves all Spaniards or Italians , whom the Vice-roy of Tripoli would send as a present to the Grand-Seignor at Constantinople . This Galley had lain some days before Algiers , during which , Alli Pegelin , Captain General of the Galleys , was preparing four to make their last Salley for that year . The Caja , commanding this Wedding Galley , ( I call it so , because it was fitter for the Waftage of a Bride , than to engage with an Enemy ) told Pegelin he would go with him , and participate of his fortune , in hopes of some good booty . He goes away from Algiers along with Pegelin , and having been four days abroad , they met with an English Ship of forty Guns . Pegelin , as General , propos'd it to the Captains of the other Gallies , that they should engage that Ship , but the Captains thought it not convenient , partly out of a fear of loosing the Slaves that row'd , and partly out of a consideration of the uncertainty of Victory . In the mean time , the English Ship , while they were in consultation got away , so that , night coming on , the Turks lost sight of her . Having miss'd that booty , the five Gallies with the two Brigantines which accompany'd them began to c●use up and down , and coming neer Majorca they met a small Frigot , wherein were a Councellor and his family outward-bound from Barcelona . Pegelin perceiving the booty was of little importance began to jeer the other Captains , saying to them , You should have engag'd the English Ship. The Captains vex'd to find themselves laugh'd at , resolv'd to set upon the first Ship they met with , whatever she were . This resolution pleas'd Pegelin , and two days after they discover'd a Dutch Bottom of twenty eight Guns , and forty men . The weather was very calm , so that the Dutch-man could make no advantage of her sails . Pegelin order'd the Gallies to draw ●p within Canon-shot of the Ship , and perceiving she had Dutch colours , he sent one of the Brigantines with a Renegado , a Zelander , towards it , with a white Flagg , who coming neer the Dutch Captain , he ask'd him what he would have , The Captain General Alli Pegelin , reply'd the Renegado , sent me to tell you , that if you will yeeld without fighting , he will set you and all your people on Christian ground ; which he hath sworn by the Grand Seignor's head that he will do . Therefore I advise you to accept of the proffer I make you from him , while it is time , otherwise I fear me you will repent it too late . The Dutch-man weary to hear such proposals , very confidently reply'd , I know Alli Pegelin very well , ( for he had been a Slave ) the Ship belongs to those who were at the charge of setting it out , and the goods to the Merchants , and therefore I cannot give what is not my own . But if he be desirous to have the Ship , as he seems to be , let him come aboard , and he shall see whether we can satisfie him . The Renegado immediately return'd with this answer . Whereupon Pegelin being extreamly impatient and incens'd to hear the bravadoes of the Dutch-man , order'd his Gallies to draw up in the form of a Half-moon , and in that order to make towards the Poop of the Ship , and to discharge all together ▪ as it were by a c●oss-battery . Their Guns carried Bullets of fourty eight pound weight , but ordinarily they shoot onely stones . His command was executed , but being ready to give fire , the Dutch Captain , a man of extraordinary experience in Sea-affairs , by the advantage of a little wind which God sent him , without loosing time , turn'd his Ship on the other side . By that motion he put the enemies into a confusion , and broke their design ; for the five Gallies making all the sail they could , and strength of Oars upon the Ship , instead of continuing in the form of a Half moon , at the Poop of the Ship , as they had resolv'd , they 〈◊〉 foul one upon the other , yet so as that Pegelin's Galley came up close to her , and seventy Turks and Renegadoes got into it , with their Cutlasses in their hands , beginning to cut the Ropes , and cast in Granadoes to fire the Ship. But the Dutch Captain , who had all his men within , discharg'd some pieces loaden with Musket Bullet from the Poop and the Prow , which made a great slaughter among the Turks . In the mean time the Galley which was come up close to the Ship , durst not stay there any longer , in regard the Ship being heavy loaden , the Guns lay so low , that they were even with the edge of the Galley . Which Pegelin observing ( for fear began to seize him ) immediately commanded the Gallies to retreat . The Turks who at the beginning of the engagement were got into the Ship , were much astonish'd to see that the Gallies had forsaken them , leaving them at the mercy of their enemies . They began to be discourag'd ; those who could swim cast themselves into the Sea , the wounded , and those who could not swim , remain'd on the Deck of the Ship , as spectators of the engagement . The Dutch Captain commanded a Broad-side to be given on that side where the Guns were loaden with Nails , Musket-bullets , and pieces of Iron which directed at the Gallies , there were kill'd in less then a quarter of an hour above two hundred men , Turks , Renegadoes , and Christian Slaves . But what made the business the more deplorable , the Gallies having receiv'd this treatment without seeing any enemies ( for the Dutch-man , as I said fought within Decks , and could not be seen ) drew off as fast as they could . The Captain perceiving the Gallies were got out of the reach of his Guns , commanded the Turks that were left behind in the Ship to be kill'd . They finding it too hot staying on the Deck , were got up into the Shrowds ; but the Dutch Captain and his people coming on the Deck shot at them as they hung in the Shrowds and about the Mast , as if they had been so many Par●ats or Monkeys . This was a recreation to the Dutch ; but a sad Tragedy for the five Gallies , wherein there were two Captains kill'd , and the Caja of Tripoli had lost an arm , and was wounded in the belly . These Gallies which went out so gallantly some few days before , and seem'd to frighten all the Mediterranean were perceiv'd at a great distance as they were returning to the Port. There was a general curiosity to know what news they brought , and the water-side was immediately as full as it could throng with people , among whom I also chanc'd to be . As the Gallies came neerer and neerer to the Port , it was observ'd that there were two of them without Flaggs , and it was conjectur'd they were two Spanish Gallies that had been taken ; but soon after they were of another opinion , when they saw they were Turkish Gallies , and that their being without Flaggs , was because their Captains were kill'd . All the rejoycing and great hopes were turn'd into mourning and sadness ; the Gallies came in slowly , for want of Rowers . All the wounded were immediately brought ashoar ▪ and among the rest the Caja of Tripoli , who had for his Surgeon a Christian Slave , born at Marseilles , one very expert in his profession ; but the wound in his belly was incurable , and past remedy . He promis'd his Surgeon , if he cur'd him , his liberty , and a hundred Patacoons ; but finding there was no likelihood of it , he caus'd his Will to be made . By the first article , he order'd that all the Slaves who had agreed with him about their ransom , should be set at liberty , at the several sums specifi'd in his Will. Secondly , that all his Renegado Slaves should be free ▪ and thirdly , that the Christian Slave his Surgeon should be set at liberty after his death . Some time after the Caja died , his funeral was according to the Turkish Ceremonies , the dead body being carried with a covering of Silk over it on one side of the Church , and it was left there during the mid-day Sala ( a prayer of theirs ) and afterwards it was carried to be buried . Before it march'd the Renegado-Slaves , who had obtain'd their liberty . After it follow'd the Christian Surgeon , who had in his hand a cleft Cane , with a Letter in the cleft , which contain'd an attestation of his liberty obtain'd with the good-will of his deceas'd Patron . He wept most bitterly ● which if he had not , the Turks would have accounted him unworthy his liberty : But it is to be imagin'd , that , for his part , he wept for joy , and the generous Dutch Captain had reason to laugh heartily , that he had obtain'd so noble a Victory with forty then , against five Gallies and two Brigantines . RELATION . III. The Constancy and perseverance of a Christian Slave in her Religion . IN the year 1641. a Pyrate of Algiers having a Spanish Bark in chase , those who were in it seeing no way to avoid the danger leapt into the Sea , hoping they might get to 〈◊〉 by swimming . There remain'd in the Bark 〈…〉 old man , a Spaniard , about seventy years of 〈◊〉 , and a Concubine of the Master's . These two were brought before the Bassa , according to the custom . The Bassa's Lady having seen the woman at some window , sent one of her Eunuchs to tell him , that she would gladly have that woman . The Bassa sent her along with the Eunuch as a present to his L●dy ▪ who was very well pleas'd with her , and presently gave her some work to do . About five days after , the Bassa's wife took notice that that Christian Slave was an excellent Needle-woman , good at embroidery , and other things of that kind ▪ so that she was much in her Mistresse's favour , who promis'd her mountains of Gold , if she would renounce her Faith , and embrace the Turkish Religion . But all her temptations prov'd ineffectual , for she said to her ; Though I have forgot my self as a frail wom●n , yet is my confidence so great in the goodness of God , that I believe he will out of his infinite mercy pardon my sin● ; assuring you that all my hope is in my Faith , which I will never forsake or renounce . The Mistress hearing this answer was at a loss between astonishment and indignation ; so that she gave order that the poor Slave should receive three hundred blows with a Cudgel . And perceiving that she still continu'd firm and constant as a Rock , they stripp'd her of all her cloaths , and gave her others after the Turkish mode ; which she put on , but protested publickly in the presence of God , that she took them onely to cover her nakedness , and not upon any change of Religion . This I thought worthy my observation , to shew the constancy and faith of that second Magdalen . RELATION . IV. Ignorant persons imagine strange things . DUring the time of my aboad at my Patron 's Mahomet Celibi Oiga , one night after my Patrone was gone to bed , and the doors lock'd , my Chamber being above the Stable ( which was at a little distance from the house ) I was wont to go and talk away the time with four Christian Slaves of the Neighbour-hood , three whereof were Spaniards , and the fourth was a Hamburgher , who knew not a word of the Spanish Language . It happen'd as we were smoaking a Pipe of Tobacco , the Spaniards began , as it is ordinary with them , to talk of the Goverment of the Crown of Spain , and their discourse held about three hours . The Hamburgher , who said not a word ▪ but observ'd their gestures , and the motions of their hands , imagin'd we had talk'd of some attempt to make an escape about mid-night . I took leave of the Spaniards , wishing them liberty , as it is the custom among the slaves ; but as I was going away , the Hamburgher , without any further enquiry , cast himself at my feet , and began to sware in Dutch , and to say , You shall not go without me , and whereever you hazard your lives , I will hazard mine ; I have often put my life in danger for a smaller matter . The three Spaniards , who saw his exclamations , but understood not a word of what he said , imagin'd the Hamburgher was grown distracted . I told him we had not talk'd of any such thing ; he answered , I have sufficiently discover'd your design , continuing firme in his opinion . Whereupon I told the Spaniards what he said , and how desirous he was of his liberty . We were all extreamly troubled to see what a pittiful posture the poor Hamburgher was in , as being sick of the same disease . At last I told him the Spaniards were very glad to see his resolution , and that in case they attempted any thing , they would take him for their Companion . Having comforted him with such promises , I went to my lodging , considering the strange impressions of those who comprehend not what they hear . During the time of my being in the Mas●ora at Tituan , some Malefactors being in the City●prison had broke open a door , thinking by that means to make their escape . The Governor ( or King as some call him ) by his Officers took one of those who had got away , and without admitting any plea , o●der'd him two hundred bangs with a cudgel ▪ and so treated he was sent to the Masmora with the Christian slaves . He lay all along on the ground , seeming rather a spunge full of blood than a man. This happen'd on the first Friday in Lent , in the evening , at which time , according to the custom , every one kneel'd down , to the number of a hundred and seventy persons , with a Religious Dominican● ▪ who said the Litanies , and all the Slaves answer'd . That done , the lights were put out , and the Religious Man said the Miserere , and all the Slaves , being either Spaniards or Portuguez , began to discipline themselves very cruelly . Which exercise having continu'd a certain time , the Religious Man gave the signal , that it was enough , whereupon the Lamps were lighted again , and every one dispos'd himself to sleep . The next day , the Magistrates of the City sent for the prisoner who had made his escape , to be examin'd . He began to tell the Judges , that it concern'd them to be watchful , for that the Christians who were in the Masmora had made some attempt the night before to get away . They put out all the Lamps , said he , and after a long silence , they all fell a breaking the Wall with certain instruments . The story was presently carried to the Governor , who sent four Gentlemen , Moors , of his retinue , to the Masmora . They visited all the Walls , and found not the least rupture ; which done , they search'd what things the Christians had , but they met with no instrument , nor the least appearance of what had been laid to their charge . Whereupon one of the Gentlemen , who spoke Spanish , said to a slave of his acquaintance , Friend , tell 〈◊〉 , what noise was heard last night in the Masmora , which went 〈◊〉 , tic , without a word spoken . The Spaniard wondring at the question , reply'd , Sir , You 〈◊〉 to know that yesterday was the first Friday in Lent , upon which account some disciplin'd themselves . The Gentleman being a Morisco , born in Spain , understood the business , and fell a laughing , saying , Our prisoner hath discover'd a notable piece of treason . By these instances it may be seen , how that ignorant persons are apt to imagine extravagant things . RELATION V. Of five Turkish-Slaves who made a strange escape by meeting a Dunkirk-Pyrate . IN the year 1640. a Pyrate of Dunkirk took another of Algiers with about a hundred Turks aboard him . M. Caloën's Friends and mine prevail'd so far with his most Serene Highness the Prince Cardinal , that he gave seven Turkish-Slaves to be exchang'd for us three Christians . The Turkes , who were in Spain , were sent to row in the Gallies , and every time that some Ships were bound for Spain , there were five or six Turks sent along with them . Which number being so inconsiderable , they were permitted to work with the other Sea-men up and down the Ship , there being no danger that five Turks should make an escape from among a hundred and fifty men . In the year 1641. five of those Turks were sent away in a Ship of Dunkirk , and one night , as the Ship was passing through the streight of Gibraltar , it ran foul upon a Turkish Galley . The Dunkirkers thought the Galley had been but a Brigantine , and the Turks took the other for a Merchant-man , so that they immediately fir'd one upon another , with such a noise that thunder would not have been heard . But after a short engagement , those of the Galley and those of the Ship , considering there was no booty to be gotten , parted one from the other , and kept on their course . During the confusion of the fight , the five Turks who were aboard the Ship made a shift to get into the Galley ; how they did it , I cannot comprehend , and should never have believ'd it , had I not been an eye-witness hereof . When the Galley came home , the report was all over Algiers , that five Turks who had been slaves at Dunkirk , had made their escape into that Galley . I was extreamly troubled that the five Turks who had escap'd were not those five whom my Companion Saldens had under his charge to be exchang'd for us . I went to the water-side , and by chance met with one of the five escap'd Turks . I ask'd him whether he were one of those who were to be chang'd for us three Dunkirkers . He answered , not , but that those five Turks were in the custody of my Companion Saldens , and that he thought they would soon be in Spain . Those five Turks made an excellent advantage of the engagement between the Ship and the Galley . RELATION VI. A strange effect of an abhominable Love. WHile I liv'd in the Fonduca with my Patron Catalorn Mustapha , I saw a Turk , by Religion a Cherebin , that is , a Heretick in their judgement , coming to his Lodging drunk and mad as a Beast , occasion'd by his having eaten Opium . He call'd his Slave , who was an Irish-man , and commanded him to bring a Chasing-dish of coals , which the Slave did . Then he took a knife in his right hand , and leaning with his left hand on a Pillar , with his arm naked , he commanded his slave upon pain of present death , to put a burning-coal on his left arm . The slave did so ; he afterwards bid him blow the coal , which he did , so that the coal burnt within the flesh . And yet the brutish Turk endur'd that pain with a wonderful constancy . I was astonish'd to see him exercise such cruelty on himself , and ask'd the other Turks and Christian slaves who were present , why that Turk would be his own Executioner in that manner . They answer'd me , that that afternoon he had endeavour'd to satisfie his abhominable lust , and that being enrag'd at the miscarriadge of his enterprise , he burnt himself . He gave himself the chastisement he justly deserv'd , for the action he would have done well deserv'd the fire . RELATION VII . Of two unfortunate Slaves who were put into the Masmora at Tituan . WHile I was a prisoner in the Masmora of Tituan , two new slaves were brought in th●●ther . Some desirous to know why , ask'd them whenc● they came , and after a little examination , I could hear them call'd Dogs , Rogues , Lutherans , &c. I ask'd a Spanish slave of my acquaintance why the Spaniards abus'd those two wretches who were their Country-men ; he told me they deserv'd to be cudgell'd to death , for the discredit they did their Nation . The business stood thus . They had been soldiers at Pe●on de Veles , a Fortress on the Mediterranean , some leagues from Tituan under the jurisdiction of the King of Spain . Now those that are in that place , the officers onely excepted , are for the most part Malefactors condemn'd by their Judges . And it happens many times that persons of eminent quality , who have committed some offence are condemn'd to serve there , and to find so many Horse at their own charge . This place receives it provisions from Spain ; and whereas it happens many times , either through the inconveniences of sending by Sea , or the negligence of those who are to send , that the Ships come not in at the time expected , they are always in want of something or other . These two souldiers growing desperate by reason of their poverty , and the little hope they had of ever returning into their Country , ( for they were condemn'd to that exile during life ) thought it better to trust to the mercy of the Moors their enemies , renounce the Christian faith , and be Slaves as long as they liv'd , then to suffer any longer in that Fortress , out of which they made an escape , and deliver'd themselves up to their enemies ; saying , they would embrace the Ma●ume●an Religion , and continue Slaves . But they ●●iss'd of their aime ; for the Moors having them in ●heir power , would not suffer them to change their Religion , because a Christian slave is worth much more then a Renegado ; for the former are employ'd to Row in the Gallies , and the latter are not . These two Renegadoes-would-be were brought into the Masmora , to be kept their till Summer , and then to be sold to the Gallies of Algiers . I had much compassion for the two wretches , for most of the slaves in the Masmora being Spaniards , they were continually reproaching them , that they had come of their own accord into sl●very . Now , as I said in the precedent discourse , we lay on the floor , as close as could be one to another , because the room was narrow , and no body would have these two Raskals lye neer them ; and there being no house of office in the prison , every two or three had a pot , as they have in Spain , and when these two wretches were necessitated to e●se themselves , they were extreamly put to it ; for to do any thing on the floor was not permitted , because it was our bed , and no body would lend them a pot , so that they were forc'd to begg that kindness , and endure all the reproaches imaginable into the bargain . Once a day their Master cast them a little bread at the grate without any thing else ; for that prison is under ground ; nay they were forc'd to begg the water they drunk of the other slaves . I cannot imagine any people could be more poo● , and in a more wretched condition then those two men were , nay it would have been impossible for them to endure it , had not God of his goodness augmented their forces , by setting it before their eyes , that every one ought patiently to suffer the just punishments he is pleas'd to inflict on them ▪ In like manner , being at Algiers , ● Venetian slave told me one day , how that having been heretofore a Publick Notary at Venice , he had given a false attestation , to get a sum of mony ; and that that fraud being discover'd , he was condemn'd for certain years to the Gallies , and was accordingly sent ; but that some months after , upon the presenting of a chain of Gold to the Captain of the Galley he was set at liberty . 'T was given out that he had made his escape . Having thus avoided the miseries of a Galley-life , he durst not well return to Venice , in regard he was too well known there . He resolv'd to go and sojourn some time in the Island of Corsica ; but as he was in his way thither , he was taken by the Turks , and sold at Algiers to the General of the Gallies Alli Pegelin . This slave , among other discourses that pass'd between us , one time said thus to me ; I thought to avoid the Venetian Gallies , to which I had been by a just sentence condemn'd for a few years , and I am fallen out of the Frying-pan into the fire , that is , I am come to a place , whence I shall never get away while I live . Oh how just are the judgements of God! I believe the two Soldiers before-mentioned comforted themselves much after the same manner . These two Relations may be advertisements to men , patiently to suffer the miseries and tribulations which come from the hand of God , without kicking against the pricks , for fear of exchanging their present misfortunes for greater . RELATION VIII . Of a Portuguez Gentleman taken and brought to Algiers . DOm Francisco de Mascarenhas , a Portuguez Gentleman , had in the year 1638. fought a duel in the City of Lisbon , and having had the better he was afraid of falling into the hands of the Magistrate . Hoping therefore that time would accommodate the business , by the advice of his friends , he went along with the first Ships bound for Brasil , listing himself a soldier in the forces of the Vice-roy , in the Baja de todos los Santos . He continu'd there till the year 1641. that is , till news came that his affairs at Lisbon were accommodated . Whereupon he took the first opportunity of Shipping to return to Portugal , having the company of diverse Captains and other Officers . But Fortune ow'd them an ill turn , for the Ship was taken by the Pyrates of Algiers . The new slaves were brought before the Bassa , that he might take his proportion , which is the eighth . The Bassa took Dom Francisco , and three others , who me-thought by their countenances should have been Captains . These new slaves were brought to that room in the Bassa's Palace , where M. Caloën and I were then under restraint . I saluted Dom Francisco , asking him whence he came , and what news he brought out of Christendom . Ere he could return me any answer , the Bassa sent for Dom Francisco , who coming into the Hall of Audience , the Bassa said to him , Who are you ? Dom Francisco reply'd , I am Dom Francisco de Mascarenas Nephew to Dom Bernardo de Mascarenas , who was heretofore General in Brasil . Whereupon the Bassa , who was a crafty Fox , the Son of a Renegado of Genna , said to him , Nobility and Slavery will not do well together ; what will you give for your liberty , conditionally it be paid within eight or ten months , and in the mean time you shall take your pleasure , walk up and down the City , a●d not be put to any work ? Dom Francisco was very well pleas'd with that proposal , and said to the Bassa , What does your Highness require for my ransom ? Four thousand Ducats , replies the Bassa . Dom Francisco kissing the Bassa's garment ( a Turkish complement ) said to him , I will pay them , and I call to witness of our agreement these Gentlemen Turks here present . That done , D. Francisco return'd to the place where we were , and said to us , Thanks be God , I am no longer a slave , for I have made my agreement with the Bassa at four thousand Ducats . Whereupon I made him answer , Sir , I am not so happy as to be acquainted with you ; but if you had had the patience to stay four or five days , you would have purchas'd your liberty for fifteen hundred , or at the worst at two thousand Ducats . He reply'd , To what end should a man have mony ? to work like a dog , or to procure his liberty ? You are in the right , Sir , said I , 'T is likely you may be rich ; but the Bassa will have as much of each of your Companions ; for you have said that you were all souldiers of Fortune . Dom Francisco staid two days among us , and then a Portuguez Merchant resident at Algiers took him to his own house , upon security , and leaving withall at the Bassa's a servant of his about thirteen years of age , who proffer'd the Bassa three hundred Ducats , but the Bassa would have more . Dom Francisco's Companions were conducted to the Bath , the ordinary Quarters of the slaves intended for the Gallies . The young Lad at last renounc'd the Christian faith , having been debauch'd by a Portuguez-Renegado for the sum of forty Aspers , notwithstanding Dom Francisco had promis'd to redeem him . The Portuguez Renegado , who had debauch'd the Lad , brought him to the publick Hall before the Bassa , and said , This Christian is desirous to renounce his Religion . The Bassa was not well pleas'd with that news ; for he preferr'd three hundred Ducats before the doing of that good work to his Prophet Mahomet ; but there being some Turks of quality present , he smother'd his sentiments , and the Lad was made a Turk with the ordinary solemnities . Some days after , the business , upon which we were confin'd , was taken up ; so that we got out , and I often afterwards met and discours'd with Dom Francisco . Some months after I was brought to Tituan , where I went immediately to salute one of the Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives , who was newly come out of Spain , and lodg'd at the French Consul's . As I was going in , I met with Dom Francisco coming out of the house , and ask'd him what fortune had brought him thither . He told me , that , after my departure from Algiers he had receiv'd the four thousand Ducats , and paid the Bassa . But having no convenience to return into Portugal , without passing through Spain ( which he was loath to do , as well by reason of the war , as for that he would avoid seeing the Spaniards ) or going a great way about , and so being in danger to be taken once more by the Turks , to avoid these hazards , he had agreed with a Pyrate , to set him ashore on the Coast of Portugal . Dom Francisco embark'd , and his Pyrate having a good wind within two days got to the altitude of Penon de Veles , where there were at that time some French Ships , which began to chace the Turkish Pyrate . Who perceiving that his Sails must save him and not his Guns , did all he could to avoid the danger , and all last finding no other expedient , he turn'd his Ship towards the Coast , and with all the sail she could bear ran her a-ground , not far from the place where we had made the like wrack , as I have said elsewhere . As he was relating his adventures to me , there pass'd by us a Gentleman about twenty years of age ( as neer as I could guess ) in a civil garbe , according to the Dutch mode . Dom Francisco and he looking very earnestly one upon the other , at last D. Francisco said to him , Are not you such a one ? The young man reply'd , I am so . What do you here then , says Dom Francisco , clad as you are ? My business here , said he , is to follow my profession , and exercise my Religion . Whereupon Dom Francisco said , With your favour , I pray what Religion are you of ? I am a Jew , replies he , And did not you , saies D. Francisco , live about a year since , in the Baja de todos los Santos , and did you not there go to Mass every day , and frequented the holy Sacraments , as other Catholicks did ? He acknowledg'd it , but said he was a Jew , and that then he had counterfeited himself a Christian . This discourse discovers the diverse events of things , and the odd accidents that happen in the world . RELATION IX . A new Slave ought to be distrustful of all people . I Would not affirm that a new slave should look on all that speak to him as Traitors , no , that were too great a distrust , but that he is to consider they may be deceivers . It is therefore necessary he should dissemble a while , till he be sufficiently inform'd whether they be impostors , or may be trusted . During the time of my Slavery at Algiers , there was a very rich Jew , named Ciscas , who to find out what Christian Slaves could pay considerable ransomes , was wont to circumvent them in this manner . He had got a Turk of his acquaintance to buy a Christian Slave upon his account , for the Jews are not permitted to have any Christian Slaves ; and the Turk gave out that the Slave was his , and that he onely lent him to the Jew to wait on him at his house . But the greatest service he did him was , that when there came any Letters directed to the Christian Slaves , the superscriptions whereof were in Dutch , or Flemish , he read and interpreted them to his Master ; and whereas all commerce in a manner in Barbary , is manag'd by the Jews , all the Merchants Letters fall into their hands . By this means , the said Jew , found out the secret , by the interposition of some Turks friends of his , to make the Christians pay the utmost peny they could raise for their ransom . This treacherous slave would always be on the water-side when there were any prises from Hamborough or the Low-Countries brought in ; and when the new slaves came ashore , he fell into discourse with them , saying , Whence come you my Friends and Companions ; assure your selves I am extreamly troubled at your misfortune . However , pray be of good courage , and do me the kindness to accept of a glass of wine which I will bestow on you . The others would haply make answer , We have no mony , and if we had , we cannot get hence without leave . As for leave , reply'd he , let me alone to get it , I am sufficiently known ; and for mony , God be thanked , I have yet enough to entertain a friend or two . The Turks who were agreed with his Master , gave him leave to go and treat them some where . Having carried them to a Tavern , he made them drink plentifully , and when they began to be drunk , he thought it time to lay his snares , in order to the advancement of his affairs , telling them that he had assisted many Slaves to get their liberty , and that he still had the same power to oblige others . The poor besotted fools having their hearts full of grief , their bellies of Wine , and their heads warm , believ'd all the trapanning raskal said to them . Whereupon finding them more and more tractable , he would say to them , Are you able to give four or five hundred Patacoons for your liberty ? Some answer'd they were , nay , haply if need were , they could advance a thousand , for they had such and such friends , who would not suffer them to continue long in that miserable condition . Others would say , we have yet a House or Tenement of Land , which should be sold rather then they would stay long in Slavery , &c. When the dissembling Villain had pump'd out all he could get , he paid the reckoning , and brought back the new slaves to the place , where they were to remain till they were sold . Having lodg'd them there , he went to give the Jew an account of what the Christian slaves had said to him , and when they came to be sold in the Market , some Turk , who was in league with the Jew , bought them , and then the Traitor went again to them , saying , Thanks be to God , you have got a good Patron , he is a great friend of the Jew 's with whom I live ; if you are desirous to make some agreement concerning your Ransome , it is in my power to do you a kindness . These new slaves were very glad that they had met such a friend , as they thought him , but the Jew had most reason to think him such , for he was grown so expert in circumventing , that many times , the Jew with two or three thousand Patacoons got a thousand and more , insomuch that he was thought to be worth a hundred thousand Patacoons , and yet all the goods in his house were not worth fifty shillings . When this treacherous Christian had compass'd some enterprise with success , he receiv'd a considerable recompence . But it was God's pleasure that his impostures should be discover'd , and he was so cry'd down among the slaves , that not one would treat with him ; and the new slaves were soon advertiz'd that they should beware that Traitor . When we were brought in , he address'd himself to us , for upon our arrival he made his accustomed complements to us ; but we had receiv'd a character of him before hand , as I have said elsewhere . When a man is by misfortune fallen into slavery , if he be over-earnest in the prosecution of his liberty , the issue of it proves somewhat like that of ignorant Swimmers , who being fallen into the water , out of a fear of being drown'd , strive so much with their armes , that they are presently tyr'd , and so their excessive diligence occasions their miscarriage . RELATION X. Of a new-married couple taken by the Turks and brought to Algiers . IN the year 1641. at Nantz in Britany there was a Master of a Ship , who stay'd there onely for a fair wind to set sail for Canada . While he stay'd for the wind , he fell in love with a rich Merchant's daughter , whose Father perceiving that she as much affected him as he her , would by no means consent to their marriage , considering the first fair wind would carry him away , and with him the love he had for his daughter . But the Master seeing on the other-side , that it would be a greater advantage to him , to marry his Mistress , then he could expect from his going to Sea as long as he liv'd , carry'd his business on so successfully , that they were secretly married , and before her friends had any notice of it , he was gone with his spouse towards Canada , hoping that before his return all things would be accommodated , by the mediation of his f●iends . But Fortune intended to dispose otherwise of them ; for ere he had been four and twenty hours at Sea , he was taken by a Pyrate of Algiers . The amorous Master minding more the caresses of his Mistress , then the exercises of Mars , deliver'd up his Ship , without any resistance . Some days after , the French Gentlewoman with her Husband , and the other slaves were brought to the Market at Algiers , where the Christians are wont to be sold . The Turks , Moors , Greeks , and Spaniards , who were not wont to see the fashions of the French-woman , with their hair powder'd , and their heads neatly dress'd , look'd on her with much admiration . She said to some Christians who discours'd with her , and comforted her , My onely fear is , that they will make me renounce my Religion . It seems God was pleas'd with the fear of that woman ; for the French Consul prevail'd so far with the Bassa , that the selling of her was suspended , under pretence of some league with the French. But the true cause proceeded from the avarice of the Bassa ( as will be seen anon ) who made no account of the peace ; but in regard the French-Master had made no opposition , the Consul alledg'd that the Ship was no lawful prize . This in my judgement was an invention of the Bassa's , who agreed well enough with the Consul , to declare the Ship free , and so to defraud the Pyrate and the soldiers , and thereupon it was concluded , that the Master and his wife should have their liberty , leaving the Ship and its loading to be dispos'd of to the advantage of the Bassa . While these things were in agitation , the Gentlewoman was sent to the house of a Turkish Lady , where she was well entertain'd , save that she and her Husband were not permitted to talk together alone . I knew not what was the issue of this business , for soon after I left Algiers . RELATION XI . Of the ingratitude of a Portuguez Slave . I Knew at Algiers a famous Pyrat named the Grand Moro , by country a Mosabi , which is a Nation of poor Alarbes , of little account , upon this score , that they love the Kitchin much better than the Camp. They commonly deal in Tripes , and are very deformed in their countenances ; for they are neither Blacks nor White , but look as if their faces were perpetually Oyl'd . The Grand Moro came to Algiers , being about twelve years of Age , and growing weary of the Tripe-trade , he struck in among the Pyrats , in the quality of a Boy belonging to one of the Captains ; and by continual being abroad at Sea , and in divers engagements , he came to be an able Sea-man , and a good Souldier , and so got into such repute , that they who put out the Galleys made him Captain of a small Ship , afterwards of a greater of thirty Guns , till at last he came to be Captain of a Galley . This same Grand Moro was a terrour to all the Christian Ships , which came into the Mediterranean , and was by all the Turks accounted a second , God Mars . I believe that if the Grand Seignor had given him the absolute command of the Sea , as Sultan Solyman gave it to the Arch-pyrat Barberossa in the last Age , his . Victories would have surpass'd those of all the Ottoman Generals . For he was a Lyon in engagements , and a Lamb in his victories , treating his subdu'd Enemies with extraordinary mildness . Among many other Slaves which the Grand Moro had , there was one Portuguez , who , when he was ashore waited on him in his Chamber , and at Sea as a Secretary . This Portuguez had serv'd his Patron very faithfully for some years , both at Sea and Ashore . One day the Grand Moro was crusing with his Ship neer the Coast of Portugal ; he call'd his Slave , and said to him , You have serv'd me faithfully so many years , I now set you at Liberty . Whereupon he order'd the Shallop to be made ready to set him Ashore . While the Ship was Sailing towards the Land , he went secretly to the stern of the Ship , and opened his Patron 's chest ( for he had the Keys ) and took out some Shirts , and for fear of being discover'd , put them about him under his cloaths : The Shallop was let down , and the Portuguez delivering up the Keys of the Chest , took his last leave of his Patron . He was set Ashore , the Shallop return'd , and the Ship kept on her course . Some days after , the Grand Moro would change his Linnen ; but he was disappointed , for it was carri'd away by that ungrateful Slave . He fell into such a passion , that he said , I swear by the Grand Seignor's life , that if that ungrateful Christian ever come into my hands again , he shall be chain'd to the Oar as long as he lives . Much about the same time there happen'd a very remarkable accident . The General Alli Pegelin having lost a Diamond of great Value , order'd his Slaves to look every where for it , and among others , one of them , a Spaniard , found it . He presented the Diamond to Pegelin , who gladly receiving it gave the Slave for his reward half a Patacoon , saying to him , Here take this , brute Beast without judgement , and buy a Halter to hang thy self withall ; thou hadst gotten thy Liberty , and thou couldst not keep it . Pegelin was as ungrateful towards his Spanish Slave , as the Portuguez had been towards the Grand Moro. RELATION XII . The Custom of bewailing the Dead at Algiers . IN one of my precedent Relations , I made mention of the War made by a Barbarian King , Bennali , against the Bassa of Algiers . Many Turks and Renegadoes were kill'd in that War. Among others there was kill'd a Bulcebas , that is , a Captain of Foot. This Bulcebas was a Renegado , and had been a Slave of my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga's , and liv'd in the same street with Mahomet Celibi . Upon the news of the death of this Bulcebas , my Patroness accompani'd by two Women-Negroes , her Slaves , and with all the Women in the Neighbourhood , went into the Widdow's house , and as soon as they were got in , they began to weep , lament , cry out , and torment themselves as people out of their wits , and one of her Women was employ'd in continual striking with an Iron bar upon a Table , which made such a horrid noise , that a Man would have said the street was full of distracted people . I knew well enough it was the manner of bewailing the Dead in Africk . But when my Patroness came home , I made as if I knew not the reason of all those Exclamations , and ask'd her why she had wept , and how her face came to be all scratch'd and bloody . She repli'd , it was the custom of the Country , and that they so bewail'd the Death of Friends and Relations . It does very well , as for your part , said I , who were acquainted with the Deceas'd person , but why should your Woman-slave here be scratch'd and bloody as you are , she , who had no acquaintance with him , for she is newly come to you , and is yet Savage ? My Patroness repli'd , she did as she saw others do , without any other reason . As to the word Savage , it is to be observ'd , that the Kingdom of Algiers hath many little Tributary Kings belonging to it , and some of them , for want of Money , pay their annual Tribute in Men. These men are either Arabian Prisoners , commonly called Errant Arabians ; or for want of Prisoners they pay in their own Subjects . These people , at Algiers are called Savages , because they have not the common Language of the Country , neither the Arabian , nor the Moorish . RELATION XIII . Of the inconsiderate Zeal , and the prudent . WHile I was in the Masmora at Tituan , a Moorish Pyrat came thither with an Image of our Lady's , carv'd in Wood , which he had taken out of some Christian Ship , and proffer'd it to sell . All the Spanish Slaves got about him , and proffer'd a Chequine of Gold for it , that the Image might not be expos'd to contempt , or receive any injury . The Moor observing the zeal of the Christians , told them they must give four times as much for it , or if they would not give it , he would burn the Image . The devout Spaniards were extreamly troubled at the threats of the Moor , and were upon resolving to give what he demanded . And to make up the sum , most of the Spaniards would contribute all they had ; for in the Masmora , he who can spend a Patacoon a moneth is not to be accounted poor . I look'd on what pass'd without saying a word ; at last I concern'd my self in the business , and said to the Spaniards ; Gentlemen , this Image is not worth so much . They immediately answer'd , We do not buy the Image for its value , but that it may not receive any injury . I told them , Your zeal is to be commended ; but do you not consider , that if this Moor should carry hence four Chequines of Gold for an Image , which is not worth four Ryalls , he will go and report it all ●ver the City , that the Christians are Idolaters . The zealous Spaniards would hardly hear my reason , and I was in some danger of being accounted a Lutheran among them . But I was reliev'd by a Reverend Father , a Dominican , who was also a Slave in the Masmora , a Man of a good Life , and great Learning . I acquainted him with what had pass'd between the Spaniards and the Moor. The good Father , out of a Zeal grounded on prudence went st●eight to the Moor , and said to him , Will you take a Patacoon for that Image ? if you are so pleas'd , you shall have it , if not , do what you will with the Image , and get you gone hence , or the Christian Slaves will beat you out of doors . The Moor seeing the Religious man so resolute , said nothing of burning the Image , and forbearing all further insolency , was glad to get a Patacoon for it . If the Spaniards had given four Chequines for it , they had lost their money , the Moor would have laugh'd at them , and the Catholick Religion would have been slighted and derided : But the prudent Zeal of that Religious man sav'd the money of those poor Slaves , frightned the Barbarous Moor , and satisfi'd the Mahumetans , that the honour which Catholicks render to Images consists not in the materials whereof they are made , as Pagans , Hereticks , and ignorant persons do imagine . RELATION XIV . Two Examples of Liberality and Gratitude . SAban Gallan Aga , whom I have often mentioned , was a Spaniard born , neer the frontiers of Portugal , and the Son of a common Sea-man . He fell very young into Slavery among the Turks , who had perswaded him to renounce the Christian Faith , which it was easie for them to do with a child . This Saban , for his noble Demeanour towards all the World had the military name of Gallan bestow'd on him . He was very rich , and he always employ'd himself in War both by Sea and Land , by which means he came to be Aga , that is , a Field-Officer . Saban passing one day through the Market where the Christians are sold , fell into discourse with some Slave● , and by chance met with one of his Country-men , whom he bought at a low rate , for he was a Fisher-man , and so no great ransome could be expected from him . He brought the Slave to his own House , and said to him ; I have paid a hundred and fifty Patacoons for you , if you will promise me to pay the like sum in your Country to such a one who is my Kinsman , and poor , I will order you to be set ashore in your Country by the first Pyrat that shall go hence . The Fisher-man was well pleas'd with the proposal , and promis'd to do what his Patron desir'd . Saban accordingly sent him away with the first Ship bound into the Ocean , and order'd him to be set ashore on the Coast of Portugal , which was done . The Inhabitants of the Village where he Liv'd wonder'd to see him return'd so soon out of Slavery . He acquainted them with his adventures , and all that had pass'd between him and Saban Gallan . He sold all he had , and , according to his promise , paid him who was to have the hundred and fifty Patacoons , who having receiv'd the money , writ a Letter of thanks to his Kinsman Saban Gallan . Afterwards , the honest Man returning to his Profession , to get his Livelihood , 't was his misfortune to be taken again by the Pyrats , and to be brought to Algiers . He sent notice of his misfortune to Saban , who bought him again , and having treated him some days in his House , and furnish'd him with what Cloaths and Linnen he stood in need of , said to him , Since you have shewn your self an honest Man , and perform'd your promise , you shall return once more to your Country , and pay what you cost to the same person within such a time . The Fisher-man repli'd , I am not able to do it , for I sold all I had in the World to pay my former Ransom , and therefore I will rather continue a Slave then promise what I cannot perform . Saban hearing his reasons , said to him , Pay it then at your own convenience ( the time before was six moneths ) within two years . The Fisher-man accepted of that condition , and with the first opportunity , he was set ashore in his Country . He went immediately to Saban's Kinsman , and promis'd to pay him the sum agreed upon within two years , and so return'd to his Trade . But his Boat and all things else requisite thereto being either sold to pay his former Ransom , or lost , when he was taken the second time , he was forc'd to become a Servant to other Fisher-men , so that he could not get so much as when he was upon his own account ; but yet out of the little he got , he laid somewhat aside towards the payment of his Ransom . The two years were pass'd , and he had paid but a third part of the Sum he ought . To make good his p●omise , he bethought himself of an expedient , which was , to buy a hundred weight of Tobacco , and went along with a Portuguez Ship bound for Algiers , ( where Tobacco was then very dear ) with the Bassa's Pass-port , to redeem certain Slaves . Being come to Algiers , he went strait to Saban's house , who was astonish'd to see him . The Fisher-man said to him , Patron , I have paid but the third part of what I ought you , as may be seen by this Acquittance , and for the remainder , having no other way to satisfie , I have brought hither a hundred weight of Tobacco , and if I can sell it with the advantage I am told it will yield , I will pay you ; if not , I will return to be your Slave , rather than give your Lordship , of whom I have receiv'd so great kindness , any occasion to think me ungrateful . Saban heard the Fisher-man's reasons , extremely wondring at his Fidelity and Gratitude ; and thereupon made him this answer : You are an honest Man , faithful , and grateful , but over-harmless to live in this VVorld ; Go sell your Tobacco , and return into your Country , and make the best advantage you can of both the Money and your Liberty . He allow'd him meat and drink at his house , till the same Ship which brought him to Algiers return'd homewards , leaving at Algiers a perpetual Memory of his fidelity and gratitude , and carrying along with him into Portugal an eternal commendation of the Liberality of Saban Gallan . RELATION XV. Of the celebration of Marriage at Algiers . MY Companion M. Caloën liv'd with an Old woman , Grand-mother to Mustapha Ingles , one of the five Turks who were to be exchang'd for us . This Mustapha had a Brother , named Amet Ingles , about two and twenty years of Age , but a very debauch'd Person , an excessive Lover of Wine and Wenches , insomuch that it was impossible he should Live long at the rate he did . His Mother and Grand-mother prevail'd so far with him , that he promis'd to leave Drinking and Wenching , and live thence-forwards as an honest Mahumetan , of good repute , and to assure them he would do so , he said to them , I am content to Marry . That proposal extremely pleas'd both Mother and Grand-mother , who recommended to Amet several young Maids of his Quality , and among others , one whom he fancied much , by reason of her great Wealth . To compass this Marriage , Amet's Grand-mother propos'd the business to the Maid's friends , and Amet emploi'd for a Spy and Ambassadress an Old woman who carried silk Stuffs to be sold at great Houses . The old Woman manag'd her business so well , that within a few days the young Maid engag'd her word to her ; and she also gave Amet such an account of the Beauty , Virtues , and Fortunes of his Mistress , that he was extreamly in love with her , upon the old Woman's discourse ; and in fine , the friends on both sides approv'd the marriage . The Wedding-day was appointed ; the future Bridegroom sent his Mistress a present of Ribbons , and such toyes , and to make the present with the requisite solemnities , Amet got together twenty slaves of his Friends and Relations , among whom I was one . We march'd one after another , every one with a dish cover'd , wherein the presents were . Amet brought the slaves to his Mistresse's door , where being come , he staid in the street , and the slaves went into the house , which was built after the Italian way of Architecture , with a Quadrangle and Galleries all about it . The future Bride sate on a cushion of red Velvet wrought all over with Silver-lace , at the entrance of a low room . Every one of the slaves set down his dish on a place prepar'd for the receiving of it , making a low reverence to the future Bride . The other slaves had taught M. Caloën and me these words , Ey la a , Ey la a , which we were to pronounce as loud as ere we could , after we had set all the dishes on the ground ; which was done . And presently after the slaves belonging to the House , both men and women , answer'd in the same Musick . That done , we all made a low reverence , and went out of the house . Amet staid fo● us at the door , and as I pass'd by him , he said to me in Spanish , Dunkirker , Is she handsome ? Very handsome , reply'd I , taking beauty according to the opinion of the Africans ; for they think the women beautiful , when they are somewhat inclin'd to fatness . That news pleas'd Amet well , for he had never seen his Mistresse's face , in regard it is the custome of the Country , that the women , when they go along the streets , should have two veils over their faces , one which covers the fore-head to the eyes , the other coming down over the nose . When they are at home , they are not so shy of the Christian slaves ; for they say the Christians are blind ; but if a Mahometane should see their faces uncover'd , 't were a great sin ; and it is not permitted that a young man should speak with a Maid who stands upon her honesty , in her Father's or other Relations houses . Me-thinks this kind of demeanour seems very strange ; but it is requisite in that Country , by reason of the lewd inclinations of the Women . For notwithstanding all the caution of the Men to keep their Daughter's and Wives at home , they find out a hundred inventions to get abroad , sometimes upon visits , sometimes to Bath themselves , and sometimes under pretence of devotion ( an invention sufficiently known also in Europe ) to go to such a Marabout or Santon ; and so they prostitute themselves , if they have any convenience , to all they meet , though they be common Rogues , Sodomites , and the meanest sort of people . RELATION XVI . Necessity is the Mother of Diligence and Industry . WHen I liv'd at Alli Pegelin's Bath , we were five hundred and fifty Christian slaves , who were to get our daily bread by our industry . 'T is indeed a thing worthy admiration , to consider how every one made his advantage of his industry in that necessity . The most common exercise of that School was Theft . There was in the Bath an Italian Slave , whose military name was Fontimama ; he presum'd so much on his Art of Stealing , that he would often invite some of his companions to dine with him at noon , on what he should get between that time and the hour appointed to set their Jaw-bones a-grinding . One day about ten in the morning , he invited my Companion R. Saldens to dine with him , conditionally he would take a turn with him about the City . Fontimama carry'd Saldens among some Jews , changers of money , whereof there are many at Algiers , taking up their standings in the Streets with a little Table , where they change Patacoons , and half-Patacoons into Aspers , making some small gain by that exchange . Fontimama ask'd for Aspers for a half-Patacoon , shewing a piece which was good ; he help'd the Jew to tell them , and after they had done he proffer'd the Jew a counterfeit piece . The Jew , who knew money well enough , would have his Asp●rs again , which he could not so get , but that some stuck to the hands of that crafty thief . From him they went to another Jew , and so to another , till at last he had done his work so well , that about noon Fontimama return'd to the Bath with a couple of Pullets , and money enough to procure their skins full of Wine . Another time being in our Patron 's Galley on the Coast of Barbary , before a place called Terrevecchia , Fontimama with some other slaves were sent ashore to take in fresh water for the Galley . The Alarbes , Inhabitants of the Country , came presently about the Slaves , asking them whether they had any Iron to sell ( for it is very dear about that place ) and the slaves sometimes sold them Nails and such pieces of old Iron . Fontimama's Companions having sold all they had , the buyers told their Neighbours that they had bought Iron of the slaves of the Galley . Two Alarbes hearing there was Iron to be had pretty cheap , 〈◊〉 to the Sea-side to buy some , and address'd themsel●●● 〈◊〉 Fontimama , who told them he had some to sell , and thereupon sold them the Anchor of the Galley for five Patacoons . He receiv'd the money , and said to them , Friends , it is impossible for you two to carry so heavy a burthen , go and call some of your neighbours , and I will help you also . The innocent Alarbes went to get the assistance of their Neighbours ; in the mean time Fontimama got into the Galley , and put a Plaister over one of his eyes . Th● two Merchants return'd , accompany'd by twenty Alarbes , to carry away the Anchor , and began to undo the Cable ; for it was the greatest Anchor of all , and then aboard the Galley . Alli Pegelin , who was lay'd down to rest himself at the Poop , saw those Alarbes at the Prow of his Galley quarrelling with the Turkish soldiers , who would not suffer them to carry away the Anchor . One told Pegelin the story , how that Fontimama had sold the Anchor . He gave order in the first place that that crue of Alarbes should be sent packing out of the Galley , which was immediately put in execution with good Bulls-pizzles . The Alarbes being sent away with good store of bangs instead of the Anchor , Pegelin ask'd Fontimama , why he had sold the Anchor of the Galley being not his to dispose of . Fontimama reply'd , that he thought the Galley would go better being discharg'd of that weight . All the Galley could not forbear laughing at that answer ; and Fontimama kept the five Patacoons . There was in the same Bath a Brabander , named Fr●ncis de Vos , but he was otherwise call'd the Student . He did not belong to Pegelin , but by order from his Patron , and Pegelin's permission , he liv'd in the Bath , having an Iron chain 〈◊〉 hundred weight at his leggs , that he might not stir thence ; which was done , to hasten the payment of his ransom . This man was a kind of Secretary to the slaves of the Low-Countries , Dunkirk , and Hamborough , being always employ'd in writing of Letters for them , without any other reward , save that he would accept of a dish of drink . And whereas he was , by reason of his Letters always accompany'd by Flemings and Dutch-men , who came to him , and made him drink for his pains , when he had done , he made a shift to subsist by that means . For the Taverner , at whose Lodge he wrote , found him meat all that day , in requital of the advantage he made by selling his Wine to those who employ'd him . There was also a French Cavalier , who had been six years in slavery , yet had not receiv'd a peny out of his Country . He was always well clad , for a slave ; did eat and drink of the best ; and many times invited his Companions to dine with him . He had great acquaintances among the French-Renegadoes , who lent him money at interest , he being oblig'd to repay it at a certain time : But to pay some , he took up mony of others upon the same termes . Now all the Renegadoes being soldiers , and always abroad in the wars by Sea and Land , it happen'd that some of his Creditors died every year ; and they having no Relations , Wives , or Children , the Debt was paid at their deaths . And though there were some obligation in writing , it signify'd nothing , for the Cavalier being a slave , the obligation was of no force . I knew a Spaniard , whom I shall here call Rodrigo , a person , who though far from being valiant , yet liv'd by the reputation of his sword , that is , a kind of a Hector . These people in Spanish are called Vendevuidas . This Rodrigo got his livelihood by composing differences between the Slaves , bringing them to drink together after they were reconciled , and making good cheer among them . But it was his main business to set the Spaniards together by the ears , and afterwards to mediate between them , and take his share of the drink at their argeement . Rodrigo would be always haunting the Taverns of the Bath , where he thought the greatest Drunkards resorted ; for commonly , when the reckoning came to be paid , there was some dispute between the drunken Turks , and the Christian Taverner . Rodrigo compos'd those differences with a Spanish gravity , saying , Gentlemen , it is sufficient , that a person of my rank and quality says it . And when the Turks would not pay the Taverner , Rodrigo gave notice of it to the Guardian , who presently lock'd up the Bath ; and when the drunken Turks drew their Knives , Rodrigo came behind them with a Ladder , and getting the Turks head between the rounds , laid him all along ( which he might do to part them , for a Christian is not to strike a Turk upon pain of death ) and then the Guardian came in , and caus'd the Turk to pay , or made him leave something in pawn . For such services as these was Rodrigo much esteem'd among the Taverners of the Bath , having for his reward a good supper . There was a Muscovite among us , about fourscore years of age , not able to do any thing of hard labour , as having been bruis'd . He made clean the necessary house of the Bath , and every week went a begging of alms of the Slaves for his pains . With what was given him he made a shift to subsist . There was also a young Lad , a Hamburgher , who at his being taken had lost an arm , and so could not do much for his livelihood , and yet the Patron allow'd him nothing . But a Country-man of his having given him half a Patacoon , he bought with it a pair of Nine●pins , and Pidgeon-holes . He went out of the City , neer the gate , hir'd out his Pins , and the Holes to the children who were playing there , and so made a shift to live pretty well . The Spaniards , who could keep Taverns liv'd like Princes among the slaves , and in a short time got as much as paid their ransom . For those who can get in a Pipe of wine in September , which costs them sixteen Patacoons , will , by retail , make forty or fifty of it . There were also among us six Surgeons , who got much mony , for they were sent for by the Citizens . But whereas some men are ordinarily lost by mony and good cheer , these came to their destruction by Women and Wine . There were some employ'd themselves in footing stockings , and others got their livelihood by some kind of Games . But the profession most us'd was stealing . Every night there was publikely sold what ever had been stollen the day before , as I have related more at large in the discourse of my Captivity . The Priests liv'd on the alms of the Christian slaves . In fine , all of all Nations made some shift to live , save onely the English , who it seems are not so shiftfull as others , and it seems also they have no great kindness one for another . The Winter I was in the Bath , I observ'd there died above twenty of them out of pure want . Nor are they therefore much esteem'd by the Turks ; for an English-man is sold at sixty or seventy Patacoons , when a Spaniard or Italian is valued at one hundred and fifty , or two hundred . My meaning is , when the value is set according to the body , and not according to the ransom that may be gotten . There were other slaves 〈◊〉 frequented certain houses , where they daily carried water , and fetch'd away the dirt , and liv'd on the salary they had for their pains . But you are to know , that th●●e ways of getting ones livelihood were allow'd onely when the Patron 's work was done . I was so satisfy'd with the consideration of what pass'd among the slaves of the B●th , that when I liv'd with Mahomet Celibi Oiga , to divert my self , I went to discourse with the Student , about whom there would always be some Dunkirk-slaves , relating their adventures at Sea ; the Dutch , what pass'd in the East-Indies , Japan , and China ; the Danes , and Hamburghers , at the Whale-fishing in Green-land , what time of the year the Sun appears in Iseland , and when their six months●night is at an end . Or if such conversation pleas'd not , I went among the Spaniards , who govern'd the Dominions of their King as they pleas'd , or talk'd of the delicaces of Mexico , or the wealth of Peru. Or if I went among the French , we had news from New-France , Canada , Virginy ; for most of the slaves are people some way related to the Sea. By this account of the slaves may be seen what a Mistress Necessity is , and that there can be no better University to teach men to shift for their livelihood , then one of the Baths at Algiers . RELATION XVII . Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites , a Slave , and his Patron Alli Pegelin . IN the year 1641. there was at Algiers a Discalceate Carmelite , in whose conversation it might be clearly seen , that a good life and prudence accompany'd his doctrine . This reverend man was known by the name of Father Angeli , by Country a Genouese . He had made his residence some years in Persia , by order from his Superior , as he often told me himself . Intending to return to Italy through Turkey with a Pass-port from the Grand Seignor , he and his Companion , a Portuguez , were taken by the Pyrates . These two Religious men being brought before the Bassa , shew'd their Pass-port , but to no purpose , for the Bassa said to them , Write to Constantinople , and make your complaints of me , if you think good ; if you are unjustly dealt with , you must bear it patiently . Being to be sold , Pegelin bought them , and sent them to the Bath with the other slaves . Father Angeli said Mass every day , and perform'd all other Ecclesiastical Functions , and in a short time , I know not by what secret inclination people had for his Vertues , he was belov'd of all , not onely Catholicks , but also Lutherans , Calvinists , Puritans , Schismaticks , and Nicolaitans ; for the Bath was furnish'd with all these sorts of Religions . When this good Father came neer the places where any slaves were eating , they desir'd him to participate of what they had , even the Russians and Muscovites , who by a natural antipathy seem to be absolute strangers to kindness and civility . If there happen'd any difference among the slaves , what nation soever they were of , he perswaded them to a reconciliation : Which endeavors of his brought down a blessing on all his other actions . If any slave were sick , Father Angeli took care to get some good thing made for him ; and if any slave who came to Confession , made any discovery of his wants , Father Angeli gave him an alms , and he was never without mony , by the means of some devout slaves , who entrusted him with the distribution of their Almes ; so that the vertues of this Religious man gain'd him the reputation of a Saint even among the Turks . Pegelin having heard of him , sent for him one day to his house . He went , and submissively ask'd what service he had to command him . Pegelin said to him , Papas ( so the Turks call the Priests ) I have heard , that you are a vertuous and learned man , and that you are able to satisfie any question is put to you ; you must now give me satisfaction in one thing I shall aske you . The good Father Angeli made answer , I am your Excellency's slave , 't is my duty to obey . Then Pegelin said to him ; What will become of me ? pray tell me what you think at least . The Father replyes , Your Excellency is Captain General of the Gallies , and I am but a poor Religious man ; your Excellency is my Patron , and I am your slave ; me-thinks it were a breach of the respect I ●ow your Excellency , for me to give my judgement . This Complement pleas'd Pegelin very much , for the Turks expect submissions ; whereupon Pegelin said to him , Speak your mind freely , I shall not take it ill , commanding him once more to tell him what he thought of him . Father Angeli seeing himself so press'd , confidently reply'd , Relying on your Excellency's promise , I will tell you what I think of you ; I am of an absolute perswasion , that the Devil will have you . Pegelin ask'd him , Why ? The Religious man answer'd , In the first place you are a person of no Religion , and all your thoughts are bent on the robbing and ruining of the Christians . Next , you never do any works of piety , much less any of mercy ; you live as if there were no just God , nay , you laugh at the Alcoran , and whatever it commands the Mahometanes to do ; you never go into the Mosquey , nor ever read your Assala . Nay , he not onely neglected the reading of the Assala , but , what is more , when he was at the Bassa's Palace , in the Hall of Audience , I was told , that when the Moor made an out-cry ( which was the signal for praying , as among Christians the ringing of a Bell ) he cover'd his face with his Handkercher , and I believe he did it that he might the better forbear laughing at their Ceremonies . In fine , the Father anatomiz'd his whole life , shewing clearly that Pegelin had no other Religion then an insatiable Avarice , and never so much as thought of the salvation of his soul . The Father having ended his discourse , Pegelin said to him smiling , Papas , when do you think the Devil will have me ? Father Angeli reply'd , When you dye , that is , when your soul shall leave that miserable body . Pegelin made answer , As to my death , it may yet be at a great distance , and therefore as long as I shall live , I will endeavour my enjoyments as much as I can , and when I am once dead , let the Devil do what he will with me . With that he commanded the Religious man to return to the Bath . By this story it is apparent , that truth may be told to great Persons , though transcendently impious , without any danger , when Prudence hath made choice of a convenient time to do it . RELATION . XVIII . The use of Poison is very common in Africk . THe Poisoning of people is a crime very common in Africk . While I was at Algiers the Pyrates took a Frigot which had been made at Dunkirk . The building of it pleas'd all the Captains of the Galleys , insomuch that there was a certain emulation who should have her . But the Bassa's proportion of the slaves being one of every eight , and of every Ship the one half , the Bassa's Brother , who was Captain of a Pirateer , had the Frigot . The Grand Moro , a famous Captain , was so much troubled at it , that he said publickly he had been injur'd , the Frigot had been deny'd at the rate he had proffer'd for it , and that the Bassa's Brother was good onely to divide the booty , after himself had taken the pains to get it . That discourse was related to the Bassa's Brother , who was much incens'd thereat , and bethought himself how he should be reveng'd . He could not send him a Challenge , because it was not the custom , and besides , he was no match for such an enemy as the Grand Moro. He therefore dissembled his indignation , and some daies after , invited the Grand Moro with some other Captains to dine with him , entertaining them after the best manner he could , the better to cloak his malicious design . Dinner being ende● , and the Grand Moro come to his own house , he found himself very much indispos'd . Whereupon calling a slave of his who was a Surgeon , he said to him , You must immediately give me some remedy , for me-thinks I am poison'd . The Surgeon , a man very expert in his profession , gave him presently a good draught of milk , and finding that the milk stay'd with him , he caus'd his head to be hung downwards , and at last the Milk came ou● , bringing the poison along with it , and by that means the Grand Moro was cur'd , and the Bassa's Brother laugh'd at by the Turks , for his ignorance in preparing the poison after the African way , which is , to make the composition so , as that it shall not do its effect till some time after it is administred . This slow operation of the poison causes many Spaniards , and Italians to renounce the Christian Faith. The reason is , that many Turks are addicted to the abhominable sin , and the women are easily debauch'd by their slaves . Whence it comes , that having continu'd in their lewdness sometime , the women say to them , If you will renounce your Religion , I will marry you , and ▪ of a poor slave , make you Master of this house and all I have . These promises are tempting , and most of the slaves , being ordinary Sea-men , and poor in their own Country , and consequently oblig'd to get their livelihood by hard labor , they are inveigled by these taking appearances of liberty and wealth , strengthned by the sollicitations of a handsome woman , and so prefer the temporal before eternal happiness . Being thus agreed , the women give their husbands a slow poison , so that the husband dying some months after , the widdow marries the Renegado slave . There is no great inquisition made into these crimes by the Magistrate ; insomuch that there are many who boast of their excellence in that Art. It comes into my mind , that I once over-heard two French Renegadoes discoursing to this purpose . One of them said to the other , Do you still visit your Wench ? The other answer'd , I have seen her lately , but am weary of her , I have a dose in my Chest to send her going into the other world . I also observ'd , while I was a slave at Pegelin's , that our Patron made a great feast at a Country house of his , and for greater pomp , the meat was carried thither by two hundred and fifty slaves ( among whom I carried a dish of Nuts ) who march'd all in a file , there being a certain distance between every twenty , and there was one who carried a Basket cover'd with a piece of Silk , wherein I suppose there was some kind of Pastry . The Guests were the most famous Captaines , and the richest Setters out of Gallies . The Bassa also was invited , with some of his principal Favourites ; but twenty of his own slaves brought his meat and drink thither , for he would not trust Pegelin ; yet was it not taken amiss . 'T were better sometimes to eat with a poor Alarbe , in Africk , then to be invited to the entertainments of such great Persons . RELATION XIX . The Turks keep their words . IN one of my precedent Relations I made it appear that Pegelin had no other God nor Religion then his Interest . Which I here hint again to heighten the Reader 's astonishment , when he finds a person so destitute of Religion , to be so Religious an observer of his word . Having been five months his slave , I went to speak with him concerning my ransome ; and to move him to compassion , I kiss'd the sleeve of his Garment which hung down to the ground ( an African complement ) and said to him , May it please your Excellency , I have been five months your slave ; I question not but your excellency is by this time sufficiently inform'd what I am , to wit , a poor soldier , and not a person of wealth and quality , as your Excellency said you knew well enough when you bought me . ( For the Turks are very liberal in giving titles to the new slaves , calling one a Cavalier , another , a Count's Son , and saying the others are very rich , by that means to get a greater ransom out of them . ) Pegelin made answer , I know not yet who you are , but if I agree with you about your ransom , though I should afterwards come to know that you are much richer then I took you to be , I shall keep my word , as I have done with several other persons , naming to me among others a Merchant of Genua , called Marco Antonio Falconi . But as I have said elsewhere , the treaty concerning my ransom was put off for some days , and I return'd to the Bath . The same night I enquir'd of some slaves of my acquaintance , whe●her our Patron had kept his word with his slaves , when they had agreed with him , and what was the story of Marco Antonio Falconi , of whom he had spoken to me . They told me that they had been Eye-witnesses of it against their wills ; for they then row'd in the Galley ; and they told me the whole story , to this effect . A Genua-Merchant , who had resided long at Cadiz in Spain , where he had carryed on a great Trade , being grown very rich , and having but one child , a Daughter , thought it time to give over trading , and return into his Country . He set all things in order , and embark'd himself with his Daughter , who was about nine years of age , in a Brigantine . They always kept in sight of land , for fear of meeting with the Turkish Pyrates . Being on the coast of Valentia , Pegelin , whose Gallies were thereabouts , discovers the Brigantine at a great distance , and gave order for the chasing of her . Those of the Brigantine , endeavour'd all they could with the help of Sails and Oars to get to land ; but the Gallies , by reason of their abundance of Rowers , being come within Musket-shot of the Brigantine , the Genua Merchant and the Marriners cast themselves into the Sea , and made a shift to swim a shore ; and the young Girle was onely left in the Brigantine . Some Turks by Pegelin's order went into the Brigantine , to bring it away . The Merchant being got ashore , and seeing his Daughter in the hands of the Turks , went as far as he could into the Sea , and holding up his Handkercher , made a sign to the Gallies to come and take him in . The Turks were astonish'd to see such a thing , and Pegelin himself , who sent out the Boat for him . The Voluntary-prisoner was brought before the General Alli Pegelin ; who , jeering him , ask'd , why , having so fortunately escap'd , he would of his own accord come into slavery , which makes the most confident to tremble . The Merchant , perceiving that he who spoke to him was the General , began this speech in the Italian Language , which Pegelin understood very well . Your Excellency is astonish'd to see me voluntarily render my self up a slave , a condition , which men , by a natural instinct , have all the reason in the world to fear . But the reason I shall give your Excellency will take away that astonishment . I am a Merchant of G●nua , I have traded some years in Spain , and I thought to retire with this Daughter , my onely childe into my Country . Your Excellency hath made her your prisoner , and you have taken me with her ; for though it seem'd that I had escap'd , yet was I more a Prisoner then she , by my Fatherly affection . And therefore I thought fit to render my self to you , and if your Excellency will set me at a ransom , I will pay it if I can , if not , the satisfaction of having done what I ought for my daughter , will make me the more easily support the difficulties and inconvencies of slavery . Pegelin , having attentively harkened to his discourse , said to him , You shall pay for the ransome of your self and your Daughter six thousand Patacoons . The Genoese immediately reply'd , I will do it . There was in the Galley a Genoese slave , who desir'd to speak with the General , which being told Pegelin , he was admitted , and said to him , I know this prisoner very well , he is my Country-man , I have heard that he pays your Excellency six thousand Patacoons , but he is able to pay four times as much . Pegelin reply'd , Parola de mi e parola de mi ; that is , My word i● my word . This shews , that Turks and Infidels keep their words , to the shame of Christians , who many times take occasion to break theirs . RELATION . XX. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray . A Gentleman of one of the most illustrious families of Portugal , whom we shall here call Dom Oenophilo , had been engag'd in many Duels and differences . But every one being blind in his own passion , he must needs have committed many great miscarriages ; for notwithstanding his great quality , he had been twice sentenc'd to death at Lisbon , and yet by the intercession of that powerful Advocate Mr. Mony , which sometimes interprets the Laws as he pleases ; and with the assistance of his Friends , D. Oenophilo was twice pardon'd . In the year 1637. he was further accus'd of some Murther , and to avoid the rigor of the Law , he embark'd in the nigh-time with his wife to go for the Indies , the common Sanctuary of the Portuguez Malefactors . Having been some days at Sea , the Ship was taken by the Turkish Pyrats ; and Dom Oenophilo and his Wife were sold to a Moor named Cagarino . This new slave agreed with his Patron for the ransoming of himself and his wife , conditionally that he should remain as a Hostage , and that his wife should return home at liberty to send over the ransom . His wife was sent away , and he devoutly expected the mony ; and being not oblig'd to work as the other slaves were , Idleness found him somewhat to do ; for he fell in love with his Patroness , and not daring at first to discover his affection , he sate down in hopes of a convenient time to do it . It happen'd that he made acquaintance with two Knights of Malta , who were French-men , and slaves . These observing in Dom Oenophilo a great judgement , noble education , and an extraordinary natural eloquence , it so far heightned their friendship , that the two Knights invited Dom Oenophilo to drink a glass of wine , and press'd him to take a greater dose of it , then he was wont to do in Portugal . Having his head full of wine , and his mind of Love , he return'd home , and began to court his Patroness . His Patron coming in , and surprising him at it fell upon the Gallant , and gave him two or three good cuffes o th' ear . Dom Oenophilo , who was no more circumspect in his slavery then he had been when he was at liberty , return'd the blows in the same coin , together with the interest . His Patron incens'd upon a double account , as well for the blows he had receiv'd , as for what had pass'd between him and his wife , being mad to be reveng'd for that double affront , ran streight to the Bassa's Palace , and made his complaints , requiring , that , according to the Turkish Laws ▪ he should be burnt alive ▪ Order was given to the Sauses ( who are the Officers of Justice ) to bring the Criminal before the Tribunal to answer for himself . Dom Oenophilo being brought before the Bassa , he said to him ; You are accus'd for having beaten a Turk , and which is worse , your Patron , and according to the Laws of this Country , you are either to renounce the Christian Religion , or to be burnt alive . Dom Oenophilo deny'd the fact , alledging that he had onely defended himself from the blows , and he brought in a Turk for a witness , who spoke on his behalf . But the Bassa would not admit of his excuses , accounting the Patron 's accusation a sufficient proof . He pronounc'd the sentence without any further solemnity , that Oenophilo should take his choice , either to renounce , or be burnt alive . The unfortunate man finding himself so put to it , answer'd , as a good Christian , and resolute Knight , that he would not renounce . Whereupon the sentence was pronounc'd , that Dom Oenophilo should be burnt alive . All things were prepar'd , and the Sauses conducted the Criminal to his punishment ; but the Bassa commanded the execution to be suspended till further order . The Bassa minding his own concerns above all things , found a way to make his advantage of that offence , and propos'd this reason to those of his Councel , who had given their voices for the sentence . If this Offender , said he to them , had kill'd another slave , his Patron would have been oblig'd to make satisfaction for the dead slave , or to resign the Delinquent to be dispos'd of to the advantage of the deceas'd Slave's Patron . This Offender hath beaten a Turk , which is a greater crime then to have kill'd a Christian ; and upon the prosecution of his own Patron , we have condemn'd him to death , by which condemnation , his Patron hath lost the propriety he had in him , and it is devolv'd to me , as representing the person of the Grand Seignor . Having therefore the power to pardon such as are condemn'd , I give that slave his life , and so it is consequent that he belongs to me . This reason was approv'd by all the Agas , who are of his Councel . Dom Oenophilo is declar'd the Bassa's slave by the Councel of the Agas . And the Patron having lost the propriety of his slave , and receiv'd blowes , got also the reputation of being Cuckolded by him . Dom Oenophilo was sent among the slaves of the Bassa , having at each legge a Garter of a hundred weight of Iron . When I came to Algiers , he liv'd in the Bassa's Stables , where I was intimately acquainted with him , and found him a person full of Moral Vertues . And in that miserable slavery , by his prudence and noble Demeanour , he knew so well how to oblige all people , that he was continually visited , and his Country-men supply'd him with all things necessary . When I left Algiers in the year 1642. I left him in the same condition , loaden with Irons , and know not what became of him since . RELATION XXI . A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon . MY Patron Alli Pegelin had among his slaves one named John Motoza , who was as deeply as man could be in that which some call the Neapolitane , others the French disease , insomuch that he was thought incapable of doing any service whatsoever , as a slave . The Spring was coming on , and the Gallies were to go out . John Motoza was commanded to go aboard , where his employment was to row . This command troubled him extreamly , for he was of opinion that a good sweating●tub would agree better with his body then the hard labor of a Galley , a hardship not easily imaginable by those who have not had the tryal of it . He goes to his Patron , and says to him , Your excellency hath given command that I should go aboard the Gallies , which labor I am absolutely unable to perform , as having not the use of either arms or leggs . What ailes you , says Pegelin to him ? He confidently reply'd , I have got the Pox. Pegelin said to him smiling , Go get you aboard the Galley , it will contribute more to your health , then if you did sweat in Spain , or endure the other tortures necessary for the cure of your disease . There was no appeal from what was positively said by Pegelin . Motoza goes aboard , is chain'd by the legge as the other slaves who were to row , and with the help of a Bull 's pizzle made to work as the rest . His constant Commons was old and dry Bisket , his drink fair water . At the end of forty days ( I was Eye-witness of it ) Motoza was absolutely cur'd . The reason is , that through extraordinary pains taking he had sweated extreamly , and had withall fed on dry meat . If any are troubled with the Pox , and loath to venture on those chargeable yet dangerous cures now practis'd , they may make use of the aforesaid remedy , which will prove so effectual , that after tryal made of it , they may give it their Probatum est . RELATION XXII . Of a French-man who would have turn'd Turk , but continu'd a Christian inspight of his teeth . A French-sla●e belonging to Alli Pegelin had row'd several Voyages in the Gallies ; but not able to brook that kind of life , he desir'd Pegelin's permission to renounce the Christian Religion , and to embrace the Turkish , which Pegelin would not suffer him to do , because the Renegadoes are worth much less then the Christians ; for being once turn'd Turks , they are not oblig'd to row as the Christians are . This French-man was laugh'd at by his Companions , and to avoid being abus'd , as also to force his Patron to permit him to renounce , he address'd himself to some Renegadoes , and got a Turkish habit of them ; which having put on , and shav'd himself after the Turkish mode , he gave himself the name of Mustapha . Being so accoutred he went to a Garden of his Patron 's without the City . Those who kept the house knew him well enough , and thought he had renounc'd his Religion , with the consent of his Patron . When the crafty Pegelin heard that the French-man was in his Garden , he went thither , where being come he call'd for John , which was the name of the French-man . John came and appear'd before Pegelin , answering resolutely , My name is Mustapha and not John. Pegelin seeing him in that equipage , call'd four slaves , who having laid him all along on the ground , cudgell'd him so long till at last he cry'd out ; My name is John , and not Mustapha ; I am a Christian , and not a Turk , I will put on my Christian habit . Thus it may be said that Pegelin cudgell'd a Christian into his Christianity , which he would have renounc'd . RELATION XXIII . Of the simplicity of a young Jewess . AFter I had got out of the Masmora at Tituan , M. Caloën , a Turk who had the oversight of us , and I took a Chamber in that Quarter of the City where the Jews inhabit . Our Chamber was unfurnish'd ; for , according to our manner of life , we had no need of furniture ; and when we had a desire to buy any thing , the Jews accommodated us for a small piece of money . It happen'd that a young Jewess having brought us something , she took occasion to fall into discourse with me in the Portuguez language , which I could make a shift to understand , and I answer'd her in French , which she understood well enough . She was about sixteen or eighteen years of age , as simple as one could have wish'd a woman . I ask'd her whether she were married : She answer'd , she was not . Me-thinks , said I , it should be much more troublesome to you to live without a husband , then to abstain from the eating of Swins-flesh , which is so rigorously forbidden by the Law of Moses . Whereto she made answer , Now that you talk of Marriage , pray tell me , is it celebrated all one in your Country , the Kingdom of Dunkirk , as it is here ? I said it was . I would fain know , said she , whether a man may have as many wives there , as he pleases himself ? I answer'd , No , marriage is there quite contrary to what is here ; for it is lawful for one woman to have seven husbands , and all those husbands are in subjection to the wife . She ask'd me , which of the seven lay with her . I reply'd , That they took their turns , but that he who gave the woman most satisfaction had her oftenest . This discourse pleas'd the young Jewess so well , that she took her leave with a sigh , saying , God's blessing light on such a Country . RELATION XXIV . Of the prudent retirement of a Pyrate . IN the year 1639. there was at Algiers a Turkish Soldier , who had been engag'd in many courses at Sea as a private Soldier , and with much thrift having got together the sum of two hundred Patacoons , he thought himself rich enough to have the command of a little Vessel . He bought such a one as his stock could purchace , that is an open one , without any Deck , and set up a flagg as a signal for such as would venture to Sea along with him , that they should come aboard . Having got together sixteen soldiers , Turks and Renegadoes , they began to cruze up and down towards the Coast of Spain , between Santaluz and Cadiz . Some Merchants of Cadiz had a design to send aboard an English Ship , which lay in the Port of Santaluz , sixty barrs of Silver . To avoid discovery ( for to send silver out of the Country without the King's permission was a capital crime ) the Merchants had agreed with a certain person , who gave in security for the delivery of the sixty barres of Silver into the English Ship. According to their contract , he came in the night time to the place where the Silver was , accompany'd by eighteen Adventurers , arm'd with Swords , little Bucklers , and four Muskets , Arms sufficent to defend themselves against the Officers of Justice . They put the Silver into a small Bark , to be carried aboard the English Ship. The little Picaroon before-mention'd , perceiving it , came neer them , which the Spaniards seeing , expect him , with a resolution , in case they came up close to them , to leap in with their Swords drawn into the Turkish Vessel , and to kill all the Turks . The Turks began to fire , and the Spaniards making but a cold return with their Muskets , the Turkish Captain , who understood the work he had in hand very well , presently inferr'd that the Christians wanted fire-armes , and so order'd that his Vessel should not come neerer , but fire continually at a distance ; which they did , and after an hours engagement , wherein there were four of the Adventurers kill'd , and as many wounded , the rest rendred themselves up to the Turks , who took the prisoners and the silver into their Vessel , leaving the Spanish Bark with the four dead bodies to the Mercy of the Sea. Three days after , the Bark with the four dead bodies was cast ashore neer Santaluz , where I then chanc'd to be . The Turkish Captain being return'd to Algiers , he divided the Booty according to the custom , or rather the order of the Bassa , to wit , the one half to him , because he had set out the Vessel at his own charge , and the other to be divided among the soldiers . Now after the eighth part had been deducted for the Bassa , and other charges , the Captain 's part was thirty bars of silver valued at thirty thousand Patacoons . This good fortune got the Captain many Friends , insomuch that he was proffer'd the command of the best Ships belonging to Algiers . But he as a prudent man made them this answer ; I have endanger'd my life many times ere I could get together the sum of two hundred Patacoons , which was not enough to make an end of me , but I must run my self into further hazards . Now that I have enough to maintain my self as long as I live , I will enjoy my pleasure ashore , and laugh at the dangers of the Sea. He married the Daughter of a rich Tagarin , and liv'd very happily , according to his quality . RELATION XXV . How God provides for such as intend well . IN the year 1641. being at Alli Pegelin's Bath , we had , among other Gardians ( who are they that oversee the slaves at work ) a Spanish Renegado , a Native of Castilla la Vicia , named Amet. It happen'd that we were to work abroad in the Country , and Amet had the oversight of thirty or forty Christians , and when the Christians were at a little distance , so as that they could not be seen by the other Guardians , he suffer'd them to work at their own discretion ; and assoon as he perceiv'd any Turk in sight , he cry'd out like one enrag'd ; Work , you doggs , work , or I will cudgel your bones out of your skins . Yet would he not touch any one , whispering to them ; Do not wonder that I keep such a stir on you , and therefore you need not over-work your selves , I do it onely that the other Guardians may not think I neglect my duty . It happen'd that Summer , that our Patron Pegelin commanded Amet aboard his own Galley , to have a care of the Christians , and twice a day to see the Irons were fast about their leggs ; as also to distribute the Bisket among the slaves , and do some other services about the Galley . It chanc'd , that touching at the Coast of Valentia in Spain , at a place not much peopled , they cast Anchor , and a great number of the Turks went ashore , to seek for booty , and not meeting with any neer the Sea-side , they made a fire and dress'd meat ashore , as they are wont to do , when the soldiers of the Galley refresh themselves . In the mean time Pegelin gave order that fifty Christian slaves should be set ashore , fasten'd together by fives , to fetch water in little Runlets from a Spring about a quarter of a league thence , and that , to guard them , there should be twenty-five Musketters , and Amet with a cudgel in his hand , to drive the slaves . As they began to march , Pegelin cry'd out of his Galley to him who commanded the Musketteers ; Have a care of the Christians , and look also to Amet that he run not away , for I have no confidence of him . With that order they went streight to the Spring , and having fill'd their Runlets were returning towards the Galley . The Musketteers follow'd them , with Amet , who discoursing with the souldiers , got into the Rear , and talking with him who brought it up , he said to him , Pray stay a little , I have occasion to ease nature . The other reply'd , Uncivil fellow , do your business alone , is it fit I should stay to see it done ? and so follow'd the company . Amet in the mean time makes as if he would let down his breeches , and perceiving they were got about a Musket-shot from him , he turn'd his back , and made such haste away , that he got to a little Castle not far thence . The Turks discharg'd some of their Muskets , but he was out of their reach . The rest being return'd with the water to the Galley , Pegelin ask'd where Amet was ? Hearing that he had made his escape , he was very angry with the soldiers , who excus'd themselves , saying , that the Castle was so neer that he had got into it . A young lad about fourteen years of age , a Renegado also , born at Marseilles , named Mustapha ( whom I knew very well ) waited on Pegelin in the Galley , as a Page , hearing their discourse concerning Amet , not saying a word , went ashore with the soldiers , who were busie about the dressing of their meat , and talking with them , observ'd the way which led towards the Castle . He return'd into the Galley , went down into the place where his cloaths were , put on a clean shirt , and his best Wastcoat , and went again out of the Galley , no body minding him , and finding an opportunity , follow'd Amet to the Castle with the like success . RELATION XXVI . A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker , a Slave . IN the year 1641. there was among us a Dunkirk slave , named John Bellinck , Brother to Cornelius Bellinck , Master of a Merchant-man which was taken by the Turkish Pyrates and brought to Algiers . Cornelius Bellinck as a resolute Dunkirker , lost his life in defending his Ship , and his Brother John was brought a slave to Algiers . He fell to the Bassa's share , who employ'd him as a Marriner in his Ships , for it was his profession . He had also made several courses in the Gallies as a Rower , and in the Ships as an ordinary Sea-man . It happen'd that having some business with a Jew , named Pharette , concerning a Bill of exchange , the Jew ask'd me whether I knew not a Dunkirk-slave named John Bellinck ? whereto replying that I did , the Jew said to me . Pray bring me where he is , I would fain speak with him , for I have order to redeem him , and send him home to his Country . I was very glad to bring this good news to Bellinck , and do that service to the Jew , ( for I stood in need of his Drug ) and so I brought the Jew to the Bassa's Bath , where meeting with Bellinck , I said to him , Bellinck , I bring you good news , this Jew hath order to pay your ransom , and send you home to your Country . He was so surpriz'd at those words , that he cast himself at the feet of the Jew , saying to him in Dutch , Ah good Master Jew , redeem me for the death and passion-sake of Jesus Christ . I could not forbear laughing at that complement , which the Jew observing , ask'd me the reason of it . I told him in Spanish what charmes Bellinck us'd to obtain his favour . The Jew also laugh'd at it , and said to me , Tell him in your language , that what I intend to do for him shall be upon no other account then his own . RELATION XXVII . The odde traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves . IN the discourse of my unfortunate voyage , I related , how that sailing from S. Sebastians in Biscay towards England , our Ship with its loading , and sixteen Passengers were taken by the Turkish Pyrates . Among these sixteen , there were two young men , Biscayans , one named Turineo , the other John , who came aboard us with a design to go to Dunkirk , to their Uncle Dom Turineo de Fustamente , Pagador of the naval Armado of Flanders . These two young men , by our common misfortune , fell into slavery among the Turks . They had never been out of their Country before , and that new course of life , amidst so many inconveniences and miseries , went extreamly against the hair with them . But there being many Biscayans among Pegelin's slaves , and they ( as I often observ'd ) very ready to assist their Country-men , John and Turineo receiv'd some relief of them , and so made a shift to rub out pretty well . They had not been there long ere I observ'd , that a Renegado , a Biscayan , under pretence of being their Country-man , came every day to the Bath , to discourse with the two young men . And whereas that place is dangerous for young persons brought up in a Country , where the abhominable sin of Sodomy is unknown , I was afraid the Renegado's kindness proceeded from some design he had to debauch them , and so gave them notice that they should take heed of him . They thank'd me for my care of them , telling me , that the Renegado gave them shirts , shoos , and some mony , and that he did it onely upon the account of charity towards them , as Country-men , and that he never spoke to them of renouncing their Religion , nor of any debauchedness , and that they were in hopes by the assistance they receiv'd from him , to drive on some little trade as many other slaves did . Which I found afterwards that they did ; for with the mony they had of the Renegado , they now and then bought a bottle of Brandy , which they sold by retail , and within the space of three months , they made such gains , that they were partners with others in a Tavern of the Bath ; so that they liv'd very well for slaves . I left them driving on the same trade in January 1642. when I return'd for Christendom . I brought a letter from them to their Uncle , Dom Turineo de Fustamente , whom I acquainted in what condition I had left his Nephews , and shew'd him the easiest way for their redemption . About a year after Dom Turineo sent to me to Bruges , the place of my residence , an Officer of his named Juan Baptista Terris , to tell me , that I should do him a great kindness , if I would come over to Dunkirk , to enquire among some Turkish Prisoners taken by the Pyrates , whether there were any fit to be exchang'd for his Nephews . Being come to Dunkirk , I went , upon D. Turineo's desire , to the prison , where I found about a hundred Turkish slaves , kept in a Cellar , and no better treated then the Christians in Barbary . Having call'd for the Arrais , that is the Captain , I ask'd him whether there were any one among his people , who would undertake , to get over two Christian slaves from Algiers in exchange for some of them . And after I had examin'd that Captain , and other Turks whom I knew , and among others an English Renegado , who had been a Gunner in one of the Pyrates who had taken us , and finding no likelihood of making an exchange , ( for they were all poor ) I was just come to the door to be gone , when one of them said to me , What , do you not know me ? I answer'd , No , Friend , I do not . Whereupon the other reply'd , When I saw you last , you were a poor slave , as you see me now . Why , who are you , said I ? I am , said he , that Biscayan Renegado , who reliev'd your Companions John and Turineo , my Country-men . I went to give Dom Turineo de Fustamente an account of what had past ; but dinner being on the Table , Let us sit down , says Dom Turineo , and you may tell us at dinner , what you have done with the Turks . I gave him a short account of all , not omitting the story of the Biscayan Renegado who was in prison . Dom Turineo being a person of great Authority at Dunkirk , g●ve order that the Renegado should be brought in to the room where we din'd . The Biscayan was brought in , and falling on his knees he took a pair of Beads out of his pocket , and then said in the Spanish language ; Assoon as I was taken , I endeavour'd all I could to get a Psalter , that I might pray to our Blessed Lady , to make it known to the Christians , that though I have been a Renegado , yet have they never been injur'd or ill-treated by me , but that I have always reliev'd them to the utmost of my power . My misfortune in renouncing my Religion is to be attributed to the cruelty of my Patron , and here is a man ( pointing to me ) who can testifie how I behav'd my self towards the Christian slaves . The words of the Renegado were so prevalant , that Madam Malquarto ( who was the Mistress of the house , for Dom Turineo tabled with her ) rose up , and gave the Renegado a shirt , and a good piece of mony . The next day D. Turineo had him reconcil'd to the Catholick Church , by a Jesuit , named Father Carion , and afterwards got him set at liberty . They bought him Sea-man's cloaths and put him into the Armado , and so he escap'd rowing all his life in the Spanish Gallies , as his other Renegado-companions were forc'd to do . This happen'd in the year 1643. and three years after , walking on the Burgh , at Bruges with some Friends , we saw coming out at the great Gate two Spanish Captains , marching very fiercely with their Canes in their hands , upon which we were saying among our selves , Those Gentlemen are not a little proud of their Captain-ships . Coming neerer us , I knew one of them to be the fore-mentioned John , to whom I said , Pray Sir , is not your name Don John ? whereto he answering it was ; And were you not a slave at Algiers ? And did you not know there a Christian slave , named James Zeveren , a Dunkirker , ( which was my name in Barbary ? ) Then he quitted his gravity and embrac'd me . I intreated him to dine with me , but he being on a hasty march , we onely took a glass of wine together . I told him the story of the Renegado , which he was glad to hear ; and he told me , how he had row'd in the Gallies , and suffer'd much ; but that then his friends had procur'd him the command of a Company , though he had not serv'd for it , and that he was in hopes of some better fortune . The next year he was kill'd in his Majesty's service . RELATION XXVIII . A Slave makes use of any thing for his livelihood . BEing newly come to Pegelin's Bath , there were four hundred slaves commanded out to work at a Country house of our Patron 's two Italian miles out of the City , and to levell a little hill . The order was given the night before , and at Sun-rising next morning , the Guardians conducted us to our work . As we went along , I fell into discourse with one who had been a slave a long time , a French-man . Having an empty bag hanging over his shoulders , I ask'd him what he would do with it ? He made answer , You are yet but an Apprentice in the profession of slavery , and I am a Crafts-Master in this kind of life , and I will shew you by evident reasons , that a slave going to work in the Country , is to be furnish'd with three things , a bag , a piece of bread , and a spoon . As to the bread , said I , 't will do very well , for the Guardian commands you to go which way he pleases , and if the Bisket be distributed in your absence , you may have nothing to eat . And as to the spoon , it does well also , for yesterday , there was a distribution of Barley-broath , and for want of a spoon , I was forc'd ●o make use of my hand , ( when we are at work out of the City , there is a small allowance of Galley-Bisket , and Barley-Broath ) but as to the bag , I cannot conceive what advantage can be made of it . He made me the same answer , Time and experience will teach you , that a Bag is a necessary thing for a slave . We came to the Country house , and having wrought till within two hours of night , we return'd to the City in small companies of ten and twelve together , for the Guardians see that the slaves when they go to work , hide not themselves , and get out of the way to avoid working . As we return'd to the City , a Spaniard who was with us ( one much respected among the slaves , and who might well be a Graduate in the University of Thieves ) said , See , there 's a poor Alarbe with a flock of Sheep before him , it shall go hard but I will have one of them without mony . Having done his work with the help of a cord , which being put about the Sheep's neck kept it from bleating ; But how , said he , shall we get in at the Gate without being examin'd ? The French-man , lends the Spaniard his bagg , and said to me , Do you now see , Dunkirker , what use may be made of a bagg ? This passage taught me , that every one is to be believ'd in his own profession . RELATION XXIX . Of the fidelity of a husband , and the unfaithfulness of his wife . IN the year 1638. the Gallies of Algiers landed some Turks on Christian land , who being conducted by a treacherous Renegado , a Native of the Country , took many Christians , who were afterwards sold at Algiers . Among these slaves , there was a man whom we will call Joseph , with his wife , named Vipra , both bought by Mahomet Celibi Oiga ; Joseph's work was to dress the Horses and the Mules , and Vipra waited on Mahomet's wife . In the year 1639. Mahomet Celibi said one night to Joseph , To morrow morning at break of day , take the Mule , and go to Babazon-Gate , and there you will find some Christian slaves with Horses and Mules going two leagues hence for coals , go along with them , and bring a load . The next day , Joseph goes to the Gate , but finding no body there , he goes forwards , thinking the other slaves had been before . Having gone about an hours riding , all along the Sea-side , he sees a Bark , goes as neer it as he could , to discover the men , and perceives they were Christians ; whereupon he turns the Mule loose , and runs to the Bark . The Marriners receiv'd him , and told him they came from Majorca , with order to carry away some slaves of that Country , and whereas the slaves came not , those of the Bark were afraid they had not receiv'd the letter , whereby notice was sent them , and that themselves might be discover'd , in regard it was day . They proffer'd Joseph a hundred Patacoons , and promis'd to carry him along with them , if he would return to the City , and give notice to those slaves of Majorca . But Joseph would not leave a certainty for an uncertainty , and said , I am now confident of my liberty , whereas if I return to the City , it may be your design will be discover'd , and I shall be made more a slave then ever , and if it ever come to be known , that I have had any hand in the business , three hundred blows with a cudgel will hardly excuse me . Joseph had hardly made an end of excusing himself , ere some Turks pass'd by that way , who seeing that those of the Bark were habited after the Christian mode , ( wherein I conceive those undertakers had mistaken themselves , that they had not been habited like Africans ) began to raise an alarm . Those of the Bark fearing they might be surpriz'd by some Brigantine , made all the hast they could to Sea , having Joseph along with them . The Bark soon got out of sight , and the alarm ceas'd . The Christian slaves whom Joseph thought to be before him , were but come thither when the alarm ceas'd , so that finding the Mule , they said among themselves , This is Mahomet Celibi's Mule , let us take her home with us ; his slave hath either been kill'd or taken by the Alarbes . The Mule was brought home , and Joseph given over for a dead man by his Patron , and lamented by his wife Vipra . But in a short time , her sorrow ceas'd , for she fell in love with a Renegado , named Assan , who had been a slave of the same Patron Mahomet's . In the mean time , Joseph got to Majorca , and thence to his own Country , where he related at lea●sure , what had happen'd to him , as well during th● time of his slavery , as at his deliverance , yet wit● extraordinary discoveries of the trouble he was in f●● the absence of his beloved Vipra . Joseph sold al● he had , and , with the relief of some good people , he got together the sum of five hundred Patacoons . Five months were now pass'd away since Joseph was numbred among the dead ; at the end of which term Mahomet Oiga receiv'd a letter , to this effect . Sir , by the great mercy of God , I recover'd my liberty the day you sent me for coals , by means of a Bark of Majorca . I cannot imagine you will charge me with any unfaithfulness for doing what I have done , for every man endeavors the retrival of his Liberty . While I was your slave , you demanded of me five hundred Patacoons for the ransom of my wife and my self , I send herewith order for the payment of the said sum , accounting my self still a slave , as long as my wife shall continue without her liberty . I have such a confidence of your kindness , that I presume this proffer will not be unacceptable to you . This Letter was shewn to Vipra , who was not well pleased at it , for the affection she bore the Renegado Assan had smother'd all the conjugal love she should have had for her husband ; so that she said publickly that she would not return into her Country . That resolution of hers troubled the good man Mahomet Celibi , for he would rather have receiv'd the five hundred Patacoons , and set Vipra at liberty . But his wife told him , Vipra is desirous to embrace the Mahumetane Religion , and will you for five hundred Patacoons hinder a work so acceptable to our Prophet ? Besides , all the neighbourhood knows her design , and if you send her away , you will be look'd upon as a favourer of the Christians . Upon these representations of his wife , he thought fit to leave the business in suspence . About that time I came to be slave to the same Patron Mahomet , and having heard the story of Vipra and her husband , I stood one day at the door with her , who said to me , Why are you so melancholy ? I answer'd , Because I am not so happy as you are . She ask'd me why ? I reply'd , Because you may be set at liberty when you please , for I hear your Husband hath sent five hundred Patacoons for your ransom , and I wonder to find you so unwilling to return into your Country , to your Husband who is so kind , and so faithful to you , as also to exercise the Catholick Religion among your friends and Relations . She roundly made answer , A Turkish Garment will become me as well as a Spanish Petticoat . And with those words she left me and went into the house ; whence it might easily be inferr'd , that the love she had for her Gallant , was greater then what she had for her Religion , Country , Husband , and Relations . RELATION XXX . A Scuffle between the Spanish and Portuguez Slaves . IN one of my former Relations I made mention of a Christian Church at Algiers , which is in the Bath of the Duana , and that some Portuguez slaves had the keeping of the Altar in it . Aug. 15. 1641. being the Feast of the Assumption of our Blessed Lady , the Altar was richly dress'd , and among other Ornaments , there was upon the Altar the Armes of Portugal , with these words , Exaltat humiles , & deponit superbos . Service being ended , and most of the Christians gone out , two Spanish slaves came into the Church , either to pray , or out of curiosity , to see the Ornaments , and coming up to the Altar , one of them , who understood two or three words of Latine begin to read what was written on the Arms of Portugal , and said to his Companion , who ask'd him what it meant ; This signifies , God exalts the humble and pulls down the proud ; this is spoken in contempt of our the Spanish Nation , for that year the Kingdom of Portugal had revolted . Whereupon , without any more ado , one of the Spaniards tears the Armes with the Inscription , and cast the pieces all about the place . This was no sooner perceiv'd by a Portuguez slave , but the Spaniard had three or four good blows over the face ere he could get to the Church-door . The Spaniards defending themselves made a shift to get out of the Church , through a certain part of the Bath , and though the place was full of Portuguezes , yet having made their way into the Street , all that were thereabouts at first made a ring about the Combatants . Afterwards , those who were affected to the King of Spain ▪ reliev'd the Spaniards ; yet wanted there not great numbers of Portuguezes , who came in to the assistance of their Country-men ; so that in less then half an hours time they seem'd to be two Armies of Christian slaves engag'd , but having no other weapons , then their fists , some stones , and staves . The Turks seeing this tumult of the slaves , enquir'd what the reason of it might be ; which having understood , they said to the slaves , You despicable crue of Dogs and Savages , in the first place get your liberty , and you may afterwards at leasure dispute the differences of your Kings , in the Field , and not here . Whereupon , with ropes-ends , Bulls-pizzles , and cudgels , they parted the Combatants , and sent them every one to his quarters . RELATION XXXI . A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron . IN the year 1641. the Duke of Braganza coming to be King of Portugal , sent Envoys to all the Governors of Islands and Garrizons to draw them to his party , before the King of Spain had taken order for the contrary . Among other Envoys , there was one a Religious man , who ere he was got far from Lisborn , was taken by the Turkish Pyrates , and brought to Algiers . I happen'd to be at the water-side , and the good Father coming ashore I saluted him in Latine , telling him I was troubled at his misfortune , and that he was the first Religious man of his Order that I had seen in that Country . He gravely answer'd without looking on me , Pray God I may be the last . Two days after , he was sold in the Market with some other slaves . My Master Alli Pegelin bought him at twelve thousand Patacoons , and from the Market-place , before he came to the Bath , ( the ordinary Quarters of the slaves ) he went to his new Patron 's , to make him a proffer of his service . Alli Pegelin , who was extreamly subtle in discovering the humors and quality of his slaves , that he might make his advantage thereof when they came to treat about their ransome , entertain'd the Religious man very kindly , and said to him , being bare-headed , Be cover'd I pray , I see you are a considerable person , and will not be able to brook the miseries of the Sea. 'T is very true , replies the Fryar , and the Soldiers have taken away all I had . Whereto Pegelin made answer , Those Soldiers were ill-bred Raskals , not to have a respect for persons of your worth , and if you want cloaths , or linnen , or mony , I will order you what shall be requisite . The Religious man answer'd , that he stood in need of all those things . Whereupon Pegelin gave order to a Jew who stood by , to deliver him so much cloath as would serve him , six shirts , and fifteen Patacoons , and so sent the Religious man to the Bath where we were . That night the Father came and walk'd upon the Terrace of the Bath ; some of us ask'd him what news from Christendom , and what he thought of our common Patron Alli Pegelin . He told us that our Patron was a very courteous and reasonable man. He would needs have me to be cover'd , said he , and hath comforted me very much , and what is more , hath given me shirts , cloath , and mony . Believe me , there are not many Princes in Christendom , who would shew so much kindness to a slave , and not know him . We made answer , Assure your self , these kindnesses and respects will cost you very dear one time or other . But he laugh'd at us . He said Mass every day in the Church of our Bath , and all the Portuguez came to hear it , and that ended , they conducted the Religious man to the door of the Bath , he coming last of all ; and then with many Baiso las manos , every one went his ways . This life was well enough for a slave ; but after he had continu'd there some years , Pegelin demanding twelve thousand Patacoons for his ransome , he was so astonish'd thereat , that he fell into a grief , and dy'd within a few days after . He was a very vertuous man , as I shall have occasion to shew in another Relation . The excessive kindness of Alli Pegelin occasion'd his miscarriage . RELATION XXXII . Of a Religious Man , a Slave at Algiers , who out of weakness renounc'd the Christian Religion , and afterwards repenting suffer'd Martyrdom . FAther Joseph , a Dominican Frier , having liv'd some years in the West-Indies , and returning to his Country ( Valentia in Spain ) was taken by the Pyrates of Algiers , where being sold , his Patron told him , that if he would pay a good ransom , he would set him at liberty . Father Joseph , being a person of a cheerful humor , and a pleasing disposition , ( as shall be seen anon ) made answer that he would , conditionally that he should be kindly treated , fare well , ly on a Matress , and not work ; upon which terms he would pay six thousand Ducats for his ransom . The Patron , thinking he had the 6000. Ducats already in his Chest , treated Father Joseph according to the agreement . Having thus far'd well , and had all things requisite for the space of a year , the Patron seeing there was no likelihood of receiving the Ransom-mony , commanded another slave of his , a Spaniard , to bestow a hundred blows with a cudgel ( an ordinary punishment in Barbary ) on the soles of Father Joseph's feet . The poor man was fasten'd in an Instrument fit for that purpose , which in the Turkish language is call'd Falaca . Father Joseph seeing the Spaniard coming towards him , said to him , Have a care Christian , consider what you do ; you know that I am a Priest , and if you touch me , you will be excommunicated . Whereupon the honest Spaniard said to his Patron , I am a Christian , and your slave , beat me as much as you please , I will not be excommunicated . The Patron call'd out another of his slaves , a Portuguez , who was glad to execute such a Commission upon a Spaniard , laughing at the excommunication . When Father Joseph had recover'd of those blows , and came abroad into the Streets , some other slaves his friends taking occasion to bewail his misfortune , he would say to them laughing , Is there any one among you who would not endure a hundred bangs with a cudgel , to fare well a whole year , and to deceive a dogg of a Turk ? His Patron despairing of his ransome , sold him very much to his loss ; for he was look'd upon as a cheat . His new Patron sent him to quarter at the Bath of the Duana , where there is one of the four Christian Churches which are at Algiers . Most of the Priests live at the Baths where the Christian Churches are , and are maintain'd by the Alms they receive from the slaves . And so paying their Patron 's ordinarily three Patacoons a month , they are exempted from working . In the year 1640. I found him in that Bath of the Duana ; but most of the slaves there being Portuguezes , there always happen'd some difference between them and Father Joseph , who was a Spaniard ; insomuch that his Patron was forc'd to permit him to come and live at Alli Pegelin's Bath , where I came to be intimately acquainted with him . Every Sunday , when I was exempted from working , I heard his Sermons , which were full of learning and eloquence . He was a lover of good cheer , and had a great veneration for the Patriarch Noah , for his excellent invention of Planting the Vine . One day we took him to the Tavern , where , for want of Wine-glasses , we made use of a Church-Lamp , which was of Glass , and Father Joseph thinking the wine so much the better out of that , took off three Lamps of it , each containing a quart or better , and so loaden , went his way very much our friend . Shortly after I was set at liberty , and Father Joseph continu'd there till the year 1645. so that seeing no likelihood of recovering his liberty , or haply drawn in by the licentious life allow'd by the Alcoran , he forgot himself so far as to renounce the Christian Faith , turning a Mahumetane , with extraordinary acclamations of the Moors and Turks , who set him on horse-back with a Dart in his hand , and so conducted him through all the Streets of the City , as it were in triumph . And abusing the Christians , they said to them as he went along , Behold your great Papas , ( so the Turks call the Christian Priests ) whom you esteem'd so highly . This accident extreamly troubled the Christians , both Catholicks and Protestants . It happen'd through God's permission , that at that time there were at Algiers two Fathers , one a Jesuit , the other a Discalceate Carmelite , a Genoese named Frater Angeli , a man of exemplary vertue . These two Fathers were extreamly troubled at the miscarriage of Father Joseph , as also for the scandal which the Christians had receiv'd thereby , and resolv'd to remonstrate unto him , how highly he had scandaliz'd so many Christian slaves , who had endur'd a thousand times more misery then he had , and yet persever'd with so much constancy and patience in the Christian Faith. By these and the like remonstrances , Father Joseph ( who was now called Isouf ) was so stirr'd , that he promis'd the two Fathers that he would forsake the pernicious Mahumetane Religion , and be reconcil'd to the holy Church , and to that end he desir'd to make his Confession , and to receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar . Which he did the same night very secretly , for if the Turks had known that those two Fathers had concern'd themselves in the conversion of a Renegado , they would hardly have escap'd being burnt alive . The next day Isouf appears in the Streets , cloath'd as a Christian , whereat the whole City was astonish'd . He was taken , and carried before the Duana , that is , the Tribunal . They ask'd him why he had chang'd the habit of his Religion ? He resolutely answer'd that he was a Christian , a Priest , and of a Religious Order , and that he would dye a Christian . And as to what had pass'd , that he had done it by the suggestion of the Devil . Upon this answer , the Judges thought fit to order him to be cudgell'd on the soles of the feet , to drive those scruples out of his mind . That sentence was executed , but to no purpose , for he presever'd , and said he would dye a Christian . They threatned him with death , and seeing at last , that all their menaces prevail'd nought upon him , they condemn'd him to be burnt alive with a gentle fire . The Sauses ( the Officers of Justice ) let him out of the Baboloet-Gate , and got an Anchor , and having set it with the teeth into the ground , ty'd Father Joseph to it . He made the best advantage he could of the short remainder of his life ; for he begg'd pardon of God , and the Christians , who were present in great numbers , exhorting them to continue constant in the Christian Faith. In the mean time Wood was brought , which was set at five foot distance all about him . Being set on fire , the flame augmented the courage of that holy Martyr , who louder and louder begg'd forgiveness of God for the scandal he had given to the Christians , exhorting them to perseverance in the Christian Religion . At last , smother'd by the smoke , he fell down , leaving to all the Christian slaves an example of a true Religious man , and a most penitent Christian . RELATION XXXIII . Of the design we had to render our selves Masters of the Ship which brought us to Tituan . IN the discourse of my Voyage , I mention'd how twenty four Christians of us had resolv'd to master the Turkish Ship , wherein we had twice embark'd for Tituan , and by reason of contrary winds were twice forc'd back to Algiers . Being at Sea in the said Ship , we had observ'd the Master understood not his charge very well , and that the Guard he set for the securing of us , was not sufficient , nor well dispos'd , and that the least part of the Turks belonging to the Ship were soldiers , and the greatest Merchants , and these so curious about their Armes , that all their Muskets and Cuttelasses were pack'd up in baggs of cloath , and well corded , that the air might not hurt them . We had also observ'd , that there was a Box full of half-pikes in the Pilot's Cabin , at the Stern , where the Master and his Mate lay . Being ashore the second time , the chief actor in the enterprise propos'd to us one after another , how , at our next embarking , we might destroy those Turks , become Masters of the Ship , and , with our liberty , get very great wealth ; for there were among us twenty four Jews , most of them Lapidaries ; which double hope much augmented our courage . The principal undertaker we shall here call Bottemond . M. Caloën and I needed not to have run our selves into any danger , as being already assur'd of our liberty , and engaging our selves in that business , we might be kill'd , or at least receive a hundred blows with a cord on the belly , if it had been discover'd ; yet to procure the liberty of the other slaves our Friends , we promis'd to run the same hazard with them . Going aboard the third time , the Undertaker hid a Dagger , two great Turkish Knives , and two pound of powder in a bag of Bisket , which was carried to the Prow , where the Christians lay , for the Bisket was for them . The wind having brought us in a few hours , a good distance from the Coast of Algiers , we began to consult , how , and when our enterprise should be put in execution , and every one gave his advice . The result was , that we who lay at the Prow , should have the two Knives and the Dagger , and that we should make use of a Cramp-Iron , and twelve Shovels , wherewith they took in and cast out the Ballast . The other eight Christian slaves lay on the Deck , for day and night , they were to have a care of the sails ; for the Turks have Christian slaves for their Sea-men ; those had for their Arms each of them two great Bullets of six pound weight , wherewith they undertook to kill the Master and his Mate , in their Cabin , and to cast down the half-pikes before-mentioned . At the same time the twelve others were to kill three or four Turks who kept a guard at the Stern , and to enter into the room where the rest of the Turks lay with their arms engag'd , as I said , and to dispatch them . And that the four Turks who guarded at the Stern might not observe when the sixteen Christians who lay in the Prow , came out , the eight Christians who lay on the deck , came four or five nights one after another , to take Tobacco before the Hatch , under which we were , that at the hour of the enterprize they might be all together on the Deck , without any notice taken by the guard . And in case the Turks at the Stern should make too great resistance , the order was , that we should retreat to the Prow , where we were to leave four of our companions , who were Gunners , and they should have turn'd two Guns from the Prow towards the Poop , charging them with a little bag like a Cartridge , full of small stones ; those two Guns , which were ready , being enough to clear the Stern of the Turks , and send them into the other world . As for the Jews , there was no fear of them , for they lay all below in the Hold , whence they could not get out but one by one , so that one Christian with an Iron-bar was enough to secure them all . The day appointed was the last of January , an hour before day . We were at the Prow all night , with hope , fear , and silence , expecting the signal , which was three knocks with the hand on the Hatch , which we with the assistance of our Companions above could make a shift to open . We had also an Hour-Glass , that when the time were come every one should be ready ; but there was no signal given , and after Sun-rising , the Hatch being opened by the Master's order , the Undertaker came into our room , and made this excuse , that the Turks had kept too strong a watch that night ; but I think , he should rather have said , that his heart had fail'd him in the prosecution of his enterprise . RELATION XXXIV . Curiosity is satisfy'd by Time and Patience . IN the year 1639. being bound from England to St. Lucars in Spain , and having been thirteen days at Sea , and not seen land , our Master took the height of the Sun with his Astrolabe , and found that we were at the altitude of Portugal , and that before night we should see two Islands called Las illas Berlingas . Coming accordingly neer the said Islands , we perceiv'd two Ships crusing up and down . Our Master , named Vincent Arris , a man of great experience in Sea-affairs , imagin'd that the two Ships were Turkish Pyrats , whereupon he commanded the Guns to be unloaden , and , instead of Bullets , to be charg'd with bars of Irons , saying , that if those two Ships had any design to engage us , they would come on in the night , and that being neer , the bars would do them more mischief then the bullets . Night came on , and the two Ships were out of sight . We Passengers were afraid , we should be forc'd to engage in the night ; but the Master said he was not of that opinion ; whereupon we took each of us a draught of Sack , and with that went to bed . The Master set the accustomed Watch , but sailing with a forewind , the Sentinel at the Prow could not see before him . It happen'd that e're we had slept much above an hour , a Boy who was with the Watch on the Prow perceiv'd two Ships , and began to cry out Alarm . Those two Ships were then got so neer , that no body durst stay on the Deck , to put the long boat over-board ; for when the boat is on the Deck , the Ship cannot without inconvenience be so well defended , nor the enemy be kept from boarding . All the Seamen , who were about sixty in number , were presently in a posture of fighting , every man in his Station , and three at every Gun. The Master commanded all the Port-holes to be shut , the lights to be kept close , and that all should be silent . He further order'd the Gunners on one side of the Ship , that when he stamp'd thrice with his foot , they should take it for a signal , to open the Port-holes , put out the Guns , and give fire . He had also order'd eight Trumpetters to sound with the discharging of the Guns . In the mean time , the two Pyrates were got so neer , that there wanted onely their coming aboard our Ship with their swords drawn . Whereupon the Master gave the signal , and his orders were so punctually observ'd , that in a moment , the Port-holes were opened , and the Guns fir'd . At the same time the Trumpets began to sound , and silence was converted into noise , and the two Ships being very neer us , we clearly heard the Iron-bars shot out of our pieces , making their way through their Ships , and the crys of those who were in them . After discharging , the Guns were drawn in , and the Trumpets continu'd the alarm . This dreadful din made in the ●ight-time , might well put the most confident among us into a little fright . The two Ships having found , and what is more , felt , notwithstanding the silence , that we were not asleep , pass'd by without making any return . Our Master perceiving it , came on the Deck , caus'd the Boat to be put over-board , furl'd up the main-sail , and uncover'd the Hatches . Which last was indeed the most necessary ; for all the windows being shut , and the Hatches of the Deck cover'd , the smoak of the powder caus'd a thick obscurity . All things being put into a posture of defence , the Master doubled the Watches , and gave order that every one should be ready against the break of day . The next morning before Sun-rising we discover'd the two Ships which came straight towards ours . The Master commanded all his people to come upon the Deck , encouraging them in few words , shewing the Colours of the two Ships , which were Turks , and telling them that the onely way to avoid slavery was to fight valiantly . That done , he order'd some prayers to be said , according to their way , and we Passengers , who were Catholicks , pray'd in ours . Every man had two glasses of wine , and the main sail was furl'd up , as a signal , that we had no mind to run away . The Targuet-fences were hung all about the Ship , and the red Flag set up at the stern . In this posture we expected about an hour ; but the two Pyrates observing the bulk of our Ship , so many people on the Deck , and those resolv'd to fight , durst not come too neer us . Which our Master perceiving , order'd a Gun to be discharg'd as it were to defie them , and finding they had no stomach to the business , we prosecuted our voyage . I was extreamly desirous to know what had pass'd in the two Turkish Ships after we had fir'd upon them , in regard the men in them had cry'd out extreamly ; and having seen the Turkish Flaggs I would have known from what Port in Barbary they came , and what number of men and Guns they had , and the reason was , that being so neer our Ships , and seeing none on the Deck to defend it , they had not cast out the Cramp-Irons , and made some return to our shot . In the year 1641. while I liv'd with Cataborn Mustapha , ( as I have related elsewhere ) I often'd discoursed with some other Christian slaves of several Nations , who were also lodg'd in the same Fonduca . One night they were talking of accidents at Sea , and telling how that many times , through the conduct of the Commander , a Ship might escape great dangers , and that when there is any dissention between the Captain , his Officers , and Soldiers , they never do any thing to purpose , especially in Pyrates . Whereupon a French-slave related how that some two years before being with a Pyrate of Algiers on the Coast of Portugal , one night , two Pyrateers thought to set on an English Ship , and that by reason of some difference that happen'd between the Captain and his Offiers , the English-man was not engag'd as they had intended . I told him that I was then aboard the English-Ship , and desir'd him to tell me how it came to pass that being so neer us as they were , when we discharg'd our Guns , they did not board us , and why they did not so much as fire a Gun at us ? He made this answer , They thought they had not been perceiv'd , and it happening that the greater of the two Ships , in which I was , ere there had been any noise heard , receiv'd of a sudden same Iron-bars through her sides , and with that we heard so many Trumpets , there was such an astonishment , fear , and confusion among them , that the Officers and Soldiers told the Captain plainly , they would not fight but by day . And the next morning when the Turks saw the bigness of your Ship , and observ'd the courage of your Commander , they had no maw to fight . I understood after a strange manner what I was so desirous to know ; and it had been better for me I had never known it that way I came to know it . RELATION . XXXV . The Innocent accus'd . MY Companion M. Caloën's old Patroness had two Grand-children , of a Daughter , one named Mustapha , one of the five Turks often mention'd before , the other Amet , who for the most part liv'd at a Country-house three leagues from Algiers . This Grand-mother was a peevish old Woman , who could not endure M. Caloën in her house , and to rid her self handsomely of him , she sent him to her Grand-Son Amet , to the Country-house , and I liv'd with my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga . During M. Caloën's absence , I had treated with a Jew , who was to furnish us with seventy five Patacoons , conditionally that the Knight Philip de Cherf , M. Caloën and I should give him a Bill of Exchange , as if we had receiv'd a hundred . The Knight and I had sign'd the Bill , but the Jew would have M. Caloën to sign also , and the Ship it was to be sent with , was ready to set sail ; and besides , within two days after the Easter of the Jews was to be celebrated , during which Feast they do not tell out any mony . To send the Bill to M. Caloën to be sign'd we thought it not fit ; for if it had been known that we had any credit , it would have prejudic'd us much , and retarded our liberty . To conceal my design , I went to the old Patroness , and desir'd her to order her slave M. Caloën to be in Town the next day by Noon , to write to his Friends , for the Ship was ready to set sail . She conceiving that Letter might advance the liberty of her Grand-son Mustapha , who was in Flanders , one of those who were to be exchang'd for us , sent one express to Amet to bid him send away the slave the next day to the City . Amet had also a French-slave at the same Country-house , who look'd to the Vines and Tobacco he had planted there . Now whereas the meaner sort of the Inhabitants thereabouts is naturally addicted to thieving , they came in the night-time and stole the Grapes and Tobacco . To prevent those robberies , Amet having an old rusty sword gave it to M. Caloën to be made clean at Algiers , and brought back again to the Country-house , that the French-slave might have it to keep away the Thieves . M. Caloën brought the sword along with him to the City , and just as he was coming into Algiers , there was a discovery made of an enterprise of some Dutch-slaves , who had buried certain arms , a sail , and some oars , out of a design to seize a Bark , and make their escape . The enterprise being discover'd , those who were taken , were condemn'd to have each of them two hundred blows with a cudgel . The execution of that sentence divulg'd the enterprise among the people , so that M. Caloën's Patroness hearing that the persons engag'd in it were Dutch-slaves , who are accounted to be of the same Country with the Dunkirke●s , and that the enterprise was discover'd about the time of M. Caloën's coming into the City , and that upon my intreaty , she maliciously inferr'd that we were of it . She went and accus'd us , and grounded her accusation on his coming with the sword ; whereupon , without hearing what we had to say for our selves , we had fourscore weight of Iron fasten'd to our leggs . And if her Grand-son Mustapha had not been at the disposal of our Friends in Flanders , we had been serv'd the same sauce with the others , who were cudgell'd , notwithstanding our innocence . RELATION XXXVI . Fidelity , Constancy , Recompence and Gratitude . IN the year 1640. the Turkish Pyrates took in a Ship some Dutch-men-slaves , among whom there was a Captain who had a Lacquey , whom we shall here call Morin . The Dutch-men , before they fell into the hands of the Turks , used all the perswasions they could to induce Morin not to tell who they were , promising that if he kept their councel in that particular , they would redeem him . The new slaves were brought to Algiers and sold , and so Master and Servant were equal as to quality , respect , and riches . And whereas Avarice is the soul of a Turk , while they were at Sea , the Captain of the Ship had order'd Morin to receive fifty blows with a cudgel on the belly , to make him confess the name and quality of his Master , and his Companions . Morin had made answer that he knew not the name of his Master , not yet of the others , and that he never heard his Master and his Companions use any other appellation one towards the other , then that of Sir. This constancy of the young lad pleas'd his Master very much , as also the others who had been taken in the Ship , among whom there was one , whom we shall here call Tiberius , descended of wealthy friends , who said to Morin , Continue faithful and constant , and assoon as I shall recover my liberty , I will redeem thee . Soon after , Tiberius got his liberty , with one of his Companions , and being return'd into his Country , he acquainted his friends with the constancy and fidelity of Morin ; which they considering declar'd Tiberius's promise to redeem him , obligatory ; so that they gave order to some Merchants of Legorn for his Redemption , and that he should be sent away with the first Ships bound for England or Holland . Morin was redeem'd by the Jews , and deliver'd into the hands of those Merchants , who according to their order , would have sent him away , in a Dutch-ship ; but Morin absolutely refus'd to go , saying he would rather dye on Christian land , then run the hazard of being made a slave again by the Turks . Whereupon the Merchants put him into the company of some Dutch-men ▪ who had been redeem'd at Legorn , and intended to return home by Land. Morin being come into the Low-Countries met with one of Tiberius's Companions named Carel , who had much promoted his redemption , and though it were in the Street fell down and kiss'd his feet . Carel was asham'd ( for the people began to flock about him ) to see those ceremonies , and bid him rise , and he would bring him to Tiberius's house . Assoon as he came in sight of Tiberius , the faithful , the grateful , and harmeless Youth took out of his Pocket , six Aspers , Turkish money , and the steel of a Tinder-box , and made him this complement , Sir , you have redeem'd me , in requital whereof I give you all I have in the world , and shall pray for you as long as I live . This complement proceeded from so great sincerity , that all present , of whom I was one , were extreamly satisfy'd at the fidelity and gratitude of Morin ; whereby Tiberius conceiving himself oblig'd afresh , bestow'd Cloaths and Linnen on him , and put him into a condition fit to wait on some person of quality . RELATION XXXVII . A Wrack in the Haven . BEing at the Bassa's Palace , I was acquainted there with a Spanish slave named John de Silva , who had serv'd the King of Spain some years as a soldier in the City of Oran , in Africk , five days journey from Algiers , the Citizens of which place speak the Moorish language , in regard it was recover'd from the Moors , in the time of King Ferdinand , as also by reason of the great commerce there is to this day between it and the Moors ▪ This de Silva spoke the Moorish-language perfectly well . Having been a long time a slave at Algiers , without any hope of redemption , he resolv'd to make an escape , encourag'd thereto by his perfect speaking of the language . To compass his design , he put on his Patron 's cloaths , and so was in the Turkish mode , got on horse-back with a Lance in his hand , a Turbant on his head , and a Cimitar by his side . Thus accoutred he began his journey very fortunately . Having travell'd four days , he came to a Village of Mostaga , just at noon , and it being the custom of all the Mosqueyes of Barbary to give at noon the signal , to put the people in mind of praising God , with the ordinary prayer , called in their Language Sala , which is done with many gestures , and strange postures of the face , and several motions of the arms and hands , kneeling and looking towards the East and West . De Silva , to take away all suspicion from the Moors , alighted , and fell a making of gestures as they did , and pretended to be a Mahumetane . But the Moors soon observ'd that our Cavalier was not perfect in his Ceremonies , and not regarding that he spoke their language , and was in Turkish habit , they stopp'd him , took away his cloaths , and finding he was no Mahumetane , sent him bound , with a Guard , to Algiers , where he receiv'd three hundred blows with a cudgel , just when he thought to have enjoy'd his liberty . So that he may well be said to have been cast away in the very Haven . RELATION XXXVIII . The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue , Knight of the Order of Saint James . THough the hardships and misfortunes which slaves are to endure , be common to all reduc'd to that miserable condition , yet some have a greater portion thereof then others . Among the former may be numbred the Knight de Cherf , whom I have mention'd in the discourse of my Captivity , as will be seen by the ensuing Relation . After we fell into the hands of the Turks , the Pyrate-ships , which brought us to slavery , cast Anchor before the City of Algiers , discharging their Guns to give notice of their arrival . The news of the rich prize was presently spread abroad , as well among the Turks of the Garrison , as the people ; and as it commonly happens , that news encreases by going from mouth to mouth , so it was reported , that , besides thirty thousand Patacoons , which were found in the prizes , there was among the slaves a Lord of great Quality , meaning the fore-said Knight . Some said he was a General ; others , an Ambassadour , and all imagin'd that the rest were his Servants , which was no small happiness for us , and that the money which they gave out was found , belong'd to him . This news was partly forg'd by the Pyrates themselves , as they are wont to invent new stratagems to enhance the price of slaves newly brought in , loading them with titles and wealth , to draw in the Buyers to make greater proffers , in hopes of a better ransom . The Bassa hearing this news took the Knight for his proportion , which is of eight one , at his own choice , as I have said elsewhere . The Knight was conducted to a Stable of the Bassa's , where he found other slaves , and among those some Spanish Captains and Officers , whom he durst not frequent , nor so much as speak to in the day time , least there should be notice taken of his demeanour among those Officers-slaves , with whom he would not be familiar , to take off the suspicion of his being a person of high quality , which had been augmented by the least conversation , accompany'd by mutual expressions of respect , the consequences of acquaintance . And to beat it out of the Bassa's head , that he was neither General , nor Ambassador , he kept seven or eight days all alone , and had nought to eat but a crust of dry bread ; which being observ'd by the Bassa's Cook , he order'd him the remainder of some Rice , which is the ordinary food of the Turks : nay , finding him so submissive and serviceable , he suffer'd him to creep into the Kitchin , to help the Skullions , in bringing in Wood , Coals , turning the Spit , and the like Offices , which he could not do , but onely with his right arm , having lost the use of the left by a Musket-shot he had receiv'd in his Catholick Majesty's service in the year 1639. at the siege of Salses . In requital of the good services which the Knight did in the Kitchin , the Cook suffer'd him to eat with the Skullions , who were Moors , and took it ill that a Christian should put his fingers into the same dish with them . No doubt the Knight thought himself at an entertainment in Hell with the Pages of Lucifer , whose Livery and meen those boys had , being about fifteen or sixteen years of age , having their cloaths all black with grease and nastiness , and so suiting excellently well with their dark hue . And yet the Knight endeavor'd all he could to put himself into the same posture , that he might be thought the fitter for that company and employment . Three months pass'd away in that miserable course of life , whereof the Knight made this advantage , that he made the Bassa quit the opinion he had of his being a General or Ambassador , and consequently the hope of getting much mony out of him ; which put him upon a resolution to sell his slave , as he did , to the General of the Gallies Alli Pegelin . He acted his part well enough so far ; but the new Master , who had observ'd what was reported concerning his slave , began to be very round with him , asking him in the Language commonly spoken between the Turks and the slaves , who he was , and of what Country ? The Knight being oblig'd to make answer , said he was a poor Youth , born at Ostend , the Son of a mean Irish-Officer , giving himself out to be of that Nation , as well because he had the looks of one of it , as for that the said Nation is little known and not much esteem'd at Algiers , those of it yeilding but ordinary ransomes . The Knight was in hopes by this invention to come off the easier , when he came to treat about his ransom : But Alli Pegelin , who was a person not so easily over-reach'd , having heard his answer , said jeeringly to him , A man may indeed see by your looks that your Father was a Cobler ; you have acted your part very well in the Bassa's Kitchin , but I shall make my advantage of it . I know you are an Ambassador , and one of the King of Spain's Generals , and what is more , that you are a Knight . This last title he gave him , to make the matter worse then it was , inasmuch as the Turks know , that the Knights of the Military Orders in Spain , have Commanderies and Pensions conditionally to wage war against the Turks and Moors . Afterwards , the General sending away his slave , said to him , Go , go , write home , that they may sell your Lands , and send me Patacoons , and you shall return to your Country . This first proposal of his new Master , was very unacceptable to the Knight , as being again oblig'd to strive against a false and Chimerical opinion , which was enough to defeat him of all hopes of ever breathing the air of his Native soil . The General had a house at a little distance from his own , wherein , during the time of my being there , he lodg'd five hundred and fifty slaves , which place was called Banno , or the Bath , and it might well be taken for a representation of Babylon , or an epitome of Hell. The different Nations , the confusion of Languages , the miseries and inconveniences endur'd , and all the several kinds of crimes that are committed there , would force the lewdest person in the world to pass that judgement of it . To this place was our Knight-slave brought , where he was receiv'd by M. Caloën , Saldens , and my self , having onely this to congratulate , that we were all together ; and whereas the Knight was lame of one arm , and so was not oblig'd to go to work out of the Bath , we made him our Caterer , to provide our meat for us , and to dress it , which employment he continu'd in , to our great convenience , for the space of six months , at the end whereof , the General thinking he might have receiv'd an answer from his Country , sent for him to come to some agreement about his ransom . The Knight proffer'd five hundred Patacoons , whereat the General being incens'd , as looking on the proffer extreamly below what he expected , order'd the Knight to have a chain of sixty pound weight fasten'd to his legge , to induce him to come somewhat neer the sum of thirty thousand Patacoons , at which he had set the Knight's ransom . Nine months together he had the chain at his legge , and for the space of fifteen days was forc'd to dragg it after him to some place neer the Sea-side , to work , where he was to help some Sawyers of Marble , which the General had brought away with his Gallies from the City of Bona , anciently called Hippona , seated on the Mediterranean , and sufficiently known by this , that it had been the Metropolis of Africk in Saint Austin's time , where those stones had serv'd for the Tombs of Christians . The Knight's work was to mingle the sand and water to be us'd in the sawing of the Marble . While he was at his work , the General would come sometimes to see what he did , proffering to send him to Legorn with a Vessel then ready to set sail , if he would agree with him at thrity thousand Patacoons , which he had demanded of him for his ransome . Whereto the Knight made answer that he had no mony . The General having made such proffers several times to him , without prevailing any thing with him , was so vex'd , that he said to him in Lingua-Franca , La Cane ty far garziva , ty tener fantasia , à fè de Dio my congar bueno por ti . That is , Go you Dog , you think your self cunning , and shew your self humour some , but by the faith of God I will take another course with you . The General Alli Pegelin was then accompany'd by some Jews , who in all likelihood had a share in that slave , yet conceal'd their interest under the name of Alli Pegelin , as they are wont , that they may not offend against the prohibitions made them to buy Christian slaves . This suspition was afterwards confirm'd , in that the Knight was some time after sent for to the General 's house , at the request of those very Jews , where Pegelin , accompany'd by them and some Captains of his Gallies , ask'd him once more whether he would promise thirty thousand Patacoons for his liberty ? To which demand the Knight making answer that he had nothing to say , the General immediately reply'd , Pila baso cane , porta Falaca . Which is commonly said , when they would punish any one , and signifies , Ly down on the ground , you Dog , and bring hither the Falaca , which is a piece of wood about four or five foot in length , having a hole in the middle , through which by a small cord the feet are fasten'd to it . The patient lies down on his back , having the soles of his feet rais'd up towards the sky ; two men hold up both ends of the piece of wood , two others hold down his arms , to prevent all agitations of his body , and a fifth begins the exercise , laying on the foals of his feet as hard as he can , with a Bulls-pizzle four or five foot long , round at the end by which he holds it , but widening by degrees towards the other end where it is neer half a foot in breadth . Instead of a pizzle , the sometimes make use of a ropes-end . The Falaca was presently brought , and the Knight receiv'd two hundred blows in the posture you see represented in the Figure . In the midst of that cruel punishment , the General commanded the executioner to hold his hand , and ask'd the Knight , whether he had any desire to change his Religion , and to embrace the Mahumetane , which if he would , he promis'd to make him Captain of a Galley , to go out against the Christians . Whereto the Knight reply'd , that he was not as yet resolv'd to do so , and that he would rather dye a Christian , but that he would pay a thousand Patacoons for his ransome . Upon that answer , the General commanded the Executioner to give him a hundred blows more ; which was done . This proposal of Alli Pegelin's , would make some believe that he was a person who endeavour'd the propogation of his Religion ; but those who are acquainted with the avarice of the Turks , will easily comprehend , that Alli Pegelin had no design to advance Mahumetisme , but onely made his advantage of that pretence , to get more mony out of the soles of the Knight's feet . Those blows being given , the Knight was taken off the Instrument , with his feet all black by reason of the blows , and being threatned by the General that he should have as much more assoon as he were recover'd of that , or that he would send him to the Grand Seignor , to be employ'd in the Seraglio , where he must first have been made an Eunuch . The blows had not troubled him so much as those menaces did , after which the Knight was carried by the slaves to his quarter in the Bath , for it was impossible for him , I will not say to go , but so much as to touch the ground with his feet . His Friends among the slaves endeavour'd all they could to give him ease ; some brought wine to wash his feet , another , who was a Surgeon , opened the dead flesh , and dress'd him , but what was most remarkable was the charitable action of a Discalceate Carmelite Frier , a slave , named Father Angeli , a Genoese , who with his mouth suck'd the corrupt blood to get it out of his feet . He was six weeks in his recovery , at the end whereof , a Jew coming to treat with him about his ransom , with many menaces told him , that Alli Pegelin had sworn by the Grand Seignor's head ( an inviolable oath ) that the Knight should never have his liberty unless he gave fifteen hundred Patacoons . He was perswaded to promise the said sum , and thereupon his chain was taken off , and he had the freedom to walk up and down the City , as they commonly do who have agreed with their Patrones , till such time as they have a convenience to transport themselves . We had haply been treated after the same manner , had not Alli Pegelin been fully perswaded , that the said Knight was some publick Minister of the King of Spain's , and that we were his Servants , and so there was no great account made of us , which prov'd our happiness . All things being agreed upon , it was propos'd , that the Knight should take shipping for Legorn in Italy , to be there kept in prison till the ransom were paid , which was to be made to some Jews there , who held a correspondence with Alli Pegelin . But the Knight excus'd himself , desiring that he might be sent over into Spain , where he might take Duplicates of the Grants and Rewards which his Catholick Majesty had made him , in regard the Originals were cast over-board when we were taken . These excuses occasion'd the Knight's not being deliver'd without payment of his ransom , which had been done , had he follow'd the Patron 's resolution . For the Vessel bound for Legorn , assoon as it was got to Sea , met with a Tempest , which ran it a-ground on the Coast of Spain , where the Ship was taken , and all the slaves had their liberty without paying any thing , by means of that happy tempest escaping imprisonment at Legorn , where they were to have continu'd till the return of their ransoms . This is punctually observ'd there , but not by other Christian Princes , who holding not so strict a correspondence with those of Algiers , set at liberty the slaves assoon as they come within their jurisdiction , not regarding whether they be redeem'd or not . According therefore to the resolution of returning by the way of Spain , the Knight de Cherf , took shipping with us and the other Christian slaves for Tituan , whether we got , with the inconveniences before-related , and were all put into the Masmora , ( a prison under ground ) expecting the mony of our ransom , save onely the Knight , who inform'd of that custom , had caus'd it to be inserted into the agreement , that he should not be put in there , which was observ'd . In the discourse of my Captivity , I gave an account of the three Tempests we weather'd through , the design we had to kill the Turks , and become Masters of the Ship , and how we got to Tituan , after being wrack'd , and went thence to Ceuta , leaving the Knight behind us at Tituan , expecting the return of his mony from Legorn to Cadiz , and thence to Ceuta . During the time of this expectation the Knight bethought himself of some means to get off without mony , visits the places about the City , and flatters himself with hopes of making an escape ; but whereas that could not be done without assistance , it was necessary he should have the help of those of Ceuta . He seeks out and finds the means of making a correspondence by letters with a Captain of the Garrison of Ceuta , ( a City in Africk under the Jurisdiction of the King of Spain ) with whom he had been a slave at Algiers . He carefully sent his Letters by the Casilas , ( which consist of Merchants travelling every week from Ceuta to Tituan , and so back , with the permission , and Pass-port of the two Governors ) and agrees with that Captain to make him a present of a thousand Patacoons for the Sea-men , who should come with a boat to a certain place within two thousand and six hundred paces of Tituan , there to take in the Knight and three of his companions , who had agreed with Alli Pegelin , upon the same termes as the said de Cherf , and had afterwards been lodg'd together in a remote quarter of the City , expecting also the return of their mony . These were engag'd in the said design , and contributed towards the charge . The time appointed for the execution of the design was the 25. of July , in the year 1643. at midnight , and the Knight prepar'd for each of them two or three pieces of Canes , inclos'd one within the other like fishing-rods , to be taken asunder , and hid under their cloaths , so as that being set at length , and a knif fasten'd at the top , they might be taken for pikes . They got without any trouble about a quarter of a league out of Tituan , and took up their quarters in a dry ditch fenc'd on both sides with reeds and thornes , expecting night for the compleating of their enterprise . Having continu'd a while in the Ditch , the Knight thought it time for them to go towards the Sea-side ; but one of the three Companions , named Hans Maurus , a person accounted well experienc'd in Sea-matters , ( as may be seen in the description of our wrack on the 11. of Feburary 1642. ) maintain'd it was not late enough , adding that if they were oblig'd to stay , there would be some danger of being surpriz'd , and treated with the Falaca , putting the Knight in mind of his chastisement at Algiers . This apprehension of beating occasion'd the mistake of Hans Maurus ; yet after a little stay , they went forwards , fitting their pieces of Canes one upon another , with a knife at the top , making a kind of half-pike , to defend themselves against the Alarbes , who live by robbing , and in the Summer time ly abroad in the fields . As they went along , the Knight took a Cross out of his pocket , that of the Order of Saint James , which he had sav'd when he was made a slave , and presented it to be kiss'd by his Companions , saying that he was in hopes JESUS crucify'd would give them their liberty , and that they should have for their Intercessor the Apostle Saint James , whose Feast it then was . But Hans Maurus being a Lutheran refus'd to do it . Being come to the Sea-side , they perceiv'd a boat hard by the shore , out of which some call'd , Ho , ho , for Tituan ; and it was the same which had been sent to receive them . Hans Maurus , notwithstanding all his experience and skill in Sea-matters , was seiz'd by a Panick fear , and said to his Companions , Ly down on the ground , they are Fisher-men of Tituan , we shall be secur'd and beaten . In the mean time the boat had cross'd two or three times by the place appointed , and reiterated the aforesaid cry , striking on a Steel , the signal agreed upon between them , whereto those ashore were to answer with the like noise . But those in the boat seeing no body appear , and considering that it was within an hour of day , as also that the watch on the Coast of Tituan had perceiv'd them , and given the signal to the City by a fire , resolv'd to be gone . The going away of the boat , satisfy'd the Knight and Hans Maurus , that those of Ceuta had made the appointed signal , whereupon they began to strike with the Steel , and to call upon them , but all to no purpose , and too late , so that perceiving their design was discover'd , they made their retreat without any noise towards Tituan , getting into the City at several Gates , where they understood that that night there had been an alarm in the City , and that a party of horse had been commanded out into the Country , by reason of a fire which had been made by the watch on the Sea-side . This body of Horse consists of Citizens , who , to enjoy some priviledges , and the title of imaginary soldiers , oblige themselves upon any alarm to ride out into the Country , and engage any enemy they meet with . All this had pass'd , yet so as that those of Tituan knew nothing of the occasion of it , nor did they much enquire after it , in regard the alarms are very frequent there , by reason they are so near neighbours to the City of Ceuta . Yet were the Undertakers still in some fear of being discover'd , and could not forbear quarrelling at Hans Maurus , who had occasion'd the miscarriadge of their design , whereat he was so troubled , and became so melancholy , to think that , by his mistake , himself and his Companions had miss'd so fair an opportunity of recovering their liberty , that he fell sick . Yet did his Companions assist him all they could , and concern'd themselves as much as might be in the recovery of his health ; but perceiving he grew every day worse and worse , and that whatsoever was administred to him did little good , they bethought themselves of endeavouring the welfare of his soul . To that end , the Knight , who knew that Hans Maurus had led a morally good life , and that he feared God , made it his business to exhort him to renounce Lutheranism , and to embrace the Roman-Catholick Religion , discoursing with him concerning the difference of those perswasions , as he had done several times before . Hans Maurus being a person not much acquainted with Letters , and the Knight no great Divine , he took occasion to remonstrate to him , that being born in Norway he had follow'd the Lutheran Religion , without any enquiry into the Romane-Catholick ; that the former was a new , and the other the ancient way , surpassing the inventions of Luther by fifteen ages , and that the latter had been follow'd by his Ancestors , whom it would be impious for him to believe damn'd for that , and that they were rather wiser then he , that he had often said while he was in health , that he would do better , if he knew what were better , that it now concern'd him to think seriously of his conscience , and that to that end he would bring him a Priest , who would tell him more , and that more effectually . This discourse made to him in the extremity of his sickness , wrought this effect on Hans Maurus , that he acknowledg'd to the Knight that it was true he had been exhorted to follow the steps of his Ancestors , but that he thought there was so little difference between both Religions , that he conceiv'd he might safely enough persevere in his own ; but since he was now in treated by his friends , whom he knew to be real & sincere , to consider seriously of it , he desir'd that a Priest might come to him , to give him satisfaction in some doubts . The Knight immediately sent for a Religious Dominican , a Spaniard , and a slave , who satisfy'd the doubts of Hans Maurus , and undeceiv'd him , so that he became a Roman-Catholick , made his Confession , and communicated with great fervency , to the great satisfaction of the Christian slaves who were present , and the second day after his conversion he dy'd . In this conversion may be seen the goodness of God , who gave Maurus the grace to profess the Catholick Faith , in recompence of his moral Vertues and good life , by a strange accident , whereby he was depriz'd of his experience and skill , on Saint James's day , which made him loose his corporal liberty , to give him the incomparable liberty of enjoying the sight of God. Eight days after Maurus's death , the Knight paid his ransom , and went to Ceuta , and thence by the way of Gibraltar to Madrid , where having receiv'd rewards from his Catholick Majesty , he went thence to the Low-Countries , having suffer'd greater miseries then any of us , though we had been made slaves at the same time . And he who shall attentively consider all our Knight did , will find , that humane Prudence is subject to strange oversights , and miscarriages , and that God onely is the disposer and director of all human actions . RELATION XXXIX . What happen'd between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen , and his old Patroness . THe condition of slaves implies in it self a necessity of their suffering of somewhat from the hands of their Patrons , but , on the contrary M. Caloën made his Patroness endure many inconveniences . I have said elsewhere that an old Moorish Dame had bought him at fourteen hundred Patacoons , to be exchang'd for her Grand-son Mustapha , who was in the power of Caloën's friends . The payment of that sum troubled the old woman , as if it had been so many drops of blood got out of her dry'd carkass , never considering that it was for the redemption of one so neerly related to her . The coverous woman thought to ease her self of some part of the grief by finding out some invention to make M. Caloën to pay seven hundred Patacoons , besides the exchange of her Grand-son ; and this busied her brains day and night . One while she resolv'd to use violence , but fearing her Mustapha might receive the same treatment , she forbore it ; another , she imagin'd , that to represent to him how much he had cost her , would be a more likely way to compass her design , since that it was indeed done as much for M. Caloën's liberty as for her Mustapha's , so that it was but just he should pay his proportion ; but the fear of being laugh'd at , and making him more obstinate , after she should acquaint him with her intention , made her resolve rather to be silent . While she was troubled with this diversity of resolutions , an Edict was publish'd , that all the Christian slaves who went about the streets should have Irons at their feet , instead of the ordinary Manacles , or Hand-fetters , and that upon this occasion , that the King of C●●ques , Benali , was got into the Field with an Army , and that the Bassa with the Forces of Algiers was gone 〈◊〉 to meet with him . Upon this , the old Woman caus'd to be fasten'd to M. Caloën's legg a chain of fifty pound weight , imagining it might induce him to proffer some hundreds of Patacoons ; but he suspecting her design , complain'd of the injury done him , in loading him with fourty pound weight more then the other slaves , threatning her Mustapha should have the same treatment . However , he made a shift to go abroad every afternoon , and came home at night , so well freighted with the juice of the Grape , that his Patroness was afraid he would come to some mischief , and so she should loose all her fourteen hundred Patacoons . To prevent that , she forbad him to go abroad , and least he might forget that prohibition , he was furnish'd with more chain then he was able to carry , so that he was forc'd to keep his Chamber , sitting , or lying on a Mattress . I went every day to see him , carrying along with me some Dunkirkers and Dutch-slaves , such as I could meet with , to keep him company , and they follow'd me , as the Iron does the Load-stone , in hopes of somewhat to eat and drink , out of the seventy five Patacoons , which a certain Jew had lent us . It may be easily imagin'd , that such good company having their Tinder-boxes fix'd , could not forbear Tobacco , and singing as Sea-men are wont to do , so that the room was full of smoak , and the house of noise . The old Patroness could not endure they should drink wine in her house , and that the Christian-slaves should , forgetting the respect they ought her , make such a horrid noise . This demeanour of theirs made her stark mad , yet the more she scolded , the less they seem'd to take notice of any thing she said , or did , which enrag'd her so , that she fell a railing at M. Caloën , in Lingua Franca , intermixt with some of the Moorish language , or Arabian , whereto he reply'd in Dutch. She being desirous to know what he said , This I say , reply'd he , get thee gone , old witch , and speak the language of thy mother , and shew not thy self a beast in the Moorish , which thou understandest not . We know thou wert driven out of Spain , since which time thou hast learnt a few words of the Moorish language , and now thou comest to plague us with thy canting . Thou wouldst fain have studied witchcraft , but thou knowest as little of it as of the Moorish language . What witchcraft didst thou see me do ? Said she to him , foaming with rage . Have I not seen thee use all the devillish ceremonies , and fooleries us'd by the Moors of this Country , to find out what was become of thy Grand-son Mustapha ? But all to no purpose , go thy ways ignorant and impudent old woman . During this Dialogue , the rest of the Company ply'd the business of the Bottles , which being empty'd , they went to their several quarters . The next day after these debauches the old Woman would make kind remonstrances to him , thinking by her sober Lectures to bring him to some reformation ; but he grew worse and worse . One day she took occasion to tell him , with all the kind expressions she could invent , that he could not live after that rate without being guilty of insolence , and incivility towards her , inasmuch as he was a slave , and consequently ought her all manner of respect , as his Patroness . It is but reasonable also , reply'd Caloën , that you should acknowledge me to be the Patron of your Grand-son , and that he is my slave , and that as such , you should honor me , and respect me ; but I treat my slave better then you do his Patron . Insolence , said she to him , I will make you bow , and you shall pay me the one ●oyety of the fourteen hundred Patacoons , or you shall burst ere you go hence . If I dye here , reply'd he , you● Grand-son will rot in Christian land , and your fourteen hundred Patacoons will be utterly last . These replys , the continual drinking of wine in her house , the smoaking of Tobacco , and the horrid noise of four drunken fellows , roaring and singing as loud as they could , was an insupportable torment to the old Lady . She thought to have kept him within bounds , and disappointed his Companions , by shutting him up in a Cellar , which had no light but what came in at a little hole , about a foot square , from the Court of her house , charging her Servants that they should not suffer any to speak with him : I came to see him as I was wont to do , and the old woman seeing me just entring into the Court , cry'd out from one of the upper windows , Go your ways Christian , your Companion is not here . What a damn'd lying old witch is this ? Replys M. Caloën , who heard her , she hath shut me up here in this Cellar , putting out his hand at the hole . I made as if I went away , but returning a while after without being observ'd by any , I brought him a little bottle of Brandy , as he had desir'd to drive away melancholy thoughts , whereof he drank so much that he was grown in a manner distracted , which happen'd by reason of the sweetness of that liquor , which in those parts is made of Figges . His dreadful out-cries , and the noise he made in endeavouring to break open the door , put the old Woman into a fright , imagining that he was grown mad , or would have kill'd himself , for she never suspected that he had been so well drench'd as he was . Upon these apprehensions he was remov'd to his own Chamber , where the Patroness coming to him the next day , told him that of all the slaves at Algiers he was the lewdst , that he had deserv'd the Gallies a hundred times , and that she was resolv'd to make him try how he could brook that kind of life ; but if he would promise her the reimbursement of the seven hundred Patacoons , she would forbear ; that there was no reason she should pay fourteen hundred Patacoons for him , since his Friends had paid nothing for her Grand-son Mustapha , and that notwithstanding all this he gave his Patroness all the trouble he could by his continual insolencies . It is then thy greediness to get the seven hundred Patacoons , said he to her , that causes all my misery ? Be not so fond , wretched woman , as to think I have opened thy Cellar-door with a key of seven hundred Patacoons , or that I will promise such a sum to avoid the Gallies ; I will not give thee a farthing , and assure thy self , that whatever thou makest me endure , I will make thy Grand-son Mustapha endure the same , do thy worst , and in the mean time get thee hence . The old woman knew not how to demean her self towards her slave , for fear of loosing her fourteen hundred Patacoons . She thought him not safe enough in the company of his Camerades , and much less when he was alone ; so that she thought it her best course to send him into the Country with her Grand-son Amet , Mustapha's Brother , to one of her Country-houses , three leagues from Algiers , sending along to wait on them a French slave named la Roche , born at Diepe . There they made much of themselves , and liv'd merrily with the help of a great earthen pot of wine which contain'd neer fifty Gallons , and to compleat their enjoyments , Amet sold his horse to get mony , and sent to Algiers for a Wench , whose throat he would afterwards have cut , had he not been diverted from his purpose by la Roche , who out of honesty or gentility perswaded him to be more merciful towards the poor whore . But Amet would have made no scruple to have dispatch'd her , for it is ordinary at Algiers to find young Maids dead in the streets every morning , who are all accounted naught , so as that there is no further enquiry made concerning them . The old Woman hears of her Grand-son and his Companions house-keeping in the Country , and orders them to return to the City , where M. Caloën was loaden with a chain of five branches , that he might not stir abroad ; but that hinder'd him not ; for , putting up the chain in a little Basket , and carrying it on his back , he went along with me to a Christian Tavern , without giving notice thereof to his Patroness . He was soon found out by other slaves of his acquaintance , Dunkirkers , Spaniards , and French , who waited on him to participate of his liberality . I left my Co●●anion in the Tavern in a fair way to be mellow ere ●e got thence , and went about four in the afternoon to dress my Patron 's horse . In the mean time the old woman was extreamly troubled that the pawn of her dear Grand-son had given her the slip , and sends Amet to all the Christian Baths to find out her Dunkinker , on whose well-fare depended the liberty of her Mustapha . Amet goes from Bath to Bath , and at last finding him , he told him his Grand-mother was extreamly troubled at his absence , Your Grand-mother , says Caloën , is a simple old woman , whereat Amet was so angry , that he gave him a box o' th' ear , which M. Caloën not able to take at his hands , not minding time and place , gave him a kick with the foot that was free , in the groin , such as might have spoild him for ever . In that place , a man needs but strike a Turk or Moor , to be burnt alive ; and Amet was so enrag'd , that he could do no less then threaten him with it . But he was threatned on the other side , that his Brother should in like manner be burnt ; and so one knife kept the other in the sheaf . In fine , the old woman perceiving that neither artifice , nor kindness , nor cruelty advantag'd her any thing , was forc'd to suffer M. Caloën to do what he pleas'd himself , not concerning her self about him , to the time of our departure thence . RELATION XL. Revenge , Malice , and Industry . THere are two ways whereby men compass their designs , to wit , that of the Lyon , and that of the Fox . A French Gentleman , for want of the former , very industriously made use of the Latter , as may be seen by the ensuing Relation . The King of France is possess'd of a place in Africk , named Le Bastion de France . That Plantation was establish'd about fifty years since on the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Algiers , forty leagues from the Metropolis thereof , and not far from Bona , for the fishing of Coral . There are ordinarily in that place about four hundred French , who employ themselves in that exercise , and withall drive a certain trade in Wheat and other provisions of Barbary . That trade is of great importance to the Merchants of Marseilles , who , in exchange for the commodities of Barbary , send those of France , which are transported thence to Algiers , and other adjacent places . The better to carry on that commerce , the King of France hath erected at Algiers , a Chamber of Justice , consisting of S●rintendent , a Chansellour , a Consul , and other necessary Officers , who are commonly ruin'd Merchants , and there make a shift to live , rather by their damnable industry , then the profits accruing by their employments . During the time of my slavery , there came thither one of Marseilles , about thirty years of age , well cloath'd , and of a goodly presence , who was to be one of the chiefest Ministers of that Chamber . We shall here give him the name of Cassidorus . There was also at the same time among the French slaves , who row'd in the Gallies , a Gentleman of Provence , who shall here go under the name of Pysander . Notwithstanding the condition of a slave , whereto he was reduc'd yet upon the account of his birth , his carriage , and industry , he was much respected by all the Renegadoes of his Nation , who at that time exceeded the number of three thousand . A Captain of a Ship , a Renegado , having taken a Prize of importance , made a treatment for diverse Pyrate-Officers , Owners of Privateers , and those of the Chamber of Justice , inviting also thereto Pysander , with whom he was intimately acquainted . It was Pysander's chance to sit at table next to Cassidorus ; whereat the latter was not well pleas'd , expressing his dissatisfaction in the sadness and melancholy of his countenance . After the treatment , the Captain thought fit to enquire of Cassidorus what was the reason of his being sad and out of humour , and whether he had given him any offence . Onely this , replyed Cassidorus , that you have express'd the little esteem you had for my person , by placing me at the table next to Pysander , who is a slave , and hath ●ugg'd at the Oars , never considering that I am one of the principal Officers of the Chamber . The Captain made his excuses to him , saying , that , as to his being a slave , it was through misfortune , and yet that he was acknowledg'd by all to be a Gentleman of great worth . Cassidorus was not satisfy'd with that Apology , which the Captain observing , would have taken occasion to make him sensible of his resentment of it , had he not consider'd , that the insolent fellow was under the protection of the Bassa , and consequently that it had been imprudence , to engage himself in a quarrel upon the account of a Christian slave . Yet could he not forbear acquainting Pysander with that vanity of Cassidorus , whereat the other being justly incens'd , that such a worthless person had slighted him after that manner , My misfortune , said he , hath not brought me so low , but I shall find out a way to be reveng'd of that impudent fellow . I have bethought my self of an invention , which shall prove a greater Torment to him then haply would be the enduring of the Strapado , half a dozen times together , a punishment I should be likely enough to give him , were I restor'd to my own . Accordingly Pysander , who was an ingenious and subtle person , watches all occasions to compass the design he had to be reveng'd , and discovers , that Cassidorus secretly cajoll'd a Turkish Curtezan , upon whom he had neer spent the two hundred Patacoons , which he had brought from Marseilles , to carry on some small trade . Pysander was patient till he had squander'd away all his mony , which once consum'd , it might be easily guess'd , that the kindness of his Mistress would soon be at a period , and that his credit was such as should not easily recover it . Upon this discovery Pysander lays his design , addressing himself to a French Renegado , a person extreamly addicted to women , and well Pepper'd with the disease of his Nation . He tells him of an extraordinary handsome woman , whom he would have courted , had she been a Christian , and he had had mony to carry on his addresses to her . The vicious inclinations of that Renegado , soon made his teeth to water to be acquainted with that unknown Beauty , to whom he got access , by the good instructions of Pysander , and a present of some Patacoons , which made him look'd upon as a great Favourite . The Renegado continues his visits to the new Mistress for the space of three weeks or a month , at the end whereof he leaves her , having spent his disease as well as his money upon her . This happen'd according to the expectation of Pysander , who knowing that such venereal embraces are contagious , thinks it time to contrive a renewing of the correspondence between Cassidorus and his old Mistriss . To do that , he goes to a Renegado of the same Country with Cassidorus , telling him that his Friend Cassidorus was in great want , and that it would be a singular favour to supply him with fifty Patacoons , till he receiv'd a Bill of Exchange , which he daily expected , and that for his further security , he would be bound for the repayment of the said sum . The Renegado not mistrusting any thing , believ'd Pysander , and thereupon going to Cassidorus told him that he understood his necessities , proffering him fifty Patacoons , provided he would be oblig'd to return them with the first convenience , which upon that condition were receiv'd by Cassidorus . In the mean time Pysander sent notice of it to the Wench , who sent a Love-summons to Cassidorus , and soon renewing their old acquaintance , she charm'd him so home , that he needed the exorcization of a good P●ysician . But being far from his own Country , mony-less , and friendless , all the remedy he had , was to complain of a running pain through all his joynts , and indeed plainly to confess , that he had got the Pox. At first he could onely rai● at the Curtezan , and bid that take her a thousand times , whereof she had given him enough at once ▪ but his impatience was exasperated into rage and distraction , when Pysander sent him word , that he was to thank him for what he had receiv'd from his Turkish Beauty , and that he had done it , in requital of his slighting a Gentleman of his Nation , upon no other account then that he was a slave . This revenge was subtlely contriv'd , but too harsh and malicious . RELATION XLI . The Renegado-Engineer . LIbertinism makes some persons indifferent whether they serve God or the Divel , provided they gain either advantage or esteem thereby . Of this number was a certain Engineer , a French-man , whom the States of the United Provinces sent with their aids to the Duke of Braganza , declar'd King of Portugal in the year 1641. This man being taken by the Pyrates of Algiers was discover'd by the Captain to be a Master-Engineer , employ'd about fire-works , and particularly that he was excellent at the composition of that kind of wild-fire , which is so much us'd in engagements at Sea. The Captain conceiving that French-man would do him great service buys him in the Market-place , where the prisoners are sold . The brags which this Engineer made of his skill in firing of Ships and burning sails and rackling , gain'd him the favour of his Patron , who intending to Sea , gives him mony to buy what things were necessary for his compositions , with promises of great rewards if he were as good as his word , and on the contrary , threats , if he deceiv'd him . The Engineer prepares his inventions , and goes abroad with his Patron , accompany'd by other Pyrate-Ships , and having cruz'd some days up and down the Mediterranean , they discover'd two Ships of Malaga , sufficiently well arm'd , at which they discharg'd their Guns , whereto the two Ships answer'd in the same language . But making no advantage thereby , the Captain order'd them to make up to the Christian Ships , and to fasten the grappling Irons . They did so , but the Turks being afraid to board , the French-Engineer was call'd to make tryal of his skill . He made ready his fire-works , and having cast some on the Poop of the Christian Ship , it prov'd so effectuall , that the Christians were reduc'd to a necessity of either yeelding themselves , or burning alive . This victory was attributed to the dexterity of the Engineer-slave , who conceiv'd such a pride thereat , that he complain'd he was not recompens'd according to his deserts . Those who had been at the charge of putting out the Pyrate-ships came to understand , that the Engineer was discontented , and imagin'd that he would do greater miracles , if he were permitted to renounce his Religion , and had his liberty given him . Upon these presumptions they went to the Captain , the Engineer's Patron , and promis'd to give him the value of his slave , on condition he would suffer him to renounce , as he was desirous to do . The Captain was content to gratifie his Masters , and the Engineer embrac'd the Turkish Religion , out of no other motive then vain-glory and inconstancy , as not being forc'd to that Apostacy by any harsh treatment , or despair of redemption . About two months after his first entrance into slavery , he put on the Turkish habit , and would not so much as look on the Christians , even those of his own Nation . Which a slave of his acquaintance observing , took the freedom to tell him , that he wonder'd to see him in that equipage . Come , come , I know what you would be at , says the Engineer to him , interrupting his discourse , you know me , I have serv'd the King of France my natural Prince , the King of Spain , the States of the United Provinces , as long as they paid me well , I shall do the like here , and then I will go and seek my fortune elsewhere ; and with those words turns his back on his Country-man . Some days after , the Captain , who had been his Patron , went to Sea again , with his Engineer , and not meeting with any thing on the Mediterranean , they pass'd the Streight , and came into the Ocean , where they gave chace to an English-Ship , which they found sufficiently well provided to deal with them , and so they thought it their safest course to engage her at a distance . In the mean time , the Captain consults with his Officers and the Engineer , how they might engage the enemy at a neerer distance , he propos'd to them that his invention would be the most likely means to take the prize . The vessel , said he , which we are to engage against is very high , both at the stern and the Prow , and their Guns are greater then ours , and consequently , there is some danger of being sunk , if we make any attempt to board her ; open force will not do the business , she must be carried by some subtle invention . I know an expedient how she may be taken , without the l●ss of a man ; the advantage we have of the wind drives the smoak of our Guns towards the enemy , I will go into the boat , and being cover'd by the smoke , I will get close to the Christian ship , and fasten my fire-works thereto , which when they have wrought their effect , the flame will give you notice how and when to approach . His advice was approv'd , and thereupon the Engineer with his inventions was put into the boat , with two Christian slaves , to whom the Captain added four Turks , and they fire the Guns , as the Engineer stood in need of being cover'd by the smoke . But the Engineers thoughts ran upon something else , much different from what the Captain imagin'd ; for being come somewhat neer the English Ship , he perswaded the four Turks , that he stood in need of the two Christian slaves , to assist him , and so busied the Turks in rowing , and went to the forepart of the boat behind their backs , making as if he prepar'd his fire-works . But instead of that , he draws out a Turkish Cu●elass , and kills the two Turks that were next him , with two thrusts through the back , and passing over those was ready to fall on the other two when they began to perceive the sad accident that had befallen their Companions , whereat they were so frightned that they begg'd their lives , which he granted them , as being the stronger party seconded by the two slaves , who had seiz'd the arms of those that were kill'd , commanding them to make up to the English Ship , into which they were receiv'd upon the signal of his Handketcher , leaving the boat with the two Turks that were kill'd to the mercy of the waves , to satisfie the Pyrate , that his Engineer had deceiv'd him . Whereupon making all the sail he could , he hasten'd to get out of their reach , whom he thought he had had within his own , repenting himself that he had repos'd too great confidence in a man , who had broken his faith to his God and his Prince , and would have serv'd the Divel himself for mony . RELATION XLII . The Disappointment . IN the year 1639. a young man about eighteen years of age born at Ceuta in Africk , named Francisco Mendez , having been a Page to Dom Francisco de Villegas , a Spanish-Knight , who liv'd at Gibraltar , and was his Godfather , was put into the King's service by his Master in a Company of Recruits , for the reinforcing of the Garrizon at Naples , with particular recommendations to the Captain . The Recruits were put aboard a Hamborough Vessel , press'd for the transportation of them , for want of other , as it is ordinary in Spain , when the Kings service requires it . They set sail at Cadiz , and went into the Mediterranean through the streight of Gibraltar , where being opposite to Majorca , the wind turn'd contrary which occasion'd the Captain and some others to go ashore , with a design to return to the Ship , assoon as the wind should sit right for the prosecution of their voyage . In the mean time , the soldiers , who were forc'd to serve , and in number , exceeded the Volunteers , perswaded the latter to mutiny , upon occasion that their Officers enjoy'd themselves ashore , while they endur'd the hardships of the Sea. They plotted together to render themselves masters of the Ship , and to return for Spain . The Seamen , who were Hamburghers , knowing nothing of their design were of a sudden secur'd in the hold , with a guard set upon them , and as if they had taken a considerable prize , they rifled all in the stern , choosing to govern the Vessel two soldiers , who , having been in the Indies , thought themselves the most expert among them , and consequently fit to undertake that employment . All went very well , while they had no adversary ; but having saild some hours , they discover'd a Ship with green colours on the top-mast . There was not any so ignorant among them but knew it to be a Pyrate of Algiers , so that perceiving it made streight towards them , they put themselves into a posture of defence , disposing eighty men on the Decks arm'd with Muskets and Half-pikes , and sending the rest under Decks to manage the Guns . The subtle Pyrat gets the wind of them , and gives them a volley of sixteen Guns , which kill'd two or three men , and somewhat prejudic'd the sails and tackling . The Spaniards who were between Decks answer'd him with twelve , but to no effect , for they knew not how to take their aim , and which was worse , having discharg'd , they knew not how to charge them again , and to fasten them , so that the carriadges and the Guns roll'd-up and down with the motion of the Ship. The two Commanders were busie at the stern , whence they gave order what was to be done , but their people not understanding the Sea-terms , did many times contrary to what was commanded . The Pyrate seeing so many people on the Deck , thought it not safe to board , but observing that the enemy made no further use of their Guns , imagin'd it was for want of Powder , and so hoping to get the better of them , he fir'd at them as fast as he could . Then the Fresh-water-men began to see that they had undertaken the government of the Vessel , as Phaeton did that of the Suns Chariot , and thereupon minding their safety , they resolv'd to deliver the Seamen out of their Irons , and to employ them about the Guns , while they made good the Deck , and so sent an Ambassador , who made this speech to them ; Gentlemen Lutherans , the Vessel is set upon by the Turks , you have your liberty granted you , on condition that you assist us against the Common enemy . He thought this news would have been acceptable to the Prisoners , and that they would have been glad of that favour , but he was much astonish'd to hear them bluntly making answer , That they should make an end of what they had begun , and that they were resolv'd to be slaves to their enemies , to be reveng'd of the affront done them by those pretended Friends , by whom they had been treated like beasts . The Ambassador makes a report of his Negotiation to his Companions , who were at such a loss , that they knew not what to do or say . In the mean time the Pyrate looses no time , and gives them a volley , the Guns loaden with Iron-bars , whereby the tackling was shatter'd , the sails torne , a mast broken , the deck cover'd with wounded and dead , the orders of the Commanders ill-given , and on the other side less understood and executed , which c●us'd disorder and confusion amidst the dreadful outcries of the wounded , who could not be dress'd , in regard the Surgeon was one of those who were in chaines ; so that the rest began to flagge and be out of courage . The Pyrate perceiving what condition they were in cry'd out Ame●na , which those poor Desperadoes understood not , though they wish'd nothing so much as to yeeld , which yet the Pyrate would have them to acknowledge by letting down the main-sail-yard upon the Deck , and taking away the Colours from the Stern . The Pyrate took their ignorance for contempt ; and drew neer to give them a double charge ; but perceiving they laid down their arms , and made signs with their handkerchers fasten'd to their hats , he sent the boat to them with fifteen Turks in it , who getting on the Deck , understood what posture the Vessel was in , pillag'd it , and out of compassion sent for the Turkish Surgeon to dress the wounded , casting into the Sea the dead and such as they though irrecoverable , and making the rest slaves . The Spaniards were chain'd in the Pyrates Vessel , and the Hamburghers continu'd where they were , with six Turks to guard them . The Pyrate return'd to Algiers , where those slaves were sold , among whom was Francisco Mendez , who sent an account of his misfortune to his Mother , a poor widdow living at Ceuta , who , passing up and down Spain to gather what almes she could , got together two hundred and fifty Patacoons , and writ to her Son , that his Patron should send him to Tituan , where she would pay his ransom . Having receiv'd this news Francisco was embark'd with us , transported with joy for the recovery of his liberty , which he despair'd of , by reason of the poverty of his Mother , and the little likelihood there was to get mony otherwise . We came together to Tituan , and were there put into the Masmora , where I receiv'd letters from my Companion Saldens , dated at Ceuta , at the bottom whereof he writ , that there was with me a Christian slave , named Francisco Mendez , to whom he desir'd me to give a Patacoon or two , if he stood in need thereof , that his old Master D. Francisco Villegas , would give the fifty Patacoons which were behind of his ransom , and that his Mother was going from Ceuta to Gibraltar to receive them . These tidings transported Francisco with joy , but it lasted not long ; for while we were talking concerning his liberty , we hear'd a voice calling at the grate above , for Francisco Mendez , who lifting up his eyes sees his Mother , who had been made a slave that day , being taken in the Brigantine , which ordinarily goes from Ceuta to Gibraltar , the Portuguez Soldiers having neglected their duty through drunkenness . That sad accident put both mother and son into a despair of ever recovering their liberty , the same day they expected to have embrac'd one the other out of slavery . RELATION XLIII . Of the impious dutifullness of an Iseland-Slave . THough the Inhabitants of Iseland thought they had had no other enemies then Poverty and Ice , the one whereof lyes perpetually , the other , for eight months of the year very heavy upon them ; yet Algier , through a detestable avarice , envy'd them , that which no other Nation did , the onely happiness they had , liberty . At my departure from Algiers , in the year 1642. a young man in Turkish habit came to me , having heard that I was a Dunkirk-slave , and intended to pass through Madrid , and gave me a Petition handsomely write in Latine , desiring me to present it to the Ambassador of Denmark , then Resident with the King of Spain . I wondred much at that conjunction of circumstances , that a Turk should desire something in Latine , of a person of the Danish Nation , and could not imagine by the language wherein he spoke to me , which was Lingua Franca , that he was such as I afterwards understood him to be . It is in your power , says the young man to me , to do the greatest act of charity that ever one Christian did to another . So proceeding in his discourse , he related to me all the accidents of his life , to assure me of the justice of his pretensions . It had happen'd some years since , said he , that an Iseland - Renegado having been a long time abroad with the Pyrate of this City , without taking any prize , propos'd to the Captain , vex'd that nothing fell in his way , to make towards Iseland , and landing there , to take Iselanders , who suspected not that there were such barbarous people in the world . The proposal was lik'd by the Captain , and the management of the enterprize was committed to that perfidious Iselander . Soon after , the Turks came to a secure place known by the Undertaker , neer that Island , and sent fifty souldiers ashore , who brought away about eight hundred men , women , and children , and afterwards sold them in this City for slaves , the manner whereof you know . Many dy'd by the change of air , others , out of a despair of being redeem'd , renounc'd their Religion , and some few of them do still patiently endure the heavy yoak of slavery , hoping that Christian IV. King of Denmark , whose subjects they are , will have compassion on them , whereto they believe he will be mov'd upon the mediation of his Ambassador at Madrid . And as to what concerns me , wonder not that I concern my self so much in this business ; know that though you see me in Turkish habit , I was born in Iseland , and brought away thence with my Mother , and those I told you off before . Having continu'd two years a slave , my Patron dies , and gives me my liberty , on condition I should renounce , which I did , to procure the liberty of my Mother , who suffer'd extreamly , by being put to painful work , and unmercifully beaten . Being free I entred into the Bassa's pay , and went out to Sea , and having got together about a hundred Patacoons , I was in hopes to redeem my Mother , of a Moor , whose slave she was ; but the Dog , having seen my proffer , treated her worse then before , to make me give two hundred Patacoons , and I could not rest till I had made a shift for the other hundred Patacoons , which an honest Turk lent me , on condition he should have my Mother for the security of his reimbursement . She is tolerably well treated where she is now , but if I should dye , she would be reduc'd to the same condition she was in before , and would never recover her liberty while she liv'd . This discourse having mov'd me to compassion , I gave the young man all the assurances I could of my readiness to serve him in the delivery of his Petition . Being afterwards come to Madrid , I went to the Ambassador of Denmark the Sieur Hilarius Ulefelt , a Knight of noble extraction , to whom I gave an account of what was contain'd in the Petition , which I had lost when we were cast away . He promis'd me to acquaint the King of Denmark with the business . Being afterwards return'd to Flanders , the Sieur Bernard d' Aranda , my Brother , passing that way upon some affairs of the King of Denmark , and of Cornificio Ulefelt , Brother to the said Ambassador , and Grand-Master of the Kingdom , to whom he was related as a Gentleman , assur'd me , that the King of Denmark , upon the account given by his Ambassador , had , by the way of Legorn , order'd the redemption of those poor Iselanders , and among others that Mother , whose Son had by an impious undutifulness hazarded the loss of his own Soul , to procure the liberty of her body . RELATION XLIV . The Unfortunate Adventurers . THose who engage themselves in great enterprizes are esteem'd according to the good or bad success thereof ; if fortune prove favourable , they get the reputation of courageous and prudent ; if unkind , their misfortune is accounted a punishment of their temerity and extravagance . Some , of Pyrates and Robbers , have come to be Generals at Sea , and powerful Monarchs , and gain'd honour by those courses , which brought others to the Gallies and the Gibet . Four younger Brothers , French-men , shall confirm this assertion , not that I mean they were Pyrates or Robbers , but Free-booters upon a double Commission . Their birth had not furnish'd them with any great conveniences , and therefore what was wanting that way was to be supply'd by their courage . In the year 1636. they resolv'd upon a way , which was to seek their fortunes at Sea , getting together about fifteen thousand Livers , wherewith they equipped a Frigot of ten Guns . Two among them , who were Knights of Malta , got a Commission from that Order , against the common enemy of the Christians ; the others , one from the King of France . The noise of this expedition , the preparations whereof were carried on at Rochel , brought together fourscore younger Brothers , who , with their Officers , a good Master , and thirty six Seamen , were able and likely to attempt great matters . All things being ready , they hoise sail , designing to cruze up and down the Spanish-Sea between Cadiz and Saint Lucars , and so set a man ashore there , habited like a Spaniard , who understood the language of the Country , to see what Ships were bound thence , and to put up the Colours of France , as the most likely to do their work thereabouts . The Colours of France , as the most likely to do their work thereabouts . The Colours of the Order of Malta was to serve against the Crescent , and particularly against those of Algiers and Tunis , between which places and France there was a Peace , though ill observ'd on both sides . The sixth day after their departure , they set a man ashore in the night time neer Cadiz , who return'd the night following , bringing intelligence that a Ship loaden with wine was ready to set sail . Being come out , they gave it chace , and two days after having taken it , they rid themselves of the trouble of the Prisoners , setting them all ashore . This prize of wine heighten'd the courage of our young Blades , and rais'd them to a higher conceit of their valour . The third day after this good fortune , they discover'd two Pyrates of Algiers , to whom they gave chace under the Colours of the Order of Malta . The Pyrates relying on their own strength , and imagining that of our Younger-Brothers not to be extraordinary expect them with their sails furl'd up . In the mean time the Adventurers consult about the Attack , and resolv'd to board the greater of the two Pyrates , and to abandon their own Frigot , which could not have the advantage of the Pyrate furnish'd with twenty four Brass Guns . Order was given , according to the resolution taken ; but the Pyrate , who was well skill'd in his profession , perceiv'd their design by the animosity of their approach , and seeing them come up neer enough to him , let down his sails , to avoid grappling . This unexpected disappointment , put the attempters into a little distraction , yet not so much , but that as they pass'd by they gave the enemy a volley with their ten Guns , brought all of one side , receiving the like salute from the Turk . They several times attempted to board , as being the onely way to gain the victory , but the Pyrates avoided it , and so the great Guns plaid on both sides , till by misfortune at last a Bullet of six pound weight took the Mast of the Frigot , which made them furle up their sail , least the wind might break the Mast , which had been cleft by that unhappy shot . They still courageously stood upon the defensive , and they had defeated the Mahumetans , if the noise of their shot had not brought thither five other Pyrates of Algiers , which with the two already engag'd made a squadron of seven dispos'd into the form of a half-moon , by which that unhappy Frigot was pepper'd of all sides . Yet did not the courage of our Younger-Brothers fail them , for they gallantly made their party good for the space of nine hours , during which they fir'd six hundred shot with their ten Guns . But as the number of the dogs occasion the death of the Hare ; so at last the Frigot shatter'd of all sides , above and below , the water began to come in at the bottom , unhappily depriving those gallant Gentlemen of the means rather then of the earnestness they had to fight . The seven Pyrates sent their Boats to save those unfortunate persons , most of whom were forc'd to betake themselves to swimming , to avoid sinking with the Vessel , and so yeelded themselves . They were divided among the seven Pyrates , who having also receiv'd some prejudice return'd to Algiers , where these new slaves had been sold at a low rate , upon this account , that they had the repute of being poor and discontented , if a perfidious Christian , an Officer belonging to the Chamber of the French Trade , to ingratiate himself with the Bassa , and General Pegelin , had not betray'd them , sharing secretly with them in the buying of the four principal Adventurers , who were at the charge of the whole Expedition , and maliciously advising , that they should be beaten , and threatned with the Gallies , and that they should not be redeem'd on without the other ; which was done after seven years slavery and extraordinary hardship , at the end of the year 1642. for rhe sum of six thousand Ducats , they having acquired no reputation by their generous resolution and courageous conduct , because the issue of their enterprise prov'd unfortunate . RELATION . XLV . Superstitious Piety . THe ensuing Relation may in some measure serve for an Advertisement , to shew that Heaven is not to be gain'd by fond wishes , and that those onely are to expect to be triumphant there , who have been couragiously militant here . General Pegelin cruzing up and down the Mediterranean in the year 1641. notice was given him that the Gallies wanted fresh water , and being neer Tremesen , he order'd them to touch at a place between that City and that of Oran , where he knew there was a Spring . He set ashore thereabouts a hundred slaves , chain'd five and five together , every one with a runlet on his back , convey'd by fifty Musketteers , to fetch water from that Spring , which was about a quarter of a league from the Sea-side . In the mean time the General , took the air ashore , walking along the Sea-side , whither the Alarbes soon brought refreshments to sell , as they are wont to do . They were follow'd by a Moorish Gentleman , who living thereabouts came to kiss the General 's hands , making him a present of Grapes , Figs , Lemons , Poultry , and the like refreshments , which his servants brought along with him . The General thank'd him , and so they fell into discourse . The Moor , who had never been out of his own Village , nor convers'd with any but half-savage Alarbes , nor studied but with some Cherif or Marabout , who had simply explicated the fooleries of the Alcoran to him , was accordingly very simple , and wholly addicted to their Religion , which made him complain to Pegelin of his fortune , which had indeed sufficiently supply'd him with Camels , Sheep , Oxen , and Servants , but all hindred not his being unhappy in one thing , which concern'd him more then all the rest . The General was desirous to know what it might be ; This , reply'd the Moor , that I am not so great a Friend of our Prophet Mahomet's as you are . The General , who laugh'd in his sleeve at Mahomet , and all his superstitions , dissembling the conceit he had of the Moors perswasion , seriously ask'd him , why he was not so great a Friend of the Prophets ? Because , reply'd the Moor , you have sacrific'd with your Cimitar so many Christians , which is the most acceptable sacrifice that can be made to the Prophet , and I have all my life kill'd nothing but wild B●ars , which is a service indeed , but no way comparable to yours . I should be extreamly oblig'd to your Excellency , if you would do me the favour , as to suffer me to kill one of your Christian slaves , whereof you have so great a number , and I should be happy in doing a thing so acceptable to the Prophet . The General , who was of a divertive humor , granted his request , provided he went behind a little hill , which he shew'd him about a hundred p●ces thence , promising to send him a slave of what Nation he pleas'd . The Moor pitch'd upon a Spaniard , That is the sacrifice , said he , which the Prophet is most pleas'd withall , because those of that Nation are his greatest enemies . With that he goes to the hill . The General immediately caus'd the chain to be taken off the Espalier , who is the most skilful slave of any at the Oar , and commonly the strongest ; for he begins the work of rowing , and gives the measure which is to be observ'd by all the rest . That slave was a Spaniard , and could speak the Arabian and Moorish Language , as having been a soldier at Oran . The General gave him a sword , and a dagger , and acquainted him with the discourse that had pass'd between him and the Moor , sending him to meet the other behind the hill , with express order , not to do him any hurt , but onely to frighten him . Assoon as the Moor perceiv'd the Spanish-slave , thinking he came to have his throat cut , he kneel'd down , beginning to say the Assala , which is their prayer , that his sacrifice might be the more acceptable to the Prophet , but rising up he finds standing before him a sturdy fellow , arm'd , contrary to what he expected , which put him into a cold sweat , yet perceiving he was oblig'd to fight instead of sacrificing , he took courage and draws his Cimitar , to secure himself against the sword and dagger of his Adversary , who soon made a shift to disarm the Moor , which done , he suffer'd him to steal away . He comes all in a Fright to Alli Pegelin , making his complaint to him , that the Christian , whom he had sent came arm'd . The General laughing at the simplicity of the fellow , said to him , Thus it is that you are to please the Prophet , if you will deserve his favour as I do ; for after this manner are Christians to be sacrific'd , the Prophet thinks it no service to kill a man who is not able to defend himself . Mahomet was a generous and valiant man ; go and bid your Cherif ( That is a Turkish Priest ) furnish you with a better explication of the Alcoran . And so he shamefully dismiss'd the Moor , laughing at his superstitious piety . RELATION XLVI . Avarice mask'd . THe Turks veil their avarice towards the Christians under the cloak of cruelty and Religion ; but in regard these pretences cannot avail them against those of their own perswasion , they make the same advantage of their power . In the yeer 1640. there was but one or two Priests at Algiers , whereby the slaves of General Pegelin suffer'd much inconvenience in their Church at the Bath . To remedy themselves they sent as an Ambassador to Alli Pegelin the Espalder , who is the sturdiest among the Slaves , and upon that account the chiefest and most respected both aboard the Gallies and in the Bath , and who onely hath the priviledge to speak to the Patron when he pleases , and to represent to him , what concerns the generality of the slaves . This Espalder , named Juan Sanches ( the same who was sent out to the Moor , as may be seen in the precedent Relation ) went to the General , remonstrating to his Excellency , that some weeks before , it had pleas'd him to put his Catholick slaves in hope , that he would buy the first Priest that should come to be sold . Having understood that there was one newly brought in , they were humble suitors to his Excellency , that he would be pleas'd now to do that favour to his most humble Slaves . The General promis'd to do it , and accordingly he went to the Market , where there was expos'd a Priest of the Order of Saint Dominick , a Conventuel of Malaga , Licentiate in Theology , named Father Bartholomeo de Ledesma . The General took occasion to tell all he met , that his Slaves were in such want of a Priest , that they would not suffer him to be at rest till they had one . This he said purposely , that none might presume to out-bid him . The Priest came to be expos'd to sale , and the Officer cry'd Arrache , Arrache , that is , Who gives most ? Pegelin proffer'd four hundred Patacoons for him , and another Turk out-bid him by twenty Patacoons , whereat the General was so incens'd , that he would have kill'd that Turk , had he not got out of the way , and said , four hundred Patacoons more , with this menace , Is there yet any one so insolent as to proffer beyond me ? This startled all that were present , so much , that in all Markets afterwards , none durst pro●fer more then he did , whereof he made no small advantage , buying in a manner at what rates he pleas'd . This Priest perform'd his Function among us , to the great satisfaction of all , for the space of fifteen months , at the end whereof , he went to Pegelin , who demanded of him fifteen hundred Patacoons for his ransom ; whereto the Father replying , that his Excellency had bought him in a frolick , and that he was not worth so much . You are in the right , says Alli , I have made this advantage by the buying of you , that no Turk dares over-bid me , but your person caus'd the frolick , you must either pay for it with interest , or perish here . The Father could get no other answer , so that he was forc'd to importune his Friends and Relations to get together the fifteen hundred Patacoons , which paid , he was set at liberty . RELATION XLVII . The imaginary slavery . IT happens sometimes that some Christians under the power of the Turks are less Slaves of their Masters , then Men are of their passions , and it may be affirm'd , that their Slavery may be ranked among those things which the Spanish Satyrist Quevedo calls Imaginary . In the year 1641. the Pyrates brought in certain persons taken in a Brigantine bound for Gen●a , and expos'd them to sale on the Market at Algiers . It was my chance to pass by as they were under Sale , and I perceiv'd that among those new Slaves there was one clad in red Plush , wrought over with black Flowers , rather torn then worn out , who was sold at four hundred Patacoons . I imagin'd then that that habit had serv'd under the Cassock of some Clergy-man of quality . Some days after , going to the Bath of the Duana , ( which is that of the City , where the slaves are employ'd upon some publick works ) I found that slave , who had exchang'd his Plush-coat for the habit of a Priest according to the mode of Algiers , made after the fashion of a short Coat , or Cassock , reaching to the knees , of cloath , of the same colour as that worn by the Capucins in some Countries , especially in Flanders , very carelessly cut out , and ill-fitted to the body , the party who wore it having not been trimm'd of a great while , out of shoes , in a word , very poorly accoutred , leaning against the Church-door of the said Bath . Finding him in that posture , I made a low reverence to him , wishing him his liberty . These complements begat an acquaintance between us , and that some discourse , and that bred a familiarity , whereby I made this observation , that he avoided the conversation of both Spaniards and Italians , for fear of being discover'd , having to that purpose conceal'd his quality under the assum'd name of Francisco Talles . September 7. 1641. the Slaves of the Duana represented in the night-time , within the Bath , a Comedy in Spanish , tolerably well written , upon the story of Belizarius , to which I was invited by that good Priest , going thither with permission to lye out of my Patron 's house . Coming to the Bath , I found all the Drinking●places full of Slaves , drinking and smoaking , in expectation of the Play. The Priest brought me into a little room opposite to the Stage , where he call'd for some Wine and a Collation . The great respect which the Christian slave , who sold the Wine , express'd towards the Priest , rais'd in me the curiosity to ask him , how they came to be so intimately acquainted , since he was a Slave of small standing . He whom you take to be the Master , said he , is but the Servant , the Slave of Majorca , whom you know , is the Master of this Drinking place and two others , wherein he keeps three Christian slaves , to look to them , who give him an account every week of the Wine and other things he sends in . I am here under him , and whatever he entrusts me with I give him an account of . He afterwards told me that the Majorcan had been made a Slave some years before , and had at the beginning suffer'd the miseries of his condition , but that having afterwards made a shift by his industry to get together the sum of a Patacoon , he had so advantag'd himself thereby , that he was able to keep those three Drinking-places , which brought him in great profit . This discourse satisfy'd me how it came to pass that that Majorcan walk'd up and down , and was well clad . And finding that the Priest was so intimately acquainted with the Majorcan , I ask'd him what he had done with the Horse I had seen him buy in the Market not long before . He presented it to his Patron , reply'd the Priest . Whereupon I desirous to be further satisfy'd why he did not ransom himself with that present , he told me , that he had some years since agreed with his Patron at four hundred Patacoons , which sum he had paid to thirty , which he purposely left unsatisfy'd , that he might go under the name of a Slave , and enjoy the protection of his Patrone , who was a person of great authority , with whom he liv'd in a good correspondence , by means of his presents . He also perswaded his Patron to buy the new Slaves of Majorca or Italy of his acquaintance , for whom he re-imburs'd him what they cost , and sent them back to their Countries , not losing the interest of his mony , as it was but reason he should not . Some days after , he did the same favour for that Priest , who continu'd there some time a Slave onely by name . These advantages made the Majorcane the less desirous to return into his Country , and the King of Spain , coming to hear of these services , sent him a secret order to continue there in the same quality , to help the Spanish slaves , and with his advice to assist the Fathers employ'd about the redemption of Captives , when they should come thither , with promises of an honourable reward ; which order he faithfully observ'd , till he dyed an Imaginary Slave , two years after my departure from Algiers . RELATION XLVIII . The Execrable Revenge . EVery Vice is encourag'd either by profit or pleasure , and balances the sin by some apparent good , onely Revenge is absolutely unhappy , inasmuch as it is some times forc'd to compass another's ruine with its own . While we were confin'd to the Bassa's Palace , as may be seen in the discourse of my Captivity , I took notice of a Renegado-youth , about twelve or thirteen years of Age , clad in red Silk , having a Turbant very neatly interwoven ; I saw he had the priviledge to enter into the Bassa's lodgings , and those of his Wife , when he pleased , which is no small favour in that Country . The Eunuchs belonging to the Bassa's wife respected him , and gave him the title of Celibi , that is to say , Lord. The marks he had about him of a Renegado , and the gracefulness of his person rais'd in me a curiosity to enquire whence it came , that Amet ( so he was called ) had that priviledge above all the other Renegadoes of the house . I was acquainted with a French Renegado , Caterer to the Bassa , who gave me an account of the Youth , and his relation acquainted me with a strange effect of an extravagant passion . Wonder not , said he to me , that Amet Celibi is in greater favour then any of the rest , his noble Extraction deserves it . But imagine not his Friends have been wanting in their endeavours to recover him , they did all they could to have him again , but all to no purpose . That young Lad never was a Slave , as all the other Renegadoes were . And so proceeding in his discourse , he told me , that the Lad was a Spaniard born , of a house well known , and had been spirited away from his Friends , and brought to Algiers , the manner thus . The King of Spain hath seated on the Mediterranean , and the Ocean , some places of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco , which serve for a banishment to some , and sanctuary to others . For that Prince being oblig'd to keep Garrizons there , he is so favourable towards some Delinquents as onely to condemn them to serve there , whereas other Criminels are sent to the Gallies . Such as are Grandees of Spain , or of more then ordinary quality , to expiate their crimes , are banish'd into those places , with obligation to maintain on their own charge such a number of Horse , according to the exigency of the case , and the ability of the person . To one of those Fortresses were sent two Brothers , of a considerable house in Spain , who upon some occasion or other had some difference . The elder thinking himself injured in point of honor , insulted over his younger Brother , who on the other side being not able to smother his resentments of the affront , fell to study how he might be reveng'd , but all his attempts were rendred ineffectual by the Governour of the place , who was a very prudent Gentleman . Whereupon finding that he would not be permitted to fight his Brother , and having resolv'd to prosecute his revenge , whatever it cost him , he bethought himself of a design which brought him to his own irrecoverable ruine . One day having observ'd that his Brother 's onely Son was gone out into the plain , which is before the City , to play , he gets on Horse-back , and making as if he intended to take the air , he kindly calls his Nephew to him , and takes him up before him , and so riding on gently , till he got out of sight , he put spurs to his Horse , so that he soon got into the Country of the Turks , where having call'd for a Guide , he came in a few days to Algiers , desiring audience of the Bassa , whom he told , that he was come to present his service to his Excellency , with a design to renounce his Religion , and that as assurance of his fidelity , he presented him with a lovely Child , who was his Nephew . The Bassa accepted of the proffer , and order'd his Eunuchs to cause him to renounce , and to bring him up in the Mahumetane Religion , giving him the name of Amet. The younger Brother also renounc'd the Christian Religion , and embrac'd the Turkish , and came afterwards to a wretched end . After my return out of slavery , I related this strange adventure to a certain Officer of our Army , who told me , that he had been well acquainted with the Brothers and the young Lad , and was troubled , that their names and habitations were known . RELATION XLIX . That the Turks prefer Mony before Love. MY Patron Alli Pegelin returning from his courses in the year 1641. bethought himself of the Loves there had pass'd between him , some two or three years before , and a Grecian Mistress , insomuch that he was desirous to give her a visit . He order'd some of his Gallies to make towards Bona , otherwise Hippona , where he landed . The woman , having had notice of it , came to meet him , and presented him with a lovely childe about two years of age , whom she had born him . The General was so much taken with the childe , that for his sake , he married the mother , expressing an extraordinary affection towards her , and that the greater , in regard he had by that woman one to inherit his wealth , a happiness which he could not have by her whom he had left at Algiers . In fine he would needs bring her along with him ; but assoon as his wife whom he left at home heard of their arrival , she conceiv'd such a jealousie against her husband and his second Spouse , that not able to smother her passion , though she was above fifty years of age , she sent two Turks of quality to him , to tell him from her , that he was very wellcome , and that she knew well enough he had not offended against the Alcoran by marrying a second Wife , but that she understood also the permission she had by the same Law to dissolve their marriage , and to go from him , with above a hundred thousand Ducats , which she had brought him in dower , ordering him , if he had a mind to keep her , immediately to dispose the Grecian Lady in marriage to some other , so to take away the cause of her passion . Though Alli Pegelin was a man of great wealth , yet was he a little startled at the sudden and bold resolution of his Wife , and had some thoughts to send back those pleasant Ambassadors with as round an answer , but reflecting on the hundred thousand Ducats , his avarice made him change his design , so that immediately , ere he came ashore , he bestow'd his second wife on one of the Captains of his Gallies , yet kept the childe , who was brought up by the former Wife , and she had so great a kindness for him , that she gave him all her wealth , by which means he afterwards came to great charges and employments , though all his Fathers estate had been confiscated for some Rebellion wherein he was engag'd . That Son of his liv'd in great repute without any check of Fortune , till the year 1661. at which time his throat was cut by the rebellious souldiers , upon this account , that he had sided with Ramadan Bassa , as I have related in the description of Algiers . RELATION L. The counterfeit Hypocrisie . IT is a hard thing to know the design of Religious actions , some have a different tendency to God , others to some concernment of honor or advantage . And this intention lies so deep in the heart , that it is the hardest thing in the world to dive into it , before the effect come to light . In the year 1636. the Pyrats of Algiers , contrary to all right had surpriz'd a Vessel of Marseilles , not regarding the peace concluded between the King of France and the Bassa of that City , and the particular safe-conduct of the same Bassa . Complaint is made at the Duana , but not admitted , and under pretence that the Commodities belong'd to other Nations , they are secur'd , and the Sea-men were sold under hand and put into the Gallies . Two of those French-men renounc'd their Religion , and listed themselves among the souldiery , who are employ'd in the Gallies against the Christians . They made some voyages in a Bark belonging to a Moor , to Bona , there putting off and buying certain Commodities , by which trading they got about an hundred Patacoons , wherewith they purchac'd a part in the Bark , and so went as Partners with the Moor , both as to Merchandize and the Provisions . While they were at Algiers , they went every day to the Mosquey , to say their Assala , which they did with great fervency . Being in company with the Renegadoes of their Nation , they made a difficulty to drink wine , as they did . And being one day invited by a French Gentleman , a slave , among others of his friends , both Renegadoes and slaves , some Porke being brought to the table for the Christians , they rose up railing at him who had invited them , and saying it was done in contempt of their Prophet Mahomet , and that he had put an affront upon them , swearing they would call him to an account for it . They scatter'd every where the expressions of their indignation , reviling their Renegado-Companions , for having suffer'd the Pork to be eaten in their presence , and charging them to be ill observers of the Alcoran . This deportment , with their continual frequenting of the Mosqueys , and their exact observance of all their superstitious fooleries , got them the reputation of being perfect Turks . In the mean time they continu'd their trading to Bona , and having got another sum of Patacoons , they bought the whole Bark of the Moor , so that they were the sole masters of it ; and now it was that Hypocrisie began to produce the designs , it had conceal'd in the souls of those Renegado-soldiers . They made ready their Bark for their accustomed voyage to Bona , hiring four Fisher-men , Alarbes , to serve them as Sea-men , weigh anchor , and within two hours came over against Montefon , which is a mountain three leagues from Algiers . One of our Renegadoes pretended that they had forgotten to fill their barrell with fresh-water , and that it might be some inconvenience to them , if the wind should prove contrary : The Alarbes proffer'd to go and fill the Vessel , at a Spring , which lies at the foot of the mountain , bringing the Bark close to the shore , whereupon the ●●arbes went out to fill it . They were not above a hundred pace● from the Bark , busie in filling the 〈◊〉 , when the two Renegadoes discharg'd each of them a Mu●ket , which serv'd for a sig●●● to ten Christian slaves , who being thereabouts , got into the Bark , as they had agreed among themselves . The discharging of the Muskets made the Alarbes imagine that they were commanded to return to the Bark , by reason of some accident , and thereupon leaving their barrel , they came immediately to the Sea-side . But they had reason to suspect something , when they saw the Ship make to Sea , and heard the Renegadoes crying to them , that they bestow'd their liberty on 〈◊〉 , which they might have taken from them , that they might acquaint the Turks and Renegadoes with the success of their enterprize . The third day after 〈◊〉 were kindly receiv'd by the Inhabitants of 〈◊〉 , who made one of those soldiers ●●lot of 〈…〉 . FINIS . A69842 ---- An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage. Selections. English. 1699 Casas, Bartolomé de las, 1474-1566. 1699 Approx. 590 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 157 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69842 Wing C797 ESTC R21602 12260538 ocm 12260538 57864 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69842) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57864) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 133:9 or 175:22) An account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the Spaniards in America containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd, of their unparallel'd cruelties on the Indians, in the destruction of above forty millions of people : with the propositions offer'd to the King of Spain to prevent the further ruin of the West-Indies / by Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness of their cruelties ; illustrated with cuts ; to which is added, The art of travelling, shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage. Selections. English. 1699 Casas, Bartolomé de las, 1474-1566. [8], 248, 40 p., [2] leaves of double plates : ill. Printed by J. Darby for D. Brown [and 2 others], London : 1699. Abridged translations of six of the nine pamphlets published in 1552 and of L'Art de voyager utilement. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in British Library. "The art of travelling to advantage": 40 p. at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Indians, Treatment of. Slavery -- Latin America. Spain -- Colonies -- America. 2006-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-07 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-07 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACCOUNT Of the First VOYAGES and DISCOVERIES Made by the SPANIARDS in America . Containing The most Exact Relation hitherto publish'd , of their unparallel'd Cruelties on the Indians , in the destruction of above Forty Millions of People . With the Propositions offer'd to the King of Spain , to prevent the further Ruin of the West-Indies . By Don Bartholomew de las Casas , Bishop of Chiapa , who was an Eye-witness of their Cruelties . Illustrated with Cuts . To which is added , The Art of Travelling , shewing how a Man may dispose his Travels to the best advantage . LONDON , Printed by J. Darby for D. Brown at the Black Swan and Bible without Temple-Bar , J. Harris at the Harrow in Little Britain , and Andr. Bell at the Cross-kevs and Bible in Cornhil . M. DC.XC.IX . THE CONTENTS . THE Introduction . page 1. A particular Account of what the Spaniards did in Hispaniola . 6. Of the Kingdoms contain'd in the Island of Hispaniola . 9. Of the Islands of St. John and Jamaica . 18. Of the Island of Cuba . 19. Of the Continent . 23. Of the Province of Nicaraqua . 28. Of New Spain . 32. A more particular Account of New Spain . 34. Of the Kingdom of Guatimala . 41. Of New Spain ; of Panuco and Xalisco . 47. Of the Kingdom of Yucatan . 52. Of the Province of St. Martha . 60. Of the Province of Carthagena . 63. Of the Pearl-Coast , and the Island of Trinidado . 64. Of the River Yuya-pari . 73. Of the Kingdom of Vencuela . 74. Of the Provinces of the Continent call'd Florida . 80. Of the River de la Plata , or Silver River . 82. Of the great Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru. 84. A Letter from Frier Mark de Xlicia to the King ▪ of Spain against the Cruelties of the Spaniards . 87. Of the new Kingdom of Grenada . 92. A Letter of Bartholomew de las Casas concerning the Spanish Cruelties in the Well-Indies . 100. A Fragment of a Letter relating to the same Affair . 104. The Bishop of Chiapa's Discourse to the King of Spain in order to prevent the ruin of the West-Indies . 115. His Propositions concerning the Title of the Kings of Spain to America . 138. A Dispute between the Bishop of Chiapa and Dr. Sepulueda concerning the lawfulness of the Wars made by the Spaniards on the Indians . 150 The Bp of Chiapa's further Sentiments of that affair . 160 His Reasons at large for subjecting the West-Indies to the Crown of Spain , and thereby preventing the Ravages of the Spaniards there , &c. 184. Newly publish'd , AN Inquiry concerning Virtue , in two Discourses : the first of Virtue , and the belief of a Deity ; the second , of th●● Obligations to Virtue . Price bound in Calf 3 s. An Argument , shewing that a Standing Army is inconsistent with a Free Government , and absolutely destructive to the Libertie of this Nation . In two Parts . Price 12 d. A Letter from the Author of the Argument against a Standing Army , to the Author of the Balancing Letter . Price 3 d. The Militia Reform'd , or an easy Scheme of furnishing England with a constant Land-Force , capable to prevent or to subdue any foren Power , and to maintain perpetual Quiet at home , without endangering the Public Liberty . Price 12 d. A Letter to a Member of Parliament , shewing that a Restraint o● the Press is inconsistent with the Protestant Religion , and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation . Price 6 d. A Letter to his Majesty King William concerning the Expedients us'd by his Predecessors to support the English Monarchy . Price 6 d. Some Remarks on the Providences of God to this Nation during the four last Reigns . The 2 d Edition . By Slings by Bethel , Esq ; Price bound 12 d. Discourses concerning Government , by Algernon Sidney , Son to Robert Earl of Leicester , and Ambassador from the Common-wealth of England to Charles Gustavus King of Sweden . Published from an Original Manuscript of the Author . Price bound Sixteen Shillings . The PREFACE . AMerica was first discover'd by Christopher Columbus a Genoese in the year 1492 , in the Name of Ferdinando King of Arragon , but takes its Name from Americus Vespucius a Florentine , who discover'd the Country of Brezil five years after , by order of Emanuel King of Portugal . The Europeans had no sooner enter'd on this vast Continent , and the Islands about it , but the Natives shew'd 'em all imaginable Kindness and Respect , and were ready to worship 'em as Gods ; but these soon took care to convince 'em of their Error , and to deliver 'em from the danger of falling into this sort of Idolatry , by treating 'em with all manner of Cruelties , and tormenting 'em like so many Devils : so that these barbarous People receiv'd as great a turn in their thoughts concerning the Spaniards , as the Barbarians of the Island of Melita did in respect of St. Paul ; for as these believ'd him to be a God whom they had just before taken for a Murderer , so the other really found them to be Murderers , whom they had a little before esteem'd as so many Gods. The following Relation of the Destruction of many Millions of Indians by all the inhuman methods the Spaniards could invent , would appear incredible , were not the truth of it confess'd , and attested by the Spaniards themselves , and among others , especially by Don Bartholomew de las Casas Bishop of Chiapa , who made large Complaints of these Cruelties to the King of Spain , and to the Royal Council for the Indies , with a design to put a stop to 'em if possible . That he is a Person of irreproachable Credit in this case , will appear by the following account , wherein he challenges all the World to disprove the truth of the matters of Fact he asserts , while he stood the Test of a Court who could easily have detected him , if he had attempted to impose on 'em by a malicious Falshood . This Bishop writes with such an Air of Honesty , Sincerity , and Charity , as would very well have become one of a better Religion than that in which he had the unhappiness to be educated . It may well surprize the Reader to hear a Spanish Prelat declaim so loudly against Persecution , and plead so freely for Liberty of Conscience in a Country subjugated to the Inquisition . To hear him in his dispute against Doctor Sepulueda , decry all methods of Violence for the propagation of the Truth , as more sutable to the Maxims of Mahometism than the Principles of Christianity : To hear him assert the Natural Right of all Mankind to Liberty and Property , and inveigh against all Vsurpation and Tyranny in the smartest Terms , is enough to move any one's Wonder , and Pity too , when on the other hand 't is observ'd how much he magnifies the Power and Authority of the Pope in some of his Propositions contain'd in the following Treatise . But all may serve to convince one how great an advantage or disadvantage a Man has as he pleads the Cause of Truth or Error ; and of the great difference there is between the genuin Language of Reason and good Sense , and the servil Prejudices of Bigotry and Superstition . 'T is no less a Subject of Admiration that a Book of this stamp , which reflects so sharply on Persecution and Tyranny , should see the light cum privilegio at this time of day in France , where the Civil and Religious Liberty of Subjects have not been provided for with the utmost Care , where the Will of the Prince has long since been the Law , and Dragoons of late years the principal Missionaries for the Propagation of the Gospel . This Treatise was first compos'd in Spanish in the beginning of the Reign of Charles V. and was long since translated and printed in more Languages than one ; but having lately receiv'd a new dress in Modern French at Paris , 't is hop'd this Translation from the French will not be unacceptable to the English Nation . I 'm sure the above-mention'd Principles of the Bishop of Chiapa concerning Property and Liberty both Civil and Religious , are more agreeable to the Genius and Constitution of this Island , than to the present temper of that part of the Continent which lies nearest to it ; and so this Book may expect at least as favorable a reception in this Nation as in that where it has been lately publish'd . What the Bishop says here and there in favor of his own Religion , is so weak , and has been so often exploded here and every where else where the Reformation has obtain'd , that 't would be unnecessary to confute any of those Popish Fancies in this Preface . 'T is enough for me that I have faithfully discharg'd the part of a Translator . And if some particular things occur more than once , it must be consider'd on the one hand , that the Bishop had need to mention them on divers occasions , as when he disputed , and when he wrote his Arguments for the use of the King of Spain , &c. and on the other , that the Importance of the Affair , and the Greatness of his Zeal to have the Grievances he complain'd of redress'd , made so deep an Impression of some things on his Mind that he could not forbear to repeat ' em . As for the Translation it self , I hope those that shall have the Curiosity to compare it with the French Copy , will find that I have done it Justice . And if there is not that exactness of Method and Stile the present Age expects , it may be the better excus'd , when 't is consider'd how long since the Original was compos'd . However , the extraordinary things contain'd in this History will make sufficient amends for any Defects in the Composition of the Bishop of Chiapa , and for the abrupt Transitions sometimes us'd by the Compiler of this Treatise in putting the Bishop's several Pieces together , of which it almost wholly consists . I shall only add , That as no History in the World can parallel this for the inhuman slaughter of such vast numbers of People ; so these Barbarities , together with the bloody Croisades in the 12 th and 13 th Centuries , as well as the many Persecutions and Massacres since the Reformation , render it no difficult matter to discern to what Church that Prophetick Character agrees , that in her was found not only the Blood of Prophets and of Saints , but of all that were slain upon the Earth . Rev. 18. 23. The Cruelties us'd by the ●●●niards on the Indians Pag. 8. Pag. 8. Pag. 14. 15. 51. 81. Pag. 14. 25. 65. Pag. 44. Pag. 44. Pag. 128. Pag. 35. Pag. 8. 55. 108. Pag. 8. P. 9. 54. 99. Pag. 8. P. 47. P. 25. 45. 50. P. 97. P. 49. 94. The Spaniards Cruelt 〈…〉 the Indians &c P. 21. P. 36. P. 46. P. 35. P. 37. P. 54. A RELATION OF THE VOYAGES and CRUELTIES Of the SPANIARDS in the WEST-INDIES . THE West-Indies were discover'd in the Year 1492 ; the year after the Spaniards setled there , and inhabited this new World. But for the space of these 49 years last past , an infinite number of People have left Spain to dwell in these Countries : they generally touch at Hispaniola , which is a very fertile and large Island , and is become very famous : The Extent of it is above 600 Leagues ; 't is surrounded with a multitude of small Islands , and abounds so with Inhabitants , that there 's no Country in the World more populous . The Continent , which is above 250 Leagues distant from it , is of a vast Extent ; a great part of which has been already discovered , and fresh Discoveries are made every day : and such great numbers of People inhabit all these Countries , that it seems as if Providence had amass'd together the greatest part of Mankind in this part of the World. All these People are naturally simple , they know not what belongs to Policy and Address , to Trick and Artifice ; but are very obedient and faithful to their rightful Governors : They are Humble , Patient , and Submissive , even to the Spaniards who have subdued and enslav'd 'em : they love to live quietly , and are enemies to disputes and quarrels , hardly knowing what 't is to be malicious , and seldom meditating Revenge . They are a weak effeminate People , not capable of enduring great Fatigues ; they care not to be expos'd to Toil and Labour , and their Life is of no long continuance ; their Constitution is so nice , that a small fit of Sickness carries 'em off . The Children of their Princes and Nobility , are in all respects dealt with like those of the meanest Subjects : in which they differ much from our Europeans , among whom the Children of Kings and great Men , are brought up with all the delicacy and tenderness imaginable . The People of this Island are so very poor , that they live in the want of almost every thing ; they are very cool and indifferent in the pursuit of temporal Advantages , and seem not to be inclin'd to Pride and Ambition ; their way of living is so frugal , that the antient Hermites in the Wilderness were scarce more Sober and Abstemious . All the Indians in general go naked , only they have the modesty to wear a sort of Apron about their Waste . They sometimes use a kind of shaggy Covering , or a piece of Cloth an Ell or two long : Those of the best Fashion lie on Beds made with Girts tyed in Knots at the four Corners : their Apprehension is quick and subtile , therefore they are very docile , capable of receiving the impressions of sound Doctrine , and easily inclin'd to embrace the Principles of the Catholick Religion : They are no Enemies to good Manners , but have a greater disposition to Civility than many other Nations , because their manner of Life is free from that care and distraction in which the perplexity of Business involves others . The very first Ideas and Instructions that are given 'em of our Religion , kindle in their Souls so great a desire to the Sacraments and Divine Service of our Church , that those Monks that instruct 'em , have need of a great deal of Patience to moderate the impetuosity of their Minds , and to answer all the Questions they have the curiosity to ask . And it may truly be said that these Indian Nations would be the most happy in the World , if endued with the knowledg of the true God. The Spaniards themselves who have treated 'em so ill , cannot but confess the goodness of their natural Temper , and the great disposition of their minds to every kind of Vertue . The Almighty seems to have inspir'd these People with a meekness and softness of Humour like that of Lambs : and the Spaniards who have given 'em so much Trouble , and fallen upon 'em so fiercely , resemble savage Tigers , Wolves , and Lions , when inrag'd with pressing Hunger . They applied themselves forty years together wholly to the massacring the poor Wretches that inhabited the Islands ; putting them to all kinds of unheard of Torments and Punishments , ( a part of which Cruelties exercised on these miserable Indians we design to describe in the sequel of this Work ) insomuch that this Island which before the arrival of the Europeans , contained about three Millions of People , is now reduc'd to less than three hundred . The Island of Cuba , the length of which is equal to the distance between Validolid and Rome , is entirely desert and destitute of its Inhabitants , and nothing but Ruins now to be seen in it . The Islands of St. John , and Jamaica , have met with the like Treatment , which were very fertile and populous , but are render'd desolate and waste by the like means . The Islands near Cuba and Hispaniola on the North-side are sixty in number , which are commonly call'd the Isles of Giants , of which the least fruitful abounds more with Plenty than the Royal Garden of Seville ; but they are destitute of Inhabitants , tho 't is as wholesom an Air as men can breath in . When the Spaniards first landed in these Isles , there were above five hundred thousand Souls ; they cut the Throats of a great part of these , and carried away the rest by force to make 'em work in the Mines of Hispaniola . When some pious Persons embarked to visit these Isles after the Ravage the Spaniards had made in 'em , they found but eleven People left there : It was from the motives of Charity and Compassion they undertook this difficult and perilous Voyage , in hope to instruct these poor Creatures in the knowledg of Jesus Christ . Above 30 Isles near that of St. John were entirely depopulated , tho of a vast Extent , so that there is scarce an Inhabitant to be found in them . As for the Continent 't is certain , and what I my self know to be true , that the Spaniards have ruined ten Kingdoms there , bigger than all Spain , by the commission of all sorts of Barbarity and unheard of Cruelties . They have driven away or kill'd all the Inhabitants ; so that all these Kingdoms are desolate to this day , and reduc'd to a most deplorable Condition , tho this was formerly the best peopled Country in the World. We dare assert , without fear of incurring the reproach of exaggerating , that in the space of those forty years in which the Spaniards exercis'd their intolerable Tyranny in this new World , they unjustly put to death above twelve Millions of People , counting Men , Women , and Children : and it may be affirm'd without injury to Truth , upon a just Calculation , that during this space of Time , above fifty Millions have died in these Countries . The Spaniards who invaded these Isles , and boasted of their Christianity , made use of two ways principally to exterminate the Inhabitants : the first of which was by an unjust and bloody War carried on with the utmost Barbarity and Cruelty ; the other was that detestable Policy which inspir'd them to massacre all that had any remains of Liberty , or endeavour'd to shake off their Tyrannical Yoke , and to free themselves from so unjust and intolerable a Slavery ; for this the bravest , most potent , and most warlike Nations off the Indians attempted . When the Spaniards had kill'd all the Men in the War , they suffer'd the Women and Children to live , but with the imposition of a Yoke so cruel and insupportable , that their Condition was rendred as miserable as that of Beasts . A multitude of other particular methods were taken for the destruction of these poor Americans , but they may be reduc'd in general to those two we have mentioned . The Gold and Silver these People had in their possession , was the Motive that violently prompted the Europeans to persecute and destroy ' em . The earnest desire they had of speedily enriching themselves , in order to procure such Honour and Dignity as far exceeded their Condition , inspir'd 'em with all this inhumanity . In a word , their Avarice and Ambition were arriv'd to an excess beyond Imagination ; the immense Riches of the new World , the tractable , sweet , and good disposition of the Indians , which render'd a descent into their Country easy to any that would attempt it , have occasion'd all the Ravage and Spoil , all the horrid Massacres and Cruelties which the Spaniards have caus'd 'em to suffer . They made so little account of the miserable Inhabitants of these Islands , that I may aver , without fear of being accus'd either of Imposture , or of speaking inconsiderately , since 't is that of which I have been an Eye-witness , that they valued them less , and treated them worse than Beasts . They had so little regard to the Salvation of their Souls , that they would not give themselves the trouble so much as to speak of the Christian Faith and Sacraments to those numberless multitudes of Men and Women whom they sacrific'd to their Ambition and Tyranny . And that which aggravates the enormity of their Crimes , is , that these poor Indians had offer'd 'em no Injury , but on the contrary , gave 'em as much Honour and Respect as if they had been sent from Heaven ; till they were wearied out with repeated Outrages and Massacres , and constrain'd to betake themselves to Arms contrary to their inclination , and to repel force by force , to secure themselves from the horrible Violences and Insults of their Enemies , who invented divers kinds of Torments for them , with a Barbarity beyond all Description . A particular Account of what the Spaniards did in Hispaniola . AT this Island the Spaniards arriv'd in their first Voyages , and here began to persecute and murder the Indians , taking away their Wives and Children , and using 'em , or rather abusing 'em at their pleasure . They devour'd all that these poor Creatures had amass'd together for their Subsistence with a great deal of Care and Labour , not content with what they freely offer'd 'em as far as their Poverty and the meanness of their Condition would permit : for they are satisfied with what is of pure Necessity , not troubling themselves with superfluities , or laying up great stores before hand . One Spaniard would consume in a day , that which would have suffic'd three Indian Families of ten Persons each , for the space of a whole Month. This ill treatment and spoil soon made the Inhabitants of this Island lose the Esteem they had conceiv'd of the Spaniards , whom they at first look'd upon as messengers from Heaven : so that at length they began to hide their Wives and Children , and whatever Goods they had from ' em . Some retired into Caves , others fled up into the Mountains to avoid meeting with the Spaniards who now appear'd so terrible and cruel to ' em . The Spaniards did not content themselves to beat 'em , and to offer 'em many other Indignities , but cut their Throats in cold Blood : and without any respect either to Age or Quality , put their Princes , and the Governors of their Cities to death : They came to that height of Impudence and Villany , that a Spanish Captain had the Insolence to abuse the Wife of the greatest King of the Island . This vile fact drove 'em quite to despair , so that from that time they sought means of driving the Spaniards out of their Country ; they betook themselves to Arms , and did what they could to defend themselves against these Tyrants : but the Weapons they us'd were neither capable of defending them , nor of offending their Enemies to any purpose ; and were more like those that Children use to play with , than such as are fit for Souldiers to use in War. The Spaniards , who were mounted on fine Horses , and armed with Lances and Swords , look'd upon Enemies so meanly equip'd with the greatest Contempt , and committed the most horrible Slaughters with Impunity . They pass'd through the several Cities and Towns , sparing neither Age nor Sex , but kill'd Women and Children as well as Men : They rip'd up Women with Child , that Root and Branch might be destroy'd together . They laid Wagers one with another , who should cleave a Man down with his Sword most dexterously at one blow ; or who should take his Head from his Shoulders most cleverly ; or who should run a Man through after the most artificial manner : They tore away Children out of their Mothers Arms , and dash'd out their Brains against the Rocks ; others they threw into the River , diverting themselves with this brutish Sport , and giving great shouts while they saw 'em in this misery : And to add insulting Scoffs to their Cruelty , advis'd 'em to struggle in the Water , and try if they could save themselves from drowning . They held up the Bodies of Mothers and Children together upon their Lances : they set up Gibbets , and hang'd up thirteen of these poor Creatures in honour to Jesus Christ and his twelve Apostles ( as they blasphemously express'd themselves ) : They kindled a great Fire under these Gibbets , to burn those they had hang'd upon 'em : They cut off the Hands of those they sav'd alive , and sent 'em away in that miserable condition , bidding 'em carry the News of their Calamities to those that were retir'd into the Mountains to escape the Spaniards . They erected a small Scaffold , supported with Forks and Poles , upon which to execute their Chiefs , and those of the most considerable quality among ' em . When they had laid 'em at length upon this Scaffold , they kindled a gentle Fire , to make 'em feel themselves die gradually , till the poor Wretches after the most exquisite Pain and Anguish , attended with horrible Screeches and Outcries , at length expir'd . I one day saw four or five Persons of the highest Rank in this Island burn'd after this manner . But the dreadful Cries this Torment extorted from 'em , incommoding a Spanish Captain ; and hindring his Sleep , he commanded 'em to be presently strangled . But a certain Officer whose Name I know , and whose Relations are well known at Seville , put Gags into their Mouths to hinder 'em from making a Noise , that he might not be depriv'd of the brutish Pleasure of broiling them gently , till they breath'd out their Souls in this Torment . I have been an Eye-witness of all these Cruelties , and an infinite number of others which I pass over in silence . And because these poor People took all the care they could to hide themselves from a Generation of Men so barbarous and wicked as the Spaniards , who had no Sentiment of Humanity , Honour , or Religion left , but acted as if they were made for nothing else but to destroy Mankind ; to add further to their brutish Cruelty , they taught Dogs to go a hunting for these poor Wretches , and to devour 'em as if they had been Beasts . And because the Indians after they had been provok'd with so many unheard of Injuries , now and then kill'd one of them when they met with 'em stragling ; the Spaniards made a Law among themselves to massacre a hundred Indians for every Spaniard they should kill . Of the Kingdoms contain'd in the Island of Hispaniola . HIspaniola contains five great Kingdoms , the Kings of which were very powerful , and govern'd all the other Chiefs , whose number is very great : yet there are some independent Countries which have their particular Lords , and are not subject to any of those Kings . One of these Kings they call Magua , which signifies a Plain , his Name being taken from the situation of his Kingdom , which is extremely pleasant . This Plain is 80 Leagues in extent from South to North , but is only five , eight , and sometimes ten Leagues in breadth . 'T is encompass'd on every side with high Mountains ; 't is water'd with a great number of Brooks and Rivers , of which there are twelve that come not behind those famous Rivers the Ebre , the Duere , and the Guadalquivir for bigness . The Rivers that water this Plain , especially those falling down from a Mountain that looks towards the West , abound with Gold. This Mountain bounds the Province of Cibao , where the Mines bearing that Name produce that pure Gold of the fineness of 24 Carrats , so much talk'd of in Europe . The Soveraign of this Kingdom was call'd Guarionex ; he had under him such powerful Subjects , that one of 'em could bring 16000 Men into the field for the King's Service . I knew some of these Indian Lords . This King was very submissive to the Kings of Spain , and express'd a great deal of Affection to them . His Humour was mild and peaceable ; and his Soul capable of every Vertue . He once order'd all his Subjects to bring him each of 'em a great Purse of Gold ; but finding they were not in a condition to answer his Requirement , he remitted half this Tax . The Inhabitants of this Island have not the Art of extracting Gold out of the Mines . This Cacique voluntarily offer'd himself to the Service of the King of Spain , on condition the Queen Isabella would take care that those Lands should be cultivated , which the Spaniards inhabited at their first Arrival in the Indies , extending about the space of 50 Leagues towards St. Domingo : for he said his Subjects had no Experience or Skill to extract Gold out of the Mines . If this Condition had been accepted , he would faithfully and joyfully have accomplished his Promise , which would have been of vast advantage to the King of Spain , who might have taken above three Millions of Gold every year out of these Mines ; and consequently there might now have been fifty Cities in this Province as fine as Seville . But what greateful Acknowledgments did the Spaniards return to the kind Offers of this Prince , who gave such Proofs of his Good-will to 'em , and sincere desire to serve ' em ? They cover'd him with Shame and Infamy , his Wife was violated ( as has been said ) by a Spanish Captain , a Wretch unworthy of the Christian Name . This Prince might have waited for an opportunity to revenge himself of this Outrage , but chose rather to retire and live in Obscurity and Exile in the Province of one of his Subjects , voluntarily abidicating his Kingdom and Government . The Spaniards being inform'd of the place of his Retreat , pursued him with the utmost Fury , without giving him time to hide himself . They cruelly declar'd War against that Indian Lord that had given him Sanctuary , and had receiv'd him with a becoming Humanity and Respect ; they ravag'd all his Country , and never left off their Cruelties till they had found and seiz'd this Fugitive Prince , whom they loaded with Chains , and put on Ship-board to be carried into Spain as their Prisoner . This Vessel was cast away in the Voyage , a great many Spaniards drown'd , and an incredible sum of Gold and Silver lost : Among the rest there was a prodigious lump of Gold as big as a great Loaf , which weighed 3600 Crowns . Thus did the Vengeance of God meet with 'em for the enormous Crimes they had committed in the Indies . The second Kingdom is called Marien , where there is a fine Port just at the end of the other Kingdom on the North-side : This Kingdom is larger than Portugal , and more fruitful , and was stor'd with vast numbers of Inhabitants ; there are divers Mountains in it , and several Mines abounding with Gold and Copper . The Name of the King of this Country was Guacanagari , who had divers Lords under his Jurisdiction . 'T was in this Country that famous Pilot who first discover'd America landed . Guacanagari receiv'd him with all imaginable Hospitality and Civility ; he made the best Entertainment he could for all the Spaniards who accompanied him : when their Ship was sunk , they were receiv'd at this Prince's Court as kindly as if they had been in the Houses of their own natural Relations : here they met with all manner of Refreshments and Recruits the Country afforded , which were given 'em with great Expressions of Humanity and Compassion on the account of their Hardships . This King afterwards to secure himself from the barbarous Usage of the Spaniards , when they began to commit their Massacres in his Country , abandon'd his Kingdom , and was forc'd to retreat into some of the remote Mountains , where he died with the Fatigues and Inconveniencies to which he was expos'd . Those Indian Lords that depended on him found no better Treatment , but perish'd under that horrible Slavery to which the Spaniards had reduc'd ' em . Maguana is the third Kingdom of this Island , and is an admirable Country , both for Health and Fruitfulness . Here is made the best Sugar in America . Caonabo was the King of it , who surpass'd all the other Kings both in regard of his Power , the Riches of his Kingdom , and the Respect and Ceremony with which he was honour'd . This Prince not keeping on his Guard , nor at all distrusting what Tricks the Spaniards design'd to play him , was surpriz'd in his own House by the Artifices they had laid to insnare him . He was put in a Ship to be carried into Spain , and there were at the same time six Vessels in the Port ready to set Sail , when all on a sudden there rose a horrible Tempest , which batter'd the Ships to pieces and sunk 'em , with all the Spaniards that were on board . King Caonabo loaded with Chains perish'd , together with the Vessel in which he was embarqu'd . The Almighty was pleas'd to display his just and terrible Judgment by this sudden Storm , in destroying so many Spaniards , and thereby punishing the Crimes they had committed in abusing the poor Indians . This King had three or four Brothers , all of 'em valiant and couragious Princes ; who being much provok'd at the unjust Captivity of the King , their Brother and Soveraign , and inform'd of the Ravage and Massacres the Spaniards had made in other neighbouring Kingdoms , and after all hearing the News of the fatal End of their Brother , betook themselves to Arms , and sought means of revenging themselves on their Enemies . The Spaniards attack'd 'em with their Cavalry , which is very formidable to the Indians , whom they soon conquer'd , and made so prodigious a Slaughter among 'em , that half the Kingdom was depopulated and became desert after this Defeat . Xavagua is the fourth Kingdom of Hispaniola , and is as it were the Heart and Centre of all this Island ; the Language of it is the most refin'd and polite . The People of this Kingdom are the most civiliz'd , and their Manners more cultivated than those of other parts of the Country : and there are a greater number of great Lords and Persons of Quality among ' em . These People are better shap'd , and have a finer Aspect than those of the other Kingdoms . The King's Name was Behechio , he had a Sister call'd Anacaona ; both of 'em heap'd their Favours on the Spaniards when they landed in their Country , and with a great deal of Generosity sav'd 'em from Death , which they could not otherwise have avoided : They left no Stone unturn'd to shew themselves obliging to the Kings of Spain . After Behechio's Death his Sister Anacaona continued absolute Mistress of the whole Kingdom . One day the Governor of the Island , accompanied with 60 Horse and 300 Foot , sends a Summons to about 300 of the greatest Lords of the Country to attend his Person . These few Horsemen alone were able to have ravag'd and laid waste not only all this Island , but even the whole Continent , so defenceless were these poor People . The Indian Nobles , not at all suspecting any treacherous Design , were by the Governor's Order brought into a House cover'd with Straw , which he commanded to be set on fire , where they perish'd miserably . Those of 'em who attempted to escape were pursued by the Spanish Troopers , and kill'd without Mercy . They also kill'd a vast multitude of the common People , cutting 'em and running 'em through with their Swords and Lances . This same Governor caus'd Queen Anacaona , who had the soveraign Authority after the Death of her Brother ( as has been said ) to be hang'd , that he might disgrace the Memory of that Princess as much as he could by so vile and ignominious a Death . If at any time a Spaniard , either touch'd with the Sentiments of Compassion , or prompted with those of Avarice , thought fit to spare one of these poor Wretches for his own Service ; another would come transported with Rage , and fall upon him in his presence , and either run him through the Body , or cut off his Legs , so as to render him unserviceable . Some of these Indians who escap'd this Massacre retir'd into an Island not above eight Leagues distant from this Kingdom , to shelter themselves from the Fury of the Spaniards ; but these were condemned by the Governor to perpetual Slavery . The Name of the fifth Kingdom is Hiquey : Hiquanama the Queen , who govern'd it , tho very much advanc'd in Years and decrepit , was hang'd by order of the Spaniards , who tormented an infinite number of the Inhabitants of this Kingdom by divers kinds of cruel Punishments . Some they burn'd alive , they cut off the Arms and Legs of others , and made Slaves of the rest . There are so many things to be said of the ill Treatment and Cruelty the Spaniards exercis'd against the People of this Island , that 't is impossible to recount 'em all ; and if that could be done , the recital of 'em would appear incredible : and yet the Indians gave the Spaniards no occasion to engage in so barbarous a War against 'em , and to commit such Violences upon 'em ; but one may truly say , these poor Creatures liv'd in as great Subjection and Obedience to the Spaniards , as the most submissive and obsequious Order of Monks do in the most regular and well-disciplin'd Monastery ; so that there was no lawful occasion given 'em to rob those of their Property , or condemn 'em to a rigorous Slavery , who had found means of escaping their bloody Massacres . 'T is further to be observ'd , that the Indians offer'd no Affront to the Spaniards when they first arriv'd in America : So that they had no colourable Pretext for Revenge , or the least right to punish 'em after so cruel a manner . As for those Sins , the Punishment of which God has reserv'd to himself , such as Hatred , Envy , the passionate desire of Revenge , the Spaniards had no occasion to reproach 'em on this account , since these People have scarce more Strength and Courage than Children of ten Years old . On the other side , the Indians had a thousand just Reasons to make War with the Spaniards , tho these had no reasonable pretence to treat them as they did with a barbarity equal to that of the most savage and inhuman Tyrants . After this unjust War was ended with the Destruction and Massacre of all the Inhabitants of these Countries , having reserv'd few besides the Women and Children , they divided these among themselves , some keeping 30 of them , others 40 , others 100 , some 200 , according to the Interest they had in the Tyrant of the Island , whom they honour'd with the Title of Governor ; for 't was he that gave 'em these Indians , on condition they would cause 'em to be instructed in the Maxims of the Catholick Religion , tho the Persons to whose care he committed 'em were the most ignorant , cruel , covetous , and vitious of all Mankind . These ( as might well have been expected ) took no care to instruct 'em ; but confined the men to the Mines to get out Gold with incredible Toil and Labour ; they us'd the Women for Husbandry and Tillage , tho this last was a Labour hard enough for men of the most robust and vigorous Constitution . They fed 'em only with Herbs , or such like Food , that had but little Substance or Nourishment in it : So that the Milk dry'd up in the Breasts of the Women that gave suck , and their Children in a little time pin'd away and dyed with Faintness and Hunger . The Men having no Conversation with the Women , but dwelling in separate Houses , there could be no farther propagation of Children by ' em . Thus at length the Men perish'd in the Mines with Hunger and Labour , the Women dyed under the pressure of their servitude in the Fields ; so that all the Inhabitants of this populous Island were exterminated in a short time . And indeed if the same course were taken every where else , all Mankind would be destroy'd in the space of a few Years . The Spaniards oblig'd these poor Creatures to carry Burdens of fourscore or a hundred pound weight for a hundred or two hundred Leagues . And that they might travel the more at ease , they would make these Indians carry them in Chairs and Horse-litters on their Shoulders : They us'd 'em like Beasts of Burden to carry their Utensils , and what they pleas'd either for their Profit or Pleasure , so that the Backs and Shoulders of these poor Slaves were black with Bruises occasion'd by the great weight of their Burdens . These incredible Fatigues did not secure 'em from Blows with Cudgels and Whips , accompanied with Curses , nor from a great many other Punishments . But 't would be endless to describe all the Miserie 's these unfortunate People were made to suffer ; it would require whole Volumes , and the reading of so deplorable a Story would deeply affect and soften every Mind not quite divested of Humanity . It is to be observ'd that the Destruction and Desolation of these Provinces began since the Death of the most serene Queen Isabella , who departed this Life in the Year 1504. Before this time the Spaniards never durst exercise their Cruelties on the People of this Island , nor destroy their Country : if they offer'd 'em any Violence , 't was as it were by stealth , and with great Precaution . But after the Death of this Princess , the Desolation became general . Before this fatal time , they took great care to conceal whatever Hardships they made these People endure , because the Queen was marvellously zealous both to promote the Instruction and Salvation of the Inhabitants of this new World , and to advance their Temporal Advantages ; and accordingly she gave us many Examples of her Piety and Zeal . In whatever part of America the Spaniards set their Feet , they perpetrated the same abominable Villanies and Massacres , to oppress and exterminate these poor Innocents . They seem'd to take Pleasure in the invention of new kinds of Torments , and their Fury augmented every day more and more , till God Almighty provok'd by so many horrid Crimes , abandon'd 'em to a reprobate Sense , and permitted 'em to fall as it were from deep to deep , and from one Precipice to another . Of the Islands of St. John and Jamaica . IN the Year 1509 the Spaniards went into the Islands of St. John and Jamaica ( which resemble delicious Gardens ) with the same Intentions and Designs they had carried on in the Island of Hispaniola . Here they committed a world of Robberies and Cruelties , just as they had done in other places where-ever they came . The Marks of their Devastations and Murders were every where to be seen . They laid all places desolate where they arriv'd , exposing Men to the Mercy of Beasts . And after having inflicted all sorts of Torments on 'em , put 'em in the Mines to work like Slaves as long as they liv'd . They entirely depopulated these Countries , so that in these two Islands , where there were computed to have been above 600000. Inhabitants before their Arrival , there are scarce 200 now to be found : The rest being all destroy'd with Misery and Hardship , and that without having any Pains taken with 'em to instruct 'em in our Religion , or to administer the Sacraments to ' em . Of the Island of Cuba . THE Spaniards pass'd into the Island of Cuba in the year 1511 , which contains as much ground in length as from Vallidolid to Rome . There were formerly fine and flourishing Provinces to be seen , fill'd with vast numbers of People , who met with no milder or kinder Treatment from the Spaniards than the rest . On the contrary , they seem'd to have redoubled their Cruelty upon those People . There happen'd divers things in this Island that deserve to be remark'd . A rich and potent Cacique nam'd Hathuey was retir'd into the Isle of Cuba , to avoid that Slavery and Death with which the Spaniards menac'd him : and being inform'd that his persecutors were upon the point of landing in this Island , he assembled all his Subjects and Domesticks together , and made a Speech to 'em after this manner . You know ( said he ) the Report that is spread abroad , that the Spaniards are ready to invade this Island ; and you are not ignorant of the ill Vsage our Friends and Country-men have met with at their hands , and the Cruelties they have committed at Hayci ( so Hispaniola is called in their Language ) they are now coming hither with a design to exercise the same Outrages and Persecutions upon us . Are you ignorant ( says he ) of the ill Intentions of the People of whom I am speaking ? We know not ( say they all with one Voice ) upon what account they come hither , but we know they are a very wicked and cruel People . I 'll tell you then ( reply'd the Cacique ) that these Europeans worship a very covetous sort of God , so that 't is difficult to satisfy him ; and to perform the Worship they render to this Idol , they 'll exact immense Treasures of us , and will use their utmost Endeavour to reduce us to a miserable state of Slavery , or else to put us to death . Upon which he took a Box full of Gold and valuable Jewels which he had with him , and exposing it to their view : Here is ( says he ) the God of the Spaniards , whom we must honour with our Sports and Dances , to see if we can appease him , and render him propitious to us ; that so he may command the Spaniards not to offer us any Injury . They all applauded this Speech , and fell a leaping and dancing round the Box , till they had quite tired and spent themselves . After which the Cacique Hathucy resuming his Discourse , continued to speak to them in these terms : If we keep this God ( says he ) till he 's taken away from us , he 'll certainly cause our Lives to be taken from us ; and therefore I am of opinion 't will be the best way to cast him into the River . They all approv'd of this Advice , and went all together with one accord to throw this pretended God into the River . The Spaniards were no sooner arriv'd in the Isle of Cuba , but this Cacyque who knew 'em too well , began to think of retreating , to secure himself from their Fury , and resolv'd to defend himself by force of Arms , if he should happen to meet with them ; but he unfortunately fell into their Hands : and because he had taken all the precautions he could to avoid the Persecutions of so cruel and impious a People , and had taken Arms to defend his own Life , as well as the Lives of his Subjects ; this was made a capital Crime in him , for which he was burn'd alive . While he was in the midst of the Flames , tied to a Stake , a certain Franciscan Frier of great Piety and Vertue , took upon him to speak to him of God and our Religion , and to explain to him some Articles of the Catholick Faith , of which he had never heard a word before , promising him Eternal Life , if he would believe , and threatning him with eternal Torment , if he continued obstinate in his Infidelity . Hathuey reflecting on the matter , as much as the Place and Condition in which he was would permit , ask'd the Frier that instructed him , whether the Gate of Heaven was open to the Spaniards ; and being answer'd that such of 'em as were good men might hope for entrance there : The Cacyque , without any farther deliberation , told him , he had no mind to go to Heaven , for fear of meeting with such cruel and wicked Company as they were ; but would much rather choose to go to Hell , where he might be deliver'd from the troublesom sight of such kind of People : To so great a degree have the wicked Actions and Cruelties of the Spaniards dishonor'd God and his Religion in the Minds of the Americans . One day there came to us a great number of the Inhabitants of a famous City , situate above 10 Leagues from the place where we lodg'd , to complement us , and bring us all sorts of Provisions and Refreshments , which they presented us with great marks of Joy , caressing us after the most obliging manner they could . But that evil Spirit that possess'd the Spaniards put 'em into such a sudden Fury against 'em , that they fell upon 'em and massacred above 3000 of 'em , both Men and Women , upon the spot , without having receiv'd the least Offence or Provocation from ' em . I was an Eye-witness of this Barbarity ; and whatever endeavours were us'd to appease these inhuman Creatures , 't was impossible to reduce 'em to Reason ; so resolutely were they bent to satiate their brutal Rage by this barbarous Action . Soon after this I sent Messengers to the most noted Indians of the Province of Havane , to encourage and engage 'em to continue in their Country , and not to trouble themselves to seek remote places to hide in , and advis'd 'em to come to us with assurance of our Protection . They knew well enough what Authority I had over the Spaniards , and I gave 'em my word , no Injury should be offer'd 'em : for the past Cruelties and Massacres their Country-men had suffer'd , had spread Fear and Terror through all the Country ; and this Assurance I gave 'em was with the Consent and Advice of the Captains and other Officers . When we enter'd into this Province , two and twenty of their Chiefs came to us , and the very next Morning the Commander of our Troops , without any regard to the Promise that had been made 'em , would needs sentence 'em to be burnt , pretending 't was best to put these People to death , because they might one time or other use some Stratagem to surprize and destroy us : And I had all the difficulty in the world to prevent 'em from throwing 'em into the Fire . The Indians of Havane seeing themselves reduc'd to a state of severe Slavery , and that there was no Remedy left , but they were irrecoverably undone , began to seek Refuge in the Deserts and Mountains , to secure themselves if possible from Death : Some strangled themselves in despair ; Parents hang'd themselves , together with their Children , to put the speedier end to their Miseries by Death . Above two hundred Indians perish'd here after this manner , to avoid the Cruelty of the Spaniards ; and abundance of them afterwards voluntarily condemn'd themselves to this kind of Death , hoping thus in a moment to put a period to the Miseries their Persecutors inflicted on ' em . A certain Spaniard who had the Title of Soveraign in this Island , and had three hundred Indians in his Service , destroy'd a hundred and sixty of 'em in less than three Months , by the excessive Labour he continually exacted of ' em . The Recruits he took to fill up their places were destroy'd after the same manner ; and he would in a short time have unpeopled the whole Island , if Death , which took him out of the way very happily for those poor Wretches , had not shelter'd 'em from his Cruelties . I saw with with my own Eyes above six thousand Children die in the space of three or four Months , their Parents being forc'd to abandon 'em , being condemn'd to the Mines . After this the Spaniards took up a Resolution to pursue those Indians that were retir'd into the Mountains , and massacred multitudes of 'em ; so that this Island was depopulated and laid waste in a very little time . And 't is a most lamentable Spectacle to see so fine a Country thus miserably ruin'd and unpeopled . Of the Continent . IN the Year 1514 , a merciless Governor , destitute of the least sentiment of Pity or Humanity , who was deservedly accounted a barbarous Tyrant , and cruel Instrument of the Wrath of God , pierc'd into the Continent , being follow'd by a great many Spaniards , all animated with the Spirit , and pursuing the Designs of their Leader . Tho some of his stamp had enter'd the Continent before him , and had kill'd a great many People , yet they had only exercis'd their Robberies and Cruelties on the Sea-Coasts . But he of whom I am now speaking , surpass'd all his Predecessors in Cruelty and Impiety . He was not content to ravage the Sea-Coasts , but laid waste great Kingdoms and vast Countries , and destroy'd an infinite number of Indians in the gross Darkness of their Idolatry . He run through above fifty Leagues of the finest Country in the World , and carried Desolation with him where-ever he went , ruining in a little time the most pleasant and fruitful Country in the West-Indies . There were before the Arrival of this Tyrant , abundance of Villages , Towns and Cities , that excell'd those of all the neighbouring Countries . This Country abounds more in Gold than any yet discover'd . The immense Riches that have fill'd Spain since she has traded to the Indies , have been chiefly drawn out of the Mines of the Country of which I am now speaking . The Governor of this new World invented various kinds of Torments to constrain the Inhabitants to give him all the Gold they had heap'd together . In one Progress which some of his Captains made by his Order to pillage and rob the People of their Riches , they put above forty thousand of 'em to the Sword ; others they burnt , others they expos'd to be devour'd by Dogs , and the rest they destroy'd with divers other kinds of cruel Punishments . The wretched Ignorance of those that have been sent to govern the Indies , has occasion'd a great many Mischiefs and Disorders , and hinder'd the Conversion of the Indians : for what they endeavour'd to perswade 'em by their Words , was contradicted by their Actions ; and the Sentiments of their Minds were no ways conformable to the Pretensions of their Tongues . They commanded the Indians to embrace the Christian Religion upon pain of Death , they menac'd 'em with cruel Slavery , or the most exquisite Tortures , to force 'em to turn Christians , or to swear Allegiance to the King of Spain : As if the Son of God , who dy'd for the Redemption of Men , had ordain'd those whom he sent to preach the Gospel , and to declare the Kingdom of God , to constrain People that liv'd peaceably in their own Country , to make profession of his Doctrine , on pain of being plunder'd of their Goods , of being separated from their Wives and Children , of losing their Liberty , and of being condemn'd to a cruel Death , without having ever been instructed in the Maxims and Principles of our Religion . And the poor Creatures must be oblig'd to render an exact Obedience to a King they had never seen or heard of , till they were inform'd of him by these Messengers of his that treated 'em so inhumanly . This bloody and impious Governor , urg'd with the insatiable desire of heaping up Treasure , pillaged the Indians that dwelt both in the Villages and Cities with Impunity , while they little thought of securing themselves against his Robberies . He order'd his Souldiers to go privately to the places where they suspected any Gold was to be found , and to declare his Orders to the Inhabitants of this new World after the following manner . Caciques and Indians of this Continent , we are come to declare to you that there is but one God , one Pope , and one King of Spain , who is Lord and Master of the Country you inhabit ; we therefore require you to come immediately and take the Oath of Allegiance to him . After such kind of Preambles as these , they would choose the Night to fall suddenly upon these poor Wretches , when laid fast asleep , without having taken any measures to secure themselves from the Artifices of their Enemies , who would set fire to their Houses , which being thatch'd with Reeds and Straw , were burnt to Ashes in an instant . The Women and Children were devour'd by the Flames almost before they had time to consider where they were . They massacred such as made a shift to escape the Fire , or kept 'em for Slaves ; they used Tortures to force 'em to tell where they had hid their Gold. They printed Marks on their Bodies with red hot Branding-irons ; and after all these Cruelties , us'd their utmost diligence to make a strict search for the Gold of these miserable People , of which they got vast Quantities together , besides Pearls and Diamonds , which the Indians gave 'em to avoid their Fury . All the Spaniards who had any Office or Place of Trust , committed the same Rapine ; every one sent as many Souldiers as he could to make their Progresses , and ravage all the Country . The first Bishop that was sent into America , imitated the Conduct of these covetous Governors , and made use of his Servants to procure himself a share of the Spoil . The Spaniards in a little time carried away above three Millions out of this Kingdom ; of which vast Sum the King of Spain had scarce 3000 Crowns for his share . Here were above 800000 People slaughter'd ; and the succeeding Governors continued the like Massacres till they had destroy'd the rest of the Natives . I must not pass over in silence one Action committed in this Country by the Governor , of whom I have been speaking . A Cacique , whether voluntarily or out of fear I know not , gave him the weight of 9000 Crowns in Gold : This great Sum not contenting the Spaniards , they tied this unhappy Prince to a Stake , and setting fire to his Feet , endeavour'd by this means to extort a greater quantity from him . This Torment being intolerable to him , he gave 'em the weight of 3000 Crowns of Gold more , which he had reserv'd ; upon this they renew'd their Tortures , to get still more out of him : but whether he had no more to give 'em , or whether he was resolv'd they should exact no more of him , he expir'd amidst their Tortures . They put to death many of the most considerable Persons of this Kingdom after the same cruel manner . A Company of Spaniards happening to light on a Body of Indians that had retreated into the Mountains , to avoid the Tyranny of their Persecutors , in a great rage fell upon the poor Wretches , and killing all the Men they could catch , carried away three or fourscore Women Prisoners . The Indians that escap'd being highly incens'd , came in Arms to attack the Spaniards , to try if they could oblige 'em to let go their Prey : These seeing the Indians draw near 'em , and being unwilling to surrender the Booty they had taken , stab'd the Women and Maids in the presence of their Husbands and Fathers , who were seiz'd with Horror and Despair at the sight of so lamentable a Tragedy ; and smiting their Breasts , cry'd out , O merciless Men ! O cruel Spaniards ! who can murder poor Women that never offended you without Pity ! And indeed they must be more savage and bloody than Beasts of Prey , who can be capable of such brutish Actions as these . One of the greatest Lords of this Country , whose Name was Paris , had a House about ten or fifteen Leagues distance from Panama ; he was very rich , having a great quantity of Gold in his possession . When the Spaniards came to his House , he receiv'd 'em with as much Kindness and Civility as if they had been his Relations . He frankly gave the Captain the value of 15000 Crowns : This Captain , and the Spaniards that accompanied him , concluded that this Indian must needs have immense Treasures , from the parcel of Gold he had given 'em ; and since they had undertaken this Journey on purpose to rob him , to make the more sure of succeeding in their Design , they pretended they would be gone , and accordingly took their leave of him , but return'd in the middle of the Night , and rushing into the City unexpectedly , they set it on fire , and destroy'd abundance of the Citizens in the Flames , and carried away thence 50 or 60000 Crowns . A Person of the most considerable Quality of any in this City escap'd the fury of this Fire ; and after a Respite of three or four days , having got as many Men together as he could , fell upon the Spaniards by surprize , kill'd about fifty of 'em , and retook all the Spoil of the City which they had burnt , and particularly the Value of 40000 Crowns , of which they had plunder'd him : the rest of the Spaniards made the best of their way and escap'd , but not without a great many Wounds . Soon after this they return'd with a greater Force to attack this Cacique , and destroy'd the greatest part of his Troops , making Slaves of the rest . Of the Province of Nicaraqua . IN the Year 1522 , the forementioned Governor undertook to subdue the Province of Nicaraqua . The great Fertility of this Country , the Goodness of the Air , and the vast number of the Inhabitants cannot be sufficiently express'd . There were Cities in this Province four Leagues in length . The great quantities of excellent Fruits that grow there , drew together those great multitudes of People . These Cities being situate in vast Plains , the People had no Mountains near in which to hide themselves ; besides , the Climat is so sweet , and the Country so agreeable , that the Inhabitants could not easily resolve to quit it , and consequently were the more expos'd to the Outrages and Persecutions of the Spaniards ; yet they suffer'd all with as much patience as was possible , that they might not be oblig'd to change their Dwelling . And tho these People are naturally of a mild and peaceable Temper , the Governor , or rather the Tyrant , with the Ministers of his Cruelty , resolv'd to treat the Indians of this Province after the same manner he had done those of other Kingdoms . Here he committed so many Enormities , such Robberies and Massacres , that 't is impossible for any Pen to relate 'em all . He sent 50 Troopers into this Province , which is bigger than the Country of Rousillon , who massacred almost all the Inhabitants , without any regard to Age , Sex or Quality . If these poor Creatures fail'd to bring 'em a certain measure of Corn which they exacted of 'em , or did not send into their Service such a number of Slaves as they demanded , they kill'd 'em without Mercy . And this being a plain Country ( as has been said ) there was no place to shelter 'em from the Spanish Horse , who pursu'd 'em with the utmost Fury . The General permitted these Villains to commit all the Insolencies and Robberies they pleas'd , and to take as great a number of Prisoners as they desir'd . These they sometimes loaded with Chains of sixty or eighty Pound weight ; so that of 4000 Captives , scarce six were able to endure this Fatigue , the rest all dy'd by the way under the intolerable weight of their Fetters . That they might not have the trouble to open the Chains of such as dy'd with Hunger , Thirst , Weariness and Toil , they cut off their Heads . When the Indians saw the Spaniards prepare for these kind of Journeys , well knowing they were never likely to see their Friends and Country-men any more , they , with many deep Sighs and Groans , and floods of Tears , utter'd their Complaints after this manner . Time was ( say they ) when we have travell'd these Journeys to serve the Christians , and have been suffer'd after a certain space of time to return home to our Wives and Children , but now there is no hope of any such return ; and this Separation must be for ever . One day a Fancy came into the Governors Head , to make a new distribution of the Indians ; he took 'em away from those for whom he had no kindness , and gave a greater number to those he respected . This chopping and changing of Slaves occasion'd a great scarcity for one Year , there being but a very small Crop on the ground . The Spaniards endeavour'd to supply this defect by taking from the Indians all the Corn and other Provisions which they had laid up in store for the Subsistence of their Families . This Disorder produc'd a Famin among 'em , which destroy'd above thirty thousand People . There was one Woman so intolerably press'd with Hunger , that she kill'd her Child to appease her Appetite . All the Cities and Fields round 'em are like pleasant Gardens , which the Spaniards cultivated according to the share each one had assign'd him by Lot : and to save their own Revenues , they fed upon the Stores that belong'd to the Indians , and liv'd at their Charge , devouring in a few days what these poor People had been a long time getting together with a great deal of Care and Toil. There was no Spaniard but had an Estate of his own , and kept abundance of Indians in his House to manure his Land , and to do other Domestick Business : and none of these were exempted from Slavery , their Nobles , their Women and Children were made to work day and night for the advantage of the Spaniards , who exacted Tasks of 'em quite beyond their Strength , and miserably wore 'em out with excess of Labour and Hardship . They drove 'em out of their Houses , and took possession of 'em ; they seiz'd their Goods and Lands , and instantly consum'd their Provisions , thus reducing 'em to extreme necessity . Many of 'em dy'd under the heavy Burdens they oblig'd 'em to carry on their Shoulders as far as the Port , which was above 30 Leagues ; for hither they made 'em bring Planks and pieces of Timber for the building of Vessels . They forc'd 'em to go and seek for Honey and Wax in the Mountains , where they were devour'd by Tygers : Women big with Child were not exempted from these hard Services , and often perish'd together with their Fruit , under the pressure of this rigorous Slavery . That which contributed yet farther to unpeople this Province , was the liberty the Spaniards took to exact of the Caciques , and richest Indians , a great number of Slaves . This kind of Tribute was authoriz'd by the Governor , and levied with a great deal of Severity ; for he threaten'd to burn 'em alive if they fail'd to send him a Recruit of fifty Slaves every three Months , or as often as he should give order : tho the Indians have no great number of Slaves ordinarily , and 't is much if a Cacique has three or four among his other Domesticks . If a Father had two Children , the Spaniards would take away one of them , or two if he had three : The Parents must submit , with how great Reluctancy soever ; but their Children were not ravish'd from 'em without abundance of Tears and dolorous Complaints ; for they have a very tender Affection to their Off-spring , and breed 'em up with abundance of Care. This kind of Tribute being often extorted , all this Kingdom was in a few years depopulated . There arriv'd five or six Ships here every year , which were laden with Slaves , whom they transported into Peru and Panama , and there sold 'em , where they died in a little time ; for it has been confirm'd by many Experiments , that those Indians that are transported from their Native Country into other Climats , seldom live long : And that which contributed to kill 'em the sooner , was the neglect of supplying 'em with sufficient Sustenance , and the excessive Labour with which they were over-charg'd . In the space of a few Years there were above 500000 Slaves drawn out of this Province , tho they were all burn free : and during the War that was made against 'em , there dy'd about fifty or sixty thousand besides these : the rest were condemn'd to cruel Slavery , in which a considerable number dy'd every day . There are about four or five thousand People still to be found in this Province ; but it was once one of the best peopled Countries in all America : And in a little time in all appearance the rest will be destroy'd by the ill Treatment they continually suffer . Of New Spain . NEw Spain was discover'd in the year 1517 , and the year following the Spaniards began to ravage it , and to massacre the Inhabitants , tho they pretend to go out of Europe to people this Country . Their Violences and Oppressions arriv'd to such a height , that they had no regard either to God or the King , but forgot both that they were Men and Christians . Since they came into this Country , there has been nothing but Rapine and Spoil , Massacres , and buring of Cities , nothing but Tyranny and Violence ; so that they have in a short time depopulated and ruined vast Kingdoms from one end to t'other . The remembrance of the Villanies and Cruelties committed there , has cast such a Terror into the minds of the Natives , that they can't think of a Spaniard without trembling . They have not yet left off tormenting 'em ; on the contrary they rather grow worse and worse , and their Persecutions augment every year . The Spaniards since they first enter'd into New Spain have destroy'd 450000 by violent Deaths in and about Mexico . This Country contains four or five Kingdoms , that come not short of the Kingdom of Spain for Extent , Fertility , and Plenty of all things : Here were Cities to be seen more populous than Toledo , Seville , Vallidolid , Saragossa , or Barcelona ; for tho all these Cities are well stor'd with Inhabitants , those of the new World are yet more populous . The Country of which I am now treating is above 1800 Leagues in compass . Here the Spaniards have kill'd above four Millions of People by Fire and Sword , and other violent Deaths , both Men , Women and Children , within the space of 480 Leagues . They call the Countries they have got by their unjust and cruel Wars , their Conquests , into which they enter'd with the bloody design of exterminating the Inhabitants , and behav'd themselves worse than Turks , or the greatest Enemies of the Christian Name would have done . I don't now reckon in the number of those they have kill'd , such as have perish'd in Slavery , or dy'd under the Hardships of their Tyrannical Oppressions . No Tongue is capable of describing to the life all the horrid Villanies perpetrated by these bloody-minded Men. They seem to be the declar'd Enemies of Mankind , and act as if they were destin'd to destroy the whole Human Race : And how accuratly soever one endeavours to relate the Cruelties and Ravages of the Spaniards , the thousandth part of it cannot be utter'd . A more particular Account of New Spain . IN the flourishing and famous City of Cholula , which contain'd more than thirty thousand Families , the principal Inhabitants , together with the Priests , led by him whom they look'd upon as their High-priest , came with abundance of Solemnity and Pomp to meet the Spaniards ; and that they might receive 'em with the greater Honour and Respect , they had order'd matters so amongst themselves , that those of the highest quality in the City should conduct the Spaniards to their Houses , and give 'em the best Entertainment they could . Notwithstanding this , the Spaniards resolv'd upon the spot to make a horrible slaughter of 'em , thereby to render themselves the more formidable , and to spread Terror through all the Country . And this method they us'd to observe in every Country through which they pass'd , viz. to make a great Massacre at their first Arrival , that the People , who are as meek as Sheep , might not look upon 'em without dread . They deputed some to go and treat with the chief Men of the City , and places adjacent , to engage 'em to come and meet 'em , that they might confer together . These were no sooner come to 'em , but they put 'em in Chains , while the Inhabitants of the City knew nothing of this Treachery . They demanded 6000 Indians of 'em to carry their Baggage , their Utensils and Provisions : When they were come , they shut 'em up in divers Yards , and 't was a miserable Spectacle to see the poor Wretches prepare to carry the Burdens they were to lay upon ' em . They were almost stark naked , and stoop'd down prostrating themselves upon the Ground , submitting like Sheep to the Blows and Wounds these Tyrants gave ' em . When they were all thus pounded in several Courts or Yards , part of the Spaniards arm'd with Lances and Pikes fill'd up the Avenues to hinder the Indians from escaping , while the rest put 'em to the Sword ; so that none of these escap'd . Two or three days after they found some of them among the Carcases all cover'd with Wounds and Blood , that had been left for dead ; these cry'd for Mercy , and beg'd they might be suffer'd to live ; but these bloody Men were not at all soften'd by their Groans and Tears , and the submissive manner in which they ask'd their Lives , but cut 'em in pieces upon the spot with a kind of nameless Cruelty . Above a hundred of the principal Indians of this place were put in Irons , and kept alive as yet : But the Commander of the Spaniards order'd Stakes to be fix'd in the Ground , and these unhappy People to be fasten'd to 'em and burnt . The King of the Country happen'd to make his Escape , and retir'd into a Temple with thirty or forty attending him , hoping to find Sanctuary there : Here he defended himself for a whole day . But the Spaniards , who never gave Quarter to any one whom they found in Arms , set fire to the Temple , and burnt all that were in it . They cry'd out of the midst of the Flames : O vile and cruel Men ! what hurt have we done you , that you should kill us after this manner ? Be gone , be gone to Mexico , where our King Monteçuma will punish you according to your deserts . 'T is said the Spanish Commander was at play during this Tragedy ; and that when the Flames had quite consum'd these poor Indians , in a Transport of barbarous Joy , shall I say ? or Fury , he utter'd these words : Nero , says he , beholding from Mount Tarpeius the Flames that laid Rome in Ashes , heard the Cries of his Citizens without any Emotion of Compassion . The Spaniards made another great Massacre in the City of Tepeaca , which is a yet finer and larger City than the former , and comprehends in it a greater number of Houses . Here they kill'd a multitude of the Inhabitants with their Lances and Swords . They afterwards went to Mexico , where King Monteçuma accompanied with his Nobles , and those of the most distinguished Rank in his Court , entertain'd the Spaniards with all sorts of Divertisements , to testify how mightily they were pleas'd with their Arrival . The King's Brother came to meet 'em with a splendid Retinue ; he made 'em noble Presents in Gold and Silver , and gave 'em rich Stuffs painted with divers Colours : the King himself receiv'd 'em at the entrance of the City with all his Court , being carried upon a Golden Frame , or Chair of State , and conducted 'em to the Palace that was provided for ' em . But the same day they seiz'd this unfortunate Prince , who thought of nothing less , and posted fourscore Souldiers to guard him , having loaded him with a heavy Chain . This Action put all the Indians in a Consternation and Fear . But to augment their Terror , they contriv'd to signalize their Cruelty by some memorable Action . All the Nobility of the City was engag'd in representing Plays and Shows , and in dancing round the place where their King was imprison'd , to allay the Troubles of his Mind during his Captivity ; in these Plays they expos'd to view all their Riches and Magnificence . These were the Demonstrations of their Joy , and of the desire they had to please the Spaniards . The Nobles and Princes of the Blood , according to their several degrees , were employ'd in these Plays and Dances ( as I have said ) round about their Prince's Prison ; so that there were about the Palace two thousands young Men that were the very flower of the whole Kingdom , and the Pride and Glory of the Court of King Monteçuma : While they were thus engag'd , the Commander of the Spaniards with one of his Troops came to fall upon ' em . He had sent the rest of his Souldiers into the other quarters of the City , where the People were using the like Divertisements , ordering 'em to seem to join in with these Indian Sports , as if they were mightily pleas'd with 'em , but withal giving 'em a word to put these Dancers at a certain time to the Sword. Accordingly they fell upon 'em , pronouncing the word St. James , which was the Signal for massacring these poor naked Indians , that were in no condition to defend themselves from Souldiers arm'd with Swords and Lances : with these they made large Wounds in the tender Bodies of the young Noblemen of Mexico , who were all massacred , and not so much as one of 'em escap'd . The Indians in the other parts of the City were seiz'd with so much Horror and Trouble , that they knew not where to seek for shelter to secure themselves from the fury of these Cut-throats , whom they loaded with a thousand Curses . Since this time they don't forget to celebrate the memory of this barbarous Action with their Sighs and Tears , and have put this day in the Rank of their most unfortunate ones , since in it they lost in a moment the most illustrious Nobility of the whole Kingdom . The Indians who had suffer'd the Imprisonment of their King with so much patience , hearing of the Massacre of so many young Noblemen , could not but express their Detestation of this so bloody and wicked a Fact , and took up Arms to revenge themselves : and tho Monteçuma had forbidden 'em to offer the Spaniards any Violence , they attack'd 'em vigorously , and kill'd divers of 'em , and the rest were constrained to retreat . The Spaniards put a Dagger to their Prince's Breast , and shew'd him in this posture to his Subjects through a Window , hoping the sight of it would oblige 'em to lay down their Arms , which the Prince himself likewise commanded them to do ; but they were too much provok'd now to obey even his Orders . They chose one to head 'em , and having put all their Troops under his Command , attack'd the Spaniards so furiously , and fought with so much obstinacy , that these concluding they were not able to withstand 'em , left the City , and retreated in the middle of the night ; which the Indians perceiving , pursu'd 'em , and kill'd a great number of 'em as they pass'd the Rivers . However the Spaniards return'd soon after with a greater Strength , and assaulted and took the City , in which they made a horrible slaughter , and burnt those Indians that were of greatest Note . After they had committed all this Cruelty and Spoil in the City of Mexico , they carried Desolation with them into the Province of Panuco , which is not above twenty Leagues distant from it , and here exercised their ordinary Barbarity . This Province was mightily stock'd with People : but since the arrival of the Spaniards , the greatest part of 'em has been cut off . The Province of Tute-peca , and that of Colima underwent the same Fate ; each of which Provinces is as big as the Kingdoms of Leon and Castile . 'T is to be observ'd that the Spaniards invaded these Provinces only to plunder and inslave the Inhabitants . One of the first things they did was to oblige 'em to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain ; which if they refus'd to do , they were presently massacred , or made Slaves . They declar'd those of 'em Rebels who came not to meet the Spaniards , and to submit to their unjust and cruel Orders . Those of the highest rank among the Indians were accus'd of this Crime , and this was improv'd against 'em to the King of Spain , without considering that 't is a plain Rule in Law , that none can be term'd Rebels but Subjects that are revolted from their Prince . There 's no good Christian will make any difficulty to conclude , that such Missionaries as the Spaniards have not the Qualifications necessary to insinuate the Maxims of our Religion into these People , who are naturally free , and know not how to bear the Haughtiness and Insolence with which they have been treated : for they are peremptorily told , you must without any more ado submit to the Obedience of a Foreign Prince , whom you never saw nor heard of ; and if you refuse so to do , we 'll cut you in pieces ; and this no sooner said but done . But that which is more unaccountable is , that those who yield a blind Obedience to all they command 'em , are no better treated than the others ; for they are made miserable Slaves , they exact intolerable Tasks of 'em , and condemn 'em to all sorts of Torments : So that whole Provinces , both Men , Women and Children , are destroy'd in a short time : Nay , those whom they kill outright are the happier sort , as having an end put to their Miseries in a moment . But when they are forc'd by Menaces to promise Fidelity and Obedience to a Foreign Prince , can it be pretended they are oblig'd to it in Conscience , when this suppos'd Duty is neither founded on the Laws of God , nor those of Nations ? Besides , the Threatnings that are made 'em are capable of terrifying Men of the greatest Courage and Resolution ; wherefore all the Promises obtain'd by such menaces have no value nor obliging force . I pass over in silence the Affronts , the Insults and Injuries that were offer'd the King of Mexico . In a word , they have violated all the Laws of Nations , and infinitely wrong'd and abus'd the poor Indians . This is all the Service the Spaniards have done these People . The Governor of this new World , supported by his imaginary Titles , sent two Captains , scarce inferior to himself in Impiety aad Cruelty , into the Kingdoms of Guatimala , which are situate towards the South : they pierc'd as far as the Kingdoms of Naco and Gaymura , which extend Northward for the space of about 300 Leagues ; these Kingdoms border upon that of Mexico . These Captains travell'd both by Sea and Land , accompanied with a good party of Horse , and a considerable number of Foot. The Captain whose Lot it was to travel into Guatimala , did a world of mischief there ( the other soon dying ) he carried Desolation with him every where , and fill'd this Kingdom with Blood and Ruin , to render the Spaniards formidable even to future Generations . I am of opinion , that the mischief this Captain did here surpass'd whatever the Europeans had done before in the new World. He went by Sea , and carried Sword and Fire throughout all the Coasts . Some of the Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Yucatan , which is in the way to the Kingdoms of Naco and Gaymura , made him magnificent Presents : yet as soon as he had enter'd their Country , he sent his Souldiers into every part of it , who committed horrible Spoil , and massacred an infinite number of these poor People . A furious Spaniard at the head of 300 Men , enter'd the Country adjoining to Guatimala , set fire to all their Cities , and cut the throats of all the Inhabitants , without giving any quarter : he carried away what Booty he could , and continued to pillage the Country for the space of sixscore Leagues . This Captain had rebell'd , and revolted against his General ; and his design in ruining the Country after this manner was to put the Spaniards out of a condition to pursue him , by preventing their finding Subsistence in a Country thus ruin'd , and by exposing 'em to the fury of the Indians , who would omit nothing to revenge upon 'em the Injuries and Mischiefs they had receiv'd from their Companions , which fell out accordingly : For the Spanish General attempting to pursue this Rebel , was kill'd by the Indians . Those that succeeded him exercised all manner of Cruelties on 'em , and reduc'd almost all of 'em to Slavery , after they had spoil'd 'em of all their Goods , Provisions , Clothes , Corn , Wine and other necessaries of Life . The Provinces of Naco and Hondure , which were like Gardens of Pleasure , were turn'd into melancholy Deserts , altho this Country was very full of People . 'T is impossible to reflect on these things without being sensibly touch'd and soften'd into Compassion , tho one were naturally of an obdurate and sowr Temper . They kill'd two Millions of People in this Country in less than ten years ; so that there are scarce two thousand left in all the vast Extent of it ; and these are groaning under a heavy yoke of Bondage . When they propos'd to 'em to take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Spain , they would give 'em no time to deliberate ; they must immediately obey , or else die by Fire or Sword. Of the Kingdom of Guatimala . THE Spaniards signaliz'd their entrance into this Kingdom by divers Massacres , tho the King came to meet 'em in his Chair of State supported by his Slaves , follow'd by a great number of his Lords , and with Trumpets and Drums before him , to give the greater Testimony of Joy ; he shew'd 'em all the Courtesy and Civility in the world , manifested a great deal of Kindness in readily supplying 'em with plenty of Provisions , and gave 'em whatever they could reasonably desire . The Spaniards lodg'd without the City the first night , thinking they should not be secure enough in a place so well fortified . The next day they engag'd the Prince of the place to come out to 'em with the greatest part of the Persons of Quality , obliging to bring with them a certain quantity of Gold. The Indians made answer that 't was impossible for them to do what was requir'd , because their Country did not yield this Metal . However this refusal so mov'd the Indignation of the Spaniards , that for no other Offence , without any formal Process , they cast 'em all alive into a great Fire . The most considerable Inhabitants of these Provinces , seeing their Masters so cruelly treated , only because they gave not the Spaniards all the Gold they demanded , retir'd with all speed into the Mountains , ordering the common People to submit to the Spaniards as their Masters , and giving 'em a strict charge by no means to give the least notice of the places where they were gone to hide themselves . Abundance of these poor People came accordingly to the Spaniards , begging of 'em to receive them into the number of their Servants , and promising to serve 'em faithfully as far as they were capable . The Spanish Commander roughly answer'd 'em , that he would not so receive 'em , but cut 'em to pieces without Mercy , unless they would discover the places whither their Masters were retreated ; the Indians replied , they did not know : however they readily offer'd themselves , their Wives and Children to their Service ; and said , they would continue in their Houses expecting their Orders ; they further told 'em , they might treat 'em as they pleas'd , 't was in their power either to kill 'em , or to save 'em alive to employ 'em in their service . The Spaniards upon this went into their Villages and Towns , and found these poor Indians with their Wives and Children busy at their Work , and in great security , believing they had no need to fear the Spaniards would attack 'em ; yet these blood-thirsty Men massacred 'em without pity . After this they went to another great Town , the Inhabitants of which confiding in their Innocence , thought themselves in no great danger ; but this whole Town was destroy'd in less than two hours , and the Massacre was so general , that no Age , nor Sex , nor Quality met with Pity , but all were put to the Sword , unless such as fled before the arrival of the Spaniards . The Indians at length finding it impossible either by their Patience , their Submissions , or their Presents to soften the cruel and savage Temper of the Spaniards , who cut their Throats without any reason , or any sentiment of Pity , resolv'd to get together in a body , and take Arms to defend themselves : for seeing Death was inevitable to 'em , and become a necessary Evil , they chose rather to die with Weapons in their hands , thereby to sell their Lives at as dear a rate as they could , and to revenge themselves as much as possible on their Persecutors , than to suffer their Throats to be cut like Sheep without making any resistance . They wanted effectual Arms , they were quite naked , and knew their Strength was much inferior to that of their Enemies ; they had no Horses , nor did they understand the use of 'em in Battel : they had to do with a furious and warlike Enemy that gave 'em no quarter , and design'd nothing but their Extirpation . They therefore thought it necessary to use Stratagems : it came into their heads to make Pits up and down the ways by which the Spaniards were to pass , and to cover 'em with Straw and Leaves that they might not be perceiv'd , that so their Horses might fall in 'em , and break their Necks or Legs . Some of the Spaniards were two or three times taken in these Traps , but afterwards took care to avoid 'em , and resolv'd to cast all the Indians they could take into these Pits , whether Men , Women or Children , of what Age or Condition soever ; they threw in Women big with Child , and old Men as well as others , till they had quite fill'd ' em . It was a most lamentable sight to see some Women empaled together with their Children , and so expos'd to the fury of greedy Dogs , and others run through with Lances and Halberts . They burnt one of the greatest Lords of the Country with a gentle Fire , and insultingly told him 't was to do him the more honour , that they put him to death after this manner . These Butcheries and Cruelties were committed for seven years together . The Reader may conjecture what multitudes of poor Indians were slaughter'd during so tedious and bloody a Persecution . 'T is fit to be remark'd , that the Spaniards were receiv'd with great Acclamations , and with all the demonstrations of a sincere Joy in the Province of Cuzcatan , which is situate on the Sea-side , and extends forty or fifty Leagues in length . In this Province is the famous City of St. Saviour ; Cuzcatan is the Metropolis of the Province . These People sent 30000 Indians to the Spaniards laden with Indian Poultry , and all other Provisions the Country would afford in great abundance . After they had receiv'd these Presents , the Spanish General order'd his Men to choose as many Indians as each of 'em desir'd for their Service , while they remain'd in that Province : Accordingly one took a hundred , another fifty , as they had occasion to carry their Baggage . These poor Wretches serv'd them with all the care and diligence they could , and were even ready to worship ' em . At length the General demanded of 'em a great quantity of Gold , that being the main business for which he came : they with a great deal of Humility and Submission , told him they would readily give him all they had , and presently got together all the Lances they had , which were made of Copper gilt , and which they took for pure Gold by the looks of it . The General soon made trial of it , and finding what it was , address'd himself to the Spaniards in these terms : We must carry Destruction with us ( says he ) through all this Country , seeing here 's no Gold to be found : Every one of you may keep the Indians you have chosen for your perpetual Slaves : You may load 'em with Chains , and brand 'em with the marks of their Slavery : Which was immediately done : For they printed the King's Arms with a hot Iron upon all they could take . Those of 'em that escap'd , provok'd with the ill Treatment which they every where met , assembled all the Indians they could to make an Effort to deliver themselves from the Persecutions of their Enemies by force of Arms ; but their Enterprize was not successful , so that an incredible number of 'em was kill'd . After this Expedition the Spaniards return'd to Guatimala , where they built a City ; but God was pleas'd by his just Judgment utterly to overthrow , and destroy it . They kill'd all without Mercy whom they suppos'd to be in a condition to incommode 'em by their Arms , and the rest were condemn'd to Slavery . They extorted from 'em a Tribute of Boys and Girls , and sent 'em into Peru to be sold . The other Inhabitants of this Kingdom , which is 100 Leagues in length , were likewise destroy'd . Thus one of the most pleasant and fruitful Countries in the World was reduc'd to a melancholy Desert . The Governor himself has freely confess'd , that this was the most populous Country in the West-Indies , not excepting Mexico it self , which is certainly true . In this noble Country the Spaniards have destroy'd no less than four or five Millions of Men in fifteen or sixteen years , and continue every day to treat those that remain after the same manner . These inhuman Creatures were wont when they declar'd War against any City or Province , to bring with 'em as many of the conquer'd Indians as they could , to make 'em fight against their Country-men ; sometimes they had fifteen or twenty thousand of these new Subjects among ' em . But because they were not able to furnish 'em with all necessary Provisions , they allow'd 'em to eat those other Indians whom they took in War , so that in their Camp they had Shambles stor'd with human Flesh . Infants were kill'd in their sight , and then broil'd and eaten ; Men were slaughter'd like Beasts , and their Legs and Arms dress'd for food ; for the Indians like the taste of those Parts better than others . The News of these horrible Practices soon alarm'd the neighbouring Countries , and fill'd 'em with Terror and Consternation . Many of the Indians were worn out with carrying the Tackle of the Spanish Ships , which they would needs have brought from the North to the South Sea , which are 130 Leagues distant : They made 'em carry Anchors of a great weight all this long way ; they laid great Guns upon the naked Backs of these poor Creatures , under the weight of which they were not able to stand ; so that the greatest part of 'em dy'd by the way , not being able to endure these Fatigues . To increase their Misery , they divided their Families , taking Husbands from their Wives , and Wives from their Husbands ; their Daughters were taken from 'em , and given to the Seamen and Souldiers to satisfy their Lust , and to appease their murmuring . They fill'd the Ships with Indians , and suffer'd 'em to perish with Hunger and Thirst ; because they would take no care to furnish 'em with Necessaries . But to give a particular account of all their Cruelties would require large Volumes , the view of which would astonish all that should have the curiosity to look into ' em . The Spaniards had two powerful Fleets destin'd to the same purpose of destroying the poor Indians . How many Parents have they bereav'd of their Children ! How many Children of their Parents ! of how many Adulteries and other infamous Practices have they been the Causes , the Actors , and Accomplices ! How many People have they inslav'd ! What Miseries and Calamities have they not brought upon this new World ! What Fountains of Tears have they open'd ! What Rivers of Blood have they pour'd out ! How many Lives have they taken away after such a manner as might render 'em yet more miserable in the other World ! which is a melancholy Reflection both in regard of the Indians who have suffer'd so many Cruelties , and of the Spaniards who have been the Authors of so much Mischief and Villany . Of New Spain , of Panuco and Xalisco . AFter the Spaniards had committed all the foremention'd Cruelties and Massacres in New Spain , there came to Panuco another Tyrant as barbarous and unmerciful as the former . He loaded his Ships with multitudes of the Natives , and carried 'em to Cuba and Hispaniola , where they were sold for Slaves : so that in a little time he render'd the whole Country destitute of People . Fourscore of these Indians ( tho they have reasonable Souls as well as other Men ) were exchang'd for one Horse . When the President of the City of Mexico was made Governor of all New Spain , there were also a great many Assessors and Auditors made , who all rul'd like so many petty Tyrants , and committed unparallel'd Cruelties and Outrages in the exercise of their Offices . They acted such abominable things , and made the Country so desolate in a very little time , that if the Franciscan Monks had not oppos'd their Disorders with a great deal of Courage and Resolution , and had not the Royal Council by their Messages given Orders for the preservation of this Province , all New Spain had been ruin'd in less than two years , and been made as desolate as Hispaniola . One of the President 's Companions employ'd eight thousand Indians to make a Wall round his Garden , but he gave 'em neither Wages nor Victuals ; so that they almost all dy'd before the Work was finish'd : neither the hard Labour they endur'd , nor their Death could make this merciless Man relent . After the former General , of whom we have spoken above , had made an end of destroying and wasting the Province of Panuco , and was inform'd that the Royal Council would arrive in a little time , he advanc'd farther into the Country , hoping to find some new Province on which to exercise his wonted Rapine . He forc'd fifteen or twenty thousand Indians to attend him , to carry the Spaniards Baggage and Provisions , which they did till they all died in the way except two hundred . He came at length into the Province of Mechuaca , about forty Leagues from Mexico . The King of this Province very civilly came out to meet him , and was as officious to serve him as could be desir'd ; but for his reward was loaded with Irons , because suppos'd to have a great Treasure by him ; and the better to extort great Sums from him , he was made to suffer a great many Torments . His Hands being tied to a Stake , and his Legs stretch'd out , they drop'd burning Pitch on 'em , and basted his Body with boiling Oil from time to time , that his Skin might be gradually roasted . Over against him stood a furious Souldier with a Bow shooting Arrows into his Breast : Another let loose hungry Dogs to bite and tear him in every part ; all these Tortures were to make him confess where he had hid his Gold : And these Cruelties would have been continued longer if a Franciscan Frier had not happen'd to come and rescue him out of their hands ; however he could not save his Life , for he expir'd soon after . Many Caciques and great Men of this Province were put to death after this manner , to make 'em confess where they had hid their Gold and Silver . About this time there arriv'd another Person in this Country , who was more greedy of Money , than solicitous about the Salvation of the poor Indians . He happen'd to find some of their Idols which they had hid , ( for the Spaniards would very seldom give themselves the trouble to inform these Idolaters of the True God ) Upon this he imprison'd the most considerable Persons in the Nation , till they should discover to him where they had put their Idols , because he suppos'd theirs were made either of Gold or Silver ; but he fail'd in his Expectation : however to mend the matter , he impos'd great Sums on the Indians , which they were to pay for the redemption of their Idols , that they might worship 'em after their wonted manner . These are the Improvements the Spaniards have been making in the West-Indies , and this is their Zeal for the Glory of God and Religion . After this Tyrant had run through the whole Province of Mechuaca , and pillaged it , he came to Xalisquo , a Country very populous and fruitful , and the most famous in all America ; there are Towns in it of seven Leagues in length . These Indians , as the others had done before , came out to meet him with great expressions of Joy ; but he soon left upon 'em the marks of his Cruelty , which he had cultivated by long Experience . The noble Presents made this Tiger could not mollify him . His design was to heap together a great quantity of Gold , this was the only Idol he ador'd ; and all means were indifferent to him , so he could but attain his end . He set fire to all the Cities through which he pass'd , and destroy'd 'em to the very Foundation . He kept those of the highest Dignity prisoners , after he had inflicted divers kinds of Torments on ' em . The Spaniards loaded all the Indians they could take here with Chains , which was a great number . The Souldiers made Women big with Child carry their Baggage , till they fainted and sunk under their Burdens with hunger and weariness . Others not able to carry both the heavy Burdens they gave 'em , and their Children too , were forc'd to leave these by the way , by which means a prodigious number of Children perish'd . A Spaniard attempting to ravish a Virgin in the presence of her Mother , the Mother did what she could to hinder him ; upon which , to prevent her from farther opposing his brutish design , he drew his Sword and cut off her Arms , and afterwards kill'd her Daughter because she would by no means consent to his filthy Desires , but resisted him with a virtuous Indignation and Courage to her last breath . Four thousand and five hundred of these poor Indians were branded with a hot Iron by the Spaniards , who mark'd 'em thus for Slaves , tho they were born free and independent . The very Children , as well as those that were grown to maturity , suffer'd this Punishment and Infamy : They pretended they had right to make a great number of 'em Slaves , to defray the Charge of their long Travels ; and that they might lawfully make these poor Creatures endure all sorts of Torments , to force 'em to declare where they had hid their Gold : Some of 'em they burnt , others were torn in pieces by hungry Dogs ; they cut off the Feet , Hands , Arms , Tongues , and sometimes the Heads of others , to terrify the rest by these sad Spectacles , that they might oblige 'em the more easily to submit to Slavery , or to shew 'em the places where they had secur'd their Treasure . And all these things were acted with the knowledg and consent of the Governor , who would sometimes order more Blows to be given 'em , when they were beat or whip'd , to compleat their Misery . Fourscore Towns and Villages at least were burnt in the Kingdom of Xalisco : Which tragical sight , together with all the various Cruelties they suffer'd every day , so provok'd the Indians , that they arm'd themselves and fell upon the Spaniards , and kill'd some of 'em : after which Expedition they fled up into the Mountains , but at length were massacred in this place of Refuge by other Spaniards who made Excursions through these Provinces to lay 'em waste . They put all of 'em to the Sword who made any offer to defend themselves , so that this place became a horrible scene of Blood : And there is scarce any Remnant of this once numerous People left . The Spaniards were certainly blinded , harden'd and abandon'd by the Almighty , that they made no Reflection on the Laws of God or Men , which all forbid the exercise of such Violence as they have been guilty of in America . They had no just occasion given 'em to drive the Inhabitants of those Provinces from their Native Country by force of Arms , and to massacre 'em so barbarously : they did not consider how unjust and criminal these Outrages were , and how contrary it was to all the Laws of Nations , for them to treat those who had never injur'd 'em with so much Cruelty . They pretend the Wars they have made against these People are just and lawful ; that God hath left 'em to their Mercy , and that they have right to make such Conquests as these , and to destroy all these Nations : So that it seems they would fain make God himself Partner with 'em in their Tyranny and Wickedness ; and one may well apply the words of the Prophet Zechariah to 'em : Feed the flock of the slaughter ; whose Possessors slay them , and hold themselves not guilty : and they that sell them say , Blessed be the Lord , for I am rich ; and their own Shepherds pity them not . Chap. 11. 4 , 5. Of the Kingdom of Yucatan . A Very profligate Person who had neither Honour nor Conscience , was made Governor of the Kingdom of Yucatan in the year 1526 ; which Dignity he procur'd by his Lies and Artifices , and the false accounts of Matters which he sent to the King of Spain . A method which other Tyrants have hitherto likewise follow'd to obtain places of Trust : For under the umbrage of the Title of Governor , which seems to give some Dignity and Authority to all they do , they take the liberty to exercise their Robberies and Violences with Impunity . The Kingdom of Yucatan contain'd a prodigious number of People ; the Air of this Country is very temperate and pleasant : it has great plenty of Fruits , and all the Necessaries of Life ; it exceeds Mexico it self in Fertility : There is more Wax and Honey found in this than in any other part of America that has been yet discover'd . This Kingdom is 300 Leagues in compass . The Inhabitants of it are more polite , more civiliz'd , and better disciplin'd in Morals , and in what belongs to the good order of Societies , than the rest of the Indians . There is a remarkable Prudence and Justness of Mind in them , which is not to be found in others . These natural Endowments without doubt ought to have encouraged Christians to take the pains to instruct 'em in the knowledg of the true God ; and they seem'd to have no small disposition to receive the Maxims of the Catholick Religion . The Spaniards might have built great and flourishing Cities in so pleasant and commodious a Country , where they might have liv'd in the midst of Pleasure and Plenty , as it were in another Earthly Paradise : but their Stupidity , their Avarice , and the enormous Crimes they have committed in America have render'd 'em unworthy of these Advantages . They attack'd these poor Indians , who liv'd in profound Peace and Security , with the utmost Violence of a cruel War , and massacred a prodigious number of 'em , tho the number of the Spaniards was but three hundred . This Country produces no Gold ; if the Spaniards could have found any Mines there , they would have condemn'd the Indians to 'em , who must have perish'd with Hunger and Hardship . These covetous Wretches esteem'd Gold more than Souls , which were purchas'd by the Blood of Jesus Christ ; they made Slaves of those whom they sav'd alive , and fill'd the Ships they had brought to the Coasts of this Kingdom with 'em , and so exchang'd 'em for Wine , Oil , Vinegar , salt Pork , Horses , and all other Necessaries . They would give fifty or a hundred of the handsomest young Girls for a measure of Wine , Oil or Vinegar , and would sell a hundred or two of lusty well-made young Men at the same rate . They swop'd a Prince's Son for a Cheese , and a hundred Persons of Eminency for a Horse . They continued in this Country till they heard of the Riches of Peru , the News of which made 'em leave it immediately , and thus their Persecutions ended in the Kingdom of Yucatan . However , before they went they committed all the Excesses and Disorders that can be imagin'd against both God and Men : so that those three hundred Leagues of one of the finest Countries in the World , that was very rich and full of People before their arrival , were in a little time reduc'd to a vast Desert . 'T is not easy to believe the Account of all the villanous Actions they committed in this Kingdom : I 'll recite but two or three particular Facts . They had prepar'd fierce Dogs which they kept hungry to go a hunting after the poor Indians ; as they were hunting they lighted on a Woman that was sick , who not being in a condition to fly to avoid being devour'd of the Dogs , hang'd her self , after she had hang'd a Child she had with her of a year old ; the Dogs presently camt to her , and began to devour her : but a certain Frier that was happily there perceiving the Child not to be yet quite dead , baptiz'd it . When they quitted this Kingdom , they invited the Son of one of the Princes of the Country to accompany 'em , who shew'd a great unwillingness to abandon his Country to follow 'em , on which they threatned to cut him in quarters if he did not consent to their desire . The Child still persisting in the same mind , one of the Spaniards drew his Sword and cut off both his Ears : This ill Treatment however could not make him alter his purpose , upon which this Brute cut off his Nose and Lips , and laugh'd while he was committing this barbarous Action . Another brag'd that he had got many Indian Women with Child , that he might sell 'em for the more Money . Some of the Spaniards have been so inhuman as to give Infants to their Hounds when they were hungry : they would take these poor Babes by the two Legs , and violently tear 'em asunder into two pieces , and then feed their Dogs with 'em , They were left of God to such a reprobate mind , that they made no more account of human Creatures , that were ransom'd by the Blood of Jesus Christ , than of Beasts . I pass over an infinite number of other unheard of Cruelties , which surpass all Imagination . When these covetous and ambitious Tyrants left the Kingdom of Yucatan to go in search after the greater Riches of Peru , four Franciscan Friers came thither to comfort these miserable People , and to endeavour by their preaching to bring those that had escap'd the fury of the Spaniards to the knowledg of the true God. The same Friers were very earnestly solicited by many other Indians to come into their Country likewise to teach 'em the Maxims of their Religion . They assembled in great companies to inform themselves what sort of Men these Religious . Persons were , who call'd one another Father and Brother , to inquire into their true designs , and to know wherein they differ'd from other Spaniards , who had exercis'd so much Cruelty over all the West-Indies . They were willing to entertain 'em on condition they would come alone to instruct 'em , without any other Spaniards to attend 'em ; which the Friers promis'd very readily , assuring 'em they would not offer 'em the least Injury . The Governor of New Spain likewise now order'd 'em to promise the Indians , that they should be treated more kindly for the time to come , and should find no farther occasion to complain of the Spaniards Severity . Thus these Religious Men began to preach the Gospel of Christ with a great deal of Zeal , and inform'd these People moreover of the good Intentions of the King of Spain towards 'em ; so that in about forty days time , they brought all their Idols to throw 'em in the fire : they as readily brought their Children , whom they bring up with a great deal of tenderness and fondness , to be instructed ; and built both Houses and Churches for these Friers with all the Affection and Forwardness imaginable . All the several Provinces strove with great Emulation for their Company , their Zeal was so great for the new Religion they preach'd to ' em . So that what the Governors could never obtain of the Indians in many years , these Friers accomplish'd in a very little time : for the Princes and Great Men of these Provinces , at the head of their People in a General Assembly , voluntarily submitted to the Government of the King of Spain , whom they acknowledg'd for their Soveraign , and put themselves under his Protection ; as may be seen by the account these Friers sent into Spain sign'd with their own hands . These pious Men were transported with Joy to find a door open'd to 'em to preach the Gospel in these vast Provinces , to those that had escap'd the Barbarity of the several Governors , who had massacred such prodigious numbers . About this time there came into these parts eighteen Spanish Troopers with twelve foot Souldiers , who brought with them abundance of Indian Idols which they had taken out of other Provinces ; the Commander of these Souldiers sent for one of the principal Chiefs of the Nation , and commanded him to take these Idols and distribute 'em throughout the Country , and to bring him Indian Men and Women in exchange for 'em , threatning him with a severe War if he refus'd to obey him . This Prince was so terrified with these Menaces , that he carried away all these Idols , and dispos'd 'em in the several Cities of his Province , requiring the People in the name of this Spanish Captain to worship these false Gods , and to render 'em all the Honour and Service they were formerly wont to do . To recompense this Action they gave him liberty to make as many Slaves as he pleas'd . The Indians , frighted with the threatnings that were made 'em , deliver'd up their own Children ; he that had two gave one , and he that had three gave two . This was the Event of this impious Traffick , the Cacyque being forced to obey the Orders of the Spanish Captain . One of these ungodly Wretches , whose name was John Garcia , being taken dangerously sick , and ready to expire , bethought himself that he had a considerable number of these Idols under his Bed ; and therefore order'd an Indian Woman that he kept to sell 'em , telling her she might make a good market of 'em , the matter of which being very valuable , he told her every Image was at least fairly worth an Indian in exchange . This was the Spaniards last Will and Testament , and these were the marks he gave of the pious disposition of his Mind , and in the midst of such Cares as these he gave up the Ghost . By this Story it may easily be conjectur'd what good Examples the Spaniards set before the Indians , and what progress the Catholick Religion is likely to make among these People ; who being Eye-witnesses of such Actions as these , easily perceive that the Europeans have so little sentiment of Religion , that they don't much care whether poor Infidels be reduc'd to pay the true God that Worship and Honour they owe him , or not . It can hardly be said that Jeroboam's Crime , who caus'd two Golden Calves to be cast , and oblig'd his Subjects to worship 'em , is more hainous than that of the Spaniards , who drive such an abominable trade with Idols , and occasion so much scandal by this shameful kind of Traffick . This is the manner of their Conduct and Behaviour in the new World. They sacrifice every thing to their detestable Avarice , and sell Christ Jesus himself for Gold. They are every day renouncing him , and dishonouring his Religion by the many infamous Crimes of which they are guilty . The Indians seeing the Spaniards still continue to ruin their Country , notwithstanding all the express Promises the Friers had made 'em that they would abstain for the future from their wonted Robberies ; and that instead of mending their own Lives , they brought Idols even from other Countries to expose to sale among them , who had voluntarily resign'd their own to the Friers to be committed to the Flames , being resolv'd to worship but one God in their Country for time to come : Seeing all this ( I say ) they were extremely enrag'd at the Spaniards , and no less provok'd against the Friers , whom they accosted after this manner . Why ( say they ) have you deceiv'd us thus by your false Promises ? Did not you assure us the Spaniards should no more invade and oppress us ? Why have you burnt our Gods , to bring us strange Gods out of other Countries ? Are these better or mightier than our own ? The poor Friers endeavor'd to appease 'em as well as they could , tho they scarce knew how to answer their Complaints , having no good Reasons to offer to excuse the matter . However they applied themselves to the Spaniards , reproach'd 'em for having so exceedingly scandaliz'd the Indians , and conjur'd 'em to leave the Country , which they absolutely refus'd to do ; and which was still more vile and unworthy , they perswaded the Indians that they had not come into their Country but at the request of these Friers : Which pretence had the success they desired ; for the Indians giving credit to these Stories , resolv'd to kill the poor Friers ; but some of 'em giving 'em notice of the Design , they made their escape in the night . After they were gone , the Indians perceiv'd they were impos'd on , and receiv'd full information of the Malice of the Spaniards , and the base trick they had play'd 'em , and therefore dispatch'd a Message to the Friers to entreat 'em to return , and forgive the fault they had committed , assuring 'em they heartily repented of their Ingratitude . These pious Men that were devoted to the Service of God , and animated with an ardent Zeal for the Salvation of Souls , confiding in the Protestations of the Indians , return'd to 'em according to their request , and were receiv'd as if they had been Angels come down from Heaven : they continued three or four Months among 'em , receiving abundance of respect and kindness from ' em . The Spaniards , who still refus'd to quit the Country , tho the Vice-roy had expresly order'd 'em so to do , and had us'd all his Authority to oblige 'em to it , were declar'd Rebels and Traitors ; however this did not hinder 'em from continuing their Rapine and Insolence . And tho the Friers were satisfied they would not always escape with Impunity , yet they fear'd it might be a long time before they receiv'd their Deserts ; and considering moreover that the continual Insults they made on the Indians , depriv'd them of the liberty of preaching to 'em , upon the whole they thought meet to resolve to leave this Kingdom , which was depriv'd of the light of the Gospel by the Malice of the Spaniards : and thus these poor Indians who manifested such good Inclinations toward Christianity , were abandon'd to their former Darkness and Idolatry , in which they continue to this day , while those profligate Wretches still by the same Obstacles in the way of their Conversion . When these Friers were constrain'd to retire out of the Country , the Indians began to imbrace the Christian Religion with a great deal of Zeal and Fervor ; but being unhappily depriv'd of all means of Instruction , they wither'd like tender Plants , for want of Water . Of the Province of St. Martha . THE Province of St. Martha was famous for the rich Golden Mines that are near it , and for the fruitfulness of its Soil . The People are numerous , and very skilful in getting Gold out of the Mines , which easily engag'd the Spaniards to go thither , and that in great numbers ; they made continual Excursions over all this fine Country to ravage and spoil it ; they massacred vast numbers of the Inhabitants , took away all their Gold , and fill'd their Ships , which serv'd 'em for Magazines , with the Booty . They soon laid waste this flourishing Province by the Robberies and Villanies they committed : they did the greatest mischief upon the Sea-coasts , but they soon after pierc'd higher up into the Country , where they endeavour'd to make a Settlement . The Country being rich and fertile , divers Spanish Captains successively invaded it with their Troops , and the last was still more cruel and inhuman than his Predecessor . They seem'd ambitious to outvie one another in the Enormity of their Crimes and Villanies . In the year 1520 , a Spanish General attended with a great many Souldiers enter'd into this Province with a resolution of ruining it entirely . He continued there for seven years together , and carried away an immense Treasure with him ; at last he was condemn'd to be banish'd , and dyed in his Exile without shewing the least token of Repentance . Those who succeeded him went on to massacre those Indians that he and other Tyrants had spared ; they made both the common People , and the Nobility of this Province suffer most horrible Torments , to oblige 'em by the violence of their pain to discover their Gold : they laid this Country waste for above 40 Leagues , not leaving one soul alive ; tho this Province was well stock'd with Inhabitants before their arrival . To give a particular Relation of all the Extravagances , Massacres and Desolations , of all the Impieties and Villanies committed by the Spaniards in this Province against God , against the King , and against the innocent Indians , would require a large History : I must therefore content my self to pass over many Circumstances after a cursory manner . The Bishop of this Province , writing to the King of Spain in the year 1541 , among other things thus expresses himself : Great Sir , To redress the Grievances of this Province , it ought to be deliver'd from the Tyranny of those that ravage it , and committed to the Care of Persons of Integrity , who will treat the Inhabitants with more kindness and humanity ; for if it be left to the mercy of the Governours , who commit all sorts of Outrages with impunity , 't will be destroy'd in a very little time . The same Bishop farther adds in his Letter : The ill Conduct of the Governours may well engage your Majesty to deprive 'em absolutely of their Places , to relieve these Provinces ; and if this course be not taken , the disease will be incurable . I am necessitated to let your Majesty know , that the Spaniards who come into this New World , live here rather like Devils than Christians ; they neither serve God nor the King ; they violate all the Laws of God and Men with Impunity . Nothing can be a greater hindrance to the Conversion of the Indians , than the ill Treatment and Persecution they make 'em suffer continually . These People naturally love peace and quietness ; but the barbarous usage they meet with from the Spaniards , inspires 'em with horror and indignation against all Christians , whom they therefore call in their Language Yares , that is to say , Devils . Nor is it without reason that they appear so odious and abominable to these poor Creatures , since the Actions they see 'em commit , are more like those of Devils , than of reasonable Creatures , or Christians . For while the Indians see the Officers as well as Souldiers commit such detestable Crimes ; they believe the Laws of Christianity authorize these inhuman Actions , and that neither our God nor our King forbids ' em . 'T is to no purpose to pretend to undeceive 'em , and remove these Prejudices , as the Case stands ; 't is but only to expose the Laws and Religion of Christ the more to the Contempt of these Idolaters . The Indians now begin to defend themselves from the Spaniards by force of Arms ; and choose rather to perish together at once than to suffer a thousand deaths by the Cruelty of these unmerciful Men. Your Majesty has more Servants in this New World than you imagine ; for there are none who bear Arms in these vast Countries , and make it their business to plunder , kill , and burn , but give out that they are employ'd here in your Majesty's business , and endeavour to perswade the World that 't is by your Majesty's Order , and for your Interest , that they do all this Mischief to the Indians : tho the Truth is , they use 'em after this violent manner , only to enrich themselves by plundering 'em of all they have . It seems absolutely necessary for your Majesty to stop the Course of these Robbers by some Exemplary Punishment ; and that your Majesty declare you will have none of their Services , who so highly dishonour God and Religion . Thus far the Letter which the Bishop of St. Martha wrote to his Catholick Majesty : By which it may be conjectur'd how the Spaniards have abus'd the poor Indians . They in derision and scorn call those the Warlike Indians , that fly into the Mountains to save their Lives . And when they force these miserable People , to travel in rough and difcult ways , sweating under the great Burdens they oblige 'em to carry , not content with having overloaded 'em , they aggravate their misery by beating 'em unmercifully , and bruising their Faces with the pommels of their Swords , till the poor Wretches driven to despair with all this Oppression , often cry out , I can hold out no longer ; kill me out-right ; put an end to my Miseries by a speedy Death . And many deep sighs accompany these Expressions , which sometimes they are scarce able to utter , their Strength is so exhausted with their Toil , their Weariness , and the unmerciful Blows which they give 'em , without any regard to their other Miseries . Of the Province of Carthagena . THIS Province is situate about 50 Leagues distance from that of St. Martha Westward , and borders on the Country of Cenu ; it stretches along the Sea-shore as far as the Gulf of Voaba , the space of a hundred Leagues ; and is still larger on the South-side . All this Country from the year 1498. to this time hath suffer'd great Persecutions from the Spaniards , who have exercised a World of violence , and made a great many Massacres here , till they have made all this Country as desolate as that of St. Martha . But I begin to be weary of mentioning so often the Barbarity and Impiety the Spaniards have discovered in America . Of the Pearl-Coast , and the Island of Trinidado . THE Spaniards have made horrible Ravage and Spoil from the Coast of Paria quite to the Gulf of Venecuela , which is the space of above 200 Leagues ; and after having committed their wonted Robberies , have taken as many Indians as they could , and either sold 'em , or made Slaves of 'em themselves , contrary to the promises often made 'em , that they would treat 'em as their Friends , and as a free People ; which Protestations they never took care to observe . And tho these poor People did 'em all the good Offices they could , and were very ready to serve 'em on all occasions ; tho they liberally gave 'em all they had to subsist on themselves ; yet 't is not to be express'd with what Injuries and Mischiefs the Spaniards requited all this kindness . I purposely omit a great many Disorders which they committed along this Coast , being willing to insist only on those matters that are most remarkable . The Isle of Trinidado is larger and more fruitful than that of Sicily , it is join'd to the Continent on that side where it touches Paria ; the Inhabitants are a very honest sort of People , teachable enough , and well inclin'd to Virtue . A Spanish Captain , accompanied with 60 Cut-throats like himself , invaded this Country in the year 1510 , and immediately commanded the Indians to come to him , pretending he was come to live peaceably with them in the Island ; who receiv'd him and his Company with as great Testimonies of kindness , as if they had been their own Children . The chief men of the Country as well as the common People all waited on 'em with abundance of alacrity and joy ; they every day brought 'em a quantity of Provisions sufficient for a much greater number of men : For the Indians are very much given to hospitality , and readily supply Strangers with all the Necessaries they have . In a little time the Spaniards would needs make 'em build a vast house , that all the Indians might lodg together in the same place ; they us'd this Artifice to catch 'em in the snare they were preparing for ' em . When the work was carried up about the height of two men , they inclos'd a great many Indians within , that the work might be the sooner finish'd , as they pretended ; but the design was to hinder any Communication between them that were within and those that were without : part of the Souldiers kept the doors of the house with their Weapons in their hands to prevent any from going out ; another part went in among 'em with their naked Swords , threatning to cut their Throats , if they made any stir or disturbance ; and so bound 'em all like so many Sheep . If any one attempted to make his escape , they immediately cut him in pieces ; however divers of 'em escaped , some whole and others wounded , who joining with those that had not yet been shut up in this fatal House , and arming themselves with Bows and Arrows to the number of 200 , retir'd into another House , where they thought themselves secure , if they could defend the door against the Spaniards ; but these set it on fire on the other side , and cruelly destroy'd these poor Creatures . After this barbarous Expedition they retreated into the Island of St. John with about 180 Prisoners , who had suffer'd themselves to be bound ; where they sold half of 'em , and the rest in Hispaniola . When I severely reprov'd this Captain for his perfidiousness and cruelty , he satisfied himself with making me this answer : Don't you trouble your self about these matters ; they that sent me gave me Orders to act after this manner , and to take all those by force that I could not bring away under the shadow and pretence of Peace . The Spaniards were guilty of a world of such base Actions , in seizing these Indians contrary to their promises that they would treat 'em like Friends . Let any one now make reflection on the Conduct of the Spaniards , and see if they have any appearance of right to reduce the Inhabitants of America , as they do , to such a miserable state of bondage . It was resolv'd among the Dominican Friers to send some of their Order , to display the Light of the Gospel among the Indians that liv'd in the gross darkness of Idolatry , and were out of the way of Salvation : They first sent one that was a Licentiate in Divinity , of great reputation for his Piety and Virtue , who took with him a Lay-brother : they both went through this Country to seek a commodious place for the building of a Monastry ; and conferr'd with some of the Inhabitants what measures to take to succeed in this design . When the other Friers were arriv'd , the Indians receiv'd 'em as if they had been Messengers sent from Heaven ; they manifested abundance of affection to 'em , heard what they said with great attention , as far as they were capable of understanding them ; for these religious Persons not being yet sufficiently acquainted with their Language , were constrain'd to make use of signs to express their meaning . No sooner was the Ship that brought the Friers gone off , but there came another full of Souldiers , who made use of Treachery and Artifice , according to their wicked Custom , to seize the Prince of this Nation , unknown to the Friers . This Prince's name was Alfonso , which was given him either by the Friers , or some other Spaniards ; for these Indians take upon 'em Christian Names with a great deal of Joy ; and before they are instructed in our Mysteries , very eagerly desire to be baptized . This Prince Alfonso , together with his Princess , not aware of the Artifices of the Spaniards , and the deceitful trick they had resolv'd to play 'em , were perswaded to go on board one of their Ships , and many other Indians did the like , being all made to believe there was a great Feast prepar'd for 'em ; and they needed the less importunity to entice 'em into the Ship , because they suppos'd the Friers , in whom they put abundance of Cofidence , had Interest and Authority enough among the Soldiers to secure 'em from all manner of danger : otherwise they would not have so easily trusted themselves in the hands of the Spaniards . The very moment they enter'd the Vessel , these perfidious Men set sail , and carried 'em to Hispaniola , where they sold 'em for Slaves . All the Country was alarm'd at the sad tidings that the Spaniards had carried away their Prince and Princess ; and came in Crowds to seek the Friers , who narrowly escap'd being kill'd by ' em . These good men were extreamly griev'd at the treachery us'd with these poor People ; and would rather have died than suffer'd these Outrages to be on all occasions committed against 'em , if they could have prevented 'em , because these were the great obstacles that hinder'd 'em from embracing the Catholick Religion . However , the Indians were appeas'd by the promises the Friers made 'em , that they would write by the first Vessel that should go to Hispaniola , to procure their Prince and Princess to be sent back . Accordingly a Vessel being in a little time prepar'd for this Voyage , they made use of the opportunity to write to Hispaniola , to engage these Robbers to restore their Prey , which they obstinately refus'd to do , the Governours of that Island having had a share in the Booty . These good Friers who had given their word to the Indians , that their Prince Alfonso and his Princess should be restor'd to em in four months , seeing twice four Months elaps'd without any hope of their return , were oblig'd to prepare for death ; there was now no way to avoid shedding their blood for the Glory of Christ , and in his Service , which Sacrifice they had offer'd in the ready disposition of their Minds to suffer before they came from Spain : In short , they were massacred by the Indians , who believed they were Accomplices of the foremention'd Treachery ; and thought their suspicion well founded , because the Friers had promis'd to redress their Grievance in four months time ; and yet they saw these promises produc'd no effect : Besides , these Barbarians make no great difference between those religious Men that go to the Indies only to instruct and preach to 'em , and the Spanish Souldiers who go thither only to enrich themselves by robbing ' em . However , these good Fathers were unjustly put to death ; and one may without scruple place 'em in the Order of Martyrs , and conclude they are now enjoying God in the glory of Heaven . They obediently resign'd themselves to go into America according to the direction of their Superiours , and had no other intention in their Voyage , but that of preaching the Christian Faith to these Idolaters , and of putting 'em in the way of Salvation , with a resolution to suffer any hardships , or even death it self , in the prosecution of so pious a Design . The cruel Treatment the Indians met with from the Spaniards occasioned 'em likewise to kill two Dominican Friers about the same time . There was in these Provinces , near the Gulf of Codera , a City , the Prince of which was nam'd Higuerote ; who was naturally of a sweet and amicable temper , and his Subjects civil and complaisant : when the Spaniards came first ashore in his Country , the Inhabitants treated 'em with abundance of Kindness ; they supplied 'em with Provisions and Stores in great plenty ; and omitted nothing they were capable of doing to refresh and recruit 'em after the fatigues and troubles of their Voyage . This Prince had sav'd the lives of a great many Europeans , who had exercis'd their Cruelty and Oppression in other Provinces , when they came to his Coasts half dead with hunger and weariness ; and after he had recruited 'em with his good Entertainment , sent 'em safe and in a good state of health to the Isle of Pearls , which was the ordinary Residence of the Spaniards , tho he might have securely kill'd 'em all , without being ever suspected of the fact . Upon this the Spaniards were so well perswaded of Higuerote's good inclination toward 'em , that they took his house for their home , and were as kindly entertain'd in it as they could expect to be in their own . While this Country thus enjoy'd a profound Peace , a Spanish Captain coming ashore there , invited divers of the Inhabitants to come on board his Vessel ; which they often did , from the entire confidence they had in the repeated Promises the Spaniards made 'em that they would do 'em no injury : At length when many of 'em were got into the Ship , the Captain gave a Signal to put out to Sea , and sail'd directly for the Isle of St. John , where he sold all the poor Creatures , whom he had thus perfidiously surpriz'd . I soon after arriv'd in the same Island , where I saw this Robber , and had a particular account given me of the Circumstances of this villanous Action ; and it seems , to compleat the Crime , he utterly destroy'd this Prince's City . These things were not well resented by the rest of the Spaniards that us'd to cruise up and down the neighbouring Coasts to pillage 'em ; for they could not but abhor the Action of this Captain , that he should by so infamous a piece of Treachery abuse this Indian Chief , who had done 'em so many good Offices from time to time , and was wont to entertain 'em as if they had been his own Children . The Spaniards took away above two Millions of Men from the Coasts of these Provinces , and transported 'em into the Islands of Hispaniola and St. John , where the greatest part perish'd in the Mines , or by other Hardships which they made 'em suffer . It would produce Compassion in the hardest Hearts , to see these Coasts that were once so full of People now absolutely desert . It has been observ'd by many Trials , that one third part of the Slaves which the Spaniards take on board their Vessels die by the way , besides those they kill when they search their Houses to take these poor Wretches away . The end the Spaniards propose to themselves , which is to get Riches at any rate in the world , induces 'em to commit all this Violence ; they carry away great numbers of Slaves , to produce considerable Sums of Mony , and yet take but a small quantity of Provisions in their Ships to maintain all these People , for fear of being at too great a charge in transporting 'em ; nay sometimes they have scarce enough for the Spaniards that man the Ship : so that many of the Indians perish miserably with Hunger and Thirst ; and sometimes they cast the greatest part of 'em over board , to preserve the rest . A certain Pilot told me , that in a Voyage he once made from the Lucay Islands to Hispaniola , which is about seventy Leagues , he had no need either of a Compass , or the observation of the Stars to guide his Vessel ; for he assur'd me the floating Bodies of the Indians that had been thrown into the Sea , serv'd for his Guide throughout this Passage , and conducted him straight to the port to which he was bound . To see the Indians arrive in any Island where they design to sell 'em , can't but excite Compassion and Trouble in every Mind that is not divested of all Sentiments of Humanity : To see a great number of Men. Women and Children stark naked , and so worn out with Hunger and Hardship , that many of 'em can scarce stand , and others fall down with Faintness ; and to see 'em divided into several Companies like Sheep , Husbands separated from their Wives , and Children from their Parents ; for the Spaniards are wont to divide 'em by ten or twenty in a Company , and then to cast Lots which share each Man shall have . This is the trade of these Pirats , who arm and fit out Vessels on purpose to carry away these poor Wretches from their own Houses , to inrich themselves by selling 'em for Slaves . When a Spaniard happens to have an old or sick Man fall to his share among the rest , he 'll complain of such a Lot , and say to his Companions , Why d' ye give me this old Fellow that 's good for nothing ? he is not worth his keeping : What shall I do with this sick Slave , that will only be a charge to me , and can do me no Service ? 'T is easy to see by all this how little account they make of these People , and what little regard they have to the Rules of Christian Charity ; 't is too evident they neither have any love to God , nor to their Neighbour , tho on these two ( as our Saviour says ) both the Law and the Prophets depend . The detestable Cruelty and Tyranny of the Spaniards in insnaring and seizing these poor Indians , when they go in quest of 'em to inslave 'em , and employ 'em in fishing for Pearls , is scarce to be imagin'd . The Torments they make these unfortunate People endure , can scarce be compar'd to any less than those of Hell. What they suffer in the Gold Mines , tho very terrible , yet is far inferior to that we are now relating . They make 'em dive in the Sea five or six fathom under water ( where they are forc'd to hold their Breath ) to take up Mother of Pearl ; and when they come up to the surface of the Water with Nets full of those Shells , to get a little Breath , if they keep above water something longer than ordinary to refresh themselves a little , a merciless Spaniard who attends with a Boat , beats and abuses 'em without measure , and often takes 'em by the hair of the head , to force 'em again under water , to continue their fishing . They feed 'em with a little Fish and a piece of dry hungry Bread , and don 't give 'em a Belly full of that neither ; they have no other Bed than the hard ground on which they make 'em sleep in their Chains , for fear they should run away . They are often drown'd in fishing thus for Pearl , or else devour'd by a sort of Sea-monsters , that will swallow a Man whole , so that they hear no more of ' em . 'T is no hard matter to perceive by what has been said , that the Precept of Christian Charity is ill observ'd in this kind of fishing , seeing these poor Slaves are expos'd to imminent danger of perishing both in Soul and Body . The Avarice of the Spaniards , who mind nothing but Gain , is such , that they scarce take any care to instruct their Slaves , and to fortify 'em by communicating the Sacraments to ' em . They oppress 'em with so much Labour and Fatigue , that they die in a little time ; and 't is impossible Men should continue long under water without Respiration , and endure the great Constraint they suffer in holding their Breath : The coldness of the Water sometimes makes 'em vomit Blood ; and they soon die , partly by having their Stomachs so violently press'd by long holding of their Breath under water , and partly by the excessive Cold they endure , which causes that flux of Blood of which I have just now spoken . Tho they have naturally black Hair , the Fatigue they undergo changes the colour of it ; so that it becomes like the Hair of Sea-wolves . The foam of the Sea sticks so fast to their Shoulders , and in such a manner , that they look more like Monsters than Men. By this fishing trade the Spaniards have destroy'd all the People of the Lucay-Islands , which were the most skilful and experienc'd in this Employment ; and the reason why one of those Indians was sold for fifty Crowns or more , and sometimes for a hundred , was because they were marvellously dextrous at swimming and diving . However , those of other Provinces were employ'd too in this work when they could take 'em ; so that by this means an infinite number of People have been destroy'd . Of the River Yuya-pari . THIS Province is water'd by the River Yuya-pari , tho the source of it is two hundred Leagues distant . A Spanish Captain once had the boldness to go up this River to penetrate farther into the Country , and to ravage and spoil it . He massacred abundance of People in his way , laid the Country waste with Fire and Sword , and ruin'd them by whole Families , while they were peaceably enjoying themselves in their Houses , and thought of nothing less : But after all this mischief , himself perish'd miserably , and his Souldiers quarrel'd and destroy'd one another . They that afterwards came into this Country succeeded him in his Cruelties , and are still laying it waste ; they commit abundance of Massacres and Robberies there with Impunity , and seem to undertake their long Voyages and Journeys on purpose to precipitate an infinite number of Souls into Hell , that were redeem'd by the Blood of the Son of God. Of the Kingdom of Vençuela . IN the year 1526 , the King of Spain , abus'd by the Artifices of some ill-designing People , who made use of a thousand fetches and excuses to conceal from him the great Devastations the Spaniards had made in the new World , to the great prejudice of the Glory of God , the Christian Religion , and the Salvation of the poor Indians , gave the Government of the Kingdom of Vençuela , which is bigger than all Spain , to several Flemish Merchants , with full Jurisdiction and Power to do what they pleas'd there , and to dispose of the Country as they thought convenient . They accordingly enter'd it with three hundred Men , and found the People there to be of a meek , tractable and peaceful Disposition , as indeed the Indians generally are when left to their natural Temper , and not enrag'd by the Abuses so often offer'd ' em . These were still more brutish and cruel than those Spaniards of whom we have been hitherto speaking : They exceeded Tygers , Wolves and Lions in Barbarity , when they saw themselves Masters of this great Kingdom , in possession of it , and the Jurisdiction of it entirely put into their hands : they thought they had ample liberty to do there whatever they pleas'd , and that they might satisfy their Covetousness at any rate , and by all the methods they could imagine , tho never so unjust . They took no care but how to heap up vast Treasures of Gold and Silver ; and the abominable means they us'd to this end , shew'd they had no regard either to God or their Prince ; nay , they seem'd to have utterly forgotten that themselves were Men , having put on such an inhuman and savage Fierceness ; or to come yet nearer to their true Character , they appear'd like so many Devils in the shape of Men. They ran through these rich and pleasant Provinces , and instantly laid the Country waste for forty Leagues together , wherein were fruitful Vallies of a prodigious extent , and Towns and Villages stor'd with great quantities of Gold. The destruction they made was so general , that scarce a Man was left to carry the News of the Cruelties they exercised in this Kingdom to other Provinces : none but those that hid themselves in Caves and Holes of the Earth , could escape the Sword of these furious and inhuman Creatures . They invented new kinds of Punishments wherewith to torment 'em , to force 'em to part with their Gold by discovering the places where they had hid it : After this manner they destroy'd three or four Millions of People . The Instances of three or four Facts will sufficiently discover how these Brutes behav'd themselves in this Kingdom . One of the first things they did , was to seize him , whom they look'd upon as the Soveraign Prince of the whole Kingdom ; they loaded him with Irons to get the more Gold out of him : they endeavour'd by the Tortures to which they put him , to make him discover the places where he had secur'd his Treasures ; but he had the good fortune to escape their hands , and fly into the Mountains : His Subjects surrounded him , and hid him in the Woods ; but their number was too great to be long conceal'd : so that the Spaniards pursued 'em with Swords in their hands , and made a dreadful Massacre among 'em ; others of them they took alive , and sold for Slaves . Before the Spaniards had took their King Prisoner , they were receiv'd in all these Provinces with singing , dancing , and all the highest demonstrations of Joy , as if come to bring Peace and Plenty with 'em into the Country : They frankly and voluntarily gave 'em immense Sums of Gold and Silver ; for which all the Compensation they had was to be run through , and cut with Lances and Swords , and massacred without pity . One day when they came out to meet the Spaniards to do 'em the more honour , the Flemish Commander having order'd a great number of 'em to assemble together in a certain House , cut 'em all in pieces immediately , only some of the poor Wretches got upon the Beams to avoid the fury of the Souldiers ; upon which this Commander caus'd the House to be fir'd , and destroy'd them in the Flames . The whole Country was soon turn'd into a Desert ; for all that escap'd the Souldiers Rage retir'd into the Mountains . The Spaniards after this pass'd into a vast Province upon the Confines of that of St. Martha , where they found the Natives following their ordinary business in profound Peace . All the while they continued here they liv'd at the charge of the Indians , who serv'd 'em with as much Affection and Diligence , as if they had ow'd their Lives to 'em : nay , they bore with their troublesom Humors , and continually receiv'd ill Treatment from 'em with incredible Patience . The Indians moreover to qualify their ill Temper , brought 'em a prodigious quantity of Gold , and many other things of great value . Yet these Tyrants , when upon the point of leaving 'em , instead of gratefully acknowledging all the good Offices they had receiv'd of 'em , resolv'd to put 'em all to the Sword. The Flemish General ( who has since been suppos'd to be a Heretick , because he never went to Mass himself , nor suffer'd others to go ) commanded his Men to take all the Indians with their Wives and Children , and put 'em into some very large place capable of containing 'em all ; and then to declare to 'em that if they had a mind to redeem their Liberty , with that of their Wives and Children , they must necessarily lay down a certain Sum , which this unjust Governor had tax'd 'em according to his own capricious Humour ; and to urge 'em the more to answer his Requirement , he barbarously prohibited his Men to give any Victuals to these poor Creatures , till each of 'em had paid the Sum impos'd on him . Many of 'em sent to their Houses for the Sum demanded , being willing to do what they could to redeem their Liberty , and to have leave to go seek something to eat : Yet they were no sooner got out of the Clutches of this covetous Governor , but he instantly sent Soldiers to take 'em again , and subject 'em to the same Confinement from which they had ransom'd themselves with so much difficulty : so that they dy'd in this Captivity with Hunger and Thirst , unless they speedily bought their Liberty again , which they forc'd 'em to do by this barbarous usage . So that many of 'em were taken and retaken thus three or four times , and every time oblig'd to ransom themselves with great Sums . Those that were not able to pay the Tax laid upon 'em , continued in this cruel Prison till they pin'd away with Hunger and Misery . Thus was this opulent Province that abounded with Gold , made desolate in a very little time . There was one pleasant and fertile Vale ravag'd by these Brutes , which extended no less than forty Leagues ; they burnt a Town in it consisting of a thousand Houses . After this resolving to advance farther into the Country to discover a new way to Peru , they made use of a multitude of Indians in this Journey , whom they loaded with Chains , and their Baggage together : those that fainted under their Burdens with weariness , they kill'd upon the spot , cutting of their heads ; and divided the Burdens of them that died among the Survivors . If one could exactly describe all the Ravage and Massacres the Spaniards commited in this Province , together with all the Towns they fir'd , so deplorable a Story would fill every Reader with horror , and almost surpass belief . Many other Tyrants came afterward into this Province , who follow'd the steps of the former in searching for Gold and other Treasure ; but they found the Country so burnt , pillag'd and desolate , tho it had heretofore been both very populous and fertile , that they themselves could not but stand amaz'd to think what Cruelties the poor Indians had endur'd . All these Violences were plainly prov'd by the Procurator of the Treasury of the Council of the West-Indies . The Acts and Proceedings made in this Affair are yet preserv'd upon record ; yet not one of these Tyrants was ever put to death for the Injuries offer'd these poor Indians : so that all the Process that was made against 'em prov'd to very little purpose . Those Ministers of Justice that have been hitherto sent into the Indies have regarded nothing but their Interest ; and studied how to enrich themselves without taking the trouble to examin and punish the Crimes of these Tyrants , who did so much mischief , and committed so many Outrages on the poor Indians . They content themselves to say in general , that such and such have committed great Crimes , and abus'd the Inhabitants of the New World ; that they have lessen'd the King's Revenues to such a degree . But when they have made these loose and general Enquiries , they go no farther : Whereas more effectual Remedies ought to be used to stop the Course of all these Mischiefs . There is not so much care taken as to evidence and verify these matters ; nor do they give their Acts and Proceedings all the Life and Authority they ought : for to discharge their Duty faithfully to God and the King , they should make such Tyrants as these restore all the Plunder they have so unjustly got . And 't would be no difficult matter to prove that they carried out of this Kingdom of Vencuela above 3 Millions of Gold , having utterly ruined the Country for 40 leagues together in the space of 17 years ; for so long they continued spoiling this noble and fruitful Region . They have cheated the King of above 2 Millions of his Revenues ; nor can they ever be able to repair the damage they have done this delicious Country , unless the many thousand People they have cruelly murder'd could be rais'd again from the dead . What I am now speaking of , only respects the King 's temporal Interest , which they have so ill manag'd , without saying any thing of their Blasphemies , their Impieties and Outrages committed immediately against the Divine Majesty . And who shall make reparation for the loss of so many Souls they have precipitated into Hell , in not suffering the Missionaries to instruct ' em ? These are the Fruits of their detestable avarice and profanity . As soon as ever they enter'd this Kingdom , they several times loaded divers Ships with great numbers of Indians , whom they carried into the Isle of St. Martha , and sold for Slaves . Great multitudes of these poor Creatures were likewise carried into Hispaniola , Jamaica , and the Isle of St. John , to the number at least of a million of Men. The Royal Council has been sufficiently inform'd of all these Disorders and Cruelties ; but they are pleas'd to connive at 'em , and are as willing to shut their Eyes , and take no notice of all the Robberies and Villanies the Spaniards have committed on the Coasts of the Isle of St. Martha ; tho they might have easily hinder'd all this mischief if they had applied themselves to it . 'T was the infamous Avarice of these Tyrants , that induc'd 'em to take so many Indians to sell 'em for Slaves : and the very same covetous humour and phrenzie has seiz'd all the Europeans that have hitherto set foot in America . Their Custom has been to take the poor Indians out of their houses , with their Wives and Children , to load 'em with Chains , to mark 'em like Sheep that they might distinguish 'em one from another , and afterwards to sell 'em as if they had been born Slaves . Of those Provinces of the Continent called Florida . THREE merciless Tyrants have invaded these Provinces one after another since the year 1510 , all animated with the same Spirit , and mov'd by the same designs . They all committed the same Outrages throughout this Country , to put themselves by robbing and pillaging into a capacity of buying places of honour and profit , far above their quality : but God was pleas'd to punish 'em after a very signal manner ; for they all came to a miserable end ; they were buried in the ruins of those Houses , which they had built with the Spoils of so many miserable People whom they had ruin'd and murder'd . Thus were these Provinces left desolate . These Brutes would doubtless have committed yet more Villanies , had not the just Judgment of the Almighty shorten'd their days , and punish'd 'em in this Country for the Massacres and Robberies they had committed in other parts of the Indies . When they came into Florida , they found it plentifully stor'd with People , who were wise and well disciplin'd both in Civil Affairs , and in Morals : they immediately began to cast a Terror throughout the Country by I know not how many Massacres ; so that the poor Indians who had never known any thing like it , were put into a mighty Consternation . The Spaniards us'd 'em instead of Beasts of burden to carry their Arms , Utensils and Provisions : yet the Inhabitants of one great Town express'd abundance of Joy at their arrival , entertain'd 'em with the best they had , and furnish'd 'em with plenty of Provisions as long as they continued there ; they offer'd 'em 600 of their strongest men to carry their Baggage , and look to their Horses . Yet the Spanish General was so little touch'd with the courtesie of these People , that he kill'd their Prince with a Lance , that so he might be in a better condition to pillage them , who little thought of such a bloody fact as this , and other Cruelties with which their barbarous Guests requited their kindnesses . They with their Swords and Lances kill'd all the Inhabitants of another Town , who stood upon their Guard , and endeavour'd to defend themselves from the Hostilities of these Tyrants . They put Men and Women , great and small , Masters and Servants all to the Sword , without any respect either to Age , Sex or Quality . In another Village a Spanish Captain kill'd above 200 Indians : he cut off the Lips and Noses of others , and sent 'em away in this condition to terrify the rest of the Country by so horrible a sight . These Cruelties hinder'd the success of the Missions of our Apostolick Men in the Indies , who had no good reasons to produce to these poor Wretches to excuse such Barbarities as these . One may easily guess by this Instance what love the Indians must have for the Catholicks , and what confidence they can put in their Promises . What Idea can they have of God , when he is described to 'em as infinitly good and merciful ? What can they think of his Law , which they are told is so holy and just ; when they see those that profess to observe it , not scruple to commit all these Crimes ? Most of these cruel Villains perish'd miserably without the least contrition or repentance ; and tho God is infinitely gracious and merciful , there is reason enough to fear they are condemn'd to eternal Torments . Of the River de la Plata , or Silver-River . SEveral Spanish Captains have undertaken Voyages to the Silver-River , since the year 1502. The Country upon it is of a vast extent , and contains many great Kingdoms and noble Provinces . The Inhabitants are a very rational and civil sort of People , and live at a considerable distance from the other Indians ; which render'd it an easy matter to the Spaniards to molest 'em with impunity , and to exercise all their wonted Rapine and Cruelty among ' em . They every where carry with 'em the same design of enriching and making themselves great and powerful at the cost of these unhappy People , whom they plunder of their Treasure , as if it were the spoil of a just and lawful War. Wherever they come , they use the same ways and means to compass their design ; they torment and kill the People , pillage and destroy the Country , ruining whole Nations to possess themselves of their Gold and Silver . On the Banks of the Silver-River they have destroy'd divers great Provinces and Kingdoms ; and cut the Throats of multitude of Indians , treating 'em with all the Cruelties they could invent : for when they were at this vast distance from Spain , they did not much fear the King's Authority ; believing the remoteness of the place where they committed their Crimes , would secure 'em from the danger of suffering for ' em . This hope of impunity made 'em more barbarously cruel in this Country than in others ; so that they liv'd here after the most licentious manner imaginable , without the least regard to Law or Justice . However some of their Actions have been reported to the Council of the Indies . A certain Governor one day commanded his Souldiers to enter into a Town , and massacre all the Inhabitants , if they should refuse to give 'em what provisions they wanted . The Soldiers prompted by this Order , and supported by the Authority of the Governor that sent 'em , kill'd 5000 of these poor Creatures ; who looking on the Spaniards as their declared Enemies , were not willing to trust 'em , or to have any commerce with 'em ; and therefore hid themselves , not so much to avoid giving 'em what they as'kd , as to escape the points of their Swords . The other Indians were so terrified by this slaughter , that they readily offer'd themselves in great numbers to serve the Spaniards . These Indians when they were one day call'd by the Governour to receive some orders from him , I know not by what hap , made some delay to present themselves before him ; upon which he commanded 'em to be deliver'd up to another Nation of Indians who were their mortal Enemies . The poor Wretches as soon as they heard this cruel Sentence , cried out most hideously , entreating the Spaniards with tears in their Eyes rather to kill 'em outright with their Swords and Lances , than to abandon 'em to the rage of their sworn Enemies . Nor could they by any means be got out of the house were they were ; upon which the Spaniards hew'd 'em in pieces one after another ; while the poor Indians complain'd to 'em of their barbarity , expressing themselves with hearts full of anguish and despair after this manner : We came voluntarily to meet you , to offer our Service to you , and to shew you all the respect we could ; and all the return you make to our kindness is to murder us without pity . Our Blood that is dash'd on every side upon the Walls of this House shall be an everlasting witness of your cruelty , and cry for vengeance against you for the unjust death you make us suffer . 'T is impossible to reflect on this Action without being mov'd both with horror and compassion . Of the great Kingdoms and Provinces of Peru. A Spanish Commander with a great number of Soldiers enter'd these Kingdoms with the Title of Governour ; and with a Resolution to heap up a vast Treasure in a little time . He had already given some proofs of his skill and capacity on the Continent ; and he every day perfected himself more and more in the Art of cutting of throats and pillaging . He was naturally cruel , without Faith , Honour or Religion ; he knew no other God than Gold or Silver , and therefore gave himself liberty to commit all sorts of Crimes , to get these Metals any way in the world . He did abundance of mischief in the large Provinces of Peru. 'T is not possible to represent to the life what Persecutions the Inhabitants of this rich Country underwent ; and what cruel sorts of death they were made to suffer , to extort their Gold and Silver from ' em . When this Governour first enter'd Peru , he rifled divers Villages , and took away prodigious quantities of Gold. He then pass'd into an Island ( not far from this Kingdom ) which is very pleasant , fruitful and populous . The Prince of this Island , together with the Inhabitants , came out to meet the Spaniards , and received 'em with great joy and civility . But in the space of six months , which time the Spaniards continued here , they consum'd all the Corn and other Provisions they found in the Island . After this they discover'd that the Indians had hid some Corn under ground , to keep against a time of scarcity , for the subsistence of their Wives and Children ; which they were constrain'd to leave to the discretion of the Spaniards , who took possession of it as their own Property ; and hereby reduc'd these poor People to the utmost necessity . Soon after this they left the Island , but first kill'd a great many of the People , and carried away the rest with 'em for Slaves . Thus by the many Cruelties they committed , this Island is quite depopulated . From hence they went into the Isle of Tumbala , which is situate near the Continent ; here they massacred all the Inhabitants that fell into their hands . The rest frighted at this cruel slaughter , fled every way they could to avoid 'em ; and tho they did this only to save their Lives , it was interpreted a Rebellion against the King of Spain ; but was only an Artifice of this Tyrant to entrap these miserable People , that he might make 'em surrender to him all the Gold and Silver they had : which they brought to him in great quantities , while he still demanded greater , being resolv'd to leave 'em nothing : And when he had strip'd 'em of all they had , he told them he receiv'd 'em into the number of the King of Spain's Subjects , and pretended a great deal of kindness to 'em , promising he would treat 'em as his friends , and not do 'em the least hurt for the time to come . This Hypocrite was for plundering the Indians , and terrifying 'em with menaces of the King of Spain's displeasure ; but had the Policy not to receive 'em into the number of this Prince's Vassals , till he had robb'd 'em of all they had . And yet the Title of the King of Spain's Subjects did not secure 'em for the future from his Insults and Robberies . The name of the Soveraign Prince and Emperor of all these Kingdoms was Atabalipa , who brought with him an innumerable Army of naked men , who made use of a ridiculous sort of Weapons , not understanding the force of the Spaniards Swords and Lances , and Horses , with which these Indians had never been acquainted ; he advanc'd his Troops near the Spaniards , crying with a great deal of courage , Where are these Spaniards ? I 'll never leave 'em till they have made me satisfaction for all my Subjects that have been kill'd by them ; of all my Towns which they have burnt , and of all my Riches which they have carried away . The Spaniards came to meet this Prince in good order and well-arm'd , and made a horrible slaughter among his Souldiers ; they took the King himself , who was carried on a stately Seat upon the Shoulders of his Subjects . This Prince finding himself in this miserable Condition , began to treat with 'em about his Ransom , for which he promised to give 'em 4 Millions of Crowns : for this Sum they engag'd to give him his Liberty ; yet would not stand to their own Agreement , but obliged him to assemble all his People , who to obey their Prince's order came together in Crowds . This King bore such a sway in the minds of his Subjects , that he boasted that the Leaves of the Trees in the Woods durst not move without his order . He told the Spaniards he was their Prisoner , and they had now power to put him to death if they pleas'd . Upon this they held a Council of War to deliberate what to do with him ; and resolv'd to burn him with a gentle Fire : only there was one Captain not quite so inhuman as the rest , who told 'em they ought to content themselves with strangling him , and then burning him after he was dead . When the King was inform'd that he was condemn'd to die , he thus express'd himself ; Why will ye needs put me to death ? What Crime have I committed against you ? Did you not promise to restore me my Liberty , provided I would pay that Fine of Gold you impos'd on me ? Have not I given you a greater Sum than you demanded ? However if you are resolv'd to kill me first send me at least to the King of Spain . But all his Complaints , all his just Reproaches and Protestations could not hinder them from burning him . 'T is easy to see that the Spaniards had no right to make War with this Prince and to treat him so inhumanly . But the Captivity of this King , the Sentence of Death pronounc'd against him , and the Cruelty with which they put it in execution , after they had extorted such vast Treasures from him , all sufficiently discover the Genius of these Tyrants , and of what Injustice and Violence they have been guilty both against the Princes and People of the new World. I have a Letter from a Monk of the Order of St. Francis written to the King of Spain , by which it will appear how the Spaniards behav'd themselves towards the Indians : The very Terms of which Letter I 'll here set down . I , Frier Mark de Xlicia of the Order of St. Francis , General of all the Monks of the said Order in Peru , who came into this Country with the Spaniards that first invaded it , do testify what I have seen with my own Eyes of the manner of their treating the People of this new World. Having been an Eye-witness , I have a certain knowledg of the Disposition and Manners of the Inhabitants of Peru ; they are a meek , good-humour'd and peaceable Nation , and have shewn a great deal of Affection and Respect to the Spaniards ; I have seen 'em give 'em great Sums of Gold and Silver , and Pearls of a great value very readily ; they render'd 'em all the Services they could require of 'em with all the diligence that could be reasonably desir'd . They never offer'd to make War with 'em , nor so much as to put themselves in a posture of Defence , till they had receiv'd all imaginable Injuries from 'em , and were thereby constrained to it contrary to their Inclinations . They gave the Spaniards as many Men and Women as they needed for their Domestick Business ; and when they had receiv'd 'em into their Towns and Villages with all the Honours they could think of , they supplied 'em liberally with all the necessary Accommodations of Life . I farther testify , that the Spaniards without having receiv'd the least occasion of Offence from the Indians , seiz'd their great Cacique Atabalipa , soon after they enter'd his Country , and burnt him after they had receiv'd four Millions of Gold of him , and after having taken immense Sums out of his Province without any Resistance . They inflicted the same Punishment on Cochilimaca his Captain General , when he came to meet them in an amicable manner with many other Noblemen of Peru. A few days after another great Lord of the Province of Quitonia suffer'd the same fate ; for the Spaniards burnt him without having the least occasion given 'em for so cruel an Action : With the like Barbarity and Injustice they burnt Schapera the Prince of the Canaries . They also burnt the feet of Aluis , the first and greatest Lord of the Province of Quitonia , and put him to a great many other Torments to make him reveal K. Atabalipa's Treasures , of which he was utterly ignorant , as it evidently appear'd by the sequel . They condemn'd Cocopagaganga to the same Punishment , who was Prince of the Province of Quitonia : He suffer'd himself to be over perswaded by the Treaties of Sebastian Banalcaçar a Spanish Captain , to come in an amicable manner and surrender himself to the Spaniards ; this Captain having given him his word that no Injury should be done him ; yet , contrary to this promise , he was burnt alive , with several Caciques besides : and I have been inform'd , that the Spaniards design'd to shew no Mercy to any Indian in the Country . I moreover affirm , that I my self have seen the Spaniards in several places cut off the Noses , Ears and Hands of Indian Men and Women , without any Provocation , in cold Blood ( as it seem'd ) purely for the sake of doing Mischief , which is a most inexcusable sort of Barbarity . I have seen the Spaniards set their fierce and hungry Dogs at the Indians to tear 'em in pieces and devour ' em . And I have seen 'em set fire to so many Towns and Villages , that 't is impossible I should recollect the number of ' em . 'T is certain they have torn Children from their Mothers Breasts , and thrown 'em with all their might as far as they could , to divert themselves with this brutish Sport. I have often been a Witness of many other Cruelties of this nature , which have fill'd me with Dread and Horror ; but I should be too prolix and tedious to give the Detail of ' em . I protest , that once the Spaniards when they had assembled the greatest number of Indians they could in three great Houses , set fire to 'em and burnt 'em all alive , without any reason , having not receiv'd the least affront from ' em . And a certain Priest , whose name was Ocana , happening to attempt to take a young Child out of the Flames , a Spaniard that saw him , took the Child from him , and immediately cast it again into the Fire , where it was burnt with the rest . This Spaniard the same day be committed this black and cursed Action , died suddenly as he was going to the Camp ; and I was of opinion that his Carcase ought not to be interred . I have seen the Spaniards send Deputies to the Caciques and chief Indians , to engage 'em to come and meet 'em without fear , promising 'em to employ their Interest with the King of Spain on their behalf : but as soon as they were come upon the Credit of the Promises that had been given 'em , they were burnt without Pity or any formal Process . Two of the most illustrious and considerable Indians were burnt in my sight , one at Andonia , and the other at Tumbala . All the Efforts I made to secure 'em from the Flames , and to get 'em out of the hands of these bloody Wretches , were to no purpose ; my Discourses and Exhortations made no impression on ' em . I can say with a good Conscience , and in the presence of God , that so far as I have been able to learn , by the long time I have been among 'em , the Inhabitants of Peru have never fomented any Mutiny or Rebellion , or done the least Injury to the Spaniards , who have treated them so inhumanly ; but whatever Torments they have suffer'd , they seem'd to have laid aside the thoughts of Revenge . And when they found the Spaniards were always deceiving 'em , and breaking the Promises they made 'em ; when they found they treated 'em with so much Tyranny , contrary to all Law and Equity ; and that they did not scruple to commit all sorts of Outrages against 'em , they rather chose to die , than to be continually expos'd to such Miseries . I have been inform'd by the Accounts the Indians themselves have given , that there is a great deal more Gold among 'em undiscover'd than has been yet found ; the ill Vsage and Cruelty of the Spaniards having made 'em conceal it : and they are resolv'd never to discover it while they are treated with so much Injustice and Tyranny , but will rather die as their Companions have done , who have been put to death with so much Cruelty . The Injuries offer'd these poor Indians are very hainous Sins in the sight of God , and contrary to the Interest and Service of the King , who has been cheated of more Treasure in Peru than would keep all the People in Castile . Thus far the Letter of that Monk , which was confirm'd by the Attestation of the Bishop of Mexico : He was an Eye-witness of what he here relates , for he went through this Country for the space of fourscore or a hundred Leagues , and continued there nine or ten years , in a time when there were but few Spaniards there . But as soon as it was reported in Spain that this new World was so full of Gold , there presently came four or five thousand People , who spread themselves through these noble Provinces , and possess'd five or six hundred Leagues of the Country , which they entirely ruined , committing all those Disorders and Crimes that have been mention'd before . They have destroy'd a great many more People here than this Frier takes notice of in his Letter : and without having any fear of God before their Eyes , or any regard to the King , or the least sentiment of Compassion to their fellow-Creatures , they have almost destroy'd one half of Mankind ; for in the Provinces of Peru alone they have kill'd above forty Millions of People . A few days after what I have related above , they kill'd a great Queen with Arrows made of Reeds ; she was Wife to Prince Elingue , who still governs this Province in quality of King : the Spaniards did what they could to seize this Prince's Person , and omitted no Tricks and Artifices to accomplish it ; this was the occasion of his Revolt against the Spaniards , and he has ever since continued their declar'd Enemy . They took his Queen contrary to the Rules of Equity and Justice ; and 't is said they kill'd her at a time when she was big with Child , meerly to vex and grieve the King her Husband , who lov'd her very tenderly . If all the Massacres the Spaniards have committed in Peru should be recounted , every one would be astonish'd at the recital , and the number of 'em after an exact Computation would surpass all probability , and appear too great to be believ'd . Of the new Kingdom of Grenada . A Great number of Spaniards went from Veneçuela , the Isle of St. Martha , and Carthagena in the year 1536 , to make a Discovery of Peru : Divers others went up higher , three hundred Leagues beyond St. Martha and Carthagena , to discover those excellent Countries that were very fertile , and full of People of a mild and sociable Temper ; where is abundance of Gold and precious Stones found , especially Emeralds : they gave this Kingdom the name of New Grenada , because the Captain that first set his foot in it was born at Grenada . They that accompanied him were very profligate Men , and extremely cruel ; they shed human Blood without any scruple or remorse , for they had been long accustom'd to all sorts of Wickedness , and therefore 't is the less to be wonder'd at that they have committed so many Crimes in this New Grenada , where they abandon'd themselves to all manner of Abominations . I shall only mention some Instances of 'em , because an exact recital of their Cruelties would fill the Minds of all that read this History with too much Horror . A certain Governor that could not get his share of the Booty another had got before him in ravaging this new Kingdom of Grenada at his pleasure , tho he could have seconded him with all his heart in the Cruelties and Robberies he committed here ; yet being enrag'd to see such a valuable Prey escape him , thought meet to appease his Trouble after a sort , and to revenge himself on the other by making authentick Informations confirm'd by the concurrent Testimony of many Witnesses , which expos'd to light all the Vexations , Murders and Cruelties which this Tyrant had been guilty of in New Grenada . The said Informations were read in the Council of the Indies , where they have been hitherto preserv'd , and are yet to be seen . In these Informations the Witnesses depose , that this new Kingdom enjoy'd a settled Peace before the Spaniards came thither ; that the People shew'd 'em all the kindness imaginable as soon as they came among 'em ; that they maintain'd the Spaniards with their Labour , and the Fruit of the Ground which they manur'd ; that they gave 'em prodigious quantities of Gold , and abundance of precious Stones , amongst others a great many Emeralds ; that they freely brought 'em whatever was most valuable in their Cities , the Government of which the Spaniards divided among themselves when they had canton'd 'em into several parts : for this they counted a proper method , the better to compass their design of heaping together all the Gold they could possibly find . When the Indians were first subjugated to the Tyranny of the Spaniards , the chief Captain , who was General of the rest , took possession of the King's Person as well as of the Country , and kept him Prisoner for five or six Months , without any reason in the World , demanding Gold and Emeralds of him continually . This King , whose name was Bogata , in the midst of his fears , promis'd the Spanish General to deliver up all the Gold-plate he had , hoping by this means to get out of the hands of this Tyrant : he sent a great many Indians to his House to fetch these precious Goods ; and at the several turns they made he gave the Spaniard a great quantity of Gold and Emeralds ; who was not content with all this , but threaten'd to kill him . Accordingly he commanded this unfortunate King to be brought before him to receive his Sentence . This is the Treatment these Tyrants give the most illustrious Persons of the new World : This haughty General pronounc'd a fatal Sentence against this Prince , by which he was condemn'd to most horrible Torments if he did not immediately send for all the Gold he had : Accordingly this Tyrant's Executioners laid hold of the King , stretch'd him out at length upon the ground naked , and pour'd boiling Rosin upon his Belly ; besides this , they put his feet into a Fire , having fasten'd his Neck to a Stake fix'd in the ground , while two of these Hangmen held him by the Arms. The cruel General came from time to time to look upon him while this Torture continued , threatning to take away his Life if he did not speedily deliver up his Gold. God seem'd by his Providence to signify his Displeasure against these Cruelties , in suffering the City where they were committed to be consum'd with Fire in a moment . The rest of the Spaniards took pattern by their General , and fill'd up his steps : And having no other trade than that of tormenting the Indians , and cutting 'em in pieces , they practised the same Villanies in divers parts of this Kingdom : They inflicted terrible Punishments on several Caciques , and all their Subjects , who too imprudently depended on the good words and promises the Spaniards made 'em : And this after they had given 'em incredible Sums of Gold , and many Emeralds . These Presents , tho so valuable , could not soften their obdurate Hearts , and render 'em civil to their Benefactors ▪ The Tortures to which they put the Indians were to make 'em bring yet more Gold and precious Stones ; and the same motive has induc'd 'em to burn all the great Lords of the Country with a slow fire . A great multitude of Indians one day came to meet the Spaniards with a great deal of humility and simplicity ( as their manner is ) to offer 'em their service , supposing themselves safe ; but while they were sleeping without any apprehension of danger , being faint and weary , a Spanish Captain commanded his men to massacre 'em all , which was accordingly executed . This was done to strike the whole Country with terror and consternation , and to fright the Inhabitants out of their Gold by the horror of so tragical a Spectacle . The General made his Souldiers swear how many Caciques and Indians each of 'em had kill'd , and how many they had reserv'd alive for their Slaves ; these he immediately order'd 'em to bring out into the most publick place of their City , and made 'em there cut off the heads of 4 or 500 of these poor Creatures . Divers Witnesses have depos'd that this Captain order'd the hands and noses of many Indians both Men and Women to be cut off , and exercis'd other unheard of Cruelties among ' em . He sent into Bogata's Province to enquire who had succeeded that Prince , whom he had so inhumanly put to death : The Men he sent to make this Discovery took as many Indians as they could ; such of 'em as could not tell the name of their late Prince's Successor , were barbarously abus'd , some of 'em had their Arms and Legs cut off ; others were expos'd to the fury of greedy Dogs , and soon torn in pieces by ' em . They fell upon a great number of Caciques and Indian Noblemen by a treacherous surprize in the middle of the Night , after they had assur'd 'em they need not fear any affront or abuse from them . The innocent Indians confiding in these fair promises , were come down out of the Mountains where they had hid themselves , to lodg in the Cities , not suspecting the ill design the Spaniards had against 'em : However these perfidious men surpriz'd 'em , and cut off the Hands and Arms of all they took , letting 'em know they were chastiz'd after this severe manner for not telling the name of their late King's Successor . Another time the General sent a great party of Soldiers into a City to make war with the Inhabitants , because they sent him not a basket of Gold which he had demanded : they made these poor people suffer a thousand Outrages , and massacred vast numbers of ' em . They inhumanly cut off the noses and hands both of Men and Women , and gave others to be devour'd by their Dogs , which were wont to be fed with human flesh . The people of one of these Provinces , seeing 5 or 6 of their Chiefs burnt to death with a slow fire , were frighted by this horrible sight into the mountains to shelter themselves from the Spaniards ; they were about 5 or 6000 : hereupon the Spanish Commander sent a Company of Soldiers to pursue 'em , and treat 'em as Rebels . 'T is hard to imagine by what right they assum'd an Authority to punish people as rebels , that were free-born , and did not in the least depend on ' em . When the Spanish Soldiers were got into this Mountain , they fell on the poor Indians , who were naked and disarm'd , with a fury like that of Wolves and Lions , when they set upon a flock of Sheep to devour 'em ; till at length they were so spent and fatigu'd meerly with slaughtering these poor Creatures , that they were forc'd to give over a while to take breath ; after which they renew'd this Massacre with more vigour . And to cut short their bloody work , they threw down the greatest part of these Indians headlong from the top of the Mountain , which was very high . It has been depos'd by those that were Eye-witnesses of this Tragedy , that they forc'd above 700 of these poor Indians all together down this Precipice , so that they look'd like a Cloud as they fell ; they were all dash'd in pieces by this dreadful fall , and died miserably . The Spaniards push'd on this barbarous Expedition to the utmost ; for they made a diligent search in all the remote Corners of the Mountain , and gave no quarter to any they found ; those they could catch were either cut to pieces , or after many wounds cast down from the top of the Mountain . Nor did these Cruelties satisfy 'em , but they shut up divers Indians both Men and Women , whom they had reserv'd for Slaves , in a house cover'd with straw , which they set on fire and so consum'd ' em . They likewise went to the City of Cola , where they took abundance of People , with about 15 or 20 of their Great Men ; they expos'd these to the fury of their Dogs , which devour'd 'em , having first cut off the hands and feet both of Men and Women ; and fix'd these sad Spoils on Poles , that they might be obvious to the view of all , and that the dreadful sight might cast terror and amazement in the minds of all that surviv'd . The Ravage and Cruelties these bloody-minded Men exercised in this new Kingdom of Grenada are so great , that if the King of Spain dos not apply a speedy remedy , and set bounds to their excessive Avarice and insatiable thirst of Gold , that whole Kingdom will soon be destroy'd , and the Land lie uncultivated and unimprov'd , for want of Inhabitants . In the space of 2 or 3 years , since this Kingdom has been discover'd , they have without the fear of God or Man put the Inhabitants to death , without any emotion or pity to see so much human blood pour'd out . There are now scarce any People to be found there after all these Massacres . There are divers fine large Provinces near New Grenada ; this Country is called Popoyan and Cali , and is above 50 leagues in extent , which they also have ruined , and made as desolate as the former . Here they have so slaughter'd the people , that this once populous Country is now quite destitute of Inhabitants . Those that come from thence relate such terrible things of the Spaniards proceedings there , that one can't hear their sad Stories , without being pierc'd with trouble and compassion in a very sensible manner . In these Provinces they have ruin'd many fine Cities from one end to t'other ; so that they now lie buried in their own Ashes : there are scarce any of the ruins of those Cities to be seen , which once contain'd above 2000 Houses . In a word , this Country which was full of Villages , Towns , and Cities for the space of 50 leagues , is now so bare , that there 's scarce any token remaining to signifie there ever were any such buildings . Some of the Spaniards came from Peru into New Grenada and Popoyan through the Province of Quitonia ; others of 'em came to Cali by the way of Carthagena and Vraba , but all join'd together to carry on the same design , spoiling a Country of 600 leagues in extent of all its Riches , and extirpating all the Inhabitants after they had plunder'd ' em . When this cruel War was ended , the Spaniards took some of the Indians , whom they had reserved for Slaves , into their service , and caus'd the heads of several of their Companions to be cut off in their sight to terrify 'em ; telling 'em they must all expect to undergo the same fate , if they did not serve 'em faithfully . By the recital of such barbarous Actions as these , the Reader may easily imagin how the Spaniards behave themselves towards the Indians in the several parts of America . They feed their fierce Dogs with human flesh , on purpose to accustom 'em to tear Men in pieces , and devour ' em . They carry these Dogs with 'em wherever they go , and barbarously murder the poor Indians , to feed these savage Curs with their flesh . They 'l say one to another , Give me a quarter of that Indian to make my Dog a feast ; and when I kill one , I 'll pay you again . They commonly hunt in the morning with these Dogs ; and when ask'd by their fellows what luck they have had , they answer according to their success . Sometimes one will say , I am content , my Dogs have kill'd about a score of 'em ; so that one would think they were speaking of Wolves or wild Boars . Can any thing be imagin'd that exceeds such horrible Cruelty as this ? And all these Barbarities have been prov'd and averred by strict Examinations made and produc'd before the Council of the Indies . But I shall add no more , till I shall receive farther information of their other Villanies , which may be expected to be yet greater than those I have mention'd , if greater can possibly be committed . And that which is most deplorable is , that the Spaniards take no care to speak to these people of the Mysteries of our Religion ; nor seem to regard 'em any more than Dogs or wild Beasts . Nay they have forbidden the Monks and Missionaries to instruct 'em , whom they have even persecuted , and laid a thousand Obstructions in their way , to hinder 'em from preaching the Gospel to these poor Creatures who passionately desired it ; and all because they thought the Conversion of these People would be an Obstacle to their covetous Designs , and hinder 'em from getting all the Gold they desir'd . So that these miserable people have been industriously kept in their former ignorance , and know no other God than those of Wood , Stone or Copper ; unless it be the People of New Spain ( which is but a small part of America ) where the Monks have exercised their Function , and have been suffer'd to display their Zeal with more freedom . In the other Provinces the Indians perish without Baptism , or any other Sacrament ; and no one gives himself the trouble to instruct 'em ; as will farther appear by an authentick Letter from a Bishop of this Country , who expresses himself in these Terms : I Frier Bartholomew de Las-Casas , Monk of the Order of St. Dominique , having signified my desire to be recall'd from the Indies , had leave to come over to the Court of Spain , to give an account of the deplorable Condition of the Indians . To this I have been mov'd by the Zeal with which God has inspir'd me for Souls redeem'd by his Blood. My earnest desire is , that they may know their Creator , and embrace his Word , that they may be sav'd . And I cannot choose but extremely pity Spain , my native Country , because I am greatly afraid God will utterly destroy it , for the enormous Crimes committed by the Spaniards ( who go into the Indies ) both against God , against the King , and against their Neighbours . I don't doubt but divers illustrious Persons of this Court , who are truly zealous for the Salvation of Souls , are very sensibly touch'd with the Calamities and Miseries those multitudes of poor Creatures suffer in the New World , who are abandon'd to the fury of the Spanish Souldiers . I resolv'd long ago to draw up an exact relation of these matters , but have been still hinder'd by the continual urgency of those affairs in which I have been engag'd till now . However I have at length accomplish'd this design at Valence , the 8 th of December , Anno 1542. This Treatise gives a short account of the Violence , Tyranny , Persecutions , Robberies , Massacres and Devastations committed by the Spaniards in all the parts of America where they have dispers'd themselves . These Calamities and Disorders are advanc'd to a degree that surpasses all belief , and is the more surprizing in that the Spaniards are much less furious and cruel every where else . Indeed the People of Mexico and of the places adjacent , are now treated much better than others ; insomuch that no body there dares offer violence to any Indian openly : 'T is true they exact immense Sums of 'em , but the forms of Justice are at least so observ'd , that the People are protected from the Insults and Affronts of such as have more power than themselves . I have great hope our Illustrious Lord , Charles the Fifth , Emperor and King of Spain , who begins to take cognizance of the Tyranny and ill behaviour of the Spaniards toward the Indians , will undertake the protection of these miserable People , who are persecuted against his will , as well as against the will of God. All the miseries that have bin inflicted on these newly discover'd Nations have bin hitherto conceal'd from our Prince with no less subtilty and address than malice . Yet now 't is not to be doubted but this wise Emperor , into whose hands God has cast the Government of those vast Regions , and who bears so sincere an affection to Justice , will give effectual Orders to put a stop to these Persecutions . May God preserve this Illustrious Emperor in all the Glory and Prosperity that attends him , for the Salvation of his Soul , and the Preservation of the Church . Amen . A year after the writing of all of these matters above recited , there were published in the City of Madera certain Laws and Constitutions made by his Majesty at Barcelona , in the month of December in the year 1542. which were calculated according to the urgent necessity of Affairs to rectify the Disorders that were then commited with so much Insolence both against God and Man , to the utter destruction and desolation of the New World. For the constituting of these wise Laws his Majesty assembled a great many Persons , illustrious both for their Quality and Learning , and moreover endued with great Piety , who deliberated on these important Affairs in divers Sessions at Valladolid . At length by the unanimous Consent of the whole Assembly , divers Propositions were ratified and publish'd ; and which appear the more conformable to the Rules of Christianity , in as much as the Persons who compos'd this famous Assembly had never been any way concern'd in the Outrages offer'd the Indians ; they were such as had neither wash'd their hands in their Blood , nor reap'd any advantage by the immense Treasures that had been taken from 'em with so much Violence , after the murder of incredible numbers of innocent People . For the Avarice and Cruelty of those Spaniards who first set foot in America have been the fatal Causes of all the Miseries that new World has undergon . After the publication of these new Orders for regulating the Affairs of the Indies , the Protectors of those cruel Tyrants , who had still some Credit at Court , procur'd several Precepts to constitute Officers to send into divers Provinces of the Indies , for they were much concern'd to see the course of their Violence likely to be stop'd , and their wonted Robberies and Extortions obstructed . And thus they to whom the care of suppressing these Disorders , and preventing the farther Insults of these Tyrants was committed , made no conscience of violating that Equity and Fidelity they ow'd both to God and their Prince ; for they knew very well what effect the Edicts that were made must needs have , and therefore alarm'd the People before the arrival of the Judges who were sent to the Indies to publish the Laws of their Prince , and to put 'em in execution : so that as soon as these Judges came into America , they appear'd to be of the same stamp with those that sent 'em , and neither regarded God nor Man ; they immediately forgot the King's Orders , and laid aside the Reverence due to so great a Prince ; and being willing to take part with those Tyrants , that they might have a share of the Booty , behav'd themselves with a Cruelty beyond imagination , and justified those Villanies which they were sent to punish . So that since the year 1542 , such Rapine and Violence has been committed in Peru , that the like has not been heard of either in the Indies , or any other part of the World : Nor do they exercise their Cruelty only on the Indians , whom they have almost exterminated , but are suffer'd by the just Judgment of God to turn their Arms one against another with great fury to their mutual destruction . Some of the People of this new World under the protection of these Rebels , were encourag'd to refuse Obedience to the Emperor's Orders ; others pretending they were desirous to address Petitions to his Imperial Majesty , have suffer'd themselves to be carried down the stream with the rest , and have revolted too . For the Spaniards are not easily perswaded to surrender those Treasures they have unjustly usurped , or to release those Indians whom they have inslav'd . If they don't so often massacre 'em , they increase the weight of their Irons , and impose Laws on 'em more and more unjust and rigorous . And the King with all his Authority has not yet been able to stop the course of these Mischiefs , because they are generally link'd together in a Confederacy , both small and great ; and all use the licentious trade of robbing and spoiling more or less according to their power , some more publickly , and others after a clandestine manner . But that which yet further discovers the Boldness and Insolence of these Hypocrites is , that they still make pretences that they consult nothing but the King's Interest , and the Glory of God in all they do ; while 't is most apparent , they are continually robbing the King , and that with impunity , and are always dishonouring God and Religion by their criminal and scandalous Practices . That which next follows is a Fragment of a Letter of a certain Person who accompanied the Spaniards in their Voyages and Journies , giving an account of their Actions in the various places through which they pass'd : But this Letter being design'd to be sent with other Papers , he that made up the Packets lost several Pages of it which contain'd very remarkable and extraordinary things concerning the Actions of the Spaniards . This Fragment I send you is the Body of the Letter , the beginning and end of which are both wanting . However , seeing that which it contains deserves the notice of the Publick , I thought meet to print it , and hope the view of it will produce the same effect of moving you to commiserate the Calamities of the poor Indians , as I presume the more ample Relation I have given you above has done : And consequently that your wonted Charity will excite in your Minds an ardent desire to oppose and rectify all those Disorders as much as in you lies . The Fragment . — The Captain order'd these Indians to be chain'd for Slaves , which was presently done , and he carried away with him great numbers of Men and Women in Chains ; so that the whole Country was soon turn'd into a Desert . They took away all the Crop of Corn these poor Creatures had , and whatever else they had laid up for the subsistence of their Families , by which means they were soon reduc'd to extreme want ; so that many were found dead in the High-ways merely with Famine . There were also above ten thousand of those Indians the Spaniards took to carry their Baggage , that died on the Coasts : for almost all that went any distance from the Sea were kill'd with the excessive Heat they met with on the Continent . This same Captain following the steps of John Ampudia , sent before him two Indians whom he had taken in the Province of Quitonia , to discover the Villages and Towns that were in their way , and where any Booty was to be got ; these Indians were either his own Slaves , or those of his Souldiers , some of whom had two or three hundred Slaves a Man , and others more or less , as they had more or less Baggage and Provisions to carry . These Indians return'd to their Master , together with such others as they could bring away with ' em . And in these Expeditions all sorts of Cruelties were committed upon Women and Children . They did the same in the Province of Quitonia , they fir'd their Houses wherever they came , and burnt all the Stores of Corn the Indians had . And to shew their spite the more , as if all this Mischief had been too little , they kill'd their Cattel only for the Suet and Marrow , having no occasion for the Flesh ; only the Indians who attended the Spaniards in these Expeditions ate the Livers , that being one of their principal Dishes . 'T is scarce to be believed what numbers of Cattel they kill'd here ; they destroy'd above a hundred thousand after this manner only for the Fat and Livers , and so made the Country desolate by this needless slaughter , which brought such a Famine and Misery upon the Inhabitants , that they died for want of Food : They besides carried away out of this Province all the Corn they did not burn ; so that tho the Country produces abundance , there was so great a Scarcity , that a * Septier of Corn was worth ten Crowns , and a Lamb was sold for the same Price . The Commander of these Troops being return'd from the Sea-Coast , resolv'd to leave the Province of Quitonia , and to join John Ampudia . To accomplish this Design he raised above two hundred Men Horse and Foot , among which were divers Citizens of Quitonia . He gave 'em leave to bring with them the Caciques , and all the other Indians which had formerly fallen to their share , and to add as many others to 'em as they pleas'd , which they did . One Alphonso Sanchez carried with him his Cacique , whose name was Nenuyta , with a hundred other Indians and their Wives . Peter Cobo accompanied him with a hundred and fifty Indians and their Wives , who were forc'd to drag their Children after 'em , for fear they should perish with Hunger . One Moran , a Citizen of Popayan carried above two hundred People with him ; and all the rest of the Souldiers did the same proportionably to their Stock and Occasions . They desir'd permission to make all the Indian Men and Women that attended 'em their absolute Slaves , which was granted ; and this Privilege continued as long as they liv'd , tho these Indians were the Subjects and Vassals of the King of Spain as well as the Spaniards themselves . With such an Equipage as this our General left the City of Quitonia , to go take possession of that of Octaba , which fell to his lot . He demanded of the Cacique five hundred Men to join his Forces , which were deliver'd to him , with divers other Persons of Note . Part of these Indians he distributed among his Souldiers , and took the rest to himself , some of whom were loaded with Chains , and others with his Baggage and Provisions . 'T was a lamentable sight to see these poor Wretches tied one to another with Cords . When these Spaniards parted from the Province of Quitonia , they carried away no less than six thousand Indians , of which scarce twenty came back to their own Country ; for the extreme Fatigues and scorching Heat they endur'd in those hot Countries soon cut 'em off . The General having made Alphonso Sanchez Captain of a Company , this Brute meeting some Women and Children in his way , loaded with Provisions , and waiting for him to present him with what they had brought , massacred 'em all without pity . In this cruel Action , a Spaniard going about to kill an Indian Woman broke his Sword in two the first blow he gave her ; at the second stroke he broke it again , so that he had nothing but the Hilt left in his hand : but that which is more surprizing is , that this poor Woman receiv'd no Wound by the blows he gave her . Another Souldier striking an Indian Woman with a large Dagger , had about three Inches of it broken off at the first stroke , and the whole Blade quite to the Hilt at the second . When this General , of whom we have been speaking , parted from Quitonia , he cruelly separated Husbands and Wives one from another , giving the young Women to the Indians that went with him , and leaving the old Women to those that remain'd in the City . One of these Women follow'd him with loud Cries when he went away , and beg'd of him with abundance of Tears , that he would not take away her Husband from her , telling him she had the charge of three Children , and 't would be impossible for her to provide for 'em if she were bereav'd of her Husband ; so that they must necessarily be starv'd . The General repuls'd her not without some Indignation , upon which she redoubled her Sighs and Cries , telling him her Children were ready to die with Hunger : at length seeing her Prayers and Tears made no Impression on him , she took a Stone and dash'd out the Brains of all her Children in his sight . When this Commander arriv'd in the City of Palo , which is situate in the Province of Lilia , he met with Captain John Ampudia , who went before him to make a discovery of the Country , and to settle Peace in it : he was now Governor of this City , which had a Garison in the King of Spain's Name , and was under the direction of the Marquess Francis de Piccaro , who had establish'd a Council there consisting of eight Counsellors , that had the Inspection of the whole Country , and kept it in Peace and Union by the good management of Peter Solano de Quenon . Ampudia hearing our General was arriv'd in the Country , came to give him a Visit , accompanied with many of the Inhabitants and Indians , who brought him abundance of Fruit , and other Provisions . Many of the neighbouring Indians came afterwards on the same Errand , and after them the Inhabitants of Xamundia , Palonia , Solimania and Bolonia , did the like . But because they did not bring so great a quantity of Corn as demanded , the General sent a Troop of Souldiers with a great many Indians to seek some elsewhere , with Orders to take it where ever they found it . With this Order they went into Palonia and Bolonia , where they found the Indians dwelling very peaceably in their Houses ; and without any regard to the Laws of Nations or of Hospitality , took away all the Corn and other Provisions , together with all the Gold and Silver they had , and put many of the poor Indians in Chains to make Slaves of ' em . These unhappy People came to make their Complaint to the General of the ill Treatment and Injustice they had suffer'd , and to intreat him to cause Restitution to be made of what had been so violently taken from 'em , but in vain , for he would do nothing in the matter , only gave 'em his promise that his Men should do 'em no hurt for the future , and that they should never come again into their Country : yet four or five days after they went into another part of the Country for Corn , and pillag'd the poor Indians as they had done before ; who were so provok'd to see themselves deluded by the General , who had broke his Promises almost as soon as he had made 'em , that the whole Country betook themselves to their Arms in an instant ; which Tumult afterwards occasion'd many Disorders and great Offences to be commited both against the Majesty of God and the Dignity of the King of Spain : At length these People fled , and left this whole Country desolate . They that retreated into the Mountains came down from time to time to seek Provision ; the Indians likewise engag'd in a cruel War one with another , wherein the stronger party us'd to eat the weaker : For that Indian Nation that inhabits the Mountains are a fierce and warlike People , and mortal Enemies to their Neighbours . After this Insurrection the General went to the City of Ampudia , where he receiv'd all the Honours due to his Character ; he afterwards march'd with two hundred Horse and Foot toward Lilia and Pelinia . He sent his Captains all round the Country to make a cruel War upon the Indians ; they fir'd a great many Houses , robb'd all that fell into their hands , and kill'd abundance of ' em . This killing and pillaging continued many days together . The Lord of the Country hoped to put a stop to these Miseries , and to allay the bloody Rage of these Tygers by sending their Subjects to 'em with all sorts of Provisions and other Presents . Soon after this they came to Lilia with all the Indians they had taken , for they would not discharge one of ' em . They pass'd through Ycea in their way , and were no sooner arriv'd there , but they fell to pillaging and massacring all they met with ; they exercis'd their usual trade of firing their Houses , they consum'd above a hundred of 'em in one Village ; nor did other Towns and Cities in the neighbouring Country , which they call Tulilicui , fare any better . When the Cacique at the head of a great company of Indians came to meet 'em , the Spanish Commander demanded Gold of him and his Subjects : they told him they had no great quantity , but would readily give him all they had ; and accordingly brought him that little they had got together . Upon which he deliver'd a kind of Receipt sign'd with his own hand to each of 'em , which was to serve for a token by which to distinguish those that had given him Gold from the rest ; adding , that whoever had not this Receipt should be expos'd to the Dogs to the devour'd by ' em . The poor Creatures terrified by these Menaces , brought him all the Gold they had in very great haste , and those that had none were fain to retire into the Mountains , or into other Cities to save their Lives ; and thus the Country was depriv'd of the greatest part of its Inhabitants . A little after he order'd the Cacique to send two Indians to the City of Agua , to signify that he requir'd the Inhabitants to meet him , which they might do with safety , and to bring with them all the Gold they could . After he had dispatch'd this Order , he went to another City , and the same might sent a party of Spaniards to seize some of the People of Tulilicui , who brought him a hundred Men and Women the day following , of which he reserv'd the most robust and lusty , whom he thought fit to carry great Burdens , for himself and his Souldiers , and put many of 'em in Chains , giving the young Children to the Cacique of Tulilicui to eat , in whose House their Skins fill'd with Ashes are still to be seen . After this Expedition he went toward the Provinces of Calili , where he join'd Captain John d' Ampudia , who was gone another way to make a further discovery . These two Commanders left great marks of their Cruelty in all the Provinces through which they pass'd . Ampudia happen'd to come to a certain City , the Governor of which , whose name was Bitacon , had made deep works under ground to hinder the approach of an Enemy : Two of the Spaniards Horses , that of one Antony Redondon , and that of Marc Marqués , fell into these Traps , and the latter of 'em dy'd with the fall , but the other escap'd the danger . However this small loss by the Stratagem of the Indians so provok'd this Captain , that he order'd his Men to take all of 'em they could light on , which was about three hundred , and to cast 'em into these Pits ; besides this they fir'd a hundred Houses . From hence they came to a very great and populous City , here they had no Interpreter by whom to converse with these Indians ; however they massacred abundance of 'em with their Swords and Lances . As soon as these two Commanders met one another again after all these Expeditions , Ampudia gave the other a relation of what he did at Bitaconia , and told him how many Indians he had cast into the Pits that were made at the entrance of the City , while the other applauded all he had done , telling him he had reason to serve 'em after that manner : And added , that for his part he had destroy'd above two hundred Indians near the River Bamba , which waters the Province of Quitonia . Thus these two Tyrants made War upon all this Country at the same time . They both after this enter'd into the Provinces of Birumia and Anzerma , where they left everlasting tokens of their Barbarity and Fury . One Francis Garcia , whom they sent out to pillage the Country , treated the People with abundance of Insolence , till he reduc'd 'em to extreme Indigence and Misery . The Indians came to him by couples , making signs to desire Peace for the whole Country , promising to give the Spaniards all they should demand , and to deliver up their Gold , and their Wives too , provided they would give 'em their Lives ; but receiv'd no other Answer from this cruel Garcia , but that they must be gone , for he had drank too much , and was now in no condition to consider of what they said . He enter'd their Country full of Fury , and running through the whole Province , put it all under Military Execution , robbing , and spoiling , and massacring the Inhabitants without mercy : he carried away two thousand of the People with him , who were put in Chains , and dy'd under the rigor of their cruel Bondage : And before he left this Country he put fifty more to a violent Death . After he had fill'd this Province with misery and horror , he passed into the Province of Calili . When any of the Indians that carried his Baggage fainted with weariness , and fell under their Burdens in the way , they kill'd 'em on the spot , to terrify the rest by these bloody Actions , that none of 'em might dare to pretend themselves sick to get rid of their Burdens and Labours . And thus they were all destroy'd by degrees ; for partly because they were not sufficiently look'd after , and partly because unreasonable Labour was exacted of 'em , there was not so much as one of all those Indians left alive , which they brought from Quitonia , Pastonia , Quilla , Cangapatra , Popaya , Lilia , Calicia , and Anzerma . As the Spaniards return'd , they past through a great City , where they put most of the Inhabitants to the Sword , and carried away 300 Prisoners , whom they inslav'd according to their usual manner . The General sent John Ampudia , when they were in the Province of Lilia , with a considerable Party of Soldiers into those parts of the Country most inhabited , to take as many Indians as he could to carry the Baggage ; because not one of that number they brought from Anzerma and Allia , which amounted to about 1000 Men , was able to endure the Fatigue , but all died in the way . They here took as many as they had occasion for to carry their Baggage , and the rest were left to the discretion of the Soldiers , who put 'em in Chains , and kept 'em till they were starv'd ; so that this Country was quite unpeopled , neither Spaniards nor Indians being now to be found in it . After all these Ravages , they advanc'd toward Popaya , leaving Martin d' Aquirra by the way , he being unable to follow the rest . As soon as they arriv'd at Popaya ; they form'd a Garison in the City , and treated the Inhabitants with the same Insolence and Violence they had us'd in all other parts of the Country where they had made their Progress . Here they coined Money with the King's Image and Arms upon it ; they stamp'd all the Gold they had , as well as that which John d' Ampudia had got by his Robberies , after this manner . All this Gold was melted by the General 's Order , without keeping any Account of it , or paying any of the Soldiers , unless it were such as had lost their Horses ; so that he kept almost all the Gold for his own private use . He pretended indeed to take the 5 th part of it , which is the King 's due , and to go to Cuzco to give an Account of it to his Majesty's Intendent ; but took another way , and return'd into the Province of Quitonia , taking up many Indians as he went , who all died under the heavy Yoke of their slavery . He afterwards effac'd the King's Image , which he had stamp'd upon this new Money . And 't is remarkable concerning this Man , that he could not but reflect on all the mischief he had done , and on the Cruelties he had committed ; for he was wont to say of himself , Whoever shall come into these Provinces 50 years hence , and be told what kind of life I led here , will say , Such a Tyrant went this way , and here are everlasting marks of his Violence and Cruelty . It is not to be conceal'd from Your Highness , that the rest of the Spaniard who came into the Indies after him , have endeavour'd to tread in his steps , and have exactly follow'd the Example he set 'em ; for they have committed the same Injustice and Villany and so they still continue to do . Among the other Remedies propos'd by the Lord Bartholomew de Las-Casas in the Assembly of Prelats and Learned Men whom the King call'd together at Valladolid , to reform the Affairs of the Indies , in the year 1542 , he advises , That the King of Spain should take the Indians under his protection , and consider 'em as his lawful Subjects , that by this means they may be shelter'd and guarded from the continual Tyranny and Insolence of their Enemies , and not be utterly extirpated by Massacres , which have bin so often committed with Impunity . For as fruitful and populous as this New World has been , it will soon be laid entirely waste , and turn'd into a barren Desert , if the Spaniards be still suffer'd to root out the Inhabitants , as they have hitherto done . The Words of the Bishop on this Subject are as follows : The most proper and best Expedient , and which is of great importance for your Majesty's Interest , without which all others will be fruitless , is , that your Majesty send express Orders to all your Courts and Tribunals in the Indies , to receive all the Indians , both those that have been already subjugated , and those that shall be conquer'd for time to come , into the number of your free Subjects , that all the Provinces they inhabit be united to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon , and that all the Inhabitants be incorporated as your own People , so that they shall not be capable of being inslaved by any Spaniard ; and that this Law and Order be inviolably observ'd : that for the future these new Provinces may not be dismember'd and alienated from the Crown of Spain , under any pretext whatsoever , tho never so great necessity should be pretended ; and never so pressing intercession be made with your Majesty to obtain the Title of a particular Soveraignty for any one : That all the world may know that the Government of those Provinces that are subdued in the Indies , is inseparably united to your Majesty's Crown , and a part of your Property . That to confirm this Constitution the better , and to render it the more solemn and inviolable , your Majesty would please to take an Oath upon the Holy Gospel , on your Crown , and all that is most sacred , in the form and manner Princes are wont to do on such Occasions , that you will never revoke this Edict ; and that your Successors be oblig'd to take the same Oath : And that your Majesty take care to make it one express Article of your last Will and Testament to engage your Successors to observe this Law , and to make others observe it , as much as lies in their Power . Divers reasons are afterwards produc'd to shew that this Policy is of absolute necessity for the Preservation of America , and to hinder the utter Extirpation of the Indians . The insatiable Covetousness of the Spaniards , who mind nothing but to amass together heaps of Treasure , makes 'em unwilling to suffer any Priest or Monk to come into those Cities where they are Masters , for fear their worldly Interest should receive considerable damage by that sort of Men ; because ( they say ) it makes the Indians idle , to assemble 'em ( as they do ) to instruct 'em in the matters of Religion ; for all the time they take up to preach to 'em , they detain 'em from the Work imposed on ' em . Sometimes when the poor Indians have been assembled for their instruction in Christianity , the Spaniards have insolently accosted 'em with Cudgels in their hands ; taking such a number of 'em as they think fit , to carry their Baggage or any such like Service ; and if they are unwilling to obey , they force 'em to it with Blows in the sight of all the rest , and in the presence of the Monks that instruct 'em ; which is a great Scandal to our Religion , and a mighty Obstacle to their Conversion , who are strangely terrified and hinder'd in these pious Exercises as well as the Monks that preach to 'em , by this ill usage . Another Inconvenience the Spaniards pretend they receive from these Instructions , is , that when the Indians are converted and plac'd in the number of Christians , they grow proud and insolent , thinking better of themselves than they are , and refuse to work so hard as they did before . For the Spaniards are very ambitious to command the Indians as their absolute Slaves , and to be obey'd , respected , and even ador'd by 'em ; and therefore omit nothing that may hinder them from becoming Christians . Sometimes 3 or 4 Towns or Villages are given up to the disposal of a certain number of Spaniards , and the Inhabitants distributed among 'em , to some more , to others fewer ; and it often happens that a Woman falls to one Man's share , whose Husband falls to the Lot of another , and their Children to a third ; so that they divide these miserable Families like Flocks of Sheep . They employ 'em in all sorts of service , as to manure the ground , to work in the Mines , and to carry Burdens in Journeys of 50 or 60 Leagues . And their Masters so constantly exact the hard Tasks of Work they set 'em , that the poor Wretches have not time to attend the Instructions of the Divine Word , and to learn the Rules of Christianity . These People , tho free , have been made Slaves , and the greatest part of 'em destroy'd . Parents and Children have been slaughter'd together ; Villages and Cities entirely ruin'd , and not a House left standing . And the Spaniards have no more regard to their Salvation , than if their Souls and Bodies died together , and were uncapable of eternal Rewards or Punishments . The Spaniards undoubtedly have an Obligation of Duty upon 'em to instruct them in the Doctrine of Christ ; but they are so ignorant themselves , that 't is not much to be wonder'd at , if they take no care to inform others . I knew one John Colmenero in the Isle of St. Martha , as dull , as ignorant and whimsical a fellow as one should meet with , to whom the care of instructing the Indians in a great City was committed , tho he scarce knew how to make the sign of the Cross ; and when he was examined about the course he took to instruct the Indians , could make no other answer , but that he taught 'em to say , Per signin sanctin Cruces . By which one may easily guess at the profound Understanding of the Man. And how indeed is it possible for the Spaniards to teach the Indians Christianity , and to inform 'em what is necessary to Salvation , when the most noted Spanish Lords , and such as make the greatest figure in the Indies , scarce know how many Commandments there are ? For they go into America only to gratify their insatiable Covetousness . They are generally given to all sorts of Vices ; and so immodest , voluptuous and effeminate , that if a just Comparison were made between them and the Indians , these latter would be found to have much more Virtue and Honesty : For as ignorant and barbarous as they be , they are content with one Wife according to the Laws of Nature , as a necessary help to 'em ; whereas the Spaniards lay aside all respect to the will of their Maker , and take 14 or 15 Women , or as many as they please , to satisfy their brutish Passions , how opposite soever this Plurality of Wives is to the Law of God. The Indians scarce know what it is to take away one another's Goods , and live innocently by their Neighbours , without offering 'em any Violence or Oppression . And what thoughts must such People as these have of those that call themselves Christians , when they see 'em commit all manner of Crimes and Villanies ; when they see 'em guilty of so much Injustice and Treachery , and in a word , of all the Abominations of which men that are left of God , and have no principle of honour or conscience can be capable ? This makes many Indians laugh at the God we worship , and persist obstinately in their Incredulity . They believe the God of the Christians to be the worst of Gods , because his Worshippers are the worst of Men. As for your Majesty , they think you are the most cruel and impious Prince in the World , while they see the Cruelty and Impiety your Subjects so insolently commit ; and they verily believe your Majesty lives upon nothing but human flesh and blood . Probably this account may very much surprize your Majesty , who perhaps have not yet receiv'd sufficient information about these matters ; but this Opinion is of long standing , and become inveterate among ' em . I could produce a great many Instances , of which I have been an Eye-witness , to convince you of the Truth of it ; but I am afraid of making your Majesty too uneasy , and of filling the Reader 's mind with too much horror , by reciting such extraordinary and unparallel'd Stories , which may give a just occasion of Wonder , that God has so long defer'd to inflict some exemplary and terrible Judgment upon Spain , to punish all the Abominations the Spaniards have committed in the Indies . The Pretence of subjecting the Indians to the Government of Spain , is only made to carry on the design of subjugating 'em to the Dominion of private Men , who make 'em all their Slaves . One Spaniards who has the Government of a Town or City , does more mischief by his vitious and scandalous Example , than a hundred Priests and Monks can do good in endeavouring to advance Christianity by all their Piety , and the exemplary Sanctity of their Lives . When the Spaniards have the Government of any place committed to 'em , or have any personal concern , or special interest in it , they 'l be sure to oppress and harass the poor Indians , and offer 'em all the Abuses that can be . And 't is now become almost impossible for your Majesty or your Ministers to stop the Course of these Oppressions , and regulate these Disorders ; for the Spaniards terrify the Indians by their threatnings , and sometimes kill 'em to prevent their complaints against 'em : and of this kind of Cruelty we have many Instances : So that the poor Indians are continually molested and harassed , without any calm Intervals in which to compose their Minds , and therefore are not capable of applying their Thoughts to the consideration of Divine things . Their whole Life is spent in Sorrow and Anguish under their Persecutions and Torments . This makes 'em mortally hate your Majesty , and abhor the Christian Religion ; for they can't but think you impose a severe Yoke on 'em with intolerable Tyranny , that you are the most covetous Prince upon Earth , and that therefore they ought to leave no stone unturn'd to get clear of your Government . The despair under which they lie , occasions 'em to belch out a thousand Curses against our God , attributing all the Miseries they suffer to him , whom they accuse of Blindness , Injustice , and want of Compassion , for not punishing the Outrages committed against 'em under the pretence of obliging 'em to embrace his Religion , and for not chastising the Impiety of such as make a boast of being his Servants , while they are guilty of the highest Abominations . This inflames their Zeal towards their false Gods , which they say are much better than ours , who has brought all manner of Miseries upon 'em , whereas their own were the Authors of all kinds of Blessings . We shall make it evidently appear to your Majesty , that the Spaniards in about eight and thirty or forty years have unjustly put to death above twelve Millions of your Subjects ; and what an incredible damage must your Majesty have farther sustain'd by these Massacres , as they have hinder'd all these People from multiplying , who would have amounted to an infinite number , the People of this new World being very fruitful , and the Climat generally very temperate and pleasant , and consequently very proper for Generation ? The Spaniards have massacred and destroy'd all these Nations , to possess themselves of their Country , and to usurp the Government of it , so as to have it entirely at their disposal . And how injust soever those Wars have been which they have made upon the Indians , if the poor Creatures put themselves in a posture of Defence , they cruelly cut their throats without any distinction of Quality , Sex or Age : Such as escape their Fury they reserve for Slaves , many of whom they condemn to the Gold or Silver Mines , others they yoke together like Beasts to make 'em carry vast Burdens . They don't much concern themselves whether the Indians live or die , provided they reap some advantage by their Labour , and heap up Gold at any rate in the World. I pass over in silence a great many of the Torments these poor People have been made to endure on all occasions . If any shall attempt to perswade your Majesty of the contrary , we 'l undertake to prove what Violence the Spaniards have us'd among the Indians by invincible and undoubted Evidence : And shall not scruple to say , that whoever take upon 'em to deny the truth of these matters , have in all appearance partaken of those Robberies , or at least hope to have a share of 'em one time or other . For what shew of probability is there in saying the Contagion of the Air has so entirely destroy'd the People of a Country of 2500 Leagues extent , that there 's scarce a Man to be found ? The Spaniards , who know no other God but their Interest , have sullied the Reputation of the poor Indians with the most odious Stain that can be imagin'd , in accusing 'em of being addicted to an infamous and abominable Sin against Nature ; a Calumny as ill contriv'd as 't is unjust . For that Crime has never been heard of in the Islands of Hispaniola , St. John , Cuba , and Jamaica , which have been very populous . This I can speak with assurance , as knowing it to be true , because I took care to inform my self of it as soon as I came ashore in the new World. Nor is it so much as known what this Vice is in all Peru : not one Man has ever been found guilty of it in the whole Kingdom of Yucatan ; and the like may be asserted in general of other Countries of America : Only 't is said , that in some very remote parts of it there are some People addicted to this monstrous Crime : But is it reasonable for this to accuse the whole new World , and to cast an everlasting Reproach on so many different Nations ? We must say the same of another Enormity charg'd upon the Indians , namely their eating of Human Flesh . There are indeed in some particular places a sort of Men so barbarous that they eat their own kind ; but 't is very injust to take occasion from this to report the same of all America in general . Another pretence the Spaniards use , by which to justify their ill Carriage towards the Indians , is their Idolatry ; as if it did not belong to God rather than to them , to punish those that offend him by such abominable Worship when he sees meet . Besides , the Lands and Territories they possess are not under the Jurisdiction of the Spaniards , nor are the Indians oblig'd to own any other Governors than their lawful and natural Soveraigns . Our Ancestors before they were instructed in the Doctrine of Christianity , were buried in the gross darkness of Idolatry as well as the Indians . And before the coming of Christ , all the Nations of the World in general were guilty of that Crime . But that which evidently proves the Minds of the Indians to be very susceptible of our Religion , is the Mildness , Humility and Courtesy they at first express'd to the Spaniards , and the patience wherewith they have since undergone their Cruelties . 'T is a most inexcusable piece of Wickedness in the Spaniards , that they have made use of all the Obstructions they could , and that deliberately , to hinder the Indians from imbracing the Christian Faith ; they have driven away all the Monks that came into the Indies to preach the Gospel , from those places where they had power enough to do it , because they did not care these Religious Persons should be Witnesses of the Tyranny and Cruelty they exercis'd on the poor People . They have even debauch'd the Indians by the ill Example they have set 'em , and taught 'em a great many Vices they never heard of before they conversed with the Spaniards , such as Oaths and Blasphemies against the Name of Christ , the Practice of Extortion , Lying , and many other Sins that seem'd opposite to the sweet and peaceable Temper of these People : So that to leave these poor Indians under their Government , is visibly to expose 'em to utter Destruction , and to make 'em miserable both in Soul and Body . King Ferdinando was so far impos'd on by the Artifices of some self-interested Men , as to give 'em leave to transport the Inhabitants of the Lucay-Islands into Hispaniola : these People were forc'd out of their Houses , and out of their Country , in pursuance of this Grant , which was subtily obtain'd , and occasion'd the destruction of above a hundred thousand People ; so that there now remain but eleven of 'em in fifty Islands , some of which are bigger than the Canaries , that were well stor'd with People . And this I can affirm on my own knowledg , if your Majesty could have seen the Ravages and Massacres that have been committed in the Lucay Islands , you would have been pierc'd with the most lively sentiments of Compassion ; and then I should have been afraid to incommode your Majesty by reviving the memory of that Tyranny , in giving an exact Recital of it . We have taken notice above of the injust Wars the Spaniards formerly rais'd against the Indians ; we have shewn how they massacred 'em against all Law and Equity , how cruelly they depriv'd 'em of their Children , their Parents , and Friends ; how they have laid waste one of the finest Countries in the World , and render'd it in a manner destitute of Inhabitants . This Barbarity makes the Earth groan , the Angels lament these Miseries : And God himself has given us to know by the Judgments he has inflicted on us , how much these injust and violent Actions displease him . The Spaniards have taken from the Indians all they had ; they make 'em work till they spit Blood , they expose 'em to all sorts of Hardships , and exact intolerable Tasks of 'em ; and , which is yet more horrible , after all they load 'em with heavy Blows , beating , whipping and tormenting 'em with the utmost Cruelty . To give up the Indians to the Government and Tyranny of these Men , is as great a madness , as to give Children into the hands of Men that are acted by a raging Phrenzy , and have Knives and Daggers ready in their hands to cut their Throats ; or to sacrifice Men to the fury of their sworn Enemies , who have long entertain'd the desire of Revenge , and form'd a design to murder 'em ; or to expose a young beautiful Virgin to the Discretion of an impudent Ravisher . Who in such a conjuncture , without the interposition of special Grace , would abandon himself to the Conduct of his Passions ? In a word , it would be the same thing as to give 'em up to so many wild Bulls , Wolves , Lions and Tigers , when inrag'd with pressing Hunger : for all the Prohibitions that should be given these wild Beasts not to touch such as are expos'd to their fury , would have just the same effect to prevent 'em from being devour'd , as any Charge that can be given the Spaniards to hinder 'em from murdering the Indians to possess themselves of their Gold and Silver . We dare assure your Majesty after the long Observation we have made of these matters , that if your Majesty should order a Gibbet to be set up at every Spaniard's door , and should swear upon your Crown , that you would cause every Man to be hang'd that should kill or offer any considerable Injury to the Indians to get their Riches ; this would not be an effectual Remedy to these Disorders , if your Majesty gave 'em any Authority or Power over 'em either directly or indirectly . The same occasions of doing mischief would still present , and defeat all the Prohibitions that could be made , and all the Punishments that could be us'd to terrify ' em . Nor are the poor Indians expos'd only to be made Slaves by the Spaniards , but suffer abundance of Oppression from a cruel Tyrant , that has the Government of each Town or City , who has a severe Eye over 'em , to see how they acquit themselves of their Labors , and perform the Tasks impos'd on ' em . His business is to plague and torment 'em so many different ways , that their Sufferings are almost beyond comparison ; he beats 'em with Cudgels , tears their Flesh with Whips , and causes burning drops of Fat to be distill'd on their naked Bodies . He is continually exercising his Invention in contriving new Tortures , he violates their Wives , takes away their Turkeys , which they count one of their greatest Treasures ; these Fowls serve him to make Presents to the General , who is superior to all these petty Tyrants . But 't is impossible to give a particular description of all the Punishments these poor Wretches endure ; and after all to stop their Complaints , they threaten to accuse 'em of Idolatry . Thus the poor Indians are subject to the Authority of several different Powers , to your Majesty , to their Cacique , and to the Spanish Governor , besides twenty other little Tyrants , destitute of Reason , Honor and Conscience , who commit all sorts of Outrages ; and likewise the Moors whom the chief Tyrant employs to rob and oppress the poor Indians . 'T is much to be fear'd that Almighty God will make Spain feel some extraordinary marks of his Displeasure and Indignation for these enormous Crimes : nay , there appear already some tokens of the Divine Anger against the Spanish Nation , for the Disorders and Devastations made by some in the new World : for tho God had laid up such quantities of Treasure there , that it may be said neither Solomon nor any other Prince ever possess'd a stock of Gold and Silver comparable to that which the People of these vast Regions enjoy'd ; yet they have bin so pillag'd , that now there 's little remaining among 'em : But that which is more unaccountable is , that there 's scarce any of that Silver now to be found , that was so common in America when the Spaniards first discover'd it . This makes every thing extraordinary scarce there , so that the Spaniards are reduc'd to extreme Poverty and Indigence . All the while Larés govern'd the Indies , there was no more care taken to instil the Principles of Christianity into the poor Indians , and to put 'em in the way of Salvation , than if they had no Souls to save . This General applied himself only to plunder the great Cities , and would give a hundred Indians to one Spaniard , and fifty to another , as he had more or less respect for ' em . He made no distinction of Age or Condition , but promiscuously distributed old Men , and big bellied Women , as well as others , Persons of Eminency and Princes as well as the common People , to oblige his Favorites ; as if these Indians were his absolute Property . Their new Masters made 'em work in the Gold Mines , or employ'd 'em in any other Service they pleas'd ; and without regard to their Rank or Quality , oblig'd 'em to bear this slavish Yoke till they dy'd . This Governor suffer'd the Spaniards to confine eighty thousand of 'em in the Mines , who were all married Men , while their desolate Wives were forc'd to labor in the Villages , in digging the ground , making Ditches , and throwing up Banks , a sort of work fit only for the strongest Men , and the rather because they had neither Shovels nor other Instruments proper for their business . In other places they put 'em upon spinning and other works of that kind , which they found would turn to account ; and would sometimes keep Husbands and Wives from seeing one another a whole year together ; and when they met after this long separation , they were often so fatigued , and consum'd with Hunger and Labor , that they were incapable of Multiplication . Sometimes the Children dy'd for want of Sustenance , their Mothers Milk being exhausted with hard Labor and Hunger ; by this means there dy'd seven thousand Infants in the space of three months in the Isle of Cuba , of which I was an Eye-witness . Some of the Women transported with despair strangl'd their own Children ; others that were with Child took poisonous Herbs to destroy their Fruit. Thus the Men dy'd with hardship in the Mines , and the Women in the Villages ; so that the whole Country became desert in a little time , because the Women ceas'd to bring forth Children into the World. This Governor deliver'd up all the Indians to the Discretion of the Spaniards , and suffer'd 'em to treat 'em with all the Rigor and Severity they pleas'd , and to oppress 'em with the hardest Labor they could . They employ'd Men to chastise 'em that were more savage and barbarous than Tygers , these scourg'd and beat 'em most unmercifully , and gave them all the ill Treatment they could devise ; they would never discover the least sign of Kindness or Pity , but always shew'd themselves austere and barbarously cruel . It would be very inhuman to treat the Moors themselves after this manner , tho they are so very cruel to the Christians , and do 'em all the mischief they can , when they have the Ascendent over ' em . But the Indians are naturally a good-humour'd , easy , peaceable , submissive , and tractable sort of People . Some of 'em have by the many Miseries they suffer'd , been driven to despair of any mitigation of 'em , and therefore fled into the Mountains , where they expected Death every moment . The Spaniards to hinder 'em from flying after this manner , appointed a bloody Fellow to make it his whole business to hunt out these Indian Refugees upon the Mountains . The Governor besides establish'd a sort of Officers in the Spanish Cities of great Consideration and Authority , whom he call'd Visitors ; to each of these he gave a hundred Indians to serve him , besides his ordinary Domesticks , the better to support his Dignity . He chose such to this Office as had signaliz'd themselves by their Cruelty . When the Alquazils presented the Indians they found on the Mountains to these Visitors , there were Persons suborn'd and instructed to accuse 'em after this manner ; This Indian is a lazy Dog , that fled into the Mountains to avoid Work , therefore I desire he may be chastiz'd as he deserves . After the giving of this Evidence , the Visitor us'd to cause the poor Indian to be tied to a Stake , and beat with a tarr'd Rope , which the Seamen call a Salt-Eel , and indeed is like a Rod of Iron , till the Blood would start out in I know not how many parts of his Body , and the poor Creature would lie for dead upon the place . God is witness of all the Cruelties these miserable Innocents have endur'd : 'T is not possible to recount the hundredth part of what I have seen with my own Eyes . A man had need have a Body of Iron to undergo the Labor they endure in getting Gold out of the Mines . They must delve and search a thousand times over in the bowels of the Mountains , till they dig 'em down from top to bottom ; they must work the very Rocks hollow . After this the Gold must be wash'd in some River , and the poor Creatures that do this work must be perpetually in the Water , which gradually alters and spoils the Constitution of their Bodies ; and if the Mines happen to be full of Water , they are forc'd to empty ' em . That your Majesty may the better judg of the Labor and Toil they suffer in the Gold Mines , your Majesty may please to consider , that the Pagan Emperors accounted this the worst and most intolerable Punishment to inflict on the Martyrs , next to Death it self . The Indians are sometimes kept a whole year in these Mines : but since the Spaniards have observ'd , that it kill'd most of 'em to keep 'em there so long together , because their Bodies were uncapable of sustaining the Fatigues of such a tedious and continual Labor , they resolv'd to make 'em work only for the space of five months successively , and then to give 'em a respite of forty days , wherein they employ'd 'em in melting Gold. But this pretended Rest did 'em no great good , for they were not much less incommoded during this time than before , being employ'd in other very troublesom kinds of Work. The Indians don 't know what Holy-days are ; for they work as hard and as long on those days as at other times . Nor have they a sufficiency of Bread allow'd 'em ; and what they have is a very ordinary sort , that has not much strength in it , being made of Roots and Cassave ; so that if they don't eat Flesh or Fish with it , it yields very little Nourishment . They likewise give 'em a sort of Pepper that grows in the Country , and looks much like a dry'd Grape . Those Spaniards that pretend to keep their Slaves extraordinary well , distribute a Porker every week among fifty Indians ; but he that presides over 'em at the Mine keeps one half of it for his share , and gives them the other , which is but every one a bit . Some of the Spaniards are so wretchedly covetous , that they send their Slaves into the Fields and Mountains to feed upon what Fruit they can find , and then oblige 'em to work two or three days without giving 'em any thing to eat . Your Majesty may easily imagine , that such kind of Food can't possibly sustain their weak and languishing Bodies , that are continually enfeebled and exhausted with hard Labor ; or that these poor Creatures that are macerated with all manner of Hardship and Fatigue , without any rest , or relaxation of their Misery , can live long under the pressures of so cruel a Servitude . The abovemention'd Governor at last order'd they should have Wages distributed among 'em , viz. that three * Blancs should be given each of 'em to spend every two days , as the Reward of the hard Labors they exacted of ' em . This was only to mock the poor Wretches , for this Mony would scarce buy 'em the least Trifle . But for many years they had nothing at all given 'em , yet this does not disturb 'em so much as want of Victuals ; for there is nothing in the world they so much desire as to eat well , insomuch that if they could but satisfy themselves with one good Meal , they would afterwards be content to die . This Governor depriv'd 'em of all the liberty they enjoy'd , and suffer'd the Spaniards to inslave 'em , and treat 'em as severely as they pleas'd ; and indeed the ill usage they have met with is beyond what the Mind of man can imagine . They have not the liberty to dispose of any thing they have : The condition of Beasts is preferable to theirs , for these are at least sometimes turn'd loose to fill their Bellies with Grass in the fields , and have a little ease and liberty ; whereas the poor Indians have scarce any time of rest allow'd 'em , but are constrain'd to do whatever the covetous Spaniards command ' em . They lead 'em to work like Beasts of Burden rather than Men. If at any time they give 'em leave to go home to take a little Repose , they neither find their Wives nor Children there , nor any thing to eat , and have no other relief than to lay themselves down and die . The incredible Fatigue they undergo wears 'em out the sooner , because they are naturally of a weak and tender Constitution ; and when they are sick and faint , they are still made to work without any Compassion : nay , the Spaniards are so cruel as to beat and abuse 'em when they are just ready to die , calling 'em lazy Rascals , as if they refus'd to work , and feign'd themselves sick , merely out of Idleness . At last when they see their Illness increase to that degree , that they can expect no more Service of 'em , they send 'em home , giving 'em six or seven great Roots , almost like Turnips , with a small quantity of Cassave , to carry 'em a journey of fifty or sixty Leagues ; so that they often miserably languish and die before they have proceeded far on their way : we often found a great many of 'em dead on the Roads , others we found ready to expire , and others by their Groans and Sighs gave us to understand their extreme Hunger . When the Governor had not a sufficient number of Men for the Works in the Mines , he supplied the places of them that were releas'd by death , by casting Lots for others , which method was observ'd once a year . When he enter'd into the Continent , he came like a sweeping Judgment of God , or as a Wolf among Sheep : He committed so many Robberies , Massacres and Cruelties , depopulated and destroy'd so many Towns and Cities , giving the Spaniards liberty to do what they pleas'd , that no History can parallel his Barbarity : He robb'd both the King of Spain and his Subjects , without being ever call'd to account for it ; he left above forty Leagues of a very populous and fertil Country to the discretion or rather fury of his Soldiers : All that pleasant Tract of Ground from Daria where he landed to Nicaraqua was reduc'd to the utmost Desolation ; so that five or six Millions of Mony will not repair the Damage done there . This vile and cruel Man abandon'd the Indians to the Tyranny of the Spaniards , which was the source and original Cause of all the Persecutions under which those poor People have since groan'd , and of all the Devastations that America has suffer'd wherever the Spaniards have set their feet . This Contagion by degrees spread far and near ; so that this General by letting loose his Soldiers after this licentious manner , has occasion'd the ruin of many millions of Men , and the desolation of divers great Kingdoms that were subjected to your Majesty's Dominion . If we say the Spaniards have destroy'd seven Kingdoms bigger than that of Spain , we can speak it with confidence , as knowing it to be true , and having known the time when they were fill'd with multitudes of People , tho now there are scarce any to be found , the Spaniards having extirpated the People of these large Kingdoms , and left the Walls and Houses of the Towns and Cities without Inhabitants . Your Majesty has no fix'd and constant Revenue in the Indies ; your Effects are like Leaves , which when once they fall from the Trees appear no more till a year after . That the Spaniards are possess'd of the absolute Government of the Indies is the true cause of this Disorder ; for the number of the Indians every day decreasing , your Majesty's Revenues must necessarily receive a proportionable diminution . The Kingdom of Spain is in great danger to be invaded by Foreign Nations , especially by the Moors and Turks , who perhaps may one day be in a condition to destroy it : For God is a just Judg , and cannot look upon the Villanies and Oppressions , the Robberies and Murders of the Spaniards in the Indies , without indignation . All the Nations of this new World , who were created ( as well as his others ) after the likeness and image of God , and ransom'd by the precious Blood of Jesus Christ , have been unjustly and cruelly tormented and persecuted by 'em ; they have made horrible slaughters among 'em to requite the many Kindnesses they heap'd on 'em with all imaginable Freedom and Civility . And that which still aggravates their Crimes the more , and must needs farther provoke the Divine Displeasure , is , that God had made choice of Spain to carry his blessed Gospel into the Indies , and to bring many populous Nations to the knowledg of himself ; for which if they had fallen in with his Designs , he would , besides those eternal Rewards reserv'd for 'em , have given into their hands many good and fruitful Countries , abounding with Mines of Gold and Silver , Diamonds and other precious Stones and Pearls ; in a word , with all sorts of temporal Blessings , beyond what any one can imagine , unless such as have seen it with their own eyes . And 't is to be remark'd that God usually observes this Rule in the execution of his Judgments , to proportionate his Penalties to the Crimes committed against him . The Outrages and Cruelties these innocent People have felt are so horrid and notorious , that their Tears and Groans and Blood , the cry of which has reach'd the Throne of God , will undoubtedly draw down Vengeance on those that have offer'd all this violence to their Persons , and plunder'd 'em of their Estates . The Report of these Cruelties is spread through the whole World , and has been carried even to the most barbarous Nations , and has made 'em abhor the Spaniards , and conceive a mortal hatred against 'em : A hatred which extends to the Person of our King , as well as Subjects , and is extremely prejudicial to the whole Nation in general . None can be so ignorant as not to foresee what Mischiefs the Desolations in America are like to bring upon Spain ; and succeeding Generations will be but too much convinc'd of the truth of this Prophecy : And if the King of Spain still suffers the Spaniards to domineer and tyrannize as they have hitherto done in the Indies , and makes not effectual provision by proper Edicts to stop the Course of the many Miserie 's the People of this New World undergo , those Countries will in a little time be totally depopulated . And God will undoubtedly make all Spain feel the Effects of his Wrath in punishing such Crimes as these ; since the whole Scripture is full of Threatnings , and plain Instances of the Judgments of God on such as have been accessory to the Sins of others by permitting them . Most Illustrious and Mighty Prince ; The Royal Council for the Indies , animated with a sincere Zeal for the Glory of God , and your Majesty's Honour , desir'd me a few days ago to write to your Majesty all that I had told you viva voce before , and to explain to you what Right the Kings of Spain have to those Kingdoms in the Indies : and the rather because some who are uneasy to see the liberty your Majesty is pleas'd to give me in conversing with your Royal Person about these Affairs , to engage you to regulate those Disorders committed in America , have declar'd against my Sentiments with a great deal of heat and animosity . They say the Zeal with which I oppose the Violence and Injustice of the Spaniards ( and these I 'm resolv'd to oppose as long as it pleases God to continue my life ) prompts men to call in question the Title the King of Spain pretends to have to the New World. However I have perform'd what the Council demanded of me , and drawn up thirty Propositions , without giving my self the trouble of proving them at large , partly because they are all certain and evident , and partly because I was much urg'd to dispatch the business , and to send them to your Majesty ; which I have accomplish'd in the fear of God , and according to the dictates of my Conscience , with a strict regard to Truth . Since the desire I have of being serviceable to God daily increases , I thought my self oblig'd to refute the Impostures and Calumnies of some ill-designing Persons , who wilfully shut their eyes against the Truth , because 't is directly opposite to the Designs and Projects they have form'd . They flatter themselves , that under the false pretext of serving the Kings of Spain , who are ordinarily of a sweet and benign temper , and ready to judg of others by the good Sentiments they find in themselves ; I say , they flatter themselves that they shall still be able to impose on 'em , and bear a sufficient sway in their minds to bring 'em into the snares they have laid for ' em . It was the complaint of Ahasuerus in the History of Esther , that corrupt and vicious Subjects alter'd the good disposition of Princes , and betray'd 'em into Excesses , that occasion'd the ruin of whole Kingdoms and their Kings together . 'T is for this reason , Great Sir , I have briefly drawn up these Propositions , to set this matter before you in a clear light . This I have done to discharge my own Conscience , and that I might the better answer the Obligations of that Ministry wherewith God has entrusted me . I find my self growing old , being advanc'd to the 50 th year of my age ; and the great acquaintance I have had with the Affairs of America , has furnish'd me with a very distinct knowledg of 'em ; so that my circumstances render me in some respects more capable than others of giving proper Advice to those that are propos'd for the Government of America , that they may know how to put a period to its Miseries : for I have no other intention or desire in this matter , than that of suppressing the Injustice and Cruelty that has so long harass'd the Inhabitants of the New World. They that endeavour to cross my good Design with the greatest warmth , and deck themselves with a false appearace of zeal and affection to your Majesty , tho at the bottom they have no regard either to truth or justice , take care to hide their Designs under the specious colour of promoting your Majesty's Service and Interest , and of establishing your Majestiy's Right and Title to America , while indeed all they do is directly contrary to your Majesty's Service , whether in respect of Spirituals or Temporals . And I believe all intelligent Christians , that have a true zeal for their Religion , will be of this opinion , when I have made the Errors and Extravagancies of those that oppose my Sentiments appear ; for these Gentlemen hand over head maintain that the Kings of Spain have a Right to found and establish themselves a Title to the Government of America by force of Arms , after the same manner that Nimrod , who was the first mighty Hunter ( as the Scripture expresly observes ) and first began to tyrannize over Men , laid the foundation of his Dominion ; or as Alexander the Great , and the antient Romans extended the bounds of their Empire ; or just as the Turks to this day oppress the Christians , and invade their Territories . All the World may easily perceive that they who reason thus , are ignorant of the true Interest of the King of Spain , and shamefully violate all the Rules of Justice . To prove what they advance , they add new Errors to their first Extravagancies , till they shew by the wretched Maxims they expose , that they have neither Honor nor Christianity . For it often falls out , that while they who wander from the Tract of Truth and Virtue , go about to excuse the Errors they have made , they fall into other Mistakes that are still more gross and dangerous . There are others of 'em who produce Titles that appear to be somewhat better founded , and alledg Arguments that seem more probable and honest . These say we may justly take possession of the Indies , and subdue the People , because we have a greater stock of Prudence and Wisdom than other Nations , and because our Country is nearer to the Indies than many others . But 't is easy to see that none of these Reasons are concluding , having no solid Foundation to support ' em . That your Majesty may the better comprehend the force of the Reasons that have been produc'd before you , and more easily distinguish what is agreeable to the Rules of Equity from what is contrary to 'em , and discern your faithful Servants from such as mind nothing but their own Interest , I shall come my self , and viva voce explain to your Majesty the principal Points on which my Judgment is founded . In the mean time I send your Majesty an Abstract of my Propositions , which your Majesty may cause to be translated into Latin , if you think meet , that they may be printed both in the Latin and Spanish Tongues : or if your Majesty don't see good to make 'em publick , 't will be no great matter . I Proposition . The Pope of Rome Canonically elected to be the Vicar of Jesus Christ , and the Successor of St. Peter , hath received his Authority and Power from Christ himself ; and this Power extends over all Men , whether Believers or Infidels , in matters appertaining to Salvation , and the way of eternal Life . But it is to be observ'd , that he ought to exercise this Power toward Infidels , that never enter'd into the Church by Baptism , nor never heard of Jesus Christ and the Catholic Faith , in a different manner from what he does toward those that either are or have been Believers . II Proposition . St. Peter and his Successors contracted an indispensible Obligation , founded on the Divine Precept , to procure the publication of the Gospel , and the propagation of the Christian Faith in the whole World , that all Infidels may be brought to the knowledg of the true God , when there is any hope that they will not oppose the promulgation of the Faith , and the Doctrin of the Gospel . III Proposition . The Pope by the Authority of his Apostolic Ministry , may and ought to send capable Ministers from all the States of Christendom , to preach the Doctrine of Jesus Christ through the Universe : Nay , he may oblige 'em by virtue of his power to accept this Mission and Employ ; and they on the other hand are oblig'd to undertake it , in obedience to the Pope , as to Jesus Christ . IV Proposition . Among all the Instruments that can be chosen for the publication of the Catholic Faith , and the Conversion of Infidels , Christian Princes are capable of contributing most to the carrying on of this Work ; because their Authority , their Forces and temporal Riches are a great help to preserve and defend Ecclesiastical Ministers that may be sent , and to furnish 'em with proper means to attain the end propos'd . V Proposition . The Pope by the Authority which Jesus Christ has given him upon Earth , ought to exhort Christian Princes to contribute all their Assistance to remove the Obstructions that impede the publication of the Christian Faith ; to employ their Mony in advancing this Work , and to send such of their Subjects as are capable of instructing Infidels . The Pope may moreover in some sort oblige all Christians in general , according to their ability , to bear the necessary Charges of those Missionaries in so pious a Work , as occasion may require . VI Proposition . No Christian Kings or Princes ought to engage in this Work without the participation of the Holy See , and of the Vicar of J. Christ . And if any Prince should think himself oblig'd , for the advantage of his Kingdom , to send Evangelic Ministers to instruct the Infidels , he ought to consult the Pope about it , who will use such means as he thinks most proper to advance this design . VII Proposition . To avoid confusion , the Vicar of Christ may distribute the Kingdoms and Provinces of the Infidels , of what Sect soever they be , among the Princes of Christendom ; and may exhort 'em to be zealous for the propagation of the Faith , and vigorously to apply themselves to the work of enlarging the Universal Church , by the Conversion and Salvation of Souls , as the only end they ought to have in view . VIII Proposition . In making this division the Pope ought not to regard the increase of the Honors , Titles , Riches and Territories of Princes , but only to have respect to the Conversion of the Infidels ; since this alone is the Intention of Christ in the trust he reposes in 'em , to take care of the Instruction of Souls , which is a difficult and careful Charge , and of which they will be one day oblig'd to render an account before the strict Tribunal of God. For this Employ respects the advantages of Infidels more than the particular Interest of Christian Princes . IX Proposition . Christian Princes ought to have no consideration for any thing but the Service of God , and the Advancement of the universal Church , when they apply their endeavors to propagate the Faith of Christ : In this affair they ought to have no temporal Advantage in their eye , but to look upon all earthly things as transitory and of small consequence : Yet it would not be just , if they can do any thing for the advantage of their Dominions , while they are procuring the Augmentation of the Kingdom of Christ , to oblige 'em to neglect so favourable an occasion , provided it be done without any considerable prejudice to the Infidels , or to the Princes that govern ' em . X Proposition . Those Infidels that live in Countries remote from Europe , and have never heard of Jesus Christ , or the Christian Religion , have their own lawful Kings and Princes , who are the natural Rulers of the particular Countries they govern , and have right to make Laws , and to establish all things necessary for the good Government of their respective Dominions ; so that they can't be expell'd out of 'em , or depriv'd of what they possess , without doing violence to the Law of God as well as to the Law of Nations . XI Proposition . That Opinion which contradicts the Principle just now laid down , is erroneous and pernicious ; and if any Persons set themselves obstinately to defend it , they 'l become guilty of Heresie . For it opens a door to all Impieties and Villanies , to Robbery and Cruelty ; in a word , to many irreparable Mischiefs , and hainous Sins which dishonor the name of Christ , hinder the progress of the Catholic Faith , and bring the greatest Miseries on Mankind in this life , together with the inevitable destruction of multitudes of Souls ransom'd by the Blood of Christ . So that this would be the way to stifle all the Sentiments of Piety , Humility , and Evangelic Meekness , nay of all Christian Virtues in general , to introduce Violence , Treachery , Revenge , and other vices that are most contrary to the Maxims of the Gospel in their stead . XII Proposition . Infidel Princes ought not to be depriv'd of their States for their Idolatry , nor any other of those great Sins they commit ; nor may their Subjects be depriv'd of their Estates or Honors for the like Crimes . XIII Proposition . Idolaters ought not to be punish'd for their Idolatry , or other Sins , how enormous and great soever , during the time of their Infidelity , before they have voluntarily receiv'd Baptism : There being no Tribunal or Judg in the world that has a right to molest 'em on that account , unless they directly oppose the publication of the Gospel , and after they have been admonish'd and warn'd of it , obstinatly persist to obstruct it out of mere malice . XIV Proposition . Pope Alexander VI. under whose Popedom the West-Indies were discover'd , was indispensibly oblig'd by the Divine Law to chuse a Christian Prince , to whom he might commit the care of making provision for the preaching of the Gospel in this new World , for the advancement of the Universal Church , the Catholic Faith , the Worship of God , the Conversion and Salvation of the Inhabitants of America , and for all things necessary to attain this end . XV Proposition . King Ferdinando and Isabella his Queen had some special Advantages preferable to those of all other Catholic Princes , to induce the Pope to chuse them rather than any other Potentates of Europe , to confer on 'em the Trust of publishing the Catholic Faith in the Indies , and , without any other reason , by the Authority which God has given him , to invest 'em with this Dignity , and constitute 'em the Ministers of the Apostles in the Indies . Among other Privileges peculiar to them , this is the principal , that they have taken a world of pains to rescue those Kingdoms which they inherited from their Ancestors out of the hands of Infidels and Mahometans , who are declar'd Enemies of the Catholic Faith. For this they expos'd their Royal Persons to imminent danger , when they attempted to enter again into the Kingdom of Grenada , to which they had a lawful Title , and which they at length reduc'd under the Yoke of Christ , and the Catholic Church . Another Reason to their advantage is , that they sent the famous Christopher Columbus to America at their own charge , and honor'd him with the Title of Chief Admiral of the West-Indies , when he had discover'd those rich and vast Countries . XVI Proposition . The Pope might well chuse them as the most proper Persons to establish Christianity in the new World , just as he made choice of the Emperor for his Son to be the Defender of the Catholic Faith. But if this Choice should in the issue become prejudicial to the establishment of the Faith , 't is not to be doubted that the Pope might revoke it by the Authority he has receiv'd from God. And for the same reason he might forbid all other Christian Princes to send Missionaries into the Indies without the consent of the holy See , on pain of Excommunication . And whoever should act contrary to this Prohibition , would grievously offend God. XVII Proposition . The Kings of Castille and Leon are the lawful Soveraigns of many Princes and Kings of the new World ; therefore this universal Jurisdiction over the Indies , of which we have been speaking , belongs to them . XVIII Proposition . The Soveraign Empire which the Kings of Spain have over the Indies , obliges the natural Kings of those subjected Nations to submit to the Jurisdiction of the King of Spain . XIX Proposition . All the natural Kings and Princes , all the Nations , Cities and Communities of the Indies , over whom the Kings of Spain have acquir'd a lawful Right , ought to acknowledg them for their rightful Soveraigns in the manner we have said , since they have freely and voluntarily receiv'd the Catholic Faith and Baptism . But before they receiv'd it , or submitted to Christianity , and before the Kings of Spain had acquir'd any right over 'em , they depended on no Tribunal , nor Jurisdiction of any Judg in the World. XX Proposition . The Kings of Spain are oblig'd by the Law of God to chuse out and send into the Indies such Ministers as are capable of preaching the Gospel and the Catholic Faith , to exhort all the People of the new World to embrace the Doctrine of Christ , and to seek all just and necessary means to accomplish this Work. XXI Proposition . The Kings of Spain have the same Power and Jurisdiction over these Infidels before their Conversion , as the Pope has in quality of Christ's Vicar , because the charge and care of spreading the Light of the Gospel amongst these Idolaters , and of doing all that 's possible for their Conversion , is committed to them . XXII Proposition . The manner of establishing the Christian Faith in the Indies ought to be conformable to that which our Saviour used to introduce his Religion into the World ; that is , it ought to be a mild , peaceable , and charitable method . Humility , and the good Examples of a holy and regular way of living , are to be imploy'd to gain upon all Infidels , especially the Indians , who are naturally of a sweet and easy Temper , and ready to submit to the Yoke of Christ . They ought moreover to be engag'd by Presents , and we should with alacrity give 'em a share of what we have , without regarding their Riches . By this means they would be easily perswaded , that the God whom the Christians worship , is good , just and gracious ; they would more readily give ear to his Word , and would make no difficulty to forsake the Worship of their false Gods. XXIII Proposition . To go about to subdue the Indians by force of Arms , is a course utterly against the Law of God , who is full of Kindness , Grace and Love. 'T is to follow the method which Mahomet and the Romans before him us'd to spoil and conquer the World : and the Turks and Moors to this day take the same course , but 't is unjust , tyrannical , infamous , and unworthy of Christians : It would be the occasion of many blasphemous Reflections on the Name of Christ , and the Christian Religion , as we have been taught by sad Experience , since the Spaniards have exercis'd so many Cruelties on the Indians ; for they believe that the God we worship is the most unjust , unmerciful and cruel of all Gods : Therefore the way of Violence and Severity would be an invincible Obstacle to the Conversion of the Indians . XXIV Proposition . 'T is to be expected that Infidels will alway oppose such as attempt to invade their Country , in order to take possession of it by the Title of Conquest ; so that to go about to subdue 'em as the proper way to convert 'em , is to lose time , and ruin so holy an Enterprize . XXV Proposition . From the time when Christopher Columbus discover'd the Indies , the Kings of Spain have always expresly forbidden their Subjects to make War upon the Indians : so that the Spaniards can shew no Authority or Permission that was ever given 'em by the King of Spain to commit any Act of Hostility in the new World : or if they can shew any such Commissions , they are forged , or have bin surreptitiously obtain'd by false Informations , invented to obtain a power of taking away the Riches of the Indians , or of making them Slaves with impunity . On the contrary , the Kings of Spain have often on this account renew'd their Orders to obviate the Cruelties and Outrages that were committed on the Indians . XXVI Proposition . Seeing the Spaniards have not been supported either by the Authority of their Prince , or any lawful reason to make War against the Indians , who liv'd peaceably in their own Country , and had done the Spaniards no wrong : All such Conquests that have been , or may hereafter be made in the Indies are to be accounted unjust , tyrannical , and null , being condemned by all the Laws of God and Men. For the proof of this Proposition one need only produce the Proceedings against these Tyrants , which are yet to be seen in the Archives of the Royal Council ; or those Prosecutions that might still be made against 'em every moment . For both Heaven and Earth cry aloud against the Violence they have offer'd the poor Americans . XXVII Proposition . The Kings of Spain are by the Law of God oblig'd to establish so good a Government in the Indies , by causing those Indian Laws and Customs that are good to be observ'd , and by abolishing the bad , which are less numerous than the other , that nothing contrary to good Manners and the Rules of civil Policy may be tolerated . And the most likely way to succeed in such a design is to publish the Gospel among those People , by which means both the King's Interest and that of the Indians will be provided for effectually . XXVIII Proposition . The Devil could never have invented any thing more pernicious for the extirpation of the People of this New World , and the desolation of so many great and populous Kingdoms in a little time , than the distribution the Spaniards have made of these Nations among themselves , taking possession of the Inhabitants as their own Property , and then treating 'em as ravenous Wolves do a flock of Sheep : For this is the most barbarous kind of Tyranny that can be imagin'd , because it hinders all those Nations from embracing the Christian Religion : For the Spaniards employ 'em night and day in the Mines , and all other kinds of Labor ; sometimes obliging 'em to carry heavy Burdens forty or fifty Leagues , so that their condition is worse than that of Beasts . Besides , they persecute those Indians with fresh Cruelty , who apply themselves to the Monks to be instructed in the Gospel , because they are afraid ( if these Religious Men should be encourag'd to come among the Indians ) they would be witnesses of their Robberies and Cruelties . XXIX Proposition . The distribution which the Spaniards make of these People among themselves , as if they were so many head of Cattel , was never commanded nor allow'd by the Kings of Spain since the Spaniards enter'd the Indies . They never thought of authorizing so injust and tyrannical a kind of Government , and which so much tends to the destruction of the People of the new World. Queen Isabella of immortal memory , under whose Reign the Indies were discover'd , gave express Orders to Christopher Columbus , who was the first Governor and chief Admiral of the Indies , and to Francis Bobadilla , who succeeded him , and also to General De Larés , who came after both the former , to preserve Peace and Liberty among the Indians , and to do 'em Justice in every thing . Admiral Columbus gave only three hundred Indians to such of the Spaniards as had done great Service to the Crown ; and for his own part , contented himself with having only one Indian to serve him : The Court of Spain was then at Grenada , where the Queen issued out an Order that these three hundred Indians should be releas'd and sent home , only she permitted Columbus to keep one Indian whom he had taken for his Service . What then would this great Queen now say , to see how the Spaniards have inslav'd the People of America ? The continual Avocations the King has had , and the frequent Journys he has been oblig'd to make into Italy , having not permitted him to inform himself exactly of the Miserie 's those People endure from the hands of the Spaniards . XXX Proposition . From all that has been said it may well be concluded , that if the soveraign Jurisdiction of the Indies belongs only to the Kings of Spain , the Conquests that private Men appropriate to themselves are injust and tyrannical ; that the shares they have made among themselves are founded upon no lawful right : and that those who usurp the Lands of the new World , without the Consent and Authority of their Prince , are absolute Tyrants , in acting ( as they do ) directly contrary to his Orders , and the Regulations of the Royal Council ; which is a matter so public and notorious , that there 's no Spaniard in the Indies can justly excuse himself by pretending ignorance . A Dispute between Don Bartholomew de Las-Casas , Bishop of Chiapa , and Dr. Sepulueda . DR . Sepulueda , at the instigation of some Spaniards who had committed great Ravages in the Indies , wrote a very elegant Book in Latin in the form of Dialogues , which contain'd principally two Conclusions , namely , that the Wars of the Spaniards in the Indies were very just , and that they might lawfully subjugate the People of this new World ; and that the Indians were oblig'd to submit to the Spaniards , and acquiesce in their Government , because these are more wise and prudent than the others . And in case they refuse to submit , this Doctor asserts , that they may be constrain'd to it by force of Arms. These are the two Points that have occasion'd the ruin of incredible numbers of Indians ; so that the Country is almost entirely unpeopled for the space of two thousand Leagues , where the Spaniards have left the marks of their boundless Cruelty . This Doctor , to give some color and shew of Truth to his Reasons , declar'd that he had no other design in writing than that of justifying the King of Spain's Title to the Indies . He presented his Book to the Royal Council , and was very importunate to obtain leave to print it , which was several times refus'd ; after which he applied himself to some of his Friends , who were in the Emperor's Court , to patronize this Work. The Bishop of Chiapa being well inform'd of the steps this Doctor made , with all his might oppos'd the Impression of his Book , plainly demonstrating what ill Consequences the publication of it might produce . The Members of the King's Council perceiving this matter was purely Theological , resolv'd to dismiss it to the Universities of Salamanca and Alcala , desiring them to make a thorow Examination of this Treatise , to see if it contain'd any thing that might justly obstruct the printing of it . These two Universities after they had accuratly examin'd it , declar'd that it was not fit to be printed , as containing unsound Doctrine . The Doctor now despairing of seeing his Book obtain in Spain , sent it to Rome , earnestly recommending it to the Bishop of Segovia , who was one of his particular Friends . When it was printed , it was prohibited by the Emperor 's express Order , who caus'd the Copies to be seiz'd , forbidding any of 'em to be sold in Spain : but because it was impossible to prevent divers Copies in the vulgar Language from being spread among the People ; the Bishop of Chiapa thought himself oblig'd to refute this Book in defence of the Indians , and to let all the world know how scandalous Doctrine it contain'd , being accommodated to open a door to all manner of Disorders . Dr. Sepulueda was cited to give an account of his thoughts on this Subject by word of mouth , and the Bishop of Chiapa was engag'd to answer him : The Dispute lasted five whole days , after which Dominic de Soto , a great Divine , and Confessor to his Majesty , was desir'd to give a summary account of this Dispute , which he did before the Assembly in these terms . Most Illustrious , most Magnificent , and most Reverend Lords and Fathers . YOU have bin pleas'd to order me to give a succinct and summary account of the Dispute maintain'd between the famous Dr. Sepulueda , and the Bishop of Chiapa , without adding any thing of my own , or troubling my self to seek other Reasons to support the Sentiments of either of ' em . The Point about which you desire to be inform'd , is in general what method ought to be us'd for the publication of the Catholic Faith in the new World , which has bin lately discover'd by the permission of God , and how the Emperor may subject those Nations to his Government without offending his Conscience , in conforming himself entirely to the Bull of Pope Alexander . 'T is first necessary to enquire whether the Emperor may justly make War with the Indians before the Faith of the Gospel be preach'd to 'em ; and whether these People will be in any condition to receive the Light of the Gospel , after they have bin subdu'd by force of Arms ; whether they will be more tractable and docil , and better dispos'd to receive the Impressions design'd to be given , so as to reject their Errors , and embrace the Doctrine of the Gospel . Dr. Sepulueda maintains , that this War is not only allowable and lawful , but necessary . The Bishop of Chiapa is of the contrary Opinion , and pretends that this War is unjust , and an invincible Obstacle to the propagation of the Faith in the Indies . Sepulueda supports his Opinion by four principal Arguments : The first is founded on the enormous Crimes of which the Indians have bin , and are every day guilty , especially their Idolatry , and their Sins against Nature . His second Reason is taken from their Barbarity and Ignorance , which may be reform'd under the Government of a People so intelligent and polite as the Spaniards . His third Reason respects the facility he supposes of publishing the Christian Faith to the Indians when they are once subdu'd . His fourth Argument is taken from the cruel Treatment the Indians give one another , in that they offer human Sacrifices to their false Gods. He confirms his first Reason three ways : 1 st . By Examples and Authorities taken out of the holy Scripture . 2 dly . By the Suffrage of Doctors and Canonists . 3 dly . By a particular account of the gross Crimes which the Indians commit . He cites a Passage out of Deut. 20. to explain after what manner War ought to be made on the Indians ; the words are these : When thou comest nigh unto a City to fight against it , then proclaim Peace unto it . And it shall be , if it make thee answer of Peace , and open unto thee , then it shall be that all the People that is found therein , shall be Tributaries unto thee , and they shall serve thee . And if it will make no Peace with thee , but will make War against thee , then thou shalt besiege it : And when the LORD thy God hath deliver'd it into thy hands , thou shalt smite every Male thereof with the Edg of the Sword : ver . 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. and ver . 16. But of the Cities of these People which the Lord thy God doth give thee for an Inheritance , thou shalt save alive nothing that breatheth . The Doctor adds , that this Passage is not to be strictly taken , and enforc'd against the Indians with so much severity : tho 't is also said , Thus shalt thou do unto all the Cities that are very far from thee ; by which Passage the Gloss understands those of different Religions . From hence he concludes , that we may lawfully declare War against those Nations that are of a Religion different from ours . My Lord Bishop answers him four ways . First , he says , it was not to punish the Sin of Idolatry , that God commanded the Israelites to make War with the Gentiles and Infidels : That God was pleas'd to single out precisely seven Nations , the Canaanites , the Jebusites , &c. mentioned in Deut. 7. who possess'd the Land of Promise bequeathed to Abraham and his Posterity . He allows it to be true , that God design'd to punish the Idolatry of those Heathen Nations , in giving 'em up to the Israelites ; but he says if God's intention had bin only to chastise 'em for their Idolatry , he would also have punish'd all the Nations of the whole World after the same manner , seeing they were all polluted with the same Sin. Whereas God specified only these Nations to be abandon'd to the Sword of the Israelites , to shew that it was rather to accomplish the Promise he had made to Abraham , than to punish these Idolaters that he deliver'd 'em into the hands of their Enemies . That God himself expresly forbad the Israelites to offer any Violence to the Edomites , or to the Egyptians who had entertain'd 'em when they were strangers in their Country . Secondly , That the Passage of Luke 14. where it is said , Compel them to come in , is not to be understood of an external Constraint by War and Arms , but ought to be interpreted of internal Inspiration , and the Motions which God produces in the Hearts of Men , either immediatly , or by the Ministration of Angels . In the third place the Bishop maintains , that Christian Emperors have never engag'd in War with Heathen Nations to oblige 'em to renounce Idolatry , and to induce 'em to imbrace the Christian Faith ; that the Wars of Constantine were purely on a politic account , and that the Passage of the Ecclesiastical Historian , lib. 10. cap. 6. is to be understood in that sense . That this Prince who was so animated with Piety , when he subdued by his Arms the Goths , Sarmatians , and other barbarous Nations , excepted those that sought his Friendship , and desir'd Peace . That because he subjected himself to the Divine Commands , God was pleas'd to recompense his Virtue in subjecting all the People of the World to his Dominion . Besides , he says , Constantine made War with the Goths and Sarmatians , because they made incredible Ravage and Spoil wherever they came . But when these barbarous People were at peace with the Christians , and offer'd 'em no Injury , they were suffer'd to live at quiet . He adds in the 4 th place , That if we would do any good upon Pagans , it must be by the power of good Examples , and not by Violence . He cites to this purpose a passage of St. Augustin , who says it belongs only to men transported with Rage , and to Assassins to use force against those that are inferior to 'em in Power : that this Father also condemns such as were not able to do the Pagans any hurt , and yet rashly offer'd themselves to death , to gain the reputation of Martyrs . He also quotes a Passage out of Deut. 7. When the Lord thy God shall bring thee into the Land whither thou goest to possess it , &c. ver . 1. Ye shall destroy their Altars , and break down their Images , and cut down their Groves , and burn their graven Images with Fire , ver . 5. Upon which Passage he says St. Augustin expresses himself after this manner : Many of the Pagans have Idols in their Fields , must we take upon us to break these Idols in pieces ? 'T is much better to endeavour to get 'em out of their Hearts . When they have embrac'd Christianity , and exhort us themselves to break these Idols , we shall do it with pleasure . We must in the mean time pray for their Conversion , without appearing violent and passionate against 'em because of their Idolatry : We are not ignorant where they hide their Idols , and yet we let 'em alone , because God has not given us a Commission to take 'em away without their leave . When then does God give us leave to take 'em from them ? Not till the owners of these Idols are become Christians . He farther produces the examples of the Apostles and Martyrs , who took no other course to overthrow Idols but by their Doctrine . He grants that indeed on some accounts War may be made with Infidels ; for instance , if they have violently usurp'd the Lands of Christians , as they have the Holy-Land ; if they profane our Churches , break down our Images , and offer any great outrages to Christians , in hatred and contempt of their Faith : That when the Emperor Constantine forbad the Heathens to keep their Idols , it was for fear the Christians should be scandaliz'd by ' em . He says , If God severely punish'd the Crimes of the Sodomites , it does not therefore follow that we may take upon us to punish all Infidels for their unnatural Pollutions : That we are to admire the Judgments of God , but not always to imitate every thing he does . He says , we may punish Infidels if they blaspheme the Holy Name of God , or dishonour the Saints and the Church ; if they openly hinder the publication of the Faith , and if they massacre those that preach it : but that it is not lawful to declare War against 'em merely on the account of their Idolatry , their unnatural Sins , or any other Crimes they commit among themselves . And whereas Dr. Sepulueda says , The Indians are a barbarous People , and born for Slavery : the Bishop of Chiapa answers this Objection , in saying , That we ought not to make War upon Infidels to bring 'em to the true Religion , which is only to be demonstrated by genuin Reasons , that the understanding may be captivated according to the words of St. Paul , That it must be a pious Affection to the Christian Faith that will dispose men to embrace it ; and that care ought to be taken that they may have no aversion against those that preach it ; who therefore ought by their good Examples to engage the Indians to relish the Doctrine they endeavour to propagate among 'em : That War is visibly contrary to this end , because it fills the minds of those Idolaters with horror and indignation against the Christians , for bringing so many Miseries upon 'em ; and that they cannot chuse but think the Law of Christ an execrable Doctrine , since it authorizes ( as they imagin ) such terrible Disorders . The Bishop concludes in saying , 't is a mere delusion to assert , that the Wars made against these Infidels are not design'd to introduce Christianity among 'em by open force , but only to subjugate those barbarous Nations the better to dispose 'em to receive the Faith of Christ voluntarily . He pretends that this is ill reasoning , because War spreads so much terror among those People , that if they afterwards embrace the true Faith , 't is to be suppos'd they do it rather out of fear than love : and that their Neighbours when they hear what Violence , Spoil , and Massacres have attended this War , may probably , to avoid the like Mischiefs , blindly embrace the Faith , without knowing what they do themselves . Dr. Sepulueda urges for another reason of War , that the Indians massacre innocent Persons , either to sacrifice , or to eat ' em . To which Argument the Bishop returns this answer , That if the Church exhorts us to undertake the defence of Innocents , it ought not in this case to be by the way of Arms. First , because of two Evils we ought to chuse the least . If the Indians massacre some innocent Persons to eat 'em , 't is indeed a great Evil ; but War would bring much greater slaughters with it : besides , that these Wars dishonour our Religion , and render the Christians odious to the Infidels ; who tho they sacrifice men , are not altogether inexcusable , because of their great Ignorance , and have reason not to put themselves into the hands of the Spanish Soldiers , who come with their Swords in their hands to rob and kill 'em , instead of instructing 'em in Religion ; whereas they have no right to punish 'em for their Errors : That Plutarch says , when the Romans subdued divers barbarous Nations , who were wont to offer men in Sacrifice , they did not punish 'em for that Crime , but only forbad 'em to do the like for the future . That it is not to be expected of the Indians , that they should renounce their Errors in a moment ; that the light of Nature which informs 'em there is a God , teaches 'em to shew him respect , and to return him thanks for the Benefits they receive of him , and likewise to endeavour to make atonement for the Sins they commit against his Divine Majesty ; and that they ought to devote the best they have to him in Sacrifice : Consequently their evil Custom of sacrificing human Creatures to the suppos'd Deities they worship , is the less to be wonder'd at , since they have no knowledg of Divine Revelation , but only the glimmerings of natural Light to direct 'em ; which Light too is obscur'd with much thick darkness in the minds of Pagans . That these People believe they perform a very acceptable Service to God , when they offer him the Lives of Men ; that this may be confirmed in some sort by the Testimony of Holy Writ , seeing God , when he would try the faithfulness of Abraham , commanded him to sacrifice his only Son , whom he tenderly lov'd ; which God might do , as he is the absolute Master of the Lives of Men : that besides this Instance , the Scripture testifies that God requir'd the Israelites to redeem their own Lives by the sacrifice of Animals . That the Word of God remarks , that 't is impossible to give a greater Testimony of Love , than to offer ones self for the Person belov'd : that those Women in the Indies that were most dear to their Husbands while they lived , chose to be buried alive with 'em , to give the greater proof of their conjugal Fidelity and Affection . In answer to the other Argument alledg'd by Dr. Sepulueda , namely , that the barbarity of the Indians which ( he says ) shews they were born for Slavery , is a sufficient reason to declare War against 'em , in order to subject 'em to the Government of the Europeans : the Bishop of Chiapa says , there are three different sorts of Barbarians . First , that this Term is taken in general to signify any Nation that differs from others by some strange Opinion , or peculiar Customs , tho they want not Prudence or Policy to conduct their Affairs . That the second kind of Barbarians is of those , who have no Language proper by which to express themselves to other People ; such as the English formerly were , when they had no Letters or Characters whereby to explain their Thoughts . The third sort of Barbarians are such as resemble savage Beasts , by the dulness and stupidity of their Minds , by their brutish Inclinations , and by the extravagance of their Customs ; who wander up and down in the Fields , never dwelling together in Towns or Cities ; who are without Laws or Civil Government , and take no care to observe the Law of Nations ; who rove about to commit Robberies , and use Violence on all that have not power enough to resist 'em ; such as the Goths and Alans were formerly , and such as the Arabs in Asia are to this day : That 't is as lawful to make War with this sort of People , as to hunt wild Beasts , and would be a great piece of service to the World to reduce 'em to any tolerable Disciplin . But as for the Indians , that tho they have some extravagant Customs , but not any good Policy , yet they ought not to be look'd upon as properly Barbarians ; seeing they are of a quite contrary disposition , being meek , civil , and tractable in their Manners ; that they are a numerous People , who have Cities and Laws , and understand divers Arts ; that they have Princes over 'em , and live under a kind of regulated Government ; that they not only punish Sins against Nature , but have Laws that award capital Punishments for some Crimes of lesser consequence : That their Policy has its particular Rules ; that upon all these Accounts their pretended Barbarity is not a sufficient Reason for any to declare War against 'em , but would be a piece of visible Tyranny and Injustice ; and that this Course would be so far from promoting the Gospel , that 't would be the very way to cut off all hope of establishing Christianity among them . That therefore the best expedient would be to send Preachers into the Indies , to endeavour to convince some of the principal Indians of the truth of our Religion ; and to make Treaties of Peace with 'em , to favour the entrance of the Europeans into the Indies by such a gentle and peaceable Method as this : that if any danger should arise after this , we might build some Forts upon the Frontiers , and so treat with 'em with the greater Security , and make 'em gradually relish our Religion , by setting 'em good Examples . The Royal Council for the Indies having heard this Dispute , between the Bishop of Chiapa and Dr. Sepulueda , concerning the manner in which the Indians ought to be treated , order'd the Bishop to draw up his Thoughts of this matter in Writing , whereby they should be the better able to determin this question , Whether they might lawfully inslave the Indians , or were oblig'd to set at liberty all they had hitherto reduc'd to slavery . In answer to their desire , the Bishop farther explain'd his Sentiments after the following manner . All the Indians taken in the Indies since the discovery of the New World to this day , have bin unjustly inslav'd ; and the Spaniards who retain 'em in bondage against their wills , can't do it with a good Conscience , because they had no right to declare War against 'em ; for it follows by consequence they could not lawfully deprive 'em of their Liberty , nor were they ever authoriz'd by their Prince to make War upon ' em . Now there are but two Motives that can render any War just , namely , some righteous Cause , or the Authority of one's Prince . And what just motive then could the Spaniards have to declare War against the Indians , who never did 'em any wrong , nor ever gave 'em any disturbance ? They were people they had never seen ; they had never made any descent into any Country that belong'd to the Spaniards , to spoil and ravage it ; they had never profess'd Christianity as the Moors of Africa had done , who were Christian in the time of St. Augustin ; or as the Kingdom of Grenada , the Empire of Constantinople , and the Kingdom of Jerusalem did formerly . Nor can we justly reproach the Indians as declar'd enemies to our Religion , or that they ever attempted to destroy it by open Persecutions , or secret Perswasions , by Presents , or any other manner whatsoever , that can be used to engage Christians to renounce their Faith , and turn Idolaters : For neither the Law of God , nor that of Nations ever permitted War to be made against any People merely to establish Christianity among ' em . Unless any one will pretend that the Gospel of Christ , which abounds with Charity , Meekness , and Humanity , ought to be introduc'd into the World by Force like the Religion of Mahomet . The Spaniards can't say , that they had no other end than that of protecting the Innocent , seeing they have made it their whole business to rob , pillage , and murder the poor Indians , taking upon 'em to usurp their Goods and Lands . Besides , if the War they undertook had bin in defence of those poor Wretches the Indians unjustly put to death for Sacrifices , it would not have bin carried so generally thro' the Indies , but would have bin a sort of Civil War kept up only in some particular Places : Nor would the Spaniards have had right even in such Places , to have made Slaves of those whom they took in such a War. They can't so much as pretend that ever they had a Command or Order to this day from their Prince , to declare War against the Indians : 'T is easy to evidence such a Fact as this ; for the Governors and Generals have nothing to do but to show their Commissions if they have any . There 's not one of 'em who has any fear of God , or respect for his Prince , that will pretend to shew any such Commission , except the Vice-Roy Don Antonio , and Don Sebastian Ramire Bishop of Cuenza ; all the rest that have made War on the Indians , are Thieves , and Robbers , Murderers , and declar'd Enemies of Mankind . Seeing then the Spaniards have had no lawful reason to support their Declarations of War against the People of America , nor have bin authoriz'd in such Proceedings by their Prince , it evidently follows that the War they have made is injust , and contrary to the Laws of God and Men , and consequently that the Indians ought not to have bin treated as Slaves . All the ways the Spaniards have us'd to compass this end of inslaving these People , have bin monstrously wicked , made up of nothing but Fraud and Treachery , unlawful Tricks and Artifices , and such unheard of Villanies as can't but fill the Minds of all that hear 'em with astonishment and horror . Some to insnare the poor Indians that liv'd among 'em , have constrain'd 'em to own themselves their Slaves in Courts of Justice : after which extorted Confession , the Governors have order'd the King's Arms to be fix'd upon their Skin with a hot Iron ; tho they were not ignorant what an unlawful Course had been taken to abuse the poor Creatures . Others hir'd the Indians with a little Wine , or a Shirt , or by giving 'em some other trifle of small value , to bring 'em fatherless and motherless Children , whom they put on Shipboard , and transported into other Countries , where they were sold for Slaves , especially into New-Spain , the Islands of St. John , and Cuba , or other neighbouring Islands . But at first the Spaniards us'd open Violence , attacking the Indians that liv'd peaceably in their Houses , setting their Towns on fire , massacring some , and after the exercise of all this Cruelty , carrying away those they could take alive to sell 'em for Slaves . They us'd without any formal process , to brand 'em with the King's Arms ; which was enough to make 'em pass for Slaves ; and accordingly they were sold from one hand to another , till they were transported into the Islands . These were all the forms of Justice the Spaniards observ'd in carrying away the Indians from the Continent into the Islands of New-Spain , the Isles of Cuba and St. John , the Coast of Pearls , Yucatan and Panuco . And by these execrable Artifices they have since carried away vast multitudes of People of every Age , Sex , and Condition , from the Kingdoms of Vencuéla , Guatimala , and Nicaraqua , to fell 'em in Panama , and in Peru. They once put 4 or 500 of 'em in one Ship , the greatest part of whom died in their passage for want of Food , the Allowance given 'em being so very small . At a Town consisting of about 200 people , the Spaniards would require the Cacyque to send 'em 300 Indians at such a certain day and hour , to carry their Provisions , and work for ' em . The poor Cacyque was mightily concern'd he could not execute this Order , not having People enough in the whole Town ; and not knowing what to do in the case , desired to have a day or two more allow'd him : But these Brutes would interpret this delay as an express breach of their Orders ; and immediately asking leave of the Governor to go and fall upon 'em , would attaque 'em in their houses , cutting the throats of many of 'em in a barbarous manner , and carrying away the rest as Prisoners of War , whom they inslav'd contrary to all Law and Equity . Sometimes they would order a Cacyque to send 'em half a hundred men to labour for 'em , and would set 'em to what work they thought good , after which they would embark 'em in Ships and carry 'em away ; and sometimes would mark 'em with the Letters of their own Names without fixing the King's Arms on ' em . When they were angry with 'em , they would load 'em with Chains , and make 'em carry heavy Burdens beside , for 100 or 200 Leagues . After they had us'd 'em in what Drudgery they pleas'd , they would sell 'em , tho the Indians are as freeborn as any other Nation . By this means the Spaniards have unpeopled the Province of St. Michael , which is situate between Guatimala and Nicaraqua . When they formerly advanc'd far into the Country to make further Discoveries of the Indians that liv'd there , these good-natur'd People came to meet 'em loaded with Turkeys , and other Provisions , which they freely offer'd 'em , but for their kindness were either hew'd in pieces , or lese made Slaves , on pretence they were found in Arms in the Fields . Nor could the Governors be ignorant of these Violences and Disorders or the Soldiers , since themselves had the best share of the Spoil . When they had divided those Countries among themselves , which they had so unjustly usurp'd , and render'd themselves the absolute Masters of the Indians , as if they had coquer'd 'em in a just and lawful War , they oblig'd the Caciques and natural Princes of those People to bring 'em such a Sum of Gold as they were pleas'd to command ' em . If they had not such a quantity , they told the Spaniards , they would willingly give 'em all they had to appease 'em ; but receiv'd a severe reply from these cruel Men in such terms as these : If you don't bring us all the Gold we demand within such a time , we 'll set fire to all your houses . The poor Cacyques would sometimes make such a return as this in a lamentable Tone : Indeed our Country has no great store of Gold in it ; and besides , we have not bin curious to search for Mines . Upon such an Account as this the Spaniards have fasten'd 200 Stakes at a time in the ground , and tied the poor Wretches to 'em with terrible Menaces , and then let loose those ravenous Dogs upon 'em , that us'd to be fed with human flesh . It may be the Cacique would be so terrified with such a horrible Spectacle as this , that he 'd go among his Subjects , and take Children out of every Family , and give 'em to the Spaniards for Slaves to pacify ' em . If there were but 2 Children in a house , one of 'em was taken away , and that must be the strongest and likeliest to do service . When the Cacique had got together such a number of his People as the Spaniards requir'd , he would come to present 'em to them himself . And it was a most lamentable thing to hear the Sighs and Crys of Parents , when their dearest Children were ravish'd from 'em , to be transported into remote Countrys for Slaves . When these Children were brought to the Governor to be branded , the Spaniards would order the Caciques to engage the Indians to testify that they were Slaves , and the Children of Slaves , and that they were bought in the Market ; and would threaten to burn 'em , unless they would stand to such Lies as these . And when the Person appointed to examin them , who was well acquainted with all these Tricks , would ask the Children of what Country they were ; they made 'em answer , that they were Slaves , and that their Parents were so , and that they were bought in such a Market . After this Examination they were mark'd with the King's Stamp . His Majesty's Governors and Officers are very well acquainted with all this Roguery of the Soldiers , and have had too great a hand in the invention of these Artifices , as appears by their having the largest share of the Booty . When the Missionary Monks had got a great number of Indians together in their Church to instruct 'em in the knowledg of the true God , the Spaniards would suddenly come upon 'em with their Swords in their hands , and take what number of 'em they thought meet ; which could not but much scandalize the rest , and extremely griev'd the Missionaries , who were only told by the Spaniards , that they wanted Men to carry their Baggage and Provisions , and so were forc'd to take all patiently . When they had thus seiz'd the poor Indians , they set their mark upon 'em , and sold 'em for Slaves . The Governors at first seldom refus'd any that ask'd leave to plunder the Indians , and ruin and depolulate the Country . This was a kind of recompense they gave 'em for the great Services they had render'd the King of Spain . But afterwards they took a Course that did not seem so dishonest and cruel , but was equally pernicious to the People of the New World , which was to buy Slaves of the Caciques , threatning 'em to burn 'em alive if they did not furnish 'em with such a number as they demanded , for which they would only give 'em a Shirt or some such Trifle ; so that the poor Caciques became themselves the ruin of their own Country for fear of being burnt , and made it their business to go among their Subjects to gather great numbers of Slaves together , to sasisfy the Avarice of the Spaniards . At last they would make the Caciques pay 'em this tribute with other People ; so that they were constrain'd to go to some of the neighbouring Caciques , and would make their Complaint to 'em after this manner : These Tyrant threaten me ( would one say ) to cut my throat if I don't furnish 'em with such a number of Indians for Slaves , and they won't suffer me to chuse out some of my own Subjects for 'em ; therefore I desire the liberty to take some of yours , and you shall have as many of mine for ' em . I am content ( would the other say ) and the rather because I my self am oblig'd to pay such a Tribute as you are , and to seek for Slaves out of my own Country to satisfy the Spaniards . The Caciques themselves were wont to bring these poor Slaves to be mark'd , and were made to swear they were none of their Subjects , but that they had taken 'em among their Neighbors ; which was true , but the Spaniards were never the less guilty in constraining 'em so to do . The Governors that knew their injustice and roguery , wink'd at it , and would never accuse any of 'em of these prevarications before the Judges of the Royal Council ; for they made it no part of their care to perform their Duty to God and the King faithfully ; nor did they seem to be touch'd with the least Compassion in observing all the violence committed against those miserable People . I could produce a multitude of proofs to confirm what I say , but one shall suffice at present . There came an Order from the King to the Governor of the Province of Nicaraqua , to forbid him to inslave any Indians , or to brand him with the King's Arms : at the same time there was a Ship in the Road that was design'd to be fill'd with Slaves ; which made the Governor forbear to publish the Order he had receiv'd , till the Vessel was laden with Indians , and ready to set sail ; nay he privately gave notice to those that were concern'd in the Ship , to make what haste they could , and carry away as many Slaves as they needed , because the King had sent an express Prohibition to hinder any from being inslaved for the future . It was once matter of Astonishment to see the fruitfulness , plenty and multitude of Inhabitants , that fill'd the Province of Honduras ; and 't is now as deplorable to behold the Misery , Desolation , and want to People there , which resemble it to a melancholy Wilderness . The Governor of this Province made use of a trick not much unlike that of which we have been speaking . He ow'd a great Sum of Mony to some Merchants for Wine and other Commodities he had bought of 'em ; who had their Vessels in the Port , and expected this Governor to pay 'em in Slaves . But the Emperor's Order forbidding him to make any Slaves in this Province being very strict , he durst not take up Indians publicly to pay his debts , for fear of provoking the Emperor by acting directly against his Command : He therefore sent out two of his Captains , one to the Sea-Coast , and the other farther up into the Continent , with Orders to take up such Indians as were likely to make the least noise and disturbance by their Complaints ; these he order'd to be embarqued , and to prevent to himself any danger from the Court , he pretended these Indians were seditious Persons and Malefactors , whom he was oblig'd to banish , because it would have been of ill consequence to have let 'em remain in their Country : This was the Pretext under which he sold 'em for Slaves to pay his Debts . And with this sort of Coin the Spaniards us'd to buy all sorts of Commodities that came from Europe , and whatever else they thought necessary . So that 't is no wonder that those fine and rich Provinces are become forlorn Deserts , since this Trade of buying and selling Slaves has been allow'd , which was first practis'd in Hispaniola . Sometimes the Spaniards to deceive the Indians would perswade 'em they should go with them into Spain , when they design'd only to carry 'em to the Isle of Cuba , and sell 'em there . And there are many still at Havana , that were taken after this manner ; for when other Spaniards heard of the Stratagems their Countrymen us'd to impose on the poor Indians , they would use the same Tricks , and brag of 'em instead of being asham'd ; so that the World has been sufficiently inform'd of these Artifices . The Miseries and Desolations of the Provinces of Nicaraqua and Guatimala , of the greatest part of Mexico , Tabesco , and Panuco , are incontestible Proofs of the Cruelties and other Crimes of the Spaniards . The Archbishop of Mexico wrote an Account of 'em by way of complaint to the Royal Council for the Indies , wherein he inform'd 'em that the Governor had loaded twenty eight Ships with Slaves . The Governor of the Province of Xalisco took for his own Share 4560 Slaves , Men , Women and Children , some of whom were but one , others two or three years old ; all was fish that came to net ; besides an infinit number that other Spaniards took in this Province , against the King's express Orders , who was much displeas'd that those People should be inslav'd , who ought to have bin instructed in the knowledge of the true God , and of the Christian Religion , in order to their Salvation . Those Flemish Merchants that got possession of the Kingdom of Vençuela , to pillage and destroy it , made horrible Spoil there for the space of twenty years . That all I say is the very Truth , may better appear by consulting the Archives of the Royal Council , which are full of complaints against the insidious Contrivances of the Spaniards , and the great Violences they have committed to enslave the poor Indians . These poor Wretches have no body to interceed for 'em , or to protect 'em ; and are always in great consternation , because continually expos'd to the insults of their Enemies , who oppress 'em without being call'd to account for it . So that they despair of relief , not knowing to whom to address themselves for justice . Now seeing the Artifices that have bin us'd to inslave these poor Creatures , are so unjust and tyrannical ; and seeing these People as well as others are born free , it follows that the Spaniards have acted contrary to the Law of Nations , in inslaving all those Indians whom they have taken for that end ever since the Discovery of the New World , and have by their Violences evidently transgress'd the Law of God and Nature . To prove yet farther that the Spaniards are oblig'd to restore those Indians their Liberty , whom they yet detain in bondage , there 's only need of making one reflection , namely , that the Law of God obliges us to make restitution of every thing we have taken unjustly from our Neighbours , and to make reparation for the injuries done 'em ; and without doing thus 't is impossible to be sav'd . Upon this Principle 't is evident , that the Spaniards ought to release their Indians Slaves , and to do what in 'em lies to make 'em amends for the wrong they have done 'em , against all Law and Equity ; for 't is not to be suppos'd the sin will be forgiven , till what has bin unjustly taken away is restor'd ; and consequently the Spaniards who have treated the poor Indians after so ill a manner , and yet don't go about to make 'em satisfaction , are under the guilt of a mortal Sin. To make this appear yet more evidently , two things must be suppos'd . First , that there were no Slaves in New Spain , on the Borders of which there dwelt divers Nations , especially the Mexicans , that are more dexterous and politic than other Indians : This every one knows who is acquainted with the new World. Secondly , That the term Slave does not signify the same thing among the Indians as among the Europeans , but only denotes a Servant with the former , or one that has some particular obligation to assist us in our necessary Affairs ; so that to be the Slave of an Indian , is to be but one degree below his Son ; 't is to dwell in his House , to take care of his Goods and Silver , to wait on his Wife and Children , which is consistent with the enjoyment of his Liberty : He sets the House in order , sows the Land , and does any necessary work , as occasion requires . And his Master on his part treats him with a great deal of Kindness and Humanity , as if he were not oblig'd to render him this Service . Those Missionaries that have learn'd the Indian Language , and know the import of their words , can testify the truth of what I say . It is farther to be suppos'd , that in New Spain and Mexico many unlawful ways have bin us'd by the Spaniards to inslave the Indians , in so much that one would have thought they knew nothing of the true God , nor had ever heard of the Precepts of the Gospel . When there was a Famin there , which seldom happens in those rich and fertil Countries , those Indians that had a stock of Corn , perswaded them that were poor to sell 'em their Children for some of their Corn : with this proposal they comply'd very willingly , because their Servitude is so easy , their Slaves not being oblig'd to any very hard Labor . And the Indians are naturally obsequious and submissive to those on whom they depend ; they would give one of their Children for five Bushels of Corn , and this was the ordinary Price they gave . 'T is true , this was an unjust method of making Slaves , because all things ought to be common in a time of extreme Necessity ; for the Law of Nature obliges us freely to give or lend to those that are under pressing want . Another occasion on which the Spaniards made the Indians their Slaves was this ; when any one had found an Indian with some Ears of Corn which he had stolen , he had Authority to make him his Slave . The Missionaries have observ'd that some of 'em would maliciously scatter Ears of Corn in the High-ways , that they might seize those for Slaves that had innocently gather'd 'em up . Besides this , the Parents and Relations of him that had the Corn found upon him were made Slaves for this imaginary Theft , which is a very unjust and criminal Artifice . They likewise had invented a sort of Play among 'em , in which he that lost was made a Slave ; the best Players would make as if they knew not how to play , to insnare those that were ignorant into their Service . If any one whom they had thus caught , presum'd to run away , his nearest Relations were forc'd to supply his place . When a Free-man had lain with a Woman that was a Slave , her Master had power to seize him , or his Wife , if he were married , and to oblige him to serve him till she was brought to bed . Which Custom obtain'd throughout the whole Country . He that had a young Maid to his Slave , would inslave any one that lay with her , which was attended with great Inconveniences ; for the Masters of these young She-slaves would put 'em upon enticing Men to lie with 'em , on purpose to catch 'em in this Trap. If a Slave took any thing out of his Master's House to give it to his Relations , they all immediately became his Master's Slaves . When several Merchants went into other Countries for Slaves to sell in New Spain , where they had the best trade for 'em , they lent those that were poor their Goods and Corn upon Usury ; and when they were not in a condition to pay for what they had bought , they seiz'd 'em for Slaves . If he that ow'd the Sum , died before the Debt was discharg'd , and his Wife and Children were not capable of paying the Creditor , they became his Slaves . In time of Famin , Parents would sell one of their Children to serve a Master for a certain number of years ; but indeed there was no end of this Servitude , for if the Master dy'd , his Relations would take possession of his Slave . But the Bishop of Mexico , who is a very pious and virtuous Prelat , has written an account in Latin of all the Tricks the Spaniards have us'd to inslave the Indians ; by which 't is easy to see with how much Injustice they have abus'd the Simplicity and Necessity of these poor wretches to reduce 'em to a miserable state of Bondage . From what I have been relating it appears , that the Indians being Idolaters , and destitute of the knowledg of the true God , and the Rules of Christianity , don't regulate their Actions by such Motives as the fear of Hell , and the desire of Heaven , and the hope of having their good Works rewarded hereafter : Therefore they are vicious and corrupt in many respects ; for instance , they don't observe the Law of Nations in the Wars they make one upon another ; by which one may well guess there are many other injust things done among ' em . But the Faith of Christ , and the Precepts of the Gospel are for preserving only good Laws and Customs , and for abolishing those that are bad , especially such as are opposite to the Law of Nature , and prejudicial to Human Society . Therefore those Indians that are converted , who have bin guilty of Polygamy , are oblig'd to put away all their Wives but one , according to the prescription of the Law of God , as well as to restore all the Goods they have gotten by unlawful ways of Robbery or Extortion . If Christians follow the evil Customs of Infidels , or tolerate 'em when they can hinder 'em , they manifestly render themselves Accomplices in the Crimes of those Idolaters , because we are oblig'd by the Divine Law to abstain from such Actions as may occasion Scandal , or any way injure the temporal or spiritual Welfare of our Neighbor . For this reason St. Paul commanded Christians not to eat things offer'd to Idols , lest it should be thought they approv'd of those damnable Sacrifices ; tho they might eat of those very meats , provided the Pagans did not see 'em , and so were not scandaliz'd by the Action . All Christians are oblig'd by the Divine Word to do what in 'em lies for the Abolition of sinful Customs , or at least to abstain from 'em , and disapprove 'em themselves . And when a man doubts whether any Action he is about to do is just or injust , he can't do it with a good Conscience : this is a general Rule that admits of no exception , because Christians are oblig'd by the Doctrin of the Gospel , rather to lose all they have than to commit the least Sin. Therefore while the Mind hesitates and doubts , whether the Action on which one thinks be sin or no , we ought necessarily to abstain from it . The very desire of doing such an Action is contrary to right Reason , and to the Love of God ; because it would be to expose one's self to the hazard of transgressing the Divine Will , to do that concerning which one labors under an uncertainty whether it be lawful or forbidden . And the Doubt , when one thus ventures to sin , is no longer a mere Doubt , but most certainly becomes an Offence against God , because we are always oblig'd to take the safest course . When it falls out that we meet with two ways , and are uncertain which is the right , we ought always to chuse that which is the least dangerous , according to that Maxim of St. Augustin in his penitential Book , Take what is certain , and leave what is uncertain . The Rules of the Civil Law , which are confirm'd by Reason , by the Law of Nature , and that of Christian Charity , admit of a Dispensation in some cases , when there is a prospect of some great Good , to which a greater strictness would probably be prejudicial . But 't is a general Rule , that when a Man deliberates on two doubtful things , he is to determin his choice on that side where he may avoid Sin , where there are the fewest Inconveniences , and where his Neighbour's Interest runs the least hazard . Upon this Principle , Clergy-men ought not to be oblig'd to retire and live separatly from their Mothers , Grandmothers or Sisters , or to forsake their Father's House ; because such a Separation may be very disadvantagious to 'em , tho there may possibly be some Inconvenience likewise in their dwelling together . That man retains a thing with an evil Conscience , about which he is in doubt whether it be lawfully gotten , or which he has receiv'd of one who had no right to it , or who had reason to doubt whether it belong'd to him or no. Whatever is possess'd under such circumstances , is kept contrary to the Rules of Justice , and against both the Law of God and Nature . Therefore the Spaniards who keep those Indians in slavery , concerning whom they are in doubt whether they have bin bought , or given to those of whom they had 'em , act contrary to Justice and to the Law of God , in retaining 'em while under this doubt . Every one knows that a man is oblig'd to restore whatever he does not lawfully possess , and whatever he has receiv'd from one that had no just right to it , because a man can't communicate a right to another which he has not first himself . Thus when any one buys or receives any thing from a Person who sells or gives it , and yet has no right to it , he is unjust if he keeps it , and is oblig'd to make restitution . The Reason is evident , because 't is no less than the commission of Theft , wilfully to retain any thing against the will of him to whom it appertains . And tho this thing should have past through a thousand hands before it came to you , you would have no right to withold it from the proper Owner , because these were all unlawful Possessors , and consequently ought to have made restitution . And tho some human Laws give permission to retain a thing which one has bought with Mony that is coin'd with the King's stamp , and is current in the Commonwealth , yet this is no lawful Title to it , because human Laws must not prescribe contrary to the Law of God and Nature , nor to good Morals , which forbid Theft , and the witholding of another man's Goods against the consent of the rightful Owner . Inferiors , and such are Kings themselves in respect of the Divine Majesty , can't justly establish any thing in prejudice to the Law of God , which is superior to all other Laws . He that buys stolen Goods knowingly , is an Accessory in the Robbery : and if he does but suspect they are stolen , and has not bin so diligent as he might have bin , to inform himself whether they were lawfully gotten , he can't keep 'em with a good Conscience ; because no man can innocently do that which exposes him to Sin. And if we will not take the pains to inform our selves whether that which is sold or given to us be lawfully gotten , when we are in doubt about it , we can't be the lawful Possessors , because this is a culpable and wilful Ignorance . Those who have in such cases consulted Men capable of giving information , are excusable , unless themselves be of such a Character as obliges 'em to be acquainted with Law and Equity , as Civilians , Judges , and the like ; or when they ask advice , content themselves with consulting only one Person , tho they have opportunity of advising with many ; or ask counsel of interested Persons , and such as will not answer according to the Dictates of their Conscience , instead of consulting Men of Integrity who will give advice according to the Rules of Law and Equity ; or when they address themselves to Persons whose Honesty is suspected upon good grounds . A Man is not excusable under such Circumstances as these , tho he ask Counsel of the Learned in the Law ; and after having taken their Advice , acts contrary to Right and Equity . These four Circumstances being regarded , may be of great use to ease scrupulous persons of their doubts , and to give 'em peace of Conscience . And by these Principles it may be easily known that the Spaniards unjustly retain most of their Indian Slaves against the Law of God : and if they have a right to any of 'em , the number is very small , and they have reason to doubt whether these have been lawfully made Slaves ; because those they have had from the Indians have been brought to 'em as a Tribute extorted from 'em against their will , by Fear , Menaces and Torments ; so that they have no just Title to 'em : or if they have bought 'em of Indians , they have us'd unfair tricks to procure 'em , having terrified the Caciques , and constrain'd 'em by Tortures to deliver up their Subjects into their hands , threatning otherwise to acuse 'em to the Judges for worshipping and offering Sacrifices to Idols ; so that the poor Caciques when they could not give the Spaniards as many Indians as they demanded , us'd to steal 'em where they could ▪ 'T is true , when these Disorders came to be known to his Majesty , he expresly forbad any such ways of inslaving the People for the future . As for those few Slaves which the Indians have voluntarily sold , tho the Spaniards have hitherto made no question that they had a lawful right to 'em , they have had however reason enough to doubt it , and they ought by no means to have taken possession of 'em , till they had first us'd all necessary diligence to get information whether they might do it with a good Conscience ; and if after all their inquiry the matter remain'd dubious , they ought not to have bought 'em while under that scruple : So that all the ways they have taken to procure themselves great numbers of Slaves are unlawful : And when the Indian Princes saw how eagerly the Spaniards pursu'd this trade , they would tyrannize over their Subjects , and force 'em to become Slaves , that they might be capable of answering the Spaniards demands , and of buying the trifles they sold ' em . The Judges of the Royal Council , who have sounded this matter to the bottom , have declar'd , that scarce any of the Indians have been lawfully inslav'd , and on this account have set many of 'em at liberty . The Missionary Monks who understood the Language of the Indians , and were acquainted with their Secrets , have declar'd , that those who have kept 'em as their Slaves , have done so without any just ground : and they had no interest to speak after this manner , being only concern'd about the Salvation of Souls . And can it be thought that the Spaniards were ignorant of what themselves had done , who made themselves formidable to the poor Indians , and forc'd 'em by severe Punishment to procure 'em what Slaves they requir'd ? And these ignorant Infidels , who have so little of the fear or love of God , might easily perswade themselves that there was no Injustice in doing what they saw Christians do before 'em ; so that their ill Examples might well embolden 'em to steal away fatherless Children , to trepan the ignorant , and even to make use of force and violence to get Slaves to sell to the Spaniards . For after this manner have the Indians been corrupted and induc'd to commit all kinds of Injustice against their own Country-men to procure Slaves , since they have had Conversation with the Christians , who incouraged 'em in these Tricks , not only by their Words , but likewise by their Example . And 't is most certain , the Spaniards could not be ignorant of these unrighteous Proceedings , since themselves were the occasion and instruments of all this Mischief : and it must at least be granted , that they were oblig'd to suspect whether the Slaves that were brought 'em were taken as lawful Prisoners of War , and to inquire whether they might keep 'em with a good Conscience or not . They drove this trade with suspicious Persons , and therefore might well have presum'd that they offended the Rules of Justice ; and that those that gave or sold these Slaves to 'em , had no right so to do . Men ought to be very cautious how they deal with the Indians , lest they approve of the Theft and other Crimes of these Infidels . The Spaniards knew well enough what was commonly reported of the Indians every where , that they us'd many unjust and tyrannical ways to get Slaves on all sides ; and therefore ought to have scrupled the buying of 'em such as were naturally free , and who had bin inslav'd against the Law of Nations : So that they can never excuse themselves from possessing 'em unjustly , and from participating of the Crimes of the Indians in stealing and captivating great numbers of People . Among a hundred thousand Slaves whom the Indians have sold to the Spaniards , or paid 'em by way of Tribute , perhaps not one of 'em was properly a Slave , or taken in a just and lawful War. But allowing some of 'em to be so , how could they be distinguish'd from the rest in this vast number ? Besides , that there is a great difference , as we have already observ'd , between the Slaves of the Indians and those of the Europeans : The former make Slavery not very uneasy or troublesom , their Slaves being in a manner free , and not much differing from their Children ; whereas Slavery among the Spaniards is a most terrible condition , and those that are subjected to it , enjoy no Favor , Comfort or Rest , but are continually expos'd to Hunger and Thirst , and other severe Punishments : Nor are there any Laws or Statutes that can soften the cruel Temper of the Spaniards , and hinder 'em from exacting of their Slaves such Service as surpasses human Strength . From all the Principles we have been establishing , it follows , First , that his Majesty is oblig'd by the Law of God to set all those Indians at liberty , whom the Spaniards have made their Slaves , and unjustly retain as such . First , Because his Majesty is oblig'd to do Justice to all the World , to great and small , without respect of Persons , without despising the Cause of the miserable and afflicted , who are not in a condition to defend themselves , or redress their own Grievances . 'T is the principal duty of Kings to execute Justice , and protect the weak against the oppression of the strong ; and when they fail in this , they sometimes draw down the Divine Vengeance on their own Persons and Kingdoms ; because the Cries of the poor , and such as labor under Misery , incessantly go up to the Throne of God. And since the Spaniards unjustly oppress the Indians , who have no way to secure themselves from the Violence and Tyranny of their Persecutors ; 't is evident his Majesty is oblig'd to stop the course of their Injustice , and to restore those poor People their Liberty who groan under so cruel a Bondage . Nor ought this to be one moment deferr'd , seeing these Vexations are publick and notorious , and his Majesty cannot be ignorant of ' em . Those Kings that are willing to observe the strict Rules of Justice , whether Pagans or Christians , ought to use their utmost Efforts to keep their Subjects in peace , tho at the same time they should forget nothing that may conduce to lead 'em in the way of Virtue ; because the end that every Governor of a Commonwealth ought to propose to himself is , to act so as to render all his Subjects virtuous . How much more are Catholic Princes , who profess to follow the Rules of Christ , oblig'd to govern their Subjects according to his Precepts , and to remove all the Obstacles that are likely to turn 'em out of the way of Truth ? In which Enterprize they cannot succeed without giving 'em good and equal Laws , and obliging 'em to an exact observance of ' em . Christian Princes are moreover bound to exhort their Subjects to serve the true God , and to yield obedience to the Doctrin of Christ , as much as possibly they can . And seeing the Spaniards by unjustly retaining the Indians in slavery , are continually in the habit of a mortal Sin , and consequently don 't live according to the Laws of Christ , our Kings ought to command 'em to release all the Indians , that they may remove this great Obstacle which lies in the way of their Subjects Salvation . The Royal Character of Princes obliges 'em to make Laws and Regulations , that Justice may be maintain'd , and the People subject to their Government preserv'd in the practice of Virtue ; and are likewise requir'd by the Divine Law to employ their temporal Power for the augmentation of the Catholic Church , and the maintenance of Ecclesiastical Disciplin , that the Professors of Christianity may not rebel against the Ministers of Christ . In this they may lawfully employ the terror of their Arms , to keep all People to their Duty ; for otherwise Temporal Powers would not be necessary for the administration of the Affairs of the Church . From hence it may fairly be concluded , that the King of Spain ought to use his power to render Justice to the poor Indians , who are so tyrannically oppress'd , and to strengthen the hands of the Ministers of the Church in the Indies by his Authority , who are not able to make any progress by their Ministry among the Natives , nor to reclaim the Spaniards from their Vices , while they are suffer'd to afflict and persecute the poor Indians , because these continual Violences , and their fix'd resolution to persist in 'em , are habitual Sins . At present they regard not at all the Remonstrances and Menaces of Prelats , or Ecclesiastical Censures , but go on adding Sin to Sin , in so much that the Church in the Indies is in a forlorn condition , and under great difficulties : so that the Indians ought to be set free , that the Obstructions lying in the way of their Salvation may be remov'd , and that they may the better be engag'd to submit to the Doctrin that is preach'd to 'em : For by this means Christian Pastors will have a full liberty to exercise their Ministry , and to discharge their Apostolic Functions . The Bishops of America are oblig'd by the Law of God continually to sollicit his Majesty and his Royal Council to deliver the Indians from the Oppression under which they groan , and to give 'em their former Liberty , because these Bishops are necessarily engag'd by their Character to do the best they can for the discharge of their Pastoral Office , which consists in governing and teaching the People under their Conduct , and in providing for all their spiritual necessities ; as also in securing 'em as well as they can from any temporal Injury , and in rescuing 'em from the hands of Oppressors , especially when the Vexations they suffer are so many stumbling blocks in the way of their Salvation . Nor ought they to be wanting in procuring 'em all the temporal Advantages they can . The Dominican and Franciscan Friers are very pious and prudent , and deserve to be highly commended , in that they have agreed to refuse absolution to all the Spaniards of New Spain , who keep Indian Slaves , and to oblige 'em to bring this affair under examination before the Royal Council , in conformity to the Laws newly made ; tho they would have done better not to have had recourse to this Tribunal . These Monks know very well by experience what unjust and deceitful Methods have been us'd to inslave the Indians , and can't doubt but God has been highly offended by these Violences , and that those who have committed 'em are oblig'd to repair the Injuries of which they have been guilty . A Confessor who undertakes to hear Mens Confessions , one who officiates in quality of a Bishop or Curat as a spiritual Judg , ought to understand the Obligations of his Ministry , and to have that knowledg and prudence which is requisite to perform it after a becoming manner , that he may pass a wise and just Judgment on all matters propos'd to him , and rightly discern what wrong is offer'd to any oppressed Party . If his ignorance or negligence is the cause of his Mistake , so that he obliges not his Penitent to restore any ill-gotten goods , he commits a great Sin , and is himself bound to make restitution and amends for the Injustice done the offended Party : Just as a Physician who has through ignorance done some considerable Mischief to his Patient , or occasion'd his death , ought to make some special Reparation for his fault . The same may be said of Judges that pass an unrighteous Sentence , while they are ignorant of the Law , or take no care to inform themselves of the merit of the Cause before 'em , because such neglect and ignorance are criminal , and they ought to know the matters on which they are intrusted to pass a Judgment . 'T is certain all the Ecclesiastical Persons in New Spain are well assur'd that the Indians have been inslav'd , and are still kept in bondage , contrary to all Law and Equity ; and therefore are not oblig'd to refer the Examination of this Affair to the Royal Council : besides , there are all sorts of tricks and devices used to divert the Council from taking cognizance of the matter , lest they should suppress those vexatious Practices . His Majesty ought with all speed to issue out his Orders for the release of these miserable People , and so much the rather , because the oppression they are under is the occasion of the ruin of an infinit number of Souls . And this is the only way to reclaim the Spaniards from the habit of a mortal Sin , and to put the Prelats in a condition freely to acquit themselves of their Ecclesiastical Functions . Among all the Expedients Frier Don Bartholomew de Las-Casas , Bishop of the Royal City of Chiapa , propos'd for the reestablishment of Peace and Tranquillity in America , the most effectual was that of directly subjecting all the West-Indies to the Crown of Spain , that so the Spanish Lords might be uncapable of making the Indians their own Subjects and Vassals . And he supported this Proposal with many very cogent Reasons . First he says , the Princes and People of the New World being Infidels , and their Conversion to our holy Faith appearing necessary , 't is very proper they should be under the Protection of a Catholic and powerful King , who has a true zeal for the honor and propagation of the Christian Religion , and might send able Missionaries into the New World , to bring those Idolaters to the knowledg of the true God , and to embrace our Divine Religion , and submit themselves to the Holy See. And hence it appears that nothing can be more advantageous to the Indians , than to put themselves under the protection of Catholic Princes , that no particular Lords may be capable of taking possession of 'em as their Property . This is what the Kings of Spain ought to regard , without sharing with any others that Power and Authority they have acquired over the Indians ; for they ought to preserve this Jurisdiction immediately to themselves , and not divide it to invest private Men with it . And this is an Affair of so great consequence , that no less than both the temporal and eternal Welfare of those Nations depend on it ; for the Conversion of the New World would be a very advantageous thing to the Commonwealth . 'T is neither just nor possible to abandon this Jurisdiction to private Persons , since none but the King can be invested with it ; because when the Pope has once made choice of any Person or Power for this Affair , it ought not to be delegated or entrusted to another . When he has in this matter declar'd himself in favor of any Person illustrious by his Character and Merit , who has a perfect knowledg of any Cause he may have to determin , 't is to be presum'd he 'l pass such a Judgment as the Pope himself would have done . Now 't is manifest that in the Case in question we have a Person cloth'd with Grandeur and Dignity , seeing he is King of Spain , a very good Christian , and zealous for the Catholic Religion ; and the matter is of great importance , because it concerns the preaching and propagation of the true Faith and Worship of God , the Conversion of numerous Nations , and the Government of 'em ; which is to be administred with Lenity and Prudence , that Justice may be maintain'd among 'em , and the love of Virtue inspir'd into 'em : which is an Employ too great for any but Soveraign Princes to perform . 'T is certain the Holy See has chosen the King of Spain to be entrusted with the Government of the Indies ; which may be prov'd by two considerable Circumstances . The first of which is the Clause added in the Commission , We rely upon your Fidelity , Prudence and Justice : which is inserted in the Bull of Grant and Commission of the Indies to the most serene Kings of Spain , wherein the Pope says in express Terms ; Knowing you to be Kings truly Catholic , as we have been assur'd by many experiences , and that your Piety is every where regarded throughout the Christian World , we doubt not but you will use all the care and diligence you can for the Exaltation and Increase of the Catholic Faith ; as you have spar'd no charge or pains to rescue the Kingdom of Grenada from the hands of Sarazens and Infidels , which has so much conduc'd to the Glory of the name of God. The second Circumstance is , that when any express Order is added in the Commission , the first Clause of it is express'd in these Words : We exhort you by your Holy Baptism , which obliges you to submit to our Apostolic Orders ; and we conjure you by the Bowels of Compassion in Jesus Christ , that you would generously undertake this Expedition , to engage the People of the New World to embrace the Christian Religion : nor let any Hardships or Perils discourage you , but put your trust in God , who will make your Work succeed to his Glory . The other Clause contains a kind of Command , and is thus express'd ; We command you in virtue of the holy Obedience you owe us ; and we doubt not but you will undertake this Affair with a great deal of zeal and fervor , and send into the Islands and Continent Men fearing God , able , experienc'd , and capable of instructing the Inhabitants of the New World in the Catholic Faith , and of inspiring 'em with the love of Virtue . These Circumstances make it sufficiently appear , that the Pope gave the charge of causing the Indians to be instructed to the Kings of Spain , in consideration of the signal Services render'd the Church by that Crown ; nay , that he has oblig'd them to undertake this good work by his express Command to apply themselves to it , in virtue of the holy Obedience they owe him . Pursuant to this these Princes solemnly engag'd themselves to second the Pope's designs with all their Power : Their Promise was turn'd into a Covenant , and became a formal Obligation on 'em ; and consequently 't is the indispensible Duty of the Kings of Spain to be the Ministers of the Holy See in carrying the Word of God into the Indies , and contributing all their Power to continue the work of converting the Indians : Their care should be extended to their temporal as well as spiritual Concerns ; and they ought to neglect nothing that may be necessary for their preservation or conversion . Nor is it lawful for these Princes to abdicate this Authority , and divest themselves of this Jurisdiction . Let your Majesty therefore please to consider seriously how strict and indispensible this Obligation is ; be pleas'd to remember that in the year 1499 , when Christopher Columbus , the first Discoverer and Admiral of the West-Indies , had permitted each Spaniard that accompanied him to take one Indians in recompence of the great Services done the Crown of Spain in that Voyage , when those Indians arriv'd in Spain , your Majesty so much resented it , that 't was not easy to appease your Anger on that occasion . Your Majesty ask'd if the Admiral had power to destroy your Subjects ; and commanded the Spaniards to send back to the Indies all the Indians they had brought from thence on pain of Death . Accordingly they return'd in the year 1500 , when Francis Bobadilla went to take the Government of the New World. The second reason that proves your Majesty under an obligation to incorporate the Indies into the Inheritance of your Crown , and not to suffer the Spaniards in the least to usurp any thing in quality of Lords and Masters , is , that otherwise 't is impossible the People should ever be brought to espouse Christianity . To comprehend the force of this Reason it must be remember'd that the Design of your Majesty's Title to possess these newly-discover'd Nations , is no other than the publication of the Gospel , to spread the knowledg of Jesus Christ among 'em ; and consequently your Majesty is oblig'd to remove all Impediments that oppose this end , by establishing good Laws and Orders , and using all other just ways and means to render this design prosperous . The End is always the great Spring that should give motion and direction to our Actions ; and 't is this we ought to have principally in view , that we may the better foresee what Obstructions are likely to lie in our way , and take the most sutable measures to attain the end propos'd . Now 't is certain , that the Power usurp'd by the Spaniards over the Indians is one of the greatest hindrances to the preaching of the Gospel among 'em for their Conversion . All the World knows their excessive Avarice makes 'em unwilling to suffer the Missionary Monks to preach the Gospel to the Indians , whom those Tyrants look upon as their Vassals ; because the publication of the Gospel ( they say ) occasions a considerable damage to 'em two ways . First , because these Monks make the Indians lose too much time in hearing their Instructions ; these People ( say they ) are naturally lazy and negligent , so that when they are diverted from their Work , 't is hard to bring 'em to it again . It has often happen'd when the Monks had got the Indians together in their Church to instruct 'em , the Spaniards have come upon 'em , and taken away a hundred or two by force , beating 'em cruelly to the scandal of the rest , in spite of what the poor Monks could say or do . And such Violences can't but extremely impede the Salvation of the Indians . Another Disadvantage the Spaniards pretend to receive from the Conversion of the Indians , is , that when they are once instructed in the Maxims of Christianity , they grow proud and untractable , and not so capable to serve 'em : and is not this an open Confession that their private Interest is dearer to 'em than the Salvation of these Peoples Souls ? The frame of their mind is an habitual mortal Sin against Charity , the Order of which they pervert , not only in not promoting their Salvation themselves , which they ought every day to do , being oblig'd in Conscience either to instruct 'em , or procure others to do so ; but also in that they are so far from acquitting themselves of this duty , that with all their might they hinder others from informing 'em , without being afraid of the Judgments of that God , who will one day severely punish 'em for want of Charity to their Neighbours , in witholding light from 'em , tho they have so much need of Information . They hinder the pious Missionaries from coming to preach to 'em , lest they should become acquainted with their Vexations and Cruelties , which are so great and strange , that the Monks are seiz'd with horror when the Indians relate ' em . And when they see with their own Eyes how miserably the Indians are treated , they make it their business ( as they are bound in duty to God ) to oppose these Disorders . They sometimes advertise the Judges of those Tribunals your Majesty has established there of these things , to seek to redress 'em that way ; tho the means hitherto used have had very little effect ; because the Governors and Judges having a great many Indians themselves , to whom they are unmerciful and cruel , abuse their Power in oppressing these poor Creatures , causing 'em to be punish'd rigorously for the slightest faults . This is the true reason why the Monks are look'd upon as so many troublesom Spies , and the Enemies of their temporal Interest ; so that they can't endure so much as to see 'em , nor would they willingly tolerate 'em in the Country , but often curse 'em , and invent all sorts of Calumnies against ' em . The poor Indians almost despair to see any end of their Miseries ; and having nothing to trust to but the Zeal and Charity of the Monks , do love and reverence 'em as their Deliverers and Protectors , still putting great Confidence in them under all their troubles ; they often come in Bodies out of their Towns and Cities to meet 'em : But 't is a great mortification to the Spaniards to see the Indians pay these good Men so much respect ; and they take occasion from hence to reproach 'em , pretending the Monks design to make themselves the Lords and Masters of these poor Wretches . But God only knows what Labors and Hardships these Missionaries undergo , and to what Extremity they are often reduc'd by poverty and hunger ; when they undertake great Journeys with inexpressible fatigue , in rough and troublesom ways , to assist the Indians , and shew 'em the way of Salvation ; and to admonish the Spaniards of their enormous Sins , in tormenting 'em so many ways , in robbing and murdering 'em : all which Violences call for large restitution , if they expect to be sav'd . Covetousness and Injustice reign more in the Indies , than in all the World besides ; tho the Spaniards have no just right nor power there , since they don't derive it of your Majesty . The Indians are naturally timorous and cowardly , or rather the ill Treatments and Cruelties of the Spaniards have terrified 'em to that degree , that consternation and dread are become natural to 'em , insomuch that they scarce remember they are Men. 'T is impossible for Men in their Condition to apply themselves to hear the preaching of the Gospel , that so they might become Christians , since the Spaniards so strenuously oppose it ; who ought therefore to give up the Title they have usurp'd over them , ever since they made a Conquest of 'em , as they are wont to boast . They that have any Interest in a Governor's favor , dispose of the Persons of the Indians as their proper Goods , and divide 'em among themselves , as if they were born absolute Vassals . Two or three Spaniards will sometimes appropriate to themselves a whole Nation of Indians . It may be the Master of the Family falls to the Lot of one , his Wife to another , and their Children to a third . They are sent to the Mines loaded like Horses , and forc'd to carry heavy Burdens a hundred or two hundred Leagues ; this is seen every day . To obviate these Disorders , it will not be sufficient that your Majesty demand your Tributes , and threaten those with severe Punishment who shall presume to torment the Indians for the future , or exact such Tasks of 'em as they are not justly oblig'd to perform ; for they 'l still persist in the same course . As the severe Bondage of the Indians is a great obstacle to their Conversion on the one hand , so on the other is the course taken to disperse 'em at a distance one from another , whereby 't is almost impossible to assemble a considerable number of ' em . Both these ways prevent their being instructed in our Religion , and put in the way of Salvation . 'T is necessary in order to their being fed with the Divine Word , that they live in Society , and be in a condition to be easily assembled ; and 't is as necessary they should enjoy an entire Liberty , that they might voluntarily embrace the Word of God. The Learned say there was no System of written Laws given by God in the time of Abraham , because the Church was his Family , and did not consist of any whole Nation . Nor did God see good to give his Law to the Israelites while in Egypt , tho they were then a numerous People , and computed to be no less than six hundred thousand Men able to bear Arms , because they were not a free People , being yet in Captivity . But the Almighty gave 'em his Law when these two conditions were found in 'em together , namely , when they were both Numerous and Free ; which was not till he had employ'd his Power to deliver 'em from the Yoke of Pharaoh . But of all Laws , that of the Gospel especially requires both these Conditions , because it supposes Persons at liberty to seek to be instructed in it , and to put the Precepts of it in practise . And 't is very proper for those that observe the Laws of Christ to incorporate themselves and live in Societies , that they may perform the solemn Acts of Divine Worship by the practice of the seven Sacraments and other Ceremonies of the Church . 'T is necessary for Christians to meet together from time to time in public to hear the Word of God , and assist at other parts of his Worship , that so new Converts may be confirm'd in the manner of Life they have embrac'd ; for without these helps they would insensibly decline in their Zeal , and might come even to lose their Faith. In short , if the Spaniards are permitted to keep the Indians scatter'd up and down on the Mountains , and in the Vallies , and to employ 'em perpetually in performing the unreasonable Tasks they exact of 'em , it will be impossible to instruct 'em in our Religion to any purpose . By what has been said , your Majesty may very well conceive what Disorders reign in the Indies , and how necessary 't is to hinder the Spaniards from retaining the Natives under so severe a Yoke , and from proceeding to depopulate the Country as they have hitherto done . And that which is yet more deplorable , is , that they suffer 'em to die without taking care to have the Sacraments administer'd to 'em , having no more regard for 'em than for Dogs or Horses . One would think they believ'd these People to have no immortal Souls , but were uncapable of Rewards or Punishments in the other Life . The Spaniards are no way qualified either to be Lords and Masters of the Indians , or to teach 'em the Doctrin of the Gospel , or to induce 'em to imbrace it by their Examples . A considerable number of Indians were committed to the care of John Colmenero to be instructed in our Religion , tho he was so ignorant that he knew not well how to make the sign of the Cross , or give any tolerable account of his own Faith ; in so much that when he was ask'd what he taught those Indians under his Conduct , he could make no other Answer than that he taught 'em to make the sign of the Cross , but pronounc'd the words wrong that are us'd in that Ceremony . When the Indians of one Province had brought all their Idols to the Missionaries , with Protestations that they now detested that impious Worship , and were resolv'd to serve the true God for time to come , the Spaniards sold these very Idols to other Indians , or exchang'd 'em for Slaves . What concern of Mind can the Spaniards be suppos'd to have for the Salvation of these People , when they only design to enrich themselves , and thereby to be qualified for Employments above their Rank ; and when they are so ignorant , that they don't know the Creed , or ten Commandments ? They are sordidly covetous , and indeed give themselves up to all sorts of Vices ; so that their Lives are infamous and abominable . The Indians are comparatively more honest and virtuous than they are : for tho they are Pagans and Idolaters , yet are content with one Wife , as Nature teaches 'em , while they see Christians take fourteen or fifteen Women , how expresly soever the Law they profess forbids it . Many of the Indians scarce know what it is to rob one another , to offer Violence to any one , or to commit Murder : Whereas they see the Christians guilty of all these , against all Reasons and Justice , and that they violate all their Oaths , so that there is no ground to put the least confidence in ' em . The poor Indians that are Witnesses of the Crimes of such as call themselves Christians , think the God they worship is the vilest and most unjust God in the world , because he does not immediately inflict some signal Punishment on those that pretend to serve him , for their flagitious Lives . They also think your Majesty the most cruel of all Princes , because your Subjects are so abominably vicious ; they fancy ( as I have before said ) that your Majesty drinks human Blood , and eats the Flesh of Men. And tho these things may appear strange and surprizing to your Majesty , they are no news to us who have been accustom'd to ' em . And we can't but wonder , that some extraordinary marks of the Divine Anger and Indignation have not been inflicted on Spain to make her smart for the Crimes committed by the Spaniards in America . Your Majesty may by this time very well perceive the Character of those Men to whom the charge and care of the Souls of the Indians is committed . And 't is no wonder that there 's so little done either for their temporal or spiritual Advantage , since the discovery of the Indies , under such Conduct . God is no more known there now than he was before , unless it be in the Province of Mexico . And that slight Instruction the People have had there has cost 'em very dear : Tho the Son of God commanded his Disciples to give that freely which they had freely receiv'd . The Indians were committed to the Spaniards , on condition they would undertake to teach 'em the Christian Religion : therefore since they have acquitted themselves so ill of that Commission , they ought to make restitution of all they have taken from 'em under this pretext . However , God will not be mocked , who sees all things , and is a witness of all the wicked Actions of the Spaniards , who have made it their business only to torment and inslave these poor People instead of taking care to inform 'em of the Truth . And indeed these secular Men are not very proper to be made Preachers of the Gospel . Your Majesty has been ill serv'd in not having had good Information given you of the ill deportment of your Subjects . For 't is not to be doubted but your Majesty would have provided a Remedy , if due care had been taken to give you advice of it : Or if your Majesty had not done it , you would have very much wrong'd your Conscience in sending such Men into the new World to preach the Faith , and give testimony to the Doctrin of Jesus Christ , who are absolutely uncapable of so honourable a Ministry , and even decry and debase it by their scandalous Conversation . 'T is therefore necessary that this Employment be taken away from Secular , and committed to Religious Persons , as agreeing better with their Character , which may be done without giving these Ecclesiastical Ministers any occasion to claim a temporal Jurisdiction over the Indians ; for if that should be allow'd , we should fall into the same Inconveniences we are endeavouring to avoid . The corrupt Lives and evil Examples of the Spaniards do more hurt than the preaching of an infinit number of Priests and Monks can do good . Therefore your Majesty is oblig'd in Conscience to deprive the Spaniards of the power they usurp over the Indians , and never suffer 'em to make 'em their Vassals . One principal Reason that proves this Proposition is , that People ought to enjoy Peace and Tranquillity , that they may be in a condition to attend the Worship of God , and the good Works prescrib'd by the Christian Religion , and not to be diverted from the Sacraments by being condemn'd to continual Labor . Which state of Peace and Rest can't subsist without preserving to every Man his Property , and guarding him from all the assaults of Injury and Injustice . The Governors of Commonwealths are bound by the Law of God to remove out of the way all Obstructions to so necessary a Peace , and speedily to allay those Dissensions and Troubles that may continue Discord among such as profess Christianity , because 't is directly opposit to the end of God in creating Men ; for he sends 'em into the World to observe his Commands , and to apply themselves to the exercise of Religion and good Works , that they may thereby merit eternal Life . This good order is necessary in every Christian Republic , but there especially where the Christian Faith has been but lately entertain'd . The Spaniards are too covetous and self-interested to have any Jurisdiction over the Indians granted 'em , because they 'l never give 'em any respit or repose , but go on to rob and torment 'em all the ways they can invent . There is no kind of Injustice but they commit it to spoil these poor People , and therefore there is no way to shelter 'em from their Oppressions , but by annexing the Indies to the proper Inheritance of your Majesty's Crown . The Spaniards kill the Indians with impunity in the Fields , in the High-ways , and in the Mines , and do it more boldly , because many times there are no Witnesses present to convict 'em of their Cruelties . So that nothing can be more evident , than that the Indians are not in a condition to compose their Minds to attend to the Divine Word , so as to be induc'd to obey the Divine Commands , while the Spaniards are their absolute Lords , who will continually harass 'em with endless Trouble and Persecution , which will fill their minds with Anguish and Vexation , and all kinds of Misery , nay with an aversion to your Majesty , and a great hatred to our God , and to his Law , which seems to 'em so severe , so heavy and intolerable a Yoke . They can't but think your Majesty's Government is tyrannical , as well as that the God whom we adore is unjust and unmerciful ; supposing him the Author of all the Violence they suffer from the Spaniards ; because while they , on pretence of preaching the Catholic Faith , bring so many terrible Calamities upon 'em , their God suffers this without punishing their Injustice and Impiety after a very remarkable manner . These unfortunate People have no other Relief than what they find in their Tears , which they pour forth day and night , protesting their own Gods were more kind and favourable than the God of the Europeans , and saying they enjoy'd a settl'd Peace , and all the Coveniences of Life while they serv'd their own Gods , whereas ever since they had been under the power of the Christians , they had been expos'd to all manner of Abuses . This makes 'em abhor the Catholic Faith , and by consequence puts those that preach to 'em out of a condition to attain their end : So that your Majesty is beyond all question oblig'd by the Law of God to rescue the Indians from the Yoke of the Spaniards , and to take 'em under your own Protection . I farther add , that the power your Majesty has over the People of the New World , has been granted you by the Grace of God and the Suffrage of the Church , both for the temporal and eternal Advantage of the Indians , which Privilege is a kind of necessary means of their Salvation . So that the Government of 'em belongs of right to none but your Majesty , with the exclusion of all other Powers whatsoever , unless they desire to frustrate all the Advantages both spiritual and temporal , which the Indians might hope to reap from the Conversation of the Europeans . Your Majesty's Character and Jurisdiction over 'em engages you to remove all Obstacles that may hinder them from obtaining these Advantages , and being sav'd through Faith by the preaching of the Gospel . Your Majesty ought not to suffer your Authority to become infamous and odious , nor your Subjects to usurp a tyrannical Power that will infallibly issue in the destruction of the Indians , if they must be Vassals to the Spaniards , who treat 'em so cruelly and inhumanly . When we first arriv'd in the New World , we saw innumerable multitudes of People inhabiting the Provinces of New-Spain , Cuba , Jamaica , and the Isle of St. John , which are now all desolate . The Provinces and Kingdoms of the Continent are in a yet more deplorable condition , tho once as well peopled as Toledo and Seville . There 's scarce any place in the World where Men and other Animals multiply so much as they do in the Indies , because the Air of the Country being temperate , favours Generation . But the Spaniards have found out the art of entirely depopulating large Countries fill'd with infinit numbers of People , for they have unjustly massacred some to possess themselves of their Gold and Silver , others they have destroy'd by excessive Labors , or by forcing them to carry unreasonable Burdens in long Journies ; in a word , they have sacrific'd the poor Indians to enrich themselves . We advance nothing but the very Truth , and all that we have said does not express half of what we have seen ; nor will it be a difficult task to convince them of falshood who dare maintain the contrary before your Majesty . None but such as have shar'd in the fruit of this Rapine and Cruelty , will oppose the truth of such Facts as are known to all the world . And 't will be in vain to pretend that any contagious Distemper has made a Country of 2500 leagues desolate , which before was very populous . The manner of governing Kingdoms ought to be conformable to the Law of God and Man , for the good and profit of the People , who are to be defended and preserv'd from the Violence and Injustice of those that are destitute of the fear of God , and use a tyrannical Power , merely obtain'd by Usurpation , for the ruin and destruction of those that are under ' em . Your Majesty may easily be inform'd how the Spaniards have abus'd the Power you granted 'em for the Conversion of the Indians , in turning it to afflict and destroy 'em with unexampled Cruelty . And that which makes the case yet more lamentable is , that none of those who have been employ'd in your Majesty's service have ever given you advice of these great Disorders , tho so very prejudicial to your Interest , besides the loss of an infinite number of Souls who have perish'd in the darkness of Paganism , out of which they might have been easily reduc'd if the Spaniards had in the least been govern'd by the fear of God. Your Majesty may please to remember that one Article of the Will of the most Serene Queen Isabella , is express'd after this manner : Item , Since the time wherein the Apostolic See granted us the Isles and Containent of the Ocean , it has always been our principal Intention to cause the Light of the Gospel to shine on the People of the New World , and to send Prelats and Monks thither to convert and instruct 'em in the truth of the Catholic Faith. Therefore I beseech my Lord the King , and the Princess my Daughter , to labour with all their might to render this Enterprize successful , and to secure the Indians from receiving any damage either in their Estates or Persons , but on the contrary to take care they be treated with all sorts of kindness ; and that strict and speedy Justice be executed upon any one that shall offer 'em the least Injury , and to keep exactly to the terms of the Apostolic Brief dispatched for this Grant. These are the express Words of that Illustrious Princess : And yet no sooner was she expir'd , but the Spaniards began to abuse the Indians , and to offer 'em all the Outrages of which we have been speaking , and could give your Majesty a more ample Relation . To all the foregoing Reasons it may be added , that the Spaniards are declar'd Enemies to the Indians , and design nothing but their destruction , and to get possession of their Country ; which is so undoubted a truth , that 't is altogether needless to prove it . For he is properly a Man 's declar'd Enemy , who goes about to accuse him of some capital Crime , that deserves death ; who deprives him of his Liberty and the greatest part of his Goods ; who makes a cruel War upon him and inslaves him ; who seeks all Occasions to kill him , and takes away his Wife and Children to inslave 'em ; who usurps all the Goods of his Relations when they die , and unjustly ravishes from him all that is dear to him . Certainly such Violences as these are against the Rights both of People and Princes ; and 't is sufficient to demonstrate the Spaniards to be the declared Enemies of the Indians , that they have done 'em all the mischief which we have been relating . For they have calumniated and accus'd 'em of the most horrible and infamous Crimes that can be imagin'd , meerly to get possession of their Estates , and strip 'em of all they had under this pretext ; whereas the practices they charge 'em with are purely imaginary , and such as have never been so much as heard of in the great Islands of New Spain , Cuba , Jamaica , and St. John , tho they have been all very populous ; for after the most exact Enquiries we were able to to make , we could never find the least appearance of those abominable Sins , to which some few Persians are addicted . The Indians of the Kingdom of Yucatan know not what this unnatural Vice is . Nor are there any great number of 'em that eat human Flesh . They are farther accus'd of Idolatry ; but Men have no right to punish 'em for this Crime , which ought to be left to the Judgment of God. Our Ancestors were formerly Idolaters , as the Indians are now ; and the whole Universe was polluted with this Sin before the coming of Christ , and before the Apostles had preach'd the Christian Faith. For God dispers'd them up and down the World to dissipate the darkness that was spread over the Earth : and they did not employ violence and force of Arms to punish Idolatry , or other Sins that were the Consequences of Infidelity ; they made use of nothing but the good Examples of their Virtue and Holiness , together with their Doctrin , which contain'd the Menaces and Promises of the Word of God ; and we ought to do that in the Indies , which they did in other parts of the World. This was the Course which Christ himself first took , and then oblig'd his Apostles to follow his Example . The Son of God came to seek and to save that which was lost . Which of our Ancestors could have been sav'd if they had been put to death for Crimes committed in the time of their unbelief ? the express Words of the Gospel are contrary to this Method ; for Christ says to his Disciples , Thus it is written , and thus it behoved Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead the third day ; and that repentance and remission of Sins should be preach'd in his Name among all Nations , beginning at Jerusalem : And ye are Witnesses of these things , Luke 24. 46 , 47 , 48. which evidently proves that the Gospel ought to be at first preach'd to Infidels , by declaring of Peace , and the remission of Sins that are past , since Christ has given no power or permission to men to punish ' em . The Spaniards have moreover presum'd to maintain that the Indians were like brute Beasts , utterly uncapable of disciplin , and unfit to receive the light of Christianity . Your Majesty has good reason to punish those that declare such notorious Falshoods : For under this Colour they have obtain'd of your Majesty a power to possess themselves of the Indies as their absolute Property , and to do the Indians what mischief they please . Thus have they impos'd on the Conscience of the most Catholic King ; and obtain'd leave to carry away the Inhabitants of the Islands and Countries that lie near Hispaniola , and have accordingly forc'd 'em out of their own Country against all Law and Equity ; so that an innumerable multitude both of Men and Women that inhabited above fifty Islands , some bigger than the Canaries , have been destroy'd , insomuch that there are but eleven Persons left . I have been an Eye-witness of this desolation , as well as Peter de Lisle , who is a man of honor and credit , and now a Monk of the Order of St. Francis. He built a Brigantine , and man'd it with Sea-men to make a review of those once populous Islands ; and they found in all that vast Country but eleven People ( as has been said ) tho they spent two years in making this Voyage . 'T is impossible for me to express to your Majesty , on the one hand , the great meekness , goodness of temper , and sincerity of the People of the New World , and on the other , what enormous Ravages and Cruelties the Christians have exercised upon ' em . Your Bowels would be mov'd with Compassion , and your heart too much affected , if an exact description of all this were made you . Cruel Wars have been rais'd in divers rich Provinces , without any fair occasion , but only to gratify the covetous humour of the Spaniards : At the same time they flatter themselves that they have Authority from your Majesty to employ force and violence to inslave these People . And all the difference they make between those Indians they look upon as their Subjects , and those whom they treat as Slaves , is , that they sell the latter publicly , but use a little more formality about selling the former , by seeking pretences to hide their Injustice . In the unjust Wars they have made with 'em , after having kill'd the Masters of Families , they have also murder'd their Wives and Children , and possess'd themselves of all they had . And God is now pleas'd every day to shew us by his severe Chastisements that he has been grievously offended by these Robberies and Cruelties . The Welfare of the Indians both as to Body and Soul is in the greatest danger ; for if they must be subject to the absolute Power of the Spaniards , they 'l utterly destroy 'em , without sparing any , so much as to propagate their Race . If the Law of Nature forbids us to commit a Pupil to the charge of one that is a mortal Enemy to him or his Parents , or has embezel'd his Estate , or set him an ill Example ; and yet he has been given up to the care of a Person of this Character ; the Judges would be oblig'd to rectify the matter , by taking him from under his Conduct , whatever security he offers to give for his fidelity . 'T is much the same case with the Indians in respect of the Spaniards , for these would have it believ'd that they are the Guardians , Tutors , and Protectors of the other : tho 't is only a fraudulent pretence to ensnare ' em . The Indians know well enough how to govern themselves , without being beholden to Guardians ; and the Spaniards are no way capable of instructing 'em in the things of Religion , which yet is the main thing the Indians want , and the greatest kindness that can be done ' em . And 't is easy to see what disposition the Spaniards have towards 'em , as to their temporal advantage . So that 't is most certain they are their declar'd Enemies ; since they have strip'd 'em of all their Goods , offer'd all sorts of abuses to their Persons , and taken away their Wives and Children , whom they have condemn'd to perpetual Slavery ; which course , together with the cruel Wars made upon 'em , has almost quite unpeopled the New World. How is it possible that men that lead such kind of Lives , should inspire the Indians with the desire of embracing the Law of God , and the love of Virtue , especially seeing they many ways persecute the very Monks , who are so zealous for the Reformation of these Idolaters ? On the contrary , the Spaniards spare nothing that may debauch 'em , and expose 'em to all sorts of Vice by the evil Patterns they set 'em : They teach 'em to swear and blaspheme the holy Name of God , tho in reality the poor Indians don 't do it designedly , but only because they hear the Spaniards use such Expressions . 'T is therefore plain that the Spaniards ought not to have any Jurisdiction over the Indians , if their advantage either as to this Life or that to come be consider'd , seeing they are the mortal Enemies of this People , and think of nothing but how to destroy ' em . It would therefore be a piece of great Injustice to abandon 'em to such Men , when their Disposition toward 'em is so well known ; it being a mortal Sin to expose one's Neighbor to evident danger of losing his Life : And we doubt not but your Majesty will be cautious of falling under the guilt of such a Crime , and not give up the Indians to the fury of the Spaniards . All just and reasonable Laws , and those Philosophers that have written on Morality are against placing any Government in the hands of necessitous and covetous Men , whose greatest end is to get rid of their Poverty , and to deliver themselves from that mean condition in which they live , and therefore are ready to sacrifice all the obligations of Duty to the desire they have of becoming rich . And because this greedy Passion is continually increasing , and their Minds are wholly set on the ways of heaping up Wealth , and filling their Chests , they find no rest but in satisfying their Avarice . They abhor Poverty as Nature does a Vacuum , and therefore have no other thoughts night or day but to contrive means of amassing together as much Treasure as they can . Upon this account the Philosopher determins that 't is a dangerous thing to put Nations or Provinces under the Government of such as are covetous or needy , who are resolv'd to be rich at any rate in the world . We are inform'd in History that the Romans being about to send two Consuls to govern Spain , one of whom was poor and the other covetous ; when this Affair was propos'd to the Senat , Scipio Africanus gave his opinion that neither of 'em was proper to make a Governor , there being reason to fear that both would abuse their Authority to feather their Nests out of the public Stock ; because such kind of Persons are like Leeches in a Commonwealth , and make it their principal care to gather something on every side , and to devour the Substance of the People , making themselves rich at their charge , because their covetous Desires can never be satiated as long as they remain in this World : Nay it must be added , that this Vice most commonly proves incurable ; so that if Men greedy of Lucre get Authority over any People , they will not fail to spoil and ruin 'em , because the Passion that animates 'em , keeps no bounds or measures . No Laws nor Penalties with which they can be menaced , will be strong enough to restrain 'em , as long as they are invested with Power ; and the more successful any covetous Man finds his Industry to be , the more earnestly does he desire and pursue Riches , which he accounts the supreme Good. The desire of being rich produces much the same effect in the mind of a poor covetous Man , as the hope of Celestial Happiness would in that of a good Man ; for as this perfectly fills up the Capacity of his Mind that ardently wishes for it , so the Miser's Soul can desire nothing besides hoards of Treasure , wherein his Happiness consists , because Money answers all things : For this is that which capacitates Men to undertake the greatest Enterprizes , and to obtain whatever they desire in this World , the highest Employments , Honors and Dignities , costly Habit , and the most delicious Dainties ; this facilitates their commission of all sorts of Crimes , gives 'em opportunity to be reveng'd on their Enemies , to acquaint themselves with Persons of great Quality , and to obtain their Favour and Esteem . 'T is on these accounts that the Men of the world seek it with all their might , and expose themselves to so many Fatigues and Perils , as well as perpetrate the greatest Villanies to procure it . Now the possession of Riches can never satisfy the Soul , so as to give it perfect content ; for 't is perpetually craving what it does not yet possess . Therefore the Worldling , who has chosen Mony for his chief Good and last End , is indifferent as to other things , but devotes himself entirely to this , employing all his care and diligence to increase his Bags ; and his thirst of Gold grows more and more violent , by how much the more his Estate swells , according to the Philosopher's Maxim , that Motion is by so much the more impetuous , by how much the nearer it approaches its end . Avarice is a more incurable Evil than Concupiscence , because its Object , and the things it promises attract the Hearts of Men with greater violence ; and the power of Mony is of a larger extent , because it puts a Man in a condition to gratify his Lust , whereas this on the other hand can't procure him Riches . The love of Mony endures longer on the Mind than the Appetite of sensual Pleasures , how violent and impetuous soever they may be for a time . Covetousness is always on the advance , and seldom extinguish'd but with a Man's Life : For the more a Man 's natural Infirmites increase , the more the desire of heaping up Wealth fortifies it self ; as 't is observable in old Men , that the nearer they approach their end , the more covetous they usually grow ; because as their Health and Strength gradually diminish , they think they have the more need of the assistance of the things of this World. These Reasons make it evident , that if any Jurisdiction or Government be given to covetous Men , they will not fail to oppress and vex those that are subjected to them , that they may make themselves rich at their costs ; and that nothing will hinder 'em from gratifying their Avarice whenever they have a fair occasion ; for this Vice is the root and spring of all others , 't is the source of Treason , Fraud , Perjury , Violence , Rapine , and barbarous Cruelty . This Passion is said to be blind , because it occasions blindness in the Mind , and benights the Reason with the grossest Darkness , and hinders him that is captivated with it from perceiving his danger . The sight of Gold , tho it causes the commission of all manner of Crimes , and is the source of Calumnies , gives him more Joy than the light of the Sun , because he finds his Account in the ruin of others . It excludes Fidelity , and banishes Union and Concord out of the World ; it violates Charity , and produces all manner of Mischief ; it knows no Compassion , but induces Men to disclaim their very Parents , and break all the ties of Faith and Amity ; it never suffers a Man to sympathize with his Neighbour's Miseries , but even makes him disregard his Relations as if utterly unacquainted with them . The covetous Man never forgives himself his own Expences , and leads a miserable Life in the midst of Plenty and Wealth . This greedy humor so darkens the Understandings of those that are bewitch'd by it , that they know not how to make a right Judgment of any thing , but instead of following the Dictates of reason , are on all occasions driven down the impetuous Current of their beloved Vice , all their Thoughts and Desires are directed this way , and yet they can never quench the insatiable Thirst that preys upon their Souls . But I must now apply all these Reasons to the subject in hand : and I beseech your Majesty to give attention to the Consequences I draw from ' em . All the Spaniards that leave their own Country to go into the Indies are poor , and 't is only Avarice that drives them thither ; for they don 't only pretend to raise themselves a little above a condition of Poverty and Want , but to amass vast Treasures together , without setting any Limits to their unmeasurable Covetousness , that they may be able to buy honorable Offices and Emploiments , and advance themselves far above their degree . We have been taught by experience that in a few years , many Spaniards who were in the meanest and basest condition , and always led a miserable Life , have considerably alter'd their fortune by the Riches they have brought from the New World , and likewise introduc'd great corruption of Manners throughout all Spain . The love of Mony is now grown to that height , that Gold and Silver seem the only Gods that are worship'd . They that know not how to advance themselves by industry and labor , do it by plundring and robbing without any fear of punishment . They take away from the poor Indians all they find in their houses , and after all make 'em work to get still more out of their sweat and labor ; so that if any Authority over the Indians be allow'd 'em , they 'l certainly abuse it to enrich themselves , while this detestable covetousness reigns in their minds . And what can the poor Indians do to shake off their tyrannical Yoke , since they are naturally meek , quiet and timorous , and dare not complain or murmur ; or if they should , have no body to hearken to 'em or defend ' em ? The Spaniards who have an absolute Power , are always chiding and domineering over 'em wherever they are , in the Fields , on the Mountains , in the Mines , in the Desarts , or in the High-Ways . They take all the furniture of their Houses from 'em , which is their greatest Riches , as well as expose 'em to the greatest dangers , and most intolerable Labours , beating and inflicting on 'em the severest Punishments for the least Trifle , when they hope to get any thing by it . What a piece of Injustice then must it be to abandon such meek and submissive Creatures to the fury of such men as these , when they are in no capacity to resist the tyranny of their Persecutors , but are made their meer tools ? What would one say of that Judg , who after he has received information of the violent passion of a wild Spark in the heat of Youth , to a beautiful Virgin , should notwithstanding order 'em to live together in the same house , and give him an absolute power over her , but withal threatning to punish him severely if he offer'd her any violence ? Could any one safely confide in the Promises of such a man as this , whatever Protestations he should make of moderating his passion on so critical an occasion ? It is not to be doubted but such a Judg would commit a mortal Sin , in thus exposing his Neighbour to so dangerous a Temptation , tho he should happen to abstain from the Sin to which he has so great a propension . It almost amounts to the same thing to put the Indians under the Jurisdiction of the Spaniards , who are their mortal Enemies ; for if they don't massacre 'em in cold blood meerly out of the hatred they bear 'em , they do it however to get their Goods , and rob 'em of their Treasure . And as in the former Instance it would be next to a Miracle for that amorous Youth not to abandon himself to the Conduct of his Passion , when the Object of it is committed to his disposal ; so 't is not to be expected that the Spaniards should abstain from committing all sorts of Outrages on the Indians , and sacrificing both their Estates and Lives to their own Interest , since their Avarice irritates 'em with greater violence ( if possible ) than Lust does the other in the former case : so that Laws back'd with Menaces and Punishments will make no impressions on the minds of these men , but they 'l be sure still to exercise a thousand Cruelties on the poor Indians , if no other course be taken to give check to their Covetousness . I entreat your Majesty to consider what befals any Province to which you send a Governor . If he be covetous , and regardless both of his Honor or Relion , what Disorders and Mischiefs does he not bring with him ? Tho he has not so absolute a Power as the Spaniards have over the Indians whom they keep in their Houses ; tho the Royal Council of Spain think themselves concern'd to oppose his Prevarications ; and tho the King's Presence one would think should be a strong Bridle to restrain his Exactions : yet in two years time , such a Governor as we have bin describing will become rich , by the Rapine and Extortion he commits in the Province put under his care . What then is it likely the Spaniards will do , in the remotest parts of the Indies , when they have an unlimited Power over the Indians , and neither stand in awe of God nor the King ; and when these poor People are under so great apprehension of still more intolerable Cruelties , that they dare not complain of the violence they suffer ? And how shall they report their Grievances ? shall they go to the Royal Council , which is it may be three or four hundred Leagues from 'em ; or shall they address themselves to your Royal Throne , which is distant above three thousand ? What course shall they take to prove the Insults , Vexations and Persecutions they endure from the Spaniards in Countries so remote , where they can expect no relief ? The Spaniards are so hardn'd by their excessive Avarice , that they are not in the least touch'd with the Groans and Complaints of these miserable People ; for nothing makes impression on their minds but Gold and Silver . The Condition to which they advance themselves in the Indies is so far above their former state , that it inspires 'em with intolerable Pride and Arrogancy . They pass away their time in pleasure and feasting , and clothe themselves after so sumptuous a manner , that nothing in the World can be more magnificent . And withal it may well be said that nothing can equal the corruption , licentiousness and dissoluteness of their Manners ; and to supply all these superfluous Expences and Excesses , they suck out the very Blood of the poor Indians . Now seeing there 's no hope of obliging the Spaniards to alter their Conduct , and both the Laws of God , and right Reason , and all the Maxims of Policy and Prudence oppose the giving of any Government into the hands of covetous and indigent Persons , who are prejudic'd with a violent desire of gain : Much less ought your Majesty to suffer the Spaniards to usurp a Title to the Indians as their Free-hold , when they are so greedy and insatiable , that they 'l make no difficulty to sacrifice all kinds of duty to the desire they have of raking sums of Mony together any way in the World. For all their Industry will be employ'd in pillaging their Vassals ; and which is yet more to be lamented , while they cruelly deprive 'em of temporal Life , they likewise take a course to expose 'em to eternal Death . Therefore your Majesty ought to incorporate the Indies with the Inheritance of your Crown , that you may be the universal Father , Protector , Governor and Lord of all the Indians . I add to all the foregoing Reasons , that the Spaniards impose intolerable Burdens on the Indians , and exact such Services of 'em as reduce 'em to the extremity of misery and despair . 'T is their first and principal duty to serve and obey their own natural Princes ; because this is founded on the Law of Nature . In the second place , they owe your Majesty service and obedience , as being their universal Soveraign ; which is an obligation of Divine Right , founded on the Engagement your Majesty has contracted to send 'em the Light of the Gospel , and to take care for their Instruction in the orthodox Faith. The third kind of Service is that which the Spaniards oblige 'em to render them whether they will or no , which is a severe and tyrannical Yoke , nay more intolerable than what the Heathen Tyrants impos'd on the primitive Christians ; it may be liken'd to the torment the Devils inflict on the Damned in Hell. The Violence of it is contrary to all the Laws of Nature and Reasons , nor can it be justified by any human Laws . It must be remembred that the Indians are naturally weak , going always naked , and continually expos'd to the heat of the Sun : 't is therefore contrary to all Justice that they should be oppress'd with heavy Burdens far above their strength , as well as contrary to Charity , and the Custom of all reasonable Men. All the service these poor Creatures do can't satisfy the Spaniards , who therefore set an Officer over 'em strictly to inspect their Actions , and render their servitude still more terrible . This Employ is usually bestow'd on some cruel and inexorable Monster , who always stands over 'em to make 'em work the harder , and punctually to obey all his Commands . The Executioners of the divine Wrath in Hell can't be more wicked and hard-hearted than this sort of Men : They brand 'em with hot Irons , and are continually beating and abusing 'em ; they are not content to make 'em labor without intermission , and to set 'em unreasonable Tasks , but always reproach and chide 'em while they undergo this Toil , and besides all this , violate their Wives and Daughters , or make Presents of many of 'em together to their Masters on whom they depend , and who set 'em to work as so many principal Tyrants , who also make it their business to invent cruel and unsufferable Torments . And to hinder the Indians from complaining of their Miseries , they threaten to inform against 'em , that they have seen 'em worship their Idols . This is the sad state to which these People are reduc'd . They depend on no less than four several Masters , on your Majesty , their Caciques , the Spaniard to whom they are inslav'd , and his Deputy , who is the greatest Plague to 'em that can be . Nay , 't is impossible to tell how many Masters they have , seeing all the Spaniards domineer over 'em as so many Tyrants , robbing 'em by turns , and making no scruple cruelly to abuse and murder ' em . Seeing the preaching of the Orthodox Faith is the only thing that could warrant the reduction of the Indians to a state of dependance on any foreign Power , in order to their Conversion ; and seeing none can pretend on this account to be their lawful Soveraign but your Majesty ; it follows that your Majesty ought with all your might to oppose the Power which private Men assume over 'em , and which can't be look'd upon as any better than Tyranny . Your Majesty is oblig'd for the common good of all your Subjects to establish a regular and stable form of Government among 'em , which may conduce to their Conversion and Salvation : and seeing the soveraign and single Power you have over 'em is sufficient for the end propos'd , other Jurisdictions are not to be tolerated , because they can only prove burdensom and incommodious , and contrary to the common Maxims of Government receiv'd in the World , which will not allow a People to be subject to several different Princes ; much less should the Indians be thus subjected , because of their Poverty , Meekness , Patience , Humility , and the tenderness of their Constitution , partly occasion'd by their going naked , their unwholsom Food , and the Labor they undergo to get their living . After all this 't would be sufficiently tedious and uneasy to 'em if no other Duties were exacted of 'em than those which your Majesty and their Caciques , who are their immediat Princes , impose . How then can they be able to endure those excessive Tasks , those heavy Blows , Vexations and Abuses of which we have spoken above ? If your Majesty has a mind to preserve the Indians from utter Destruction , these new Burdens ought not to be impos'd on 'em , nor should they be condemn'd to this severe Slavery . This would be to violate the Laws of Justice and Charity : For the Masters of Policy and Prudence usually say , that tho a Prince require extraordinary assistance of his Subjects in some pressing Exigencies of the Commonwealth ; yet where these Subjects are under other subordinate and immediate Lords , to whom they are oblig'd to pay the same Duties , this cannot be done , because this would be to overcharge 'em with endless Taxes : for 't is contrary to all Justice to oppress 'em with a double Burden , and all good Laws formally condemn it ; for the Rules of Equity forbid all Oppression and Injury . Therefore since the Indians are already bound to serve their natural and immediate Princes , and to pay 'em all the homage and duty of Subjects , it would be unjust to subject 'em to such new Masters as pretend to a right of exacting new Services of ' em . The Taxes that are impos'd on any Estate should be proportionate to the Revenue that may be expected from it ; and there ought not to be more Homage and Service annex'd to it than is reasonable for the advantage of him that owns that Estate . If inanimate things have this privilege , how much more ought it to be so with Men , who deserve to be us'd a little better ? Since therefore your Majesty's Government alone is sufficient for the welfare and advantage of the Indians , to set other Lords over 'em would be to act contrary to Justice . For who can deny it to be contrary to all the Laws of Equity , to subject the Indians to the Spaniards , who mind nothing but to raise Estates by making a Prey of ' em ? An 't is as opposit to Charity to add new Burdens to them that can scarce bear such as are already impos'd upon 'em , and to increase the Calamities of such as are sufficiently beset with Affliction , besides the pains they take for the subsistence of their Wives and Children ▪ Charity teaches to do to others as we would have them do to us , to secure 'em from all the Evil we can , and to relieve 'em in their Indigence when they address themselves to us , and shew us their Necessities , because we our selves are desirous of the Assistance of others , when in distress . The Laws of Christ are founded on such Maxims as these : Do to others what you would have others do to you ; and , Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self ; in which one word , St. Paul says , the whole Law is contain'd . He farther says , Bear ye one another's Burdens , and so fulfil the Law of Christ . It is to be consider'd , that all the Inhabitants of the New World are born free : Nor do they lose this Liberty in recognizing your Majesty for their Soveraign , and universal Emperor of the Indies . On the contrary , if there be any defects in their Polity , your Majesty's Government may supply 'em , by which their Liberty will be render'd the more compleat . This was the design of that most Christian Princess , Queen Isabella , as appears by all the Writings she left about this Affair . A few days before her Death she commanded General d' Alcantara , then Governor of Hispaniola , to treat all the Indians as a free People . And in a general Assembly of Divines and Lawyers held at Burgos , his Catholic Majesty declar'd in Council , that the Inhabitants of America were free , and commanded they should be treated as such . The same was done by your Majesty , after having consulted the most learned Divines and Canonists in the year 1523. Now if it be an incontestable Principle that all the Indians are free , and that all of 'em that have been , or shall be discover'd in time to come , can't be subjected to any other Jurisdiction but that of your Majesty , and that they own to your Majesty alone that Homage and Obedience which free Cities and Nations are oblig'd to pay their lawful Soveraign , 't is most evident that no private Men can pretend to the same . Nay , they are more free in respect of us than other Nations , because the Kings of Spain have no Title to 'em as their Subjects by right of Inheritance , or that of Purchase , or of Conquest , as they might have had , if they had been conquer'd in a lawful War , that had bin formally declar'd , for the revenge of some great Offence which the Indians might have commited against the Spaniards , or against the universal Church , or some very considerable Member of it , for which they had refus'd Satisfaction when demanded : or if they had unjustly retain'd any Lands or Goods of which they were unlawfully possess'd . But on the contrary , they have frankly and voluntarily submitted themselves to your Majesty . And yet they have bin hitherto not only neglected , but treated by the Spaniards , as wild Beasts are by Hunters , tho they never did any thing to deserve such ill usage . They have yet seen nothing to convince 'em of your Majesty's Grandure , Justice , Goodness , and Magnificence , having found nothing but Tyranny , Violence , Injustice and Cruelty from the Spaniards your Subjects , whose ill Actions and bad Examples render 'em infamous ; so that the Indians look upon 'em as the vilest of Men. And this makes 'em think upon the Kings of Spain with horror , who yet never gave 'em occasion to entertain such thoughts of ' em . But they fancy your Majesty perfectly knows all the ill treatment they endure , and that 't is by your Consent and Approbation ; they believe 't is all done by your order , and that you give your Protection and Favour to those that insult over ' em . The Title your Majesty has to the Indians is founded only on the Obligation you have taken upon your self to have 'em instructed into the true Faith , as appears by the Apostolic Briefs granted on this account : which ought to engage your Majesty to moderate your Government so much the more , and to treat 'em with the greater tenderness and kindness . The Kings of Spain should signalize the First-fruits of their Soveraignty over the Indies , by the tokens of Peace and Love to these People , and by taking care to furnish 'em with good Examples : In a word , they ought to treat 'em as their Neighbors and natural Subjects , for fear the commission of any Injustice or Cruelty among 'em should prejudice 'em against the Christian Faith , and indispose 'em to receive the Counsils and Maxims of our Religion . There should not be the least occasion given 'em on any account to blaspheme the Name of God , which would be an Obstacle to the great end of their Conversion . Nothing should be left undone , that may make 'em love your Majesty , and induce 'em to praise God on finding themselves under a Government so easy and commodious . They deserve in some respect to be dealt with after this manner , because of the freedom of their birth , which makes it unjust for any to violate their Liberty . 'T is necessary for the Honor of the Christian Religion , that they embrace it voluntarily , because God himself will have men make a free choice in matters of Religion ; nor is any man whatsoever to be treated with violence in this case , and forc'd to embrace a Religion against his Will. And temporal Princes commit a great piece of injustice , if they put a force on the minds of their Subjects in a business wherein they ought to have an entire liberty of Conscience : they should rather observe the Rules which God , the Universal Soveraign of all his Creatures , has constituted . There is no Power or Authority on Earth that has a right to violate the Liberty of any People , because 't is the most valuable thing they possess , and preferable to all other things in the World. Hence it is there are such advantageous Constitutions in the Civil Law in favor of Liberty . And the particular Customs of the Kingdom of Spain prescribe that nothing be determin'd in prejudice of a Man's Liberty in doubtful things , nor the least force or constraint put upon men that are free . And when their consent to any thing is violently extorted , it ought not to be imputed to 'em , because 't is an infringement of the Law of Nature . If 't is unlawful to seize on the Goods of Men that are free without cause , much more is it to offer violence to their Persons , and to inslave 'em , which is the greatest Injury they can receive next to the loss of Life it self . If a Father can't choose himself another Heir without the consent of his Son , who has a natural Title either to the whole , or at least a 4 th part of his Father's Estate ; much less may inferior Lords pretend to a right of appropriating the Kings Subjects to themselves , unless his Majesty consent by abandoning his own Right , which is founded on the voluntary Agreement of his Subjects . If the current Mony of the Kingdom can't be alter'd without the People's consent , because the alteration may be attended with great Inconveniences ; much less can the People themselves be taken from the Dominion of the King against their Will , and subjected to the absolute Power of private Masters ; because this forc'd Change is a Violation of their Liberty . It must be farther added , that such as are tributary to your Majesty , can't pass under the Jurisdiction of another Person , which would be more uneasy and disadvantageous to 'em , and under which they would perhaps be condemn'd to a more servile and laborious Course of life . How much more ought they who enjoy an entire liberty under any Prince's Government , to be preserv'd in the possession of their Privileges ; and how injurious would it be to deliver 'em up as Vassals to particular Lords , who would probably abuse their Authority , and treat their Persons with violence , as well as greatly prejudice 'em in their Estates ? 'T is most injurious both to the Lives and Liberties of Men , to depend on divers Lords and Masters , because their Service and Labors multiply according to the number of those under whose jurisdiction they are : And 't is to be presum'd they will not be all alike just and equitable . 'T is very much the Interest of Princes , not to suffer the number of their Subjects to be diminish'd , because it will deprive 'em of much of the advantage and service they may reasonably expect from ' em . And 't is as much the Interest of Subjects , not to suffer themselves to be transfer'd from the Dominion of the Prince under which they have always liv'd , to that of an inferior Master . Those that know the difference between the Government of Kings , and that of particular Lords , which is usually hard and severe , will do any thing to be secure from the latter ; while they are well pleas'd with the former , and readily dispose themselves to bear a Yoke that appears so much easier and lighter than the other . And this is the reason why the generality of Men do all they can to avoid falling under the dominion of private Men to the prejudice of that Royal Jurisdiction to which they have been continually accustom'd . And this Sentiment is justified by the suffrage of all wise Men , and favor'd by all just Laws . 'T is a general Rule , that a Prince can do nothing that may cause any considerable damage to his Subjects , unless they freely give their own consent : And this your Majesty every day observes , wherein you follow the steps of your Ancestors , who to avoid doing any thing contrary to the rules of Justice and Equity , frequently us'd to assemble their Council , and to take their advice who were Persons of great Wisdom and Sense , and to make a due improvement of it . In the present affair , it would be injurious to the Indians to give 'em up to the Spaniards as their Vassals , because they use 'em so barbarously , and reduce 'em to the utmost degree of Servitude . And such a matter as this is not to be concluded , without proposing it to the Indians , and obtaining their consent . For thus to change their condition without consulting 'em , were to put a treacherous trick upon 'em against the Laws of Nature , Justice and Charity , because this subjection would be to a severe and tyrannical Power ; as is evident by what the Indians have hitherto met with from the Spaniards . Beside , such an alteration would be contrary to the Will and Law of God , because it would hinder the progress of the Catholic Faith , and inspire the Indians with hatred to the Gospel , and would tend to the general destruction of those People whom your Majesty is bound to preserve and protect . This you owe 'em from a motive of Charity and Zeal for the good of your Neighbor , as you are a Christian Prince , and moreover by the Obligation of your Office , as the Vice-gerent of Jesus Christ . From all the Reasons alledg'd , it may well be concluded , that if even the Indians themselves would voluntarily consent to be inslav'd , and utterly renounce their Liberty ; yet this consent of theirs would be void and null of it self , because a thing every way so mischievous ought by no means to be tolerated . Your Majesty would be oblig'd by the Law of God to hinder 'em from ruining themselves in such a manner ; because the Tyranny the Spaniards exercise over 'em is so great , that many of the Indians have fallen into utter despair under their unsufferable Impositions , and chosen rather to stab or poison themselves than to pine away gradually under their miserable Bondage : Others have fled into the Mountains , where they have become a Prey to Tigers and Lions ; others have died merely with Sorrow and Anguish , when they found they were condemn'd to a Life so full of Misery and Toil , without any hope of respit or mitigation . I knew a Spaniards who was so famous for his Cruelty , that above two hundred People kill'd themselves , some one way and some another , to avoid his Barbarities in Hispaniola : A like number underwent the same fate in the Isle of Cuba , where this Tyrant exercis'd his Violence and Rapine . But tho the common Interest of all Nations in the World ought to prevent their Kings from alienating them from their own Dominion to make 'em the Vassals and Subjects of private Men , and tho this is founded on natural Reason and Justice ; yet sometimes in pressing Exigencies Princes may alienate a part of their Territories to extricate themselves out of some great and perplexing difficulty , from which they cannot otherwise get free . For instance , if they have no other course to take for the defence of the Commonwealth , it seems lawful for 'em to exchange the Jurisdiction they have over their Subjects , provided they some way indemnify 'em , or repair any damage this exchange may occasion . But 't would be impossible to indemnify the Indians if they should be left to the Dominion of the Spaniards , who bring upon 'em inexpressible Calamities and Mischiefs , that can never be repair'd by any advantage they may allow 'em ; for they take a course to destroy both their Souls and Bodies . Therefore seeing the Conversion of the Indians depends principally on your Majesty's Title and Jurisdiction over 'em , you ought not to do any thing that may blast the hope of this Design , and will infallibly hinder these People from embracing Christianity . And it must be remember'd they have freely and willingly chose your Majesty for their Soveraign , which is a kind of Contract they have made with your Majesty , that cannot be violated without their Consent , unless it be to put 'em in a condition more easy , advantageous and secure , than what they enjoy under your Majesty's Dominion . And your Majesty is oblig'd to promise and swear to 'em , that you will always preserve their Privileges , as they are ordinarily kept in the generality of Kingdoms , when a free People submit themselves to the Government of a new King. This Practice is almost as antient as the World , for ever since Men began to spread themselves upon the face of the Earth , it has always been the custom of Princes to promise and swear to 'em to employ all their Power in preserving and defending 'em from Oppression . Which evidently proves that your Majesty has not power to give up the Indians to the absolute Dominion of the Spaniards , who have had the cruelty to destroy such numerous Nations of 'em , without any legal Process , or leave to make their Defence . For it would be to act contrary to the Law of God and Nature to expose 'em to so many Miseries , which are as so many invincible Obstructions to hinder 'em from turning Christians . Nor is there any Prince on Earth , who can justly pretend to have such a Power : for Soveraign Princes have no Authority to do any thing that may provoke the Justice of God , who has not set 'em over their People for their ruin and destruction , or for the overthrow of the Church ; but on the contrary has set 'em in the World to defend the Church , to bring their People to espouse the true Faith , and edify 'em in it . Reason and the Law of Nature direct that those who have made an ill use of the Privileges granted to 'em , should be depriv'd of ' em . Now the Jurisdiction allow'd the Spaniards over the Indians was only on condition they would instruct 'em in Religion , and defend 'em from their Enemies ; and they have not only fallen short of this Engagement , but even barbarously abus'd those they were oblig'd to protect . 'T is remarkable in the Laws of Spain , that if a Master treats any one of his Slaves inhumanly , he is oblig'd to sell him , because 't is but just that he who tyrannizes over his Subjects should lose his Jurisdiction over 'em , which of right devolves on the Prince . He that abuses his Title is not worthy to possess it : and a Man neither owes Homage nor Obedience to a Tyrant . So that your Majesty ought in quality of Soveraign Lord of the People of the New World , to defend 'em , and do 'em Justice , when they are wrong'd ; and consequently to rescue 'em from the power of the Spaniards , that they may enjoy their Liberty . 'T is moreover a Custom establish'd by the Laws of Spain , That if the King grant any Privilege contrary to the Catholic Faith , 't is null and void , as much as if it were contrary to the civil Good and Welfare of the Kingdom , or to the Rights of any particular Persons . And the same account is to be made of any Privilege given contrary to the Law of Nature : as for example , if a King should take away any private Man's Estate , to bestow it on another . Therefore your Majesty cannot divest the natural Princes of the Indians of their Dominion over 'em , to invest the Spaniards with it , who not only are Foreigners to 'em , but also treat 'em after a tyrannical manner . 'T is therefore necessary for your Majesty to revoke so unjust a Privilege , destructive to the People , and directly opposit to the Catholic Faith , as well as to your Majesty's Service , the advantage of your Kingdom in general , the good of many Members of the Commonwealth in particular , and which is contrary to Reason , and the Law of Nature . 'T is farther constituted by the Customs of Spain , in conformity to the Imperial Laws of your Majesty , as well as those of the Church , that when a Privilege in process of time proves injurious , and occasions more hurt than good , it ought to be immediately abolish'd , without so much as consulting the Prince that granted it ; because from that very moment wherein this Privilege began to be detrimental , it ought to be suppos'd the Prince design'd to revoke it : so that it can have no more force or authority , because not according to the Prince's Intention , who always ought to have Equity and the Divine Will in view . Now since the Privilege granted the Spaniards to subject the Indians as Vassals is become so pernicious , and occasions an irreparable damage to the Christian Religion , and to the Crown of Spain , and has bin the cause of the ruin of such vast numbers of People , and of the desolation of some of the finest Countries in the World ; and seeing in all appearance it is the very reason of those Calamities with which God is now afflicting Spain , 't is necessary to apply a speedy Remedy , and to go to the root of the Disease , in revoking so pernicious and tyrannical a Grant. Besides , the Dominion of the Spaniards over the Indians has never bin judicially approv'd by the Kings of Spain . He that first shar'd these poor People among 'em , as if they had been so many Sheep , had no order to make this distribution , which absolutely desolated and unpeopled New Spain , but exceeded the limits of his Power ; so that no just Consequence can be drawn from what he did . It was the great General d'Alcantara who began this irregular course in America . In the year 1502 , the most serene King Ferdinando and Queen Isabella sent General De-Larés from Grenada to govern the new Conquests : At which time there were but three hundred Christians in the Island of Hispaniola . This Governor was expresly charg'd to treat the Indians as free Nations ; to be very kind , tender and charitable toward 'em , to do 'em exact Justice on all occasions , and not to impose too severe a Yoke on 'em , or to inslave 'em ; in a word , to protect 'em from all Injuries , lest any Violence should prove a Stumbling-block to divert 'em from entertaining the Christian Faith , and inspire 'em with an aversion to the Professors of it . General De-Larés carried with him three thousand Spaniards , who landed at St. Domingo , where they soon found themselves reduc'd to great straits for want of Food . However , the strict Orders he had receiv'd would not permit him to do any Violence to the Indians , or to infringe their Liberty in the least ; upon which he writes many things to the Queen against the Indians , hoping to render 'em odious to her by his Lies and Slanders , that he might have leave to abuse the poor Wretches at his pleasure . Among other things he wrote , that it would be impossible to preach the Christian Faith to 'em as long as they were suffer'd to enjoy an entire Freedom , because they industriously avoided all manner of acquaintance with the Christians ; in so much that they refus'd to work for 'em , tho they offer'd 'em Wages for their Labor , and chose rather to wander up and down as Vagabonds , than to keep company with Christians to inform themselves of their Religion . As if he thought the Indians were oblig'd to divine that there was a new Religion to be preach'd to 'em , which they ought to embrace ; or that they ought , as poor as they are , to forsake their Houses , Wives and Children , and to leave their Lands unmanur'd , to come to seek the Spaniards , and so expose themselves to die with Hunger in a Journey it may be of two hundred Leagues or more ; or as if they were under any obligation to undergo the fatigue of bringing Provision to the Spaniards such a tedious way as this . His Majesty , who was sincerely zealous for the Salvation of these Idolaters , and publishing the Name of Christ in the New World , answer'd the General after this manner : We very ardently desire the Conversion of the Indians to our holy Faith , and that they be taught the Mysteries of the Catholic Religion ; and think it necessary to the success of this Design , that the Indians and Spaniards converse and live together . Therefore we by these Presents command you to oblige the Indians to deal with the Spaniards of Hispaniola , and to have Conversation with 'em , to assist 'em in building their Houses , and in getting Gold and other Metals out of the Mines , and to pay 'em their Wages exactly , according to their labor and desert . You shall likewise order every Cacique to have a certain number of Indians always in a readiness to be employ'd in such Work as shall be assign'd 'em , provided that care be taken to preach to 'em , and instruct 'em in the Word of God on all Holy-days , and that they be always treated as Free-men , and not as Slaves ; and besure let them meet with no ill usage , nor have any occasion to complain : Yet let some distinction be still made in favor of such as embrace the Faith. But let no Person be permitted to wrong 'em , or give 'em the least disgust in any thing whatsoever . These are the very words of the Letter which the King sent to the Governor of the Indies , by which his Majesty sufficiently signified that his principal design in the Indies was the Salvation of those Idolaters , and that for that end they should converse with the Spaniards , which plainly proves he had no other regard to this Commerce betwixt the Christians and these Infidels , but only as a necessary means for their Conversion . And it must be farther observ'd , that when the King gives order to oblige each Cacique to send the Spaniards a certain number of Indians to work for 'em , on condition of being paid for their Labor , he did not intend that all the Men in the Indies should be bound to perform such Tasks , much less that the Women , Children , old Men , and Chiefs of each Nation , whom the Indians look upon as their natural Princes , should be thus treated . The King design'd there should be due consideration had of their Necessities , that they should have liberty to provide for their Wives and Children , and go every night home to refresh themselves with their Families , and sleep in their own Houses . And it may be farther remark'd in the King's Patent , that he did not in the least design the Indians should be made to work every day and without intermission , seeing it provides they should be paid daily after their Labor ; his intention was that they should be engag'd by fair means to do what was requir'd of 'em , and not forc'd to it whether they would or no ; in short , that they should be us'd in all respects as a free People . Besides , the King commanded that all their Labors should be moderate , and proportionate to their Strength , and that they should rest on Holy-days and Sundays , that their Wages should be sutable to their Work , sufficient to encourage 'em in taking pains , and to relieve their Families in all their domestick Necessities . If the King had a perfect account of the nature of the Land in the Indies , of the Weakness , Poverty , Meekness and good humor of the Inhabitants , of the rigor and severity of their Labors , and the great difficulty of getting Gold out of the Mines ; if he knew the desolate state in which they are often left , and the little care taken to engage 'em to receive the Sacraments before they die , he would without doubt employ some effectual means to put an end to these Disorders . The first Admiral of the Indies , who made the discovery of this New World , though the acted conformably to the King's Interest in rendering the Indians of New Spain tributary , by obliging 'em to dig a certain quantity of Gold out of the Mines , and condemning others that were remote from any Mines to other kinds of Tribute . Some of the Spaniards he carried with him , shook off the Obedience they ow'd the King , and set up for so many Tyrants , committing Violence and Spoil beyond what can be easily imagin'd in the Province of Xavagua , one of the finest and most populous Countries in the Indies . The King being inform'd of these Ravages , wrote his mind to General De-Larés , and order'd him to put a stop to the Cruelty and Violence of the Spaniards on the Indians , and to govern 'em as a free People , which Orders were not well executed : For the Spaniards shut up the Indians by force in the Mines , to employ 'em in the toilsom work of digging for Gold , which requires a very robust Constitution : And when they had got this Gold , they were forc'd to be all day in the Water to wash it . At first the Indians were kept in the Mines for a whole year , till the Spaniards found they were not able to endure such hard and continual Labor , and therefore gave 'em some time of respite , contenting themselves to keep 'em only for five Months in digging Gold , after which they employ'd 'em forty days in melting it . This they pretended was a time of rest for these poor Creatures , tho this latter sort of Work is more toilsom than that of grubbing up of Roots , and clearing Ground that is over-run with Wood : so that they don't know what a Holy-day or Sunday means throughout the whole year . They are sometimes almost famish'd , having nothing given 'em save a few dry Roots that yield but little Nutriment : Tho the most liberal of the Spaniards distribute a Porker once a week among half a hundred Indians , which is little more than every one a taste . Nay some of 'em have not been willing to give the Indians that serv'd 'em any thing at all to eat , but out of mere Avarice sent 'em to feed like Beasts in the fields , or to gather fruit upon the Mountains , after which they forc'd 'em to work two or three days together without eating . One Man frankly confess'd to me that he had got a great Estate in a little time by this kind of frugality . What strength can Bodies that are naturally of a tender Constitution be suppos'd to have when fed after this manner , and oppress'd besides with excessive Labor ? 'T is impossible they should subsist long under this cruel Bondage ; which makes 'em lead a sorrowful , languishing and miserable Life , being destitute both of convenient Food and Rest . Tho the King order'd each Indian to be paid in proportion to his Work , that they might have something to live on , and be capable of buying themselves Necessaries ; this Command has been ill observ'd , for they had nothing at all for many years ; so that they were put to the greatest Extremity , and suffer'd Hunger to that degree that they desir'd nothing more than to die , that they might find an end of their Miseries . These are the Calamities the poor Indians have suffer'd in the Service of Christians , who have had no regard either to their Souls or Bodies . As for those Orders that have been given the Spaniards to treat the Indians as a free People , not to over-charge 'em with Labor , not to do 'em any ▪ Injustice , and to let 'em mind their own Affairs , and order their business as they saw good , they have bin no more heeded than the other . For they have been made mere Slaves , and certainly have not so much liberty as Beasts . And the Spaniards , as good Christians as they are , are not at all mov'd by all the Calamities these poor Wretches undergo , but look upon them as the vilest of Slaves , and not fit to have the liberty of doing any thing they have a mind to do . They are constantly expos'd to the Cruelty of these Tyrants , and not treated like human Creatures , but wild Beasts , who are kept in Chains by their Owners , and dispos'd of at their pleasure . If they sometimes let 'em go to their own Country , they will not suffer 'em to carry their Wives and Children with 'em , nor hardly any thing to eat ; so that they are presently constrain'd to return , while the Reflection they make on their deplorable Condition often makes 'em desire death to relieve ' em . If the excessive Labors impos'd on 'em make 'em sick , as it often happens ( because , as I have observ'd , the natural Temper of their Bodies is none of the strongest ) the Spaniards do not in the least pity their Condition , but oppress 'em with intolerable Tasks , reproaching 'em as lazy , and only feigning themselves ill to be excus'd from Labor . And when they see their Sickness increase , so that they become unserviceable , they send 'em to their own Country , which is sometimes forty or fifty Leagues distance , giving 'em nothing but a few sapless Roots to eat by the way , so that they often die miserably , not being able to accomplish such a Journey . Sometimes we find some of 'em on the Road just ready to expire , others groaning hideously in the Agonies of Death , and others quite dead . Those of 'em that are able to speak , say nothing but Hunger , Hunger . Your Majesty by this account may see that the Governor of the New World had little regard to the Orders that were given him , to treat the Indians as a free People . That Governor was expresly charg'd not to do any thing to the Indians that might hinder 'em from receiving the Principles of the Christian Religion , or prejudice their Lives or Health , because the King had no design to destroy 'em : yet this Man saw infinit numbers of 'em perish that were imploy'd in melting of Gold. The Labors exacted of 'em were like a furious Pestilence , which cuts off multitudes of People in a little time ; and yet this sad Spectacle could not engage him to revoke his cruel Orders , or so much as mitigate the severity of ' em . However he knew well enough that he was not able to excuse his Proceedings either before God or the King , being expresly contrary to the Charge that had been given him ; and therefore us'd so much Subtilty and Artifice in the management of this Affair , that none of his Cruelties on the Indians were known in Spain for those seven years in which he tyranniz'd over the New World. They that came after him , trod in his steps by destroying the Indians , tho his Catholic Majesty recommended it to 'em to induce the Indians to receive the Catholic Faith , by shewing all kindness to 'em , and not to make War upon 'em on the account of Religion , or to constrain 'em to embrace Christianity by force , but rather to treat 'em as the King's Liege People , imposing a certain Tribute on 'em , as on his other Subjects . All this was express'd in the Instructions given to Pedrarias , when he was made Governor of the Indies ; notwithstanding which he enter'd America just as a hungry Wolf falls on a flock of Sheep , and made horrible slaughters on all sides , using such unheard of Torments , and making such waste and spoil , that nothing like it is to be found in any History . He might have been look'd upon as a heavy Plague , sent by God to execute his Wrath in extirpating the Indians . This Man , and those that accompanied him , cheated your Majesty of five or six Millions of Gold , and 't is impossible to compute the Spoil they made in the Indies . They depopulated a Country of above four hundred Leagues , as rich , fertil and pleasant as any in the World. All this Tyranny was us'd to make the Indians deliver up all their Gold : But by the just Judgment of God they made no great advantage of their Robberies ; and it would have bin more for their interest to have kept the Indians alive , and to have made a considerable Profit out of their hard Labors . If a particular account should be given your Majesty of all the Disorders committed by the Spaniards in the noble Province of Nicaraqua , your Majesty would be astonish'd ; and if they had not still continued their Tyranny over these poor People , every day killing and destroying 'em , I should not have expos'd my self to the fatigue of so tedious and troublesom a Voyage , to give your Majesty an account of it . When your Majesty is assur'd that the Spaniards have depopulated so many vast and noble Kingdoms , and that they still continue to destroy whatever escap'd the fury of former Governors ; when you are convinc'd that they have carried Fire and Sword through seven Kingdoms that are larger than Spain , your Majesty will easily be perswaded that what I have said is no Exaggeration . I have seen these Kingdoms in a manner as full of People as Hives are of Bees , where now there are none to be found , having been all murder'd by the Spaniards ; so that there are only naked Walls and empty Houses to be seen in many once populous Cities . The Orders given by the most Catholic Queen Isabella to General De-Larés were very prudent and useful , but he did not think fit to observe 'em ; and the Relation he gave the King and Queen of matters from time to time , were very far from Truth , tho supported by the Testimony of divers Indians . He acted quite contrary to the Instructions given him , violating all the Rules of the Law of Nature and Reason ; by which 't is evident he went beyond his Commission , and prevaricated in those Letters he directed to the Council of Spain , by intermixing Falshoods in his account , and disguising what was true . And 't is certain if your Majesty had been inform'd how tyrannically this Governor treated the Indians , you would never have entrusted your Authority in his hands ; and by consequence your Majesty is oblig'd to declare that you detest the Proceedings of this Governor as injust and tyrannical , and to abrogate all he has done , and declare that the Indians ought not to have been subjected to the Dominion of particular Men , and that all the Injuries they have suffer'd are contrary to the Law of God and Nature , as well as to the Imperial and Canon Laws ; seeing they have been tormented in their Persons , molested in their Liberty and Estates , and condemn'd to die . Your Majesty is oblig'd , as you are a just Prince , and an Enemy to Violence , to suppress these vexatious Practices , and to deliver the poor Indians from the Tyranny of those that have oppress'd and tormented ' em . If your Majesty neglect to take this cruel Yoke from their Necks , they will infallibly perish . And that lovely Country which is naturally fruitful and populous will soon become a vast Desert ; for the Spaniards that go thither , don't go to people the Country , but to inrich themselves by pillaging it . Those that have lately gon into Hispaniola , and other depopulated places , and carried thither the Commodities of Europe , have not been able to dispose of 'em , there not being People to buy 'em : So that these Disorders are directly opposite to your Majesty's Interest ; for what advantage can you receive from the ruin of those People ? And what will the World say of so just a Prince as your Majesty , if when you are inform'd of the mischief don by your Subjects in those vast Kingdoms , and among such multitudes of People , you should not apply sutable Remedies to so dangerous a Disease ? It can't of Gold out of the Mines , and condemning others that were remote from any Mines to other kinds of Tribute . Some of the Spaniards he carried with him , shook off the Obedience they ow'd the King , and set up for so many Tyrants , committing Violence and Spoil beyond what can be easily imagin'd in the Province of Xavagua , one of the finest and most populous Countries in the Indies . The King being inform'd of these Ravages , wrote his mind to General De-Larés , and order'd him to put a stop to the Cruelty and Violence of the Spaniards on the Indians , and to govern 'em as a free People , which Orders were not well executed : For the Spaniards shut up the Indians by force in the Mines , to employ 'em in the toilsom work of digging for Gold , which requires a very robust Constitution : And when they had got this Gold , they were forc'd to be all day in the Water to wash it . At first the Indians were kept in the Mines for a whole year , till the Spaniards found they were not able to endure such hard and continual Labor , and therefore gave 'em some time of respite , contenting themselves to keep 'em only for five Months in digging Gold , after which they employ'd 'em forty days in melting it . This they pretended was a time of rest for these poor Creatures , tho this latter sort of Work is more toilsom than that of grubbing up of Roots , and clearing Ground that is over-run with Wood : so that they don't know what a Holy-day or Sunday means throughout the whole year . They are sometimes almost famish'd , having nothing given 'em save a few dry Roots that yield but little Nutriment : Tho the most liberal of the Spaniards distribute a Porker once a week among half a hundred Indians , which is little more than every one a taste . Nay some of 'em have not been willing to give the Indians that serv'd 'em any thing at all to eat , but out of mere Avarice sent 'em to feed like Beasts in the fields , or to gather fruit upon the Mountains , after which they forc'd 'em to work two or three days together without eating . One Man frankly confess'd to me that he had got a great Estate in a little time by this kind of frugality . What strength can Bodies that are naturally of a tender Constitution be suppos'd to have when fed after this manner , and oppress'd besides with excessive Labor ? 'T is impossible they should subsist long under this cruel Bondage ; which makes 'em lead a sorrowful , languishing and miserable Life , being destitute both of convenient Food and Rest . Tho the King order'd each Indian to be paid in proportion to his Work , that they might have something to live on , and be capable of buying themselves Necessaries ; this Command has been ill observ'd , for they had nothing at all for many years ; so that they were put to the greatest Extremity , and suffer'd Hunger to that degree that they desir'd nothing more than to die , that they might find an end of their Miseries . These are the Calamities the poor Indians have suffer'd in the Service of Christians , who have had no regard either to their Souls or Bodies . As for those Orders that have been given the Spaniards to treat the Indians as a free People , not to over-charge 'em with Labor , not to do 'em any ▪ Injustice , and to let 'em mind their own Affairs , and order their business as they saw good , they have bin no more heeded than the other . For they have been made mere Slaves , and certainly have not so much liberty as Beasts . And the Spaniards , as good Christians as they are , are not at all mov'd by all the Calamities these poor Wretches undergo , but look upon them as the vilest of Slaves , and not fit to have the liberty of doing any thing they have a mind to do . They are constantly expos'd to the Cruelty of these Tyrants , and not treated like human Creatures , but wild Beasts , who are kept in Chains by their Owners , and dispos'd of at their pleasure . If they sometimes let 'em go to their own Country , they will not suffer 'em to carry their Wives and Children with 'em , nor hardly any thing to eat ; so that they are presently constrain'd to return , while the Reflection they make on their deplorable Condition often makes 'em desire death to relieve ' em . If the excessive Labors impos'd on 'em make 'em sick , as it often happens ( because , as I have observ'd , the natural Temper of their Bodies is none of the strongest ) the Spaniards do not in the least pity their Condition , but oppress 'em with intolerable Tasks , reproaching 'em as lazy , and only feigning themselves ill to be excus'd from Labor . And when they see their Sickness increase , so that they become unserviceable , they send 'em to their own Country , which is sometimes forty or fifty Leagues distance , giving 'em nothing but a few sapless Roots to eat by the way , so that they often die miserably , not being able to accomplish such a Journey . Sometimes we find some of 'em on the Road just ready to expire , others groaning hideously in the Agonies of Death , and others quite dead . Those of 'em that are able to speak , say nothing but Hunger , Hunger . Your Majesty by this account may see that the Governor of the New World had little regard to the Orders that were given him , to treat the Indians as a free People . That Governor was expresly charg'd not to do any thing to the Indians that might hinder 'em from receiving the Principles of the Christian Religion , or prejudice their Lives or Health , because the King had no design to destroy 'em : yet this Man saw infinit numbers of 'em perish that were imploy'd in melting of Gold. The Labors exacted of 'em were like a furious Pestilence , which cuts off multitudes of People in a little time ; and yet this sad Spectacle could not engage him to revoke his cruel Orders , or so much as mitigate the severity of ' em . However he knew well enough that he was not able to excuse his Proceedings either before God or the King , being expresly contrary to the Charge that had been given him ; and therefore us'd so much Subtilty and Artifice in the management of this Affair , that none of his Cruelties on the Indians were known in Spain for those seven years in which he tyranniz'd over the New World. They that came after him , trod in his steps by destroying the Indians , tho his Catholic Majesty recommended it to 'em to induce the Indians to receive the Catholic Faith , by shewing all kindness to 'em , and not to make War upon 'em on the account of Religion , or to constrain 'em to embrace Christianity by force , but rather to treat 'em as the Kings's Liege People , imposing a certain Tribute on 'em , as on his other Subjects . All this was express'd in the Instructions given to Pedrarias , when he was made Governor of the Indies ; notwithstanding which he enter'd America just as a hungry Wolf falls on a flock of Sheep , and made horrible slaughters on all sides , using such unheard of Torments , and making such waste and spoil , that nothing like it is to be found in any History . He might have been look'd upon as a heavy Plague , sent by God to execute his Wrath in extirpating the Indians . This Man , and those that accompanied him , cheated your Majesty of five or six Millions of Gold , and 't is impossible to compute the Spoil they made in the Indies . They depopulated a Country of above four hundred Leagues , as rich , fertil and pleasant as any in the World. All this Tyranny was us'd to make the Indians deliver up all their Gold : But by the just Judgment of God they made no great advantage of their Robberies : and it would have bin more for their interest to have kept the Indians alive , and to have made a considerable Profit out of their hard Labors . If a particular account should be given your Majesty of all the Disorders committed by the Spaniards in the noble Province of Nicaraqua , your Majesty would be astonish'd ; and if they had not still continued their Tyranny over these poor People , every day killing and destroying 'em , I should not have expos'd my self to the fatigue of so tedious and troublesom a Voyage , to give your Majesty an account of it . When your Majesty is assur'd that the Spaniards have depopulated so many vast and noble Kingdoms , and that they still continue to destroy whatever escap'd the fury of former Governors ; when you are convinc'd that they have carried Fire and Sword through seven Kingdoms that are larger than Spain , your Majesty will easily be perswaded that what I have said is no Exaggeration . I have seen these Kingdoms in a manner as full of People as Hives are of Bees , where now there are none to be found , having been all murder'd by the Spaniards ; so that there are only naked Walls and empty Houses to be seen in many once populous Cities . The Orders given by the most Catholic Queen Isabella to General De-Larés were very prudent and useful , but he did not think fit to observe 'em ; and the Relation he gave the King and Queen of matters from time to time , were very far from Truth , tho supported by the Testimony of divers Indians . He acted quite contrary to the Instructions given him , violating all the Rules of the Law of Nature and Reason ; by which 't is evident he went beyond his Commission , and prevaricated in those Letters he directed to the Council of Spain , by intermixing Falshoods in his account , and disguising what was true . And 't is certain if your Majesty had been inform'd how tyrannically this Governor treated the Indians , you would never have entrusted your Authority in his hands ; and by consequence your Majesty is oblig'd to declare that you detest the Proceedings of this Governor as injust and tyrannical , and to abrogate all he has done , and declare that the Indians ought not to have been subjected to the Dominion of particular Men , and that all the Injuries they have suffer'd are contrary to the Law of God and Nature , as well as to the Imperial and Canon Laws ; seeing they have been tormented in their Persons , molested in their Liberty and Estates , and condemn'd to die . Your Majesty is oblig'd , as you are a just Prince , and an Enemy to Violence , to suppress these vexatious Practices , and to deliver the poor Indians from the Tyranny of those that have oppress'd and tormented ' em . If your Majesty neglect to take this cruel Yoke from their Necks , they will infallibly perish . And that lovely Country which is naturally fruitful and populous will soon become a vast Desert ; for the Spaniards that go thither , don't go to people the Country , but to inrich themselves by pillaging it . Those that have lately gon into Hispaniola , and other depopulated places , and carried thither the Commodities of Europe , have not been able to dispose of 'em , there not being People to buy 'em : So that these Disorders are directly opposit to your Majesty's Interest ; for what advantage can you receive from the ruin of those People ? And what will the World say of so just a Prince as your Majesty , if when you are inform'd of the mischief don by your Subjects in those vast Kingdoms , and among such multitudes of People , you should not apply sutable Remedies to so dangerous a Disease ? it can't be thought that your Majesty , whose Mind abounds with so much Goodness , and so great a Zeal for Equity and Justice , can tolerate such cruel Oppressions as these . To what has been said , it may be added , to demonstrate that the power the Spaniards have over the Indians is prejudicial to the Crown of Spain , that by this means your Majesty loses an infinit number of Subjects , who are every day cut off without any lawful occasion ; whereas if suffer'd to live , they would chearfully submit to your Majesty's Government when they saw the difference between your Majesty's Yoke , and that Slavery in which they are held by their private Masters . If your Majesty had once receiv'd 'em into the number of your Subjects , so that they might be secur'd from the inhuman Severities they now daily endure , they would love and serve your Majesty with incredible Zeal , being naturally inclin'd to be very submissive to their Princes . Your Majesty may farther consider , that you lose immense Riches by the cruel depopulation of the Indies , which otherwise you might justly acquire ; for 't is impossible for the Spaniards to subsist long in the Indies , if the Natives be exterminated . And those Treasures sufficient to enrich all Spain , would be no small advantage to promote your Designs , and enable you to resist your Enemies . If there come no Mony from the Indies , but that Spring of Treasure be suffer'd to dry up , Spain must necessarily sustain great Inconveniences for want of it . Experience already shews that the Indies don't furnish us with so great a quantity as in time past , and 't is likely to diminish more and more for time to come . Besides , the manner of extorting it from the Indians can't possibly last long , because 't is too violent a course . The Isle of Hispaniola is an unexceptionable Instance of what I say ; for whereas above three Millions of very fine Gold were drawn out of it at first , it cannot now afford the tenth part of that Sum. The least Reflection your Majesty can make will easily convince you how your Revenues every day diminish . Your Majesty has nothing certain and stable in the Indies , if the Land be not cultivated , and the Inhabitants preserv'd for those Labors that are so advantageous . You have now but a small number of Indians in all New Spain , from whence your Majesty might annually have drawn a Million of Ducats , if the Indians had been preserv'd , and your Majesty's Interest at first regarded . There have been yet greater Confusions and Disorders in Peru , and the Mischief daily increases ; from which Kingdom your Majesty might yearly receive two or three Millions of Gold if the Indians were not treated with so much Injustice and Inhumanity , many of 'em having been murder'd , togther with their great King Atabalipa . All the Gold the Christians have taken by force in Peru would of right have belong'd to your Majesty , because that Indian Prince would have voluntarily presented himself to your Majesty with all his Treasures . The Church has likewise receiv'd great damage by these Cruelties ; for as your Majesty has been frustrated of those immense Riches , so the Church has lost an infinit number of Souls who have perish'd in their Ignorance , when they might have been taught the Mysteries of our Faith : so that the Losses sustain'd both by Church and State are irreparable . The Kingdom of Spain , which your Majesty rules with so much Equity , is surrounded with Enemies , and in danger of being wasted and ruin'd by the Turks and Moors , those declar'd Enemies of the Catholic Faith : Because God , who is the just Judg and Soveraign Lord of the Universe , is grievously offended with the Violence and Massacres which the Spaniards have committed in the Indies , where they have opprest and slaughter'd innumerable multitudes of People . These Indians have rational Souls form'd after the image and likeness of God , and ransom'd by the Blood of his Son , who keeps an account of 'em , and will not think 'em of no value , how ignorant and barbarous soever they seem to be . He was pleas'd to choose Spain to the Service of carrying the Light of the Gospel into the New World , and to engage those Nations to entertain the Christian Faith. And it seem'd as if the Almighty had discover'd all these Temporal Riches to the Spaniards , as a recompense for those Spiritual Pleasures with which they were to enrich the Indies . But tho he open'd a way for 'em into those vast Regions , so wealthy , fertil and pleasant , so full of Mines of Gold , Silver and precious Stones ; instead of being thankful for all these Favors , they have committed the most hainous Crimes to provoke him . Now 't is usual for God to distribute his Punishments by a rule of proportion , adjusting them to the nature of the Offence . If Men sin by Pride , he covers 'em with Confusion and Shame ; if they get any thing unjustly through Avarice , he often suffers 'em to lose their own Goods ; and they that have stolen , are in turn rob'd themselves . Those that oppress and murder others , he permits to fall into the hands of such as treat 'em with the like Cruelty : They that take away their Neighbors Wives and violate 'em , have sometimes the same Outrages committed on their own . And such as usurp Kingdoms that don't belong to 'em , by God's Judgment come to see their own Kingdoms invaded by their Enemies ; and thus it is with other Judgments which frequently answer the different kinds of Sin. The Holy Scripture and other Histories are full of Instances to this purpose ; and Experience every day furnishes us with such marks of the Divine Displeasure as these . The Moors once over-run Spain , and this was interpreted as a Judgment from God to punish the Crime of King Roderick , who ravish'd the Daughter of Count Don Julian , tho 't is more probable it was to punish the Crimes of the People of Spain , and the Injuries they offer'd their Neighbours , and that the Crime of this King only fill'd up the measure of those Vices . 'T is convenient to inform your Majesty what is thought by Persons of the best sense , who are govern'd by no Prejudice , but only compassionate the Sufferings of the poor Indians . I have heard many such Persons say , I pray God these extravagant Cruelties don't one day fall heavy upon Spain ! It may be such words as these that drop from many wise Men , are so many Advertisements and Menaces from God , who has been highly incens'd against this Nation by the Crimes of the Spaniards . And we already see that Spain is reduc'd to great Necessities , and Mony is very scarce among us ; tho more Treasures have bin brought hither than Solomon possess'd in all his Glory : Most of those that have brought these Riches from the Indies have made a miserable end , and their Children are reduc'd to extreme Poverty , which justifies the old Maxim , Vix gaudet tertius Haeres , the third Heir seldom enjoys an ill-gotten Estate ; and that Passage of holy Scripture , He that oppresseth the poor to increase his Riches — shall surely come to want , Prov. 22. 16. Because , as has bin said , the Divine Judgments bear some proportion to the Crimes that Men commit . If your Majesty have the curiosity to inform your self of the detail of all these matters , we can shew you a List of the principal Tyrants that have committed the greatest Disorders in the Indies , by pillaging and massacring those poor People , and have themselves all died in a dreadful and despairing manner . It seems their Violence and Cruelty , the great quantity of Blood shed in the Massacres they have commited , and their other vicious Actions , the effects of which are yet to be seen , cry aloud to Heaven for Vengeance ; while the Tears , and Sighs , and Entreaties of so many poor Innocents have filled Heaven and Earth , and put all the World into a Consternation , to the utter shame and reproach of all the Spanish Nation , and of the Kings of Spain too . Since then it depends only on your Majesty to lay the Ax to the Root of all these Disorders , and to do Justice to these afflicted People , it will be an Argument of your Prudence and Equity to employ your Power to deliver the Indians from the terrible Oppressions and Calamities under which they yet groan . Your Majesty may be pleas'd farther to observe , that if the Spaniards have an Authority given 'em over the Indians , however it may be qualified , they will infallibly abuse it ; for being naturally proud , they 'l become still less obedient to your Majesty's Commands : Nay the immense Sums which they 'l get in the Indies will enable 'em to confederate with other Nations , to withdraw their Allegiance entirely from your Majesty at long-run , and to support one another in their Rebellion . We already see that the richest of 'em , that flatter themselves with the Title of Conquerors , are so intolerably presumptuous , as to set themselves above the Rules of common Justice . Your Majesty's Vice-roy said not long since in one of his Letters , that the Indians ought to acknowlege no other God nor King than himself . Your Majesty therefore should take it for granted that it is not consistent with the Security of your Government , that there should be any great Lord in the Continent of the West-Indies , invested with an absolute Jurisdiction over the Indians ; this Power ought to be inseparable from your Royal Person : 'T is not convenient for the future to give any one the Title of Count , Marquess , or Duke over either the Indians or Spaniards that are setled there ; because 't will prompt 'em to think too highly of themselves , and to advance themselves above their Condition , which may have very mischievous Consequences : In a word , this may probably open 'em a way to make themselves Kings of the Indies , and thereby devest your Majesty of the Right you have to those Countries . Nor will it be more safe to trust this Power in the hands of those Gentlemen that compose your Majesty's Council in the Indies , which may also be attended with Inconveniences ; for 't is impossible for the Affairs of America to be well administred if the Members of that Council be absolute Lords of the Indians : To be sure then the King of Spain shall never know the truth of what passes there ; this would produce nothing but Fraud and Imposture , and be an infallible means to compleat the Ruin of the Indies . They that govern in the Indies , industriously endeavour to prevent the Court of Spain from receiving any true Information how matters stand there , that they may securely pillage the Country , and live at their own Discretion . They have oppos'd those Friers whose Zeal carried 'em to America to preach , and have hinder'd 'em from reaping the fruit they might have expected from their Labors . The Judges and other Officers were afraid the Conversion of the Indians would be prejudicial to their Temporal Interest ; and Avarice bore sway in their Minds instead of that Zeal they ought to have had for the Salvation of those Infidels . God is witness that this is true , and 't is not difficult to prove it . They continued to persecute the Monks , till one of 'em , pitying them iserable case of these Idolaters , came on purpose to inform the King of Spain of the Violence of his Officers , and of the Obstructions they rais'd against the publication of the Gospel there . Cardinal Ximenes at that time manag'd the Affairs of Spain , who being well inform'd of the Affairs in the Indies , immediately resolv'd to devest the Council there of the Jurisdiction they pretended to have over the Indians , as being very pernicious . But the Kings of Spain are at so vast a distance from those Countries , that they have not been able speedily to redress all the pressing Grievances that incessantly afflict those miserable People . Their Laws and Orders given at so great a distance have no great Efficacy : and 't is next to impossible for 'em to have a true account what Persecutions the Indians suffer : Or if a true Information should be had , they can only give some general Orders , without descending to make special provision against all those Mischiefs that can't be well known unless they were upon the place where they are acted . Besides , the Persons to whom these Orders are directed , commonly conceal 'em , or defer the execution of 'em ; so that when they go about to fulfil 'em , 't is too late , and the Remedies applied prove unseasonable and useless . Nay , they are often so wicked as to act in direct contradiction to what is commanded 'em ; and flatter themselves with hopes of never being call'd to account , because they are so remote from Spain . If your Majesty would reserve to your self alone the Jurisdiction of the Indies , without sharing it among the Spaniards , it would be the greatest happiness imaginable to the Indians , and nothing could more rejoice 'em , because then they would be convinc'd they should be no more expos'd to the Insults and Persecutions of their Enemies ; and would have so great a respect for your Majesty , obey you so universally , and love you so sincerely , that they would be always ready to sacrifice their Lives for your Service . You could then require nothing of 'em , but they would do it chearfully , because they seem to have a great propension to submit to your Royal Crown ; whereas if the Spaniards are their absolute Masters , as their Obedience will be forc'd , so it will be of no long continuance , and they 'l do all they can to get free of so severe a Yoke . Moreover , when the Indians are once perswaded they are under your Protection , that they may live safely in their own Houses , and need fear no injury either in their Persons or Goods ; all that are retir'd to the Mountains will soon come down to dwell in the Plains , as they were wont heretofore . For abundance of 'em have retreated to avoid the Cruelties of the Spaniards ; and chuse rather to be devour'd by wild Beasts in the Mountains , than to fall into the hands of their Persecutors , tho Christians . The poor Wretches suffer a world of Inconveniences in those places whither they have retir'd , wanting almost all the Necessaries of Life : And 't is impossible to find 'em out to instruct 'em in the Christian Faith : whereas if they liv'd together in Towns and Cities , they might easily be taught Religion , and a regular sort of Government establish'd among 'em , whereby they would be brought to the Service of the True God , which would become familiar to 'em : By this means the Ground would be cultivated , the Roads frequented and render'd more safe , and the Country no longer be desert and forlorn : The Spaniards would be supplied with Provisions , and convenient places to lodg in on their Journeys , and have a thousand other Advantages of which they are now depriv'd by the Indians deserting their Habitations . Your Majesty may remember that after a mature examination of this Affair by many learned Men and able Divines , they unanimously declar'd , that the Dominion of the Indies could not be justly given to private Men , nor dismember'd from your Majesty's Crown . This Determination was signified to Ferdinando Cortez , with orders to put it in execution . Your Majesty was pleas'd on the same account again to call together an Assembly of Persons of great Learning and Virtue , who after a long debate , declar'd that the Spaniards could not lawfully be made Lords of the Indies . After which your Majesty gave most express Orders to prohibit it , revoking all Grants to the contrary procur'd on those false Accounts and Misrepresentations that had been given you . Your Majesty commanded the Governor of Florida to put these Edicts in execution , as may be still seen by his Instructions . Among the principal Articles of these Constitutions , one is , That the Indians ought to be accounted free , and not obliged to any other Services than the rest of your Majesty's Subjects who enjoy their Liberty under your Government : That they ought to pay Tithes to God , unless excus'd for some time , and likewise such Tribute to your Majesty as is impos'd lawfully , and in proportion to the Goods they possess , and the quality of their Land , according to the reasonable Estimate of those that govern ' em . If it be desir'd that the Indians should be taught the Catholic Faith , and brought to embrace our Customs , while they keep up a sort of Government among themselves , your Majesty ought not to give them as Slaves to any one whatsoever , either for ever , or for a limited time ; for this would be to expose 'em to the same Miseries they have hitherto endur'd , and perhaps to increase them : for after this there will be no dependence to be had on the Orders and Prohibitions made in favour of the Indians , whatever Penalties shall be annex'd to facilitate their Execution ; for those that have bin already made are very wise Edicts , and might be very useful if put in practice . And one chief Reason against giving the Indians for Vassals to the Spaniards , is the small account these latter make of the Lives of those poor Creatures ; for 't is not to be imagin'd with what Contempt they look upon 'em , unless by those that have seen it : Their excessive Covetousness induces 'em to make 'em labor beyond their Strength , not caring what becomes of 'em so they get any thing by ' em . If any Persons give your Majesty a contrary account of these matters , you ought to look upon 'em as Enemies to the State , and disaffected to your Majesty's Service . If your Majesty be convinc'd by the Arguments produc'd , you will prevent the Spaniards from committing a great many Violences and Murders , of which they are every day guilty . You will secure Spain from this Contagion , in preventing your People at home from partaking of the Sins of their fellow-Subjects , and sharing the Plunder with them which they have so unjustly gotten . For all Men of sense acknowledg that the Crimes of the Spaniards in America render all Spain obnoxious to the Curse of God ; that the course they take to become rich is unjust ; that the Gold and Silver they bring from the Indies is stolen , and that they are oblig'd to restore it to the right Owners whom they have unjustly plunder'd : which likewise evidences that those that partake of these usurp'd Riches have no good Title to 'em ; for they ought to have no Commerce with those publick Robbers , nor to sell 'em any Commodities for their stolen Gold ; they should not so much as receive Presents from 'em , or consent to be their Heirs : And if so , it follows that all Spain is become guilty of the Crimes of those Men ; so that there are few but have reason to be under trouble of Conscience , and are in danger of Damnation , because there are scarce any who have not participated of the Rapine of those that have come from the New World. It has bin objected by the Spaniards , that if they have not a Jurisdiction over the Indians as their Vassals , it will be impossible for 'em to live in the Indies , and consequently that your Majesty will not be able to keep those Kingdoms that have bin conquer'd in your Name , nor to publish the Catholic Faith there . For they say , if the Spaniards can't subsist there , the King of Spain can't preserve his Dominion over the Indians , nor maintain Monks among 'em to preach to 'em , so that they must be destitute of the Light of the Gospel ; and those of 'em that have already receiv'd it , will gradually lose it for want of fresh Instruction , and so return to their former Idolatry , and other Sins . They that reason after this manner , do it not so much from a Principle of true Zeal and Compassion , lest so many Souls should perish , as from a desire of oppressing these People , and that they may grow rich by the Spoil they get from ' em . 'T is only their privat Interest makes 'em talk at this rate ; for they are not at all concern'd about your Majesty's Interest , or the Salvation of the poor Indians . 'T is not the Good of the Public , or the Glory of God that moves 'em ; for their Conduct sufficiently shews what little respect they have to the Law of God , which forbids 'em to do the least hurt to any one , how great an advantage soever it might procure ' em . They ought to know , if they have the true Sentiments of Christianity , that tho your Majesty should run the risk of losing all your Conquests in the Indies , and be render'd uncapable of causing the Christian Faith to be preach'd among the Indians ; it were better to forgo all such great Advantages , than to obtain 'em by ruining the Inhabitants after the manner hitherto practis'd . It had bin no great Misfortune to your Majesty , if your Empire had not extended so far as the Indies ; and 't is an ill way of going to work , to endeavour to establish Christianity there by such criminal Methods . The reason of which is evident , because we are forbidden to do evil that good may come , Rom. 3. 8. God is not pleas'd with the greatest Sacrifices if polluted with any Sin , but abhors all such Offerings . 'T is a most hainous Sin , and worthy of eternal Damnation , to massacre Infidels on pretence of introducing the Christian Faith among 'em , and of extirpating a part of 'em to save the rest . God dos not require Men to receive his Word on such hard terms , and absolutely forbids such a kind of Zeal for the Salvation of Souls as this . He would not have us pretend to be more concern'd about the Salvation of Souls than himself . That which he requires of us is to keep within the compass of his Laws , and not to exceed the Limits he has prescrib'd . For 't would be an Argument of much Stupidity , and a great sin for any one to throw a Child into a Well to baptize it , and so to drown it on pretence of saving its Soul. And is it not a greater Crime , and more odious and abominable in the sight of God , to scandalize , destroy and massacre so many thousand People , under the pretext of putting the rest in the way of Salvation ? 'T is our business to do all the Good we can in conforming our selves to God's Commandments , and keeping within the bounds he has set us , leaving the rest to himself . But this is a false Gloss which the Spaniards use to cover their Avarice ; for the Salvation of the Indians is no part of their Care ; all they mind is rather to ruin and inslave 'em , than to make Christians of ' em . Therefore in opposition to all their false Pretences , we assure your Majesty , that if you please to reserve to your self alone the Dominion of the Indies without admitting the Spaniards to assume the quality of Lords and Masters over the Indians , it will be an infallible means to establish the Catholic Faith among them . The Spaniards will be able to live commodiously among 'em in greater numbers than they have hitherto done ; and all other Inconveniences will be remov'd , which will mightly conduce to the Glory of God , the Advantage of the Indians , the Aggrandizement of your Empire , and the general Good of all Spain . FINIS . THE ART OF Travelling to Advantage . 'T IS commonly thought that the Advantages of Travelling are always out-balanc'd by the Inconveniences that attend it ; that tho a Man is at never so much Charge in his Voyages , he must still undergo a great deal of Hardship ; and when all is done , the Profit he reaps is not to be compar'd with the Fatigues he endures . But nothing can be more false than this Opinion ; for in truth , the advantage of Travelling infinitely surmounts the trouble of it : and as the Experiment of a Chymist , whatever it costs him , is very well rewarded when he makes some considerable discovery of Nature ; so that Traveller that knows how to improve his Mind as he ought by his Voyages , is always well requited for the Inconveniences he has sustain'd . The Prejudice that some entertain , that the want of that Experience which is to be gain'd in Voyages and actual Discoveries , may be supplied by reading Books that treat of such matters , or by the force of the Imagination , which gives its own shape to all things it represents , and never makes 'em appear as they are in themselves , is a mere Illusion : For whatever ever forestals and prepossesses the Judgment is so little capable of forming the Mind , that 't is the very thing which corrupts it , and deprives it of its natural relish for Truth , and that disposition to receive it , which serves as a foundation for Reason to build upon . That which is found in Books is not always true ; for besides that Decency will not permit Men to write but within the compass of certain Rules , Flattery , the humor of the Time and Nation wherein a Man lives , the public Interest , or the management of private Affairs , always make some difference between what a Man writes , and what may be thought by those among whom he lives : Which forms an almost invincible Obstacle in the way of Truth , and hinders her from shewing her self in her proper shape . But in Travelling we find all imaginable help and assistance to furnish our Minds with Experience and Knowledg ; for what is conceal'd in Books is by this means openly discover'd to us ; and we judg of things with more safety , because we see 'em with greater perspicuity when the Curtain is drawn aside . When we go to the very Principles of things , and draw Water at the Fountain , the taste and quality of it must needs be most agreeable . This is the way to know Men as they really are , and not only as the Interest of some Persons makes 'em appear to be ; and to judg of their Actions , Manners , and Politicks in themselves , and not on the Credit of foreign Relations ; so that the Mind receiving thence a pure and vivid light , that sets it above the danger of Prejudice , is at the same time confirm'd and improv'd on solid grounds , and at length rais'd to the upper Region of Policy where its great Phenomena appear . We are taught in the Book of Ecclesiastes , that to become wise a Man must go into strange Countries , Sapiens in terram alienigenarum Gentium pertransiet ; and it follows afterwards , in absconditis suis conciliabitur , by that means he shall be acquainted with the most profound Notions of Wisdom , that is , of RELIGION ; Occulta Proverbiorum exquiret , he 'll make a scrutiny into their Maxims , Manners and Customs , that is , into MORALITY : bona enim & mala in hominibus tentabit ; he 'll have the advantage by conversing with the Living ( which is much better than to consult the Dead ) to know the sources of that Good and Evil which Men do either to themselves , or one another , that is , in one word , POLICY . These are the three fundamental Principles by which a wise Man ought to regulate his Conduct , and in these he ought to accomplish himself by Travelling : For a Man is confirm'd in his Religion by the knowledg he acquires of the importance and certainty of it ; he forms a solid Scheme of Morality from the different Practices he observes in the World , and informs himself in the true Rules of Policy by the use he finds other People make of ' em . From which it follows , that if a Man would be wise , he ought to travel ; and 't is hardly to be expected that any one who neglects this method , will prove eminent for Prudence and Politicks . This Art of Travelling to advantage requires four Conditions that are all absolutely necessary in every one that would succeed in it . The first is , That his Mind be already form'd and fix'd , and yet this in such a manner as not to be strictly determin'd . The second is , That he be not prepossess'd with Prejudices . The third is , That his Capacity bear a proportion to the Science or Business to which he is devoted , and in which he desires to be accomplish'd . And the fourth is , That he want no assistance necessary to bring him into acquaintance with the best Masters , and that he know their Sentiments at the first hand . I say , the first Condition is to have the Mind form'd , but not determin'd ; that is , it should not be so crude as eagerly to receive all sorts of Impressions , and yet sufficiently dispos'd to give a free admission to Truth , which will perhaps be understood better by an Example . One that travels too young is immediately dissatisfied in the exercis of the Religion he professes , by the different manners of Worship he discovers abroad ; therefore the greenness of his Age makes him run a greater risk than is commonly thought in the discussion of matters of Religion , tho it renders him very fit to endure Fatigues , the difference of Climats , of Food , and of the various Seasons of the Year . Nor is a Man any more fit to improve by Travelling when too much advanc'd in Years , because his Mind is too much determin'd , and in no very good disposition to learn what he thinks he knows well enough already . So that that part of a Man's Age from twenty five to thirty five is the most proper time for Travelling , because his Mind is neither wholly crude , nor entirely form'd ; that which he has already learn'd only disposes him to judg the better , while he seeks to be inform'd after another manner ; and thus he makes so fair a decision of what he learns , that all the Sophisms in the World will never shake him . By this 't is easy to see whence it is that so few are the better for Travelling , and can only give an account of such Circumstances as Soldiers and Postilions might easily relate ; 't is to be attributed either to their too great Youth or too great Age. The second Qualification of a Traveller is , That he be void of Prejudice in every thing , about which he desires to receive Information ; because Prejudice produces such an Effect upon our Reason , as a Film does upon the Eye ; it casts such a Mist upon it , and renders it so uncapable to make a fair Judgment of what is propos'd to it , that nothing can be more opposite to the discovery of Truth than Prepossession , which if it bear sway in the Mind , will give little hope of improvement by Travelling . The third Quality requisite is , To have a Capacity of Mind proportionate to the business to which a man applies himself , and in which he seeks to be accomplish'd : For seeing the Rudiments of Painting and other Arts are not to be learn'd by Travelling , and observing the finest Strokes of the best Masters ; but a Man must be cut out for a business before he presumes to seek Improvement in it by going abroad : They that suppose to turn a Blockhead into a Man of Parts by sending him into foreign Countries , will find themselves mistaken . He that has but a small Natural Capacity will never have a large one , whatever course be taken to improve it : 'T is true , he may learn by Travelling to fill up what Capacity he has , but he 'll never be able to go beyond it ; for the Minds of Men have their several degrees of height and strength , as well as their Bodies ; and as 't is impossible by all the Art in the World to add one inch to a Man's Stature when at his full growth , so 't is utterly impracticable to enlarge the Capacity of his Mind beyond the Bounds which Nature has prescrib'd . The fourth Qualification is , To be furnish'd with all necessary Assistance to facilitate his Access to the Masters of those Arts and Sciences he has a mind to learn ; in which respect every Country has a different Genius ; so that 't is often seen , that what may contribute to a man's assistance in one place , will by no means do him any good in another . For instance , In Germany a man shall never get inward with Great Men by being profuse in his Expences , but will by this means be the more likely to fall under suspicion , and become much less welcome than one of another Character . To gain Esteem there , a Man must bring with him a good Reputation , a distiguish'd Birth , or an extraordinary Merit . In Italy the quite contrary Humor obtains . And in the Levant neither one nor t'other takes place , but an Air of Simplicity , Sincerity and Honesty will introduce a Man into any Company . An eloquent and voluble Tongue does well in Poland , but very ill in Spain , and still worse at Constantinople : A great shew of Devotion will naturalize a Man in Portugal , but render him ridiculous in the Northern Kingdoms . A pleasant and merry Humor will spoil a Man's business in Austria and Italy , but give him easy access in England . As for the knowledg of Tongues , besides that it is impossible to acquire all a Man wants if he travel any thing far , and that it will not do him all the Service that is commonly imagin'd , if he has only a mind to run through Europe , it is a great occasion of the Corruption of Manners , by easily introducing Men into places of Debauchery ; and on the other hand it has been observ'd , that it contributes very little to the forming of the Mind : for besides that it is not the common People that a Man ought to be curious in consulting ; and among Men of figure the knowledg of their Language renders a Man obnoxious to suspicion , 't is sufficient that a Man can speak any one Language that is know : As the Italian Tongue is very common in Greece and the Lesser Asia , besides the help one may have from Interpreters , of whom there are great numbers for all the living Tongues in Europe . And if you speak a dead Language with any Native of a foreign Country , he has no advantage above you ; and if you are better vers'd in it than he , he 'll be sure to supply what he wants in Expression by the degree of Knowledg , wherein he excels you in respect of the matter about which you converse , and will give you a greater insight into it in half an hour's Discourse , than you should have obtain'd it may be in twenty Visits , if you had made use of his Native Language . 'T is sufficient if you have Language enough to make your self understood about your necessary Affairs ; and there are always People to be found , who will make use of your Native Language , to discourse with you so as not to be understood by others , that they may learn something of you that others don 't know ; and that they may give you occasion to learn something of them which you don 't yet understand . But Curiosity ought to be kept within the bounds of Patience and Discretion , and that being suppos'd , there 's scarce any thing but a Man may be capable of it in Travelling ; if one can but add to the Conditions I have been mentioning a lively and yet obsequious Fancy , and easy and faithful Memory , a sweet and insinuating Humor , a Curiosity that is not impatient , and an impartial way of judging . These are the Qualities that give a Man an easy and agreeable reception into all Companies , and prepossess the People of any Nation with favourable thoughts of a Traveller who is endow'd with ' em . These cut his Work short , remove all Obstacles in the way of his acquaintance with them , and bring them into such a familiarity with him , as will be sure to engage their Confidence , if he be but careful to observe himself , as well as study the Temper of others . These are the Vehicles of Policy , which by discovering the Humor , Inclinations and Genius of every Nation , insensibly bring us to the knowledg of their Maxims , their Reasons of State , their Designs , their Conduct and various Sentiments . In a word , 't is by the help of these Qualifications , that a Man becomes a Proteus in foreign Countries , and knows how to transform himself into the shape of others , and so to conceal his own . And by consequence must needs reap advantage by all the good he sees or hears , which is agreeable to his Character , and the Capacity of his Mind . I say , he should have a lively , but obsequious Imagination , which may pass for a Paradox among such as judg hastily , just as they feel their Fancies touch'd ; and supposing a lively Imagination can never be obsequious without losing its Vivacity at the same time , will tell me I require an impossibility : 't is therefore convenient to undeceive 'em by a sensible Comparison . When one that seeks for Game sees something move in a Bush , his first motion is to put himself in a posture to shoot ; but if he discharges immediately without any further Observation , he may well be counted rash , and his precipitancy will spoil his Design : whereas if he has prudence and patience , he 'll observe what 't is that stirs , and endeavour to discover what Game may be in the Bush , which way it came , and whither it goes , which gives him the greater advantage to direct his Aim , so that his shot can hardly miss . There 's no Comparison can be more just and applicable to the case in hand . A Traveller that has a mind to make some Discoveries in the Mysteries of State-Policy , is prying and observing with an Activity like that of one who is seeking after Game ; every thing that appears more than ordinary ought to strike his Mind so as to excite his Attention : but nothing ought to determine him but his Reason , and a due application of the Principles of Policy ; he should see and hear , and take a measure of every thing , without imagining he has got any thing till he has measur'd it with that profound Discussion I have been commending . Statesmen are extremely crafty , and know how to dodg with a Stranger , especially when they see in him a great Vivacity and Eagerness to receive what they tell him . These Artifices are us'd in all Nations more or less according to the degree of their Refinement and Subtilty : Therefore the intelligent Traveller must imitate the cunning Hunter , who sometimes makes as if he did not see his Game , merely to surprize it the more easily : He must make as if he did not hear some things , and as if he understood much less , and discover'd nothing at all ; from whence one of these two things must necessarily follow , either that he will be suppos'd to be ignorant and stupid , which will render him less suspected , and occasion a new Explication of the matter discoursed of in more open and intelligible terms ; or else that the Person he converses with , will immediately give another turn to the Subject in hand by different Expressions , and the variety of Terms cannot choose but give some light into what he would conceal or disguise . He may also learn somewhat from the common report of a Province or City , to inform him what is the predominant Genius of a Nation , or of the Court that governs it , only with this difference , that what he is told of the Spirit of any Nation , is generally and almost infallibly true ; whereas the Idea that is given of a Court is almost always false ; so that 't would be a kind of Miracle if ever it should happen to be true . There is in the Voice of the Publick a certain tract of Truth , Simplicity , Ingenuity and Sincerity , which keeps the Multitude either from being easily deceiv'd themselves , or from deceiving others ; and so much the more , because ( as Origen says ) God , the first Cause of all things , has reserv'd only this way to make an impression of Truth on the Minds of the Populace , who are not capable of any other discussion of things , much less of refin'd Politicks ; which gave occasion to that wise saying , The Voice of the People is the Voice of God. But the Court is another World , where all things are compounded , and from whence Simplicity , Candor , Sincerity , and oftentimes even Justice and Truth are exil'd . And seeing the Men of this World are different from others , 't is not to be wonder'd at if one is deceiv'd by their Disguises , and if the warm Fancy of a young Man is every day impos'd on by them : For every thing they do is with design , and therefore 't is no wonder that there 's double dealing in all Affairs , so that one knows not where to have ' em . Hence it is that those Authors that write Relations of the State of Princes-Courts , are carried away with so many Illusions : For the more account they make of that certain knowledg they pretend to have of 'em , and the more the Ministry see they depend upon it , the more they vary in their discourse with such an Author , to deprive him of the sight of what he aims at , by embarassing his Mind with diversity of Mediums . There 's no Rock more dangerous to an intelligent Traveller , than the popular Reports which a Prince's Council either purposely spreads abroad , or suffers to be divulg'd : There 's no stress to be laid on such Stories , and a Man ought to be careful not to suffer himself to be surpriz'd by ' em . A wise Roman on such an occasion one day said to me , Se questo fosse véro , non to saprébbe il popolo . The Credit the People give this Report may be enough to convince you that there 's no such matter at the Palace , but that the business is either already finish'd , or else 't is a stroke that is not resolv'd , and it may be not thought on , for if it was either the one or the other , you may be sure the People would have known nothing of it . However 't is true , that common Reports as they precaution the Fancy instead of instructing it , do not fail to furnish a Traveller with such Notices , as must needs turn to his account . These Reports Salust very wisely calls , Experimenta Nationum , The Trials of the People ; for there is at least so much probability in 'em , that they have some Principle that gives rise to 'em , and that they have given some colour to an End which a Court is willing to hide by some specious means . I confess the Italians excel all Christian Nations in this method of Travelling ; but the People of the East infinitely out-do the Italians themselves : and 't is from the long Conversation I have had with both , that I have receiv'd what Light I have in this matter , especially the way of abating the heat of Fancy , and preventing it from being transported beyond due bounds by its Vivacity , in which the Eastern People are inimitable ; and 't is a Quality one can't behold in 'em without Astonishment . But seeing a Fancy that is tractable and obedient determines nothing , and what it discovers may as well deceive it as inform it ; it ought to commit the discussion of all to the Judgment that so it may come to a result : For this purpose the Judgment ought to be sublime and clear , tho these two Qualities are not so compatible as at the first glance they seem to be : for the elevation of the Mind exposes it to Mists and Clouds , tho clearness of thought is common to an extensive Soul. The former is like the tops of Mountains which reach to the Clouds , and almost always seem cover'd with a Mist to them that stand in the Plain . That is , to explain the Similitude ; That Genius which is naturally sublime , being less capable than others of stooping down to the many frivolous Circumstances which concur to the discovery of the politick Spirit of a Court , often happens to pass such a Judgment as is not free from all Objections , or else his way of expression is less clear and intelligible than that of others . On the contrary , they that affect clearness of Judgment creep on the ground as it were , still following the natural extent of their Minds which serves for a Line to direct their steps ; and as without this they could never go directly to the end they have in view , so by the help of it they do every thing with a becoming Justness and Deliberation . Happy are they whose Genius is both sublime and extensive , for the elevation of their Minds shews 'em what Souls of an inferior Rank could never have discover'd ; and their extension serves to help to render every thing present to 'em without confusion , because the elevation of their Minds gives 'em a prospect of every thing ; so that they see both distinctly , and as it were at one view , whatever is necessary to direct 'em to make a right Judgment . To inculcate this matter the better , it may not be amiss to make use of a Comparison . Suppose three Men walking in the field together discover an Object at a distance : one of 'em having observ'd it , says 't is a Cart going on the top of a Hill ; another supposes it to be a Bush wav'd up and down by the Wind ; and the third is confident 't is a Man on horseback riding against the Wind. Now it being naturally impossible for the same Object to be at once a Cart , a Bush , and a Man on horseback , 't is most certain that at least two of the three are mistaken in their Judgments ; and if one of them judges right , it must be he that considers with the greatest force of thought all possible Motions of that Object about which he has thought fit to make a Judgment . This discovery is not to be ascrib'd precisely to the sense of seeing , since this is suppos'd to be alike in all three ; therefore the truth of this Judgment must be attributed to the quality of his Mind who has the best notices of the matter . The application of this Comparison is easy : Travellers often think they have discover'd every thing that passes in a Court , those Enterprizes that are yet only to be seen at a distance , and those Designs that are still more remote ; yet 't is not possible that all that make these Observations should have the same elevation of Mind , and none but such as have a very sublime and clear Judgment are capable of speaking accuratly of what they have observ'd . Hence it is that we see so many different accounts of foreign Countries , and yet all of 'em publish'd for truth by their respective Authors ; and indeed they may be so , but this in proportion to the Character of the Minds of those who compos'd 'em in their Travels , according to the Judgment they made of things . If I had not read in the account of the Voyage to Athens the History of one Hieros Damaskinos of Caloyero , with whom I had just such another interview as the Author of that Relation says happen'd to him , I would here give an account of it at large ; but shall now only add something which that Traveller seems not to have met withal . There were three Gentlemen of different Countries and my self one day discoursing with this illustrious Caloyer about the Policy of the Turks , which each of us pretended to look upon as barbarous and uncultivated , on purpose to give him an occasion to speak of it after such a manner as might give us light into it . He told us he had no skill in Policy either in general , or in the use of it among the Turks ; and that he made it his business only to understand and explain the holy Scripture to his Disciples of Athens : but he said if we would address our selves to the Turks , as to the Vaivode of Athens , or any other Person of Note , they would be sure to give us satisfaction in those matters . I remember I was the only Person in the company that could not be perswaded that this Caloyer was unacquainted with Politicks . A very ingenious Polander thought he was too much devoted to the study of the Scripture to have any great matter of skill in other things . A German that was of our company took him for a Person only vers'd in the Notions of the School-men , and capable of criticizing on the holy Scripture : an Italian that was with us maintain'd that as he was one of that remnant of Greeks who seem to be the Posterity of the Peasants of former times ; he had not subtilty of mind enough to penetrate into such Politicks as were as burdensom to 'em as they appear'd violent and unreasonable . We push'd our Curiosity yet further , and by good luck a Sangiac who was upon his return from Candie to the Port , and pass'd through Athens , was so kind as to inform us of many things we had a mind to know ; and among other things told us there was no Man in the World knew more of those matters than this Grecian . It may easily be imagin'd I hug'd my self for judging differently of this Man from the rest of the company . And at last , after many earnest Sollicitations , we engag'd this learned Caloyer to take off the Mask , and shew us that he was under such a serious disguise of Simplicity as would have deceiv'd a thousand People . To return from this Digression ; I say , to judg well of all that presents and strikes the Imagination of a man in travelling into foreign Parts , whether it concern Religion , Morals or Politicks , there 's need of both elevation and clearness in the Judgment ; that is to say , such a measure of both , as may dispose things in so much order that they don't perplex and confound the Minds of other Men , nor produce any thing in 'em but Light. And this Qualification is not to be acquir'd if a Man is not born with a sutable disposition . It can't be well explain'd but by Practice ; however , to give some Idea of it , it seems to me to consist in three things : First , In laying the stress of one's Judgment on that which makes the least appearance in an Intrigue or Negotiation ; for Policy being the Academy of Disguise , and an exercise of Craft and Subtilty , generally that which appears least in a politick Observation may pass for the most real and true part of it . Secondly , In never counting any thing sufficiently explain'd to determine one's mind about it , that so the unexpected sounding of some Circumstance or other , that does not seem to be thought of , may give one a discovery of somewhat of which the Ministry of a Court perhaps is not aware . And so much the more in as much as speculative Policy being suppos'd impenetrable , and not beginning to appear till 't is going to be put in execution , 't is in the Circumstances of the Execution that you are to seek the certain discovery of the Design . Thirdly , In the opposition of one thing to another ; for altho the means employ'd in any particular politick Design may be absolutely alter'd from one day to another , because there 's no Medium always essential to and inseparable from Policy , yet 't is certain , considering how Men are made , that 't is probable the Council of a Prince don't alter their common Notions , nor take up Resolutions as contradictory one to another as Black to White : and therefore the Opposition an intelligent Traveller discovers in the Affairs on which he is making observation , ought to suspend his Judgment , and to oblige him to forbear determining his Opinion , till time give him further light . The first of these Rules forms the Judgment , and renders it solid ; the second cultivates and refines it ; and the third advances it to Perfection . The first is owing more to Nature than Experience ; the second depends as much on Experience as on a Genius : and the third raises the Mind to a consummate Prudence , which is the highest pitch of politick Wisdom . That Traveller who has not an elevation of Mind capable of such Inventions as may out-wit another , may make use of the second Character of a prudent Mind , namely , to enquire much into things , and determine but little about 'em ; but if a Man wants both the one and the other of these Qualities , we 'll venture to prophesy that he 'll never become a Politician . The Memory in the judgment of many passes for one of the most excellent Faculties of the Soul : But few consider , that seeing it brings out nothing but what has been committed to it before , when there is Confusion in the Mind , there must also necessarily be the like disorder in the Memory . 'T is a great advantage to a Traveller to have a Memory easily impressible , provided it be faithful ; for if a Man because he has seen much , goes about to utter a great deal without giving an intelligible account of matters , by reason of that Confusion which the amazing diversity of Things , Names and Circumstances ordinarily occasions , his Memory appears to be a mere Labyrinth of Perplexity . I have always look'd upon an easy Memory to be like a handsome Face , which hides a great many Infirmities in a crazy Body , and strikes the Fancy more than all these Imperfections , tho they really much out-balance it . For besides that such a Memory serves for a Rock for the Imagination to split on , and this becomes as dangerous to the Reason and Judgment , supposing it not to be incompatible with the regular exercise of either of these ; yet 't is most certain a great multiplicity of Facts require either abundance of time to range 'em in good order , or a prodigious heat of Fancy to melt 'em down ( as it were ) altogether , without making any alteration in ' em . So that it seems an impossible supposition , that an easy Memory can be strong and true , so as not to divert from that steady Application which the Judgment requires . And yet both are necessary for a Traveller , so that one of these Qualities without the other would be of no use to get the knowledg of the State-Resolutions of any foreign Politicians : For if what he learns to day is not supported with all those Circumstances that may render it more than probable to his discussion , and is not produc'd afresh in all its Circumstances when any Affair that bears a proportion to it presents , 't is easy to conceive that all the Circumstances that help'd him at first to decide the matter in hand being represented to him but by halves , and in the room of those that are omitted others substituted which alter the state of the case ; 't is not difficult , I say , to conceive that such an easy Memory must cast him into confusion , because it does not faithfully revive all those Circumstances . This Conclusion may be set in a clearerlight by an Example . The Visier Kara Mustapha who besieg'd Vienna remember'd the Advice , and a great many of the Projects Count Tekely had given him in his Tent at their enterview beyond Buda before this great Enterprize : And his Memory reproduc'd that in his extremity , which his Pride had made him despise . The Count perswaded him to possess himself of the Bridges of Vienna on the North-side before he made a formal Siege , presuming that by this means he would either block up the late Duke of Lorrain with his Troops in Leopalstat , or oblige him to quit it with the more speed , and a greater number of his Men , which would make the Circumvallation more easy , and the Garison probably less numerous , or else the Duke would expose himself to be first routed in the field ▪ and never was any Advice more wisely given , or more rashly contemn'd . When this Visier was mortified by the Resistance of the Besieged , and resolv'd to attempt any thing to repair the damage he had sustain'd , and the time he had lost in this Siege , he was willing to have recourse to Count Tekely's Counsel , and would needs endeavour to be master of those Bridges , without considering the difference of Time and other Circumstances ; he gave his Orders for the execution of this Design , but instead of depriving Vienna of good part of its Garison , or of weakening those Succors which the Prince of Lorrain manag'd so long , and to so good purpose against him , as he might certainly have done in the former Juncture , he diminish'd his own Force , and sent his Troops to be cut in pieces without being able to execute the Orders they had receiv'd . By this one may judg that an easy Memory is always dangerous when 't is unfaithful ; tho I confess 't is less so in the speculation of a Traveller than in the conduct of a Statesman , who ought from the very first step he takes to distrust it more than depend on it . Memory is a great help at the Bar , and in the Pulpit , but 't is the least Qualification of a Statesman . 'T is by reading ( which is a kind of Travelling ) and by Travelling ( which is a living sort of reading ) that a Man is to be convinc'd of this Truth , that an easy Memory being usually treacherous when 't is over-charg'd with many things that have no mutual connexion , nothing is to be omitted that may render it less easy and more faithful . I think I have observ'd by Experience three Rules that contribute much to reduce the Memory to this state , which is certainly no easy matter to accomplish . The first is , for a Man to learn well the chief foreign things about which he has a mind to employ his Memory , without troubling himself to retain the proper Names of Places , Persons and Times , of which Gazetteers seldom fail to give a very particular account for the information of the Curious , because 't is their province to know things of this kind . The second is , To join that which one desires to know , to what one knows already by some Epocha of Facts , Times , or Conjunctures , which resemble and refer one to another ; as , for instance , to join to the raising the Siege of Vienna the politick Proposition made by the King of Poland for his eldest Son to be married to the Archdutchess as his Reward for relieving that City . The third is , to unite and accommodate both the one and the other to the Circumstances and actual Conduct of the Country where a Man is at present , or whither he is to return ; because what passes there can't easily escape the Mind , being often reviv'd by the Memory , and therefore that which has been link'd to it will also be retain'd , and the Memory render'd faithful to such a degree , that all things will be easily recollected . I say a Man ought in the first place thorowly to possess his Mind with the first discoveries he makes in his Travels ; that is to say , after he has made a deep search into the Precepts of Policy ( without which nothing is to be expected of him ) to look on every side upon that which first strikes his Mind in a manner different from the Prejudices he has brought out of his own Country , that so he may object against his own Prepossession all those Reasons that he imputes to the Prejudices of others , which is fit to be demonstrated by an Example . A French Man that goes to Rome furnish'd with many Advantages and Recommendations that give him access to Persons of Quality , is presently loaded with Civilities , without being taken into that kind of Familiarity with them , which is so agreeable to his Humor : This makes him impatient , and it seems no small Punishment to him to continue six weeks at Rome , to live all the while in an Inn : But at length the Reasons of this kind of Treatment are open'd to him , and he comes to understand that the Italian loving Splendor tho he is not rich , and affecting to be liberal without incommoding himself , waits to regale him after a magnificent manner and in good company , when he finds a proper time for it , and then his Splendor , Profusion and Magnificence will appear at once . He must therefore examine all the Reasons of this kind of Conduct ; and by opposing this liberty the Italians reserve to themselves , to the ordinary profuseness of that Nation , he 'll be convinc'd that they do well at Rome not to live in that familiarity he so much desir'd . These Discoveries will be serviceable to him at Constantinople , and he 'll appear a knowing Man in other places in proportion to the faithfulness of his Memory in reviving the Reasons , and different respects that have determin'd him at Rome . This is what I call a thorow possessing of the Mind with that which one desires to commit to Memory . The second method is , to join things together by some Epocha that is remarkable , and not easy to be chang'd . This Connexion is like a Guide always going before the Judgment with a light in his hand , so that he seldom mistakes his way who is conducted by it . The Epocha contributes much to the fidelity of the Memory , and the things being allied together by a proper reference and proportion , 't is almost impossible that the revival of 'em in the Memory should not be exact and true . The reason of which is not from the nature of those Incidents which accidentally happen to be link'd together , but from the immediate application of the Mind , which because it omits nothing that may give it a deep impression of a thing , can't see two different Circumstances which concur to the same Fact , without making a certain fix'd Point , as well for the Time , as other Conjunctures : 'T is this that has occasion'd so many Digressions in antient Historians , who have not been able to resist that natural Inclination of shewing in the same Treatise , what they had observ'd at the same time , and by the same discoveries . In fine , the third method of rendering the Memory faithful is , to reunite the Notices one receives , and the Conjunctures that present , to what actually passes in one's own Country ; because the revival of what is acted there must needs be frequent and of long duration , and a Man's mind will necessarily be concern'd about it ; and seeing this obliges a Man to join to his present Observations , that which pass'd in his own Country when he was there , he is as it were tied fast to the Circumstances of things so that he cannot easily mistake 'em , but is necessarily oblig'd to revive 'em in his mind . 'T is true , there must be strength of Thought , Labor and Time to reunite these things after long Voyages , especially if our Traveller has not had much correspondence with his own Country : But Experience every day shews that 't is no impossible thing . This is , in my opinion , the innocent Art of rendering an easy Memory faithful ; let us now pass to the other Qualifications of a Traveller . It has been said that he ought to have a sweet and insinuating Humor , not by a study'd composing of himself , which will soon betray him when he tarries long in a place , but by a docility of Mind , which makes a Man as it were naturally comply with things that one would think must needs shock him , to judg of him by the gust of his Country . 'T is this sweetness of temper which becomes Affability in those who are in public Posts , but in Travellers it should always be Condescension , without degenerating into a servile weakness of Mind : And they ought to have the art of using this Condescension after an advantageous manner , so as to engage those with whom they converse , either to confide in 'em , or to inform ' em . Suppose , for instance , that one happens to be with an English-man who boasts of his own Nation , in respect of its Strength , Courage , Trade , Plenty and Independence ; and scarce ever speaks of a French-man , an Italian , or a German , without contempt ; a Traveller who has docility , and yet firmness of Mind , will in sincere terms give his Suffrage to applaud what is good in the English Nation , and in their Polities , without undertaking to make comparisons between Nation and Nation , or so much as between Man and Man , which ought to be industriously avoided ; because there are always in foreign Countries some Persons that go under a disguise , whose Genius , Country , Interest and Designs , can scarce ever be discover'd , but yet by this means may be won upon . In observing this Conduct , our Traveller would not fail to attract the Confidence of such an English-man , and so might get out of him why the English Nation is so fickle and unsteady in the midst of all its Prosperity , why they are so eager after Gain amidst so great Riches , and why they are so unfit for long Enterprizes and tedious Conquests , tho they have such good Armies and Fleets . In a word , he 'd learn more of this English-man in three days , than he could perhaps in reading all the Historians that have written of that Country . But to give the Demonstration of this , when ever any thing flatters and pleases a Man to such a degree as to make him despise what does not seem to bear a proportion to it , either he is a Fool , or under a disguise , or an intelligent Man set upon his own Interest , and over-zealous for it . If the first , a wise Traveller will easily discover him , and contemn him , without troubling himself to talk with him . If the second , he 'll make trial of him by the Rules I have been laying down ; so that this Man under a Mask shall not be able to proceed far without being either reduc'd to silence , or else betraying himself . If the last , he can't be a man of Knowledg but by the universal Principles of Policy , in which he has no advantage above our Traveller , or else by such particular Decisions he has made as are proper to his Country ; and in this point he excites all the Curiosity of our Traveller , who for his own satisfaction must apply himself to receive Instruction with all that nice Complaisance which we have been already supposing ; he must hearken , applaud , and enquire : for Attention and Applause always procure the Esteem and Confidence of him that speaks ; and a sweet , ingenuous and modest way of inquiring always returns with some discoveries ; Experience shews that it never fails to get some degrees of knowledg out of those upon whom 't is duly tried . The Information I have receiv'd even from a Servant as it were by accident , of a Visit made by a certain Person to his Master , has furnish'd me with the first occasion of diving into an Affair , of which I had not the least thought , and the discovery very of which gave me that satisfaction which is agreeable to one that travels for his Information . But to re●●●● this Effect the more certain ; to this quality one ought to add a Curiosity that is not impatient . Curiosity is needful in travelling , but then it ought not to be too brisk and lively , that one may the better dissemble the Motives of it , and cover 'em with the usual pretexts of such a vain Curiosity as only applies it self to the description of Churches , Palaces , Gardens , Fortifications , and the detail of such Counsels and Circumstances as the meanest Servants of a Court always understand , as well as those that compose Historical Relations . There must be Curiosity to mitigate the uneasiness and difficulty a man must be sure to meet with in accommodating one's way of Living , Habit and Manners , to the Custom of Countries so unlike one's own : for seeing Self-love hath more pressing Reasons when it deprives it self of what is pleasing to it , to expose it self to that to which it has an aversion ; 't is necessary that it be requited for quitting what it so naturally likes , by some other satisfaction which the Fancy has the art to represent as greater , more rare , and more durable ; without which there 's no probable ground to expect a Man should travel with delight , and 't would be an unadvised thing to attempt it . For to suppose that all those advantages a Man may make use of in Travelling will excuse him from all kind of uneasiness , is to please one's self with a mere Delusion , especially when a Man goes out of the Christian part of Europe . Curiosity therefore must serve instead of all other Pleasure to make amends for the Expence and Uneasiness to which our Traveller is expos'd . This Curiosity deprives it self of what it designs to obtain , when it once appears to be impatient , and it really is impatient when ever it appears to be so . Men of all Countries in the World are fram'd after such a manner , that no Man is willing to oblige another to his own disadvantage ; and the most grateful and officious Person that can be will never give an occasion of getting an advantage over him by what he discovers . All that observe a Traveller have in this respect the same impression ; every body suspects that Man to have some special design , who leaves his Family and his Country to expose himself to Sickness and other Dangers and Inconveniences , which are inevitable . They that suppose he has only a sensual Curiosity are always indulgent enough to satisfy him in that respect , because self-love obliges a Man to discover whatever is curious in his own Country to a Stranger : but it being another sort of Traveller that I have been supposing , namely , one who seeks to get an insight into State-Policy ; the chief Advice I would give him , is not to devest himself of Curiosity ( for that would be unreasonable ) but not to be impatient in seeking to give it satisfaction . Impatience is the daughter of Desire , and this if it be reasonable , must be the production of the Judgment , which will fully convince a Man that whatever sets him at a greater distance from the end he has in view , can't be proper to lead him to it . Now Impatience will infallibly set our Traveller at a greater distance from the End he proposes , and consequently cannot be fit to promote the Pleasure he expects from it . But to make it the better understood how and why Impatience retards the satisfaction of the Curiosity , one need only observe that it produces such precaution in the Minds of those with whom a Traveller converses , as becomes a kind of Partition-wall , that he must either pierce through or break down before he can discover what is acted on the other side of it . The more importunate a Man of understanding perceives a Stranger to be to get information , the less willing he is to satisfy him , and keeps the greater guard on himself not to gratify his desire till he is as it were necessitated to do it , and has learn'd something of this Traveller that may oblige him to it . This Obstacle is so great that one must not think either of slighting it , or of overcoming it without a considerable space of time , and a great deal of management . If a Man presumes to do the former , he 'll find every body prejudic'd against him , when the Person he has slighted comes to explain himself after a manner that is disadvantageous to him : and if he depends on the latter course , he engages himself in a great Charge with more than a moral uncertainty of succeeding in his Design . Would it not therefore be much better for our Traveller to appear free and easy in the presence of such Persons , that they may not become so cautious , but may attribute that only to his Curiosity which by his Impatience he 'll give 'em occasion to impute to a desire of knowing the present state of the Government in which they are concern'd ? And on this head it will not be improper to alledg an Example of which I have been a witness my self . I happen'd to be in a certain foreign Court , where there was a Dutch-man who had a great deal of Wit , and made too great an appearance not to be suspected ; this Person desir'd Audience of one of the principal Ministers of State , who in conversation making use of that right which his Rank and Authority gave him , ask'd him , What was the Motive of his Travels ? The Dutch-man thinking to make his Court to him , answer'd , that it was to learn of him as well as by the Example of other Persons of his figure , to understand the Government of a State. The Minister coldly replied , You had need of a great deal of time , and a ripeness of Age to succeed in a business of this nature . To which this Stranger made this foolish return , My Curiosity ( says he ) and impatience after Knowledg may abridg both the one and the other . At this Answer the Statesman rose up and left him , with these words , For my part , Sir , I perceive I shall contribute nothing to either . And the Dutch-man was driven to despair to find himself suspected by a Minister of State , who had receiv'd him with affability , and now look'd upon him as a Man of no sense . Needs any more to be said to shew that Curiosity , which is suppos'd necessary to a Traveller , ought not to be impatient ? But for this end there 's need of a great deal of judgment , and a good faculty of discerning the Humor of Nations , and the Temper of particular Mens Minds , which is a Talent that one can't communicate to any Man. After all it is not impossible not to be impatient to learn what one goes so far to seek : for as our Traveller has not assign'd his Voyages a precise space of time , much less does he pretend to prescribe Laws to foreign Nations ; 't is his business to accommodate the extent of his Curiosity to the measure of his Capacity , and to proportion the effects of it to the good success he has had in foreign Discoveries : All Occasions , Seasons and Conjunctures are not equally proper for this purpose . There are some States in which nothing at all is to be learn'd during the time of War , and others wherein one can get no information but in such a time . In one place Peace is an Obstacle to politick Discoveries , in another War shuts up all the Avenues to the confidence of particular Persons . There are some Ministers under whose Conduct Men dare not speak , and others under whose Government people say any thing . Hence it is that some Travellers learn more than others , tho perhaps they are Persons of like Ability and Curiosity . And if I may be permitted to add my Opinion , I shall not scruple to say , that a Man ought to travel at several times and occasions to the same Court , to be well assur'd of Improvement , and that he has penetrated into the Maxims and Conduct of it . Let any one judg after this , whether Impatience is not an invincible Obstacle to Curiosity , and how great a disadvantage they must be under , whose too great Vivacity precipitates 'em , and whose warm Temper exposes 'em rather to the Censure than procures 'em the Confidence of foreign Nations . 'T is still much worse when a Man has not such a politick undetermin'd posture of Mind as to act with impartiality , and not to shew any prejudice or a strong inclination to the Maxims of his own Country on the one hand , and on the other hand an indifference for those of others . And this being the great and indeed the original fault that Men carry into other Countries , one can't too much argue against it , and shew the danger of it . Universal Reason , which is the foundation of Policy , directs that a Man of Honor part from his own Country undetermin'd in his Mind , that is , so dispos'd to learn of all Men according to the foremention'd Passage of the wise Man ; Bona enim & mala ex hominibus tentabit ; He shall try what is good and evil among Men : That he may appear docile to every Man , and receive any one courteously who is willing to give him any Information . 'T is not only useless but dangerous to travel without this disposition ; for the diversity of Minds one meets with being the only remedy against Prejudice , an inconsiderate and heady Traveller often ruins his Health , as well as corrupts his Reason , by every thing which might otherwise improve the one and restore the other . 'T was this that made the late Elector Palatine say , That Man is a fool that goes out of his own Country without hopes of returning with more Honor , Wisdom and Knowledg than what he carried abroad . This disposition being suppos'd will be followed by another , and that is , that a wise Traveller will never return undetermin'd in his Mind , as he was when he went out : But fully convinc'd what is the greatest and most solid Advantage , with which he has had the address to form his Mind in proportion to the Capacity he has had of casting abundance of differing matters together , only to extract out of 'em what might contribute to his improvement in Knowledg . This temper of Mind is more easily spoken of than found ; for the Mind must be moulded after an extraordinary manner to be capable of that docility which places a Man at the feet of others to learn their Instructions ; and 't is next to a Miracle to find a Genius of this Character , which is fix'd and solid enough to come to a determination in the midst of such a prodigious number of Maxims which all result from Reason as their Principle , tho the Effects they produce appear so opposite one to another . And again there is danger lest this docility with which a Man prepares himself in going abroad , should degenerate into Irresolution , Easiness , and servile Complaisance at his return . That which is to be seen in the greatest part of those who are willing to make too deep and prying a search into matters of Religion in prejudice to the establish'd Systems , who often by their too curious Enquiries are brought at last to sit loose from all Religion , and die in this irresolution of Mind , often happens to those middle-witted Persons whose Minds are tractable in appearance , but weak in reality , so that by the very prospect of the many different Maxims of Government , they become uncapable of governing ; because their Minds are not endow'd with a vigor and heat sufficient to melt down all such matters together , and to extract out of 'em only what precisely sutes with the Government of the Country in which they live . One may every day see not only a great many Travellers , but even Ministers of State and Ambassadors , whose Minds are so fram'd , that their Heads turn round instead of becoming firm and stable at the appearance of so many different Circumstances and Measures . On which account the old Prince Lubomirski was wont to say , that such sort of Men are sent abroad to learn the art of being regular Fools . Indeed such Persons appear so little furnished with the general Ideas of Policy , and so deeply preposses'd with the particular Maxims of their own Country , that their Weakness is discover'd almost as soon as they begin to talk . To speak yet more plainly for the good of the publick , 't is Ignorance that determines the Judgments of some Travellers ; even before the Maxims of foreign Countries are known to 'em , they go from home so full of Prejudice , that they are resolv'd to return possess'd with greater Opiniatrety than when they went out : whence it comes to pass either that they can learn nothing because of their prevention , or else they see and observe so much that they can come to no decisive Judgment , like those who have more Victuals in their Stomachs than they have natural heat to digest . To this purpose the late Prince Charles of Lorrain us'd to say ; If these Travellers would learn with a design of improving in Knowledg , they would act becomingly ; but to presume they know every thing , before they are capable of learning , is the way to become a distinguish'd Fop. And Ignorance in this matter contains in it three respects , which the greatest part of the World does not sufficiently consider , at least they seldom or never unite 'em all together . The first regards the Principles of universal Policy ; which Persons of ordinary Parts almost perpetually confound with the actual Determinations of the Government of their Country . 'T is true , there are every where some Minds more sublime and judicious , who go to the bottom of things , and seek out means of repairing the Defects of the Politicks of their Country : but it generally so happens that Persons of this Genius are seldom advanc'd into favor , and meet with very little Respect in a State ; whether it be that they want Docility to accommodate themselves to the Humors of others , or Submission to procure them Patrons , or Ambition to push 'em forward . It was of this sort of Men that the Duke of Parma once said , They were of the same use to States , as Props to old Houses to hinder their fall . The second sort of Ignorance respects Persons of another Genius , who surpassing the former as well in Number as Authority , are in possession of the privilege of setting a value upon things , and giving weight to Decisions that are made : and hence it almost necessarily comes to pass , that that is suppos'd to be best and truest , which appears to be most authoriz'd , and most generally receiv'd . And this Mistake is almost irreparable , if we take the matter in general , in as much as the number of just and sublime Minds being every where very small , and that of narrow Capacities almost immense in proportion to the other ; there is between both a sort of middle-siz'd Understandings , to whose Decision those of a subordinate Rank pay a blind deference , which produces that publick Impression which obtains on the generality of People , that such as fill the first places in any Government , are ordinarily the wisest and ablest Men. This popular Opinion is often heard without contradiction , and this silence encreases the number of the Suffrages that are given 'em , by which means People are confirm'd and rivetted in their Ignorance . The Dutch with some appearance of Reason value themselves upon their scrupulous care of avoiding the first of these Instances of National Ignorance ; because they indeed apply themselves more than any other Nation to dive into the Principles and special Uses of universal Policy : And we design hereafter to shew what is their Motive , and how it is supported , in a Treatise of the Politic Genius of the United Provinces . But they have too little firmness to keep 'em from falling into the second Error , which will always mightily check the Projects they lay in particular Determinations . On the contrary , the Spaniards very stupidly fall into all the faults of the first Mistake by their negligence and contempt of the Principles of Universal Policy , which they seem not to know , but only so as to appropriate them to themselves without any distinction of Actions , Persons , Interests and Obstacles , which foils 'em at every turn , and defeats 'em in all Treaties . But they preserve among 'em the liberty of speaking with firmness of Mind about public Affairs against the second Instance of National Ignorance : and therefore the Duke of Holstein Ploen said one day at Vienna with a great deal of solidity ; By the first course the Dutch will support themselves a great while , but never advance very far : Whereas the Spaniards have enough to do to sustain themselves by reason of the actual weakness of their present Situation ; but if ever they come to recover themselves , they can't fail of making a very great advance . The third respect of this National Ignorance proceeds from the Indisposition Men are in to know others , by reason of the little sincerity and application they use to get the knowledg of themselves , which betrays 'em into frequent Mistakes , and occasions 'em to take the Faults of a Nation for the Genius of it , and the Art of augmenting those Faults ( instead of mending 'em ) for Motives of governing it . Nay more than this , Men are willing to misunderstand their own Properties which might be cultivated , and by that means neglect the Remedies by which they might continually rectify them . Perhaps these Metaphysical Abstractions will not sute every body's Palat ; but I have already declar'd that I speak in general without making a particular application of things , and am unwilling to offend any one . However 't is certain that every Nation has its faults , its singular qualities , its bright and dark sides ; and if an Instance of this be desir'd , the love of Riches will one time or other ruin the Dutch , but the indefatigable Industry they are capable of to acquire Wealth , will be their support a long time . Ambition is a fault in the French , which may run to dangerous Extremes ; but their Valor and Activity will serve a great while to sustain ' em . To avoid being ignorant of any thing that relates to this , both these are to be throughly consider'd , and exactly balanc'd one against the other ; and a Man ought to be convinc'd by himself which side has the greatest weight , either to do the most Mischief , or procure the most Good. But in good earnest do Men usually begin their Voyages with such a preliminary Knowledg as this ? And yet less than this will not suffice to travel to any purpose ; and for want of this Discussion , Men carry nothing but Ignorance with them into Foreign Courts . I could advance a great deal on this Head , but shall produce only two Examples , which may serve to instruct others , and 't is in what I have been a Witness my self . A certain Gentleman that made a good Appearance , and had very great Recommendations ( a fatal help in a Foreign Court when a Man has not the art of supporting them well by his own Conduct ) was ask'd by a Minister of State , What was the occasion of his Travels , because he seem'd to be of a weak Constitution , and considerably advanc'd in Years , and therefore probably had some particular design in view . The Gentleman ingenuously answer'd : Sir , I travel to acquaint my self with Europe , and to take occasion hereafter to make my own Country acquainted with it . The Minister replied ; If the Pencil that is to draw your Picture of Europe is like that with which you describe your own Country , there will be more Fancy than Truth in your Originals . Sir , I can scarce believe ( return'd the Gentleman ) that there are any more perfect ones than those I have left in my own Country . Upon which the Minister rose up and said , Sir , you seem to me to be rather struck with one certain Impression than to have a true knowledg of things ; you 'll judg of us by that in which you most excel : Have a care that you be not judg'd of here by that in which you are most deficient . This Stranger was cast into so great a perplexity , when he compar'd this Answer with the first Compliments of Esteem for his Country , and for the Recommendations he brought from thence , that he was quite nonplus'd . And tho he would several times fain have recover'd himself , and endeavor'd by great Expence , Industry and Conversation with ingenious Men to inform himself better than he had done ; all signified nothing but to give occasion to have it said to him at the end of eighteen Months , Sir , you had need to come and consult us ; you see a Man learns much if he knows but little when he leaves his own Country ; and that he has made no small advantage , who has acquir'd by his Travels the art of Learning . The second Instance is of one who was sent with the Charge of a Negotiation to a Court , where he had Orders to tarry only so long as was necessary to perform his Duty , and to wait for an Answer . He came and lodg'd in a Publick House , where he was complimented on the part of the Chief Minister by an Abbot , who found him ready to sit down at Table , very much displeas'd at the way of dressing the Victuals which was prepar'd according to the gust of the Country : After the first Compliments were past , this Envoy could not help saying , What sort of a Country have you here , Sir ? Here is not so good eating as in other places where I have been , and nothing near so good as at my own Table . Sir , ( said the Abbot ) Men reason here as they ought to do , but do not much trouble their heads about the art of Cookery ; that they leave to other Nations to carry to the highest pitch of Perfection they please . What ( reply'd the Envoy ) can there be just reasoning in a Country where every thing seems out of order At which the Abbot rose up and said , You shall judg of our Country ( if you please ) by your selves ; and we 'll refer our selves in this matter to your Opinion , provided you don 't pretend to subject ours to your pleasure . By the recital of this foolish Discourse of the Envoy , the Minister of State had a sufficient discovery of his Character : the day following he came to his Audience , where nothing was discours'd but State-Affairs ; and as he was going out , says the Minister in a tone of Railery : Be sure to get a good Dinner , Sir , and pray order your matters so as to dine with me to morrow . The Envoy did not fail to come , and opposite to him was plac'd one of those secret Censors , who penetrate a Man as soon as he begins to open his Mouth , without regard to his Office , of which they never speak directly or indirectly . He was magnificently regal'd , and at the time when the Table allows a liberty of free Discourse ; Well Sir , says this Censor , how d' ye like this Country ? There 's nothing but Magnificence ( says the Envoy ) every where , but yet here 's one thing wanting : to which the other wittily reply'd ; If it be nothing but your Approbation , we can do well enough without it . Indeed this Envoy was not long enough at this Court to improve himself by it : for when he left it he was so entirely displeas'd with it , that by signifying his Disgust , he gave occasion to 'em to let him know a thousand ways , that they were every jot as much disgusted with him . At his return he made a ridiculous Description of this Court : but Men had need take care what they say , for there happen'd to be a Stranger in the company who made this disdainful Reply : If your own Country ( said he ) could not furnish you with common Sense , how could you expect that a Court which you did but just pass through should teach you what you had no disposition to learn ? This Repartee was carried to that Court of which this Envoy had given so unsutable a Character , and 't is certain he a long time pass'd there for the greatest Fool that ever was honour'd with a public Employ : These are the Effects of Ignorance , and a sottish Prejudice . That is never to be learn'd in Travelling which 't is suppos'd a well-bred Man ought to know before he engages in Travels . For the Principles of Society and Policy are so link'd together , that he that transgresses the former , renders himself ridiculous when he speaks , to signify some unjust Preference that he makes in it . The confounding of a personal Determination of a Minister of State , together with a National Determination , is a second Stumbling-block , against which the greatest part of inconsiderate and raw Travellers break their Shins : Who when they are spoken to about the actual Symptoms of the Government of their Country , on purpose to put 'em upon discoursing , if instead of intimating by a wise Reply , that they know how to distinguish the Interests and Designs of their Country from the personal Motives of those who govern it , which on that account determine them otherwise , they confound them both together , they pass for Fools , and mere Butterflies , that always flutter about that which casts the greatest Light. And after a Man has once made such a false step , let him try as long as he pleases , he 'll find it impossible to set himself right again in the Esteem of Men of sense , Railery will take its turn after serious Discourse ; and the greater Expence he shall be at to introduce himself into good Company , the more ridiculous will he appear to ' em . And if you tell these stupid Creatures , or ( if you please ) these pretended Politicians , that they err in the first Principles of Policy , they 'll treat you as a ridiculous and whimsical Person ; nay some of 'em have been so ill-temper'd as to endeavour to render a Man suspected , for having had respect and kindness enough for his Country to advertise 'em of their Mistake . The Faults of every Nation are known in all foreign Countries : Nay they compose divers Axioms of 'em , which are not altogether false ; for after all , if they are not all of 'em absolutely true , there 's something in 'em infallibly so . And whether it be Prejudice or Time that has given Authority to this sort of Proverbs , 't is certain whoever shocks 'em , goes for an extravagant Man. The Art of Travelling teaches a Man to keep his equal distance from the Extremities of wholly denying , or wholly confessing such National Faults . For 't is equally dangerous to err on either hand , which very few Persons consider : He that denies a Fault that is imputed to his Country , pulls an old House upon his head in irritating the People among whom he resides at present , which must needs be a great piece of Imprudence . Nor is that Traveller much wiser who falls into the other Extreme , that is , coldly and tamely to grant every Story that is impos'd on his Country ; for tho he should captivate some vulgar Minds by this Air of Sincerity , he 'll be sure to get the Reputation of a Fop among Persons of Note . 'T is still worse when a Traveller grants that with which his Country is reproach'd , only to take his turn immediately to twit that Nation where he is thus attack'd with that Fault which is imputed to it in our Traveller's Country ; for this is to insult over People at their own home , and therefore can't choose but irritate ' em . And the wisest Men will disapprove of any man's coming into a Country to reproach it with a Fault , which 't is always asham'd to be thought to have , and perfectly hates to hear laid to its charge . What then must a Man do in this case ? Why that which no body will ever teach you , if you neglect to learn it before you leave your own Country ; And that is , to study well the Defects and Virtues of your Country by setting 'em in opposition one to the other , that so you may oppose 'em when occasion requires to what is imputed to you , and may speak of the one , without signifying any thing for or against the others , by entering into a particular Examination and Confutation of ' em . By this Conduct you 'l pass in Foreign Nations for a wise Man , by this means your Capacity will be known , and you 'l be consider'd and esteem'd in proportion to the Knowledg you appear to have , and to the Advantage others may have of learning by you to become acquainted with a Nation which perhaps they never design to see . And since one Story draws out another , that which you give concerning your Country will infallibly procure you the knowledg of the Nation where you are ; and by this Address you 'll easily get a solid understanding of what you came to seek , namely , the discovery of the Genius , Policy , and Manners of a whole Nation . This is the Product of Skill in the Art of Travelling . I 'll give one Instance which formerly touch'd me very sensibly . A certain Italian being in Lithuania , one of the principal Lords of the Country said to him in Conversation : Whence is it , Sir , that the Italians never forgive an Injury ? My Lord , reply'd the Italian , 't is because they are never easily offended . Now this being the great fault of the Polish and Lithuanian Nobility , the Repartee was very witty , and as it seem'd to me , the most subtil and ingenious Censure that a Man could pass on ' em . The Lithuanian Nobleman receiv'd the Impression of it so prudently , that he even affected to expose the fault of his Country yet farther , in making this return : Sir , ( said he ) we should be as easily offended as you have been made to believe of us in your Country , if we could be capable of being displeas'd to hear the Truth told us with so good a Grace . He afterwards presented him with a Horse , and order'd that he should be conducted at his Charge from his Estate , which lies within two days Journy of Grodnaw , as far as Dantzick , whither this Italian had a mind to go . And now let any one put in the room of what he has been reading , such a disposition of Mind as the greatest part travel with , and he 'll easily perceive what is produc'd by that busy Preference which determines on the first Prejudices , which are almost always false , and may easily judg by this whether it was not necessary to give the Publick a method of Travelling . I intend hereafter to treat of the Politic Genius of all the Courts of Europe , and hope the manner in which I shall discourse of 'em will sute the relish of the World ; because I am to treat of the Facts and Maxims of common Use and Conversation , without which 't is impossible to penetrate into the true Spirit of those Courts : And I shall begin with the Port , or Ottoman Court. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A69842-e2340 * A Septier is a measure of Corn containing about 240 pound weight . * A Blanc is about the value of a Half-penny . A60965 ---- Oroonoko a tragedy, as it is acted at the Theatre-Royal by His Majesty's servants / written by Tho. Southerne. Southerne, Thomas, 1660-1746. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A60965 of text R12217 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing S4761). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 193 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A60965 Wing S4761 ESTC R12217 11911468 ocm 11911468 50837

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A60965) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50837) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 514:12) Oroonoko a tragedy, as it is acted at the Theatre-Royal by His Majesty's servants / written by Tho. Southerne. Southerne, Thomas, 1660-1746. Congreve, William, 1670-1729. Behn, Aphra, 1640-1689. Oroonoko. [8], 84, [2] p. Printed for H. Playford ..., B. Tooke ..., and S. Buckley ..., London : 1696. Based on Mrs. Behn's novel of the same name, which was partly founded on fact. Epilogue by Congreve. First edition. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
eng Slavery -- Suriname -- Drama. shcnoOroonokoSoutherne, Thomas16963278013000003.97B The rate of 3.97 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-09 Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Oroonoko : A TRAGEDY As it is Acted at the Theatre-Royal , By His MAJESTY'S SERVANTS .

Written by THO. SOUTHERNE .

Quo fata trahunt , virtus secura sequetur . Lucan . Virtus recludens immeritis mori Coelum , negatâ tentat iter viâ . Hor. Od. 2. lib. 3.

LONDON : Printed for H. Playford in the Temple-Change . B. Tooke at the Middle-Temple-Gate . And S. Buckley at the Dolphin against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet . M DC XC VI.

To His GRACE WILLIAM Duke of Devonshire , &c. Lord Steward of His Majesty's Houshold , Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter , and One of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council . MY LORD ,

THE Best part of the Fortune of my last Play ( The Innocent Adultery ) was , that it gave me an Opportunity of making my self known to Your Grace . You were pleased to countenance the Advances which I had been a great while directing and aiming at You , and have since encourag'd me into an Industry , which , I hope , will allow me in this Play to own ( which is the only way I can ) the great Obligations I have to You.

I stand engag'd to Mrs. Behn for the Occasion of a most Passionate Distress in my Last Play ; and in a Conscience that I had not made her a sufficient Acknowledgment , I have run further into her Debt for Oroonoko , with a Design to oblige me to be honest ; and that every one may find me out for Ingratitude , when I don't say all that 's sit for me upon that Subject . She had a great Command of the Stage ; and I have often wonder'd that she would bury her Favourite Hero in a Novel , when she might have reviv'd him in the Scene . She thought either that no Actor could represent him ; or she could not bear him represented : And I believe the last , when I remember what I have heard from a Friend of hers , That she always told his Story , more feelingly , than she writ it . Whatever happen'd to him at Surinam , he has mended his Condition in England . He was born here under Your Grace's Influence ; and that has carried his Fortune farther into the World , than all the Poetical Stars that I could have sollicited for his Success . It was Your Opinion , My Lord , that directed me to Mr. Verbruggen ; and it was his Care to maintain Your Opinion , that directed the Town to me , the Better Part of it , the People of Quality ; whose Favours as I am proud of , I shall always be industrious to preserve .

My Lord , I know the Respect and Reverence which in this Address I ought to appear in before You , who are so intimate with the Ancients , so general a Knower of the several Species of Poetry , and so Just a Judge in the Trials of this kind . You have an Absolute Power to Arraign and Convict , but a prevailing Inclination to Pardon and Save ; and from the Humanity of Your Temper , and the true Knowledge of the Difficulties of succeeding this way , never aggravate or insist upon Faults Quas aut incuria fudit , Aut humana parùm cavit Natura . Hor. Art. Poet. to our Condemnation , where they are Venial , and not against the Principles of the Art we pretend to . Horace , who found it so , says , Gratia Regum Pieriis tentata modis . The Favour of Great Men is the Poets Inheritance , and all Ages have allow'd 'em to put in their Claim ; I only wish that I had Merit enough to prefer me to Your Grace : That I might deserve in some measure that Patronage which You are pleased to bestow on me : That I were a Horace for such a Mecoenas : That I could describe what I admire ; and tell the World what I really think , That as You possess those Infinite Advantages of Nature and Fortune in so Eminent a degree ; that as You so far excel in the Perfections of Body and Mind , You were design'd and fashion'd a Prince , to be the Honour of the Nation , and the Grace and Ornament of the Court. Sir , In the Fulness of Happiness and Blessings which You enjoy , I can only bring in my Wishes for the Continuance of 'em ; they shall constantly be devoted to you , with all the Services of ,

MY LORD , Your Grace's most Obliged , most Thankful , and most Humble Servant , THO. SOUTHERNE .
PROLOGUE to Oroonoko . Sent by an Unknown Hand . And Spoken by Mr. Powell . AS when in Hostile Times two Neighbouring States Strive by themselves , and their Confederates ; The War at first is made with awkard Skill , And Soldiers clumsily each other kill : Till time at length their untaught Fury tames , And into Rules their heedless Rage reclaims : Then every Science by degrees is made Subservient to the Man-destroying Trade : Wit , Wisdom , Reading , Observation , Art ; A well-turn'd Head to guide a Generous Heart . So it may prove with our Contending Stages , If you will kindly but supply their Wages : Which you with ease may furnish , by retrenching Your Superfluities of Wine and Wenching . who 'd grudge to spare from Riot and hard Drinking , To lay it out on means to mend his thinking ? To follow such Advice you shou'd have leisure , Since what refines your Sense , refines your Pleasure : Women grown tame by Use each Fool can get , But Cuckolds all are made by Men of Wit. To Virgin Favours Fools have no pretence : For Maidenheads were made for Men of Sense . 'T is not enough to have a Horse well bred , To shew his Mettle , he must be well fed : Nor is it all in Provender and Breed , He must be try'd and strain'd , to mend his speed : A Favour'd Poet , like a Pamper'd Horse , Will strain his Eye-balls out to win the Course . Do you but in your Wisdoms vote it fit To yield due Succors to this War of Wit , The Buskin with more grace shall tread the Stage , Love sigh in softer Strains , Heroes less Rage : Satyr shall show a Triple Row of Teeth , And Comedy shall laugh your Fops to death : Wit shall refine , and Pegasus shall foam , And soar in search of Ancient Greece and Rome . And since the Nation 's in the Conquering Fit , As you by Arms , we 'll vanquish France in Wit : The Work were over , cou'd our Poets write With half the Spirit that our Soldiers fight .
Persons Represented .

MEN. BY Oroonoko , Mr. Verbruggen . Aboan , Mr. Powell . Lieutenant-Governor of Surinam , Mr. Williams . Blanford , Mr. Harland . Stanmore , Mr. Horden . Jack Stanmore , Mr. Mills . Capt. Driver , Mr. Ben. Johnson . Daniel , Son to Widow Lackitt , Mr. Mich. Lee. Hottman , Mr. Sympson .

Planters , Indians , Negroes , Men , Women , and Children .

WOMEN . BY Imoinda , Mrs. Rogers . Widow Lackitt , Mrs. Knight . Charlot Welldon , in Man's Cloaths , Mrs. Verbruggen . Lucy Welldon , her Sister , Mrs. Lucas .

The SCENE Surinam , a Colony in the West-Indies ; at the Time of the Action of this Tragedy , in the Possession of the English.

OROONOKO .
ACT I. SCENE I. Enter Welldon following Lucia . Luc.

WHAT will this come to ? What can it end in ? You have persuaded me to leave dear England , and dearer London , the place of the World most worth living in , to follow you a Husband-hunting into America : I thought Husbands grew in these Plantations .

Well .

Why so they do , as thick as Oranges , ripening one under another . Week after week they drop into some Woman's mouth : 'T is but a little patience , spreading your Apron in expectation , and one of 'em will fall into your Lap at last .

Luc.

Ay , so you say indeed .

Well .

But you have left dear London , you say : Pray what have you left in London that was very dear to you , that had not left you before ?

Luc.

Speak for your self , Sister .

Well .

Nay , I 'll keep you in countenance . The Young Fellows , you know , the dearest part of the Town , and without whom London had been a Wilderness to you and me , had forsaken us a great while .

Luc.

Forsaken us ! I don't know that they ever had us .

Well .

Forsaken us the worst way , Child ; that is , did not think us worth having ; they neglected us , no longer design'd upon us , they were tir'd of us . Women in London are like the Rich Silks , they are out of fashion a great while before they wear out .

Luc.

The Devil take the Fashion , I say .

Well .

You may tumble 'em over and over at their first coming up , and never disparage their Price ; but they fall upon wearing immediately , lower and lower in their value , till they come to the Broker at last .

Luc.

Ay , ay , that 's the Merchant they deal with . The Men would have us at their own scandalous Rates : Their Plenty makes 'em wanton ; and in a little time , I suppose , they won't know what they would have of the Women themselves .

Well .

O , yes , they know what they wou'd have . They wou'd have a Woman give the Town a Pattern of her Person and Beauty , and not stay in it so long to have the whole Piece worn out . They wou'd have the Good Face only discover'd , and not the Folly that commonly goes along with it . They say there is a vast Stock of Beauty in the Nation , but a great part of it lies in unprofitable hands ; therefore for the good of the Publick , they wou'd have a Draught made once a Quarter , send the decaying Beauties for Breeders into the Countrey , to make room for New Faces to appear , to countenance the Pleasures of the Town .

Luc.

'T is very hard , the Men must be young as long as they live , and poor Women be thought decaying and unfit for the Town at One or Two and twenty . I 'm sure we were not Seven Years in London .

Well .

Not half the time taken notice of , Sister . The Two or Three last Years we could make nothing of it , even in a Vizard-Masque ; not in a Vizard-Masque , that has cheated many a man into an old acquaintance . Our Faces began to be as familiar to the Men of Intrigue , as their Duns , and as much avoided . We durst not appear in Publick Places , and were almost grudg'd a Gallery in the Churches : Even there they had their Jests upon us , and cry'd , She 's in the right on 't , good Gentlewoman , since no man considers her Body , she does very well indeed to take care of her Soul.

Luc.

Such unmannerly fellows there will always be .

Well .

Then , you may remember , we were reduc'd to the last necessity , the necessity of making silly Visits to our civil Acquaintance , to bring us into tolerable Company . Nay , the young Inns-of-Court Beaus , of but one Term's standing in the Fashion , who knew no body , but as they were shewn 'em by the Orange-Women , had Nicknames for us : How often have they laugh'd out , There goes my Landlady ; Is not she come to let Lodgings yet ?

Luc.

Young Coxcombs that knew no better .

Well .

And that we must have come to . For your part , what Trade cou'd you set up in ? You wou'd never arrive at the Trust and Credit of a Guinea-Bawd : You wou'd have too much Business of your own , ever to mind other Peoples .

Luc.

That is true indeed .

Well .

Then , as a certain sign that there was nothing more to be hop'd for , the Maids at the Chocolate-Houses found us out , and laugh'd at us : Our Billet-doux lay there neglected for Waste-Paper : We were cry'd down so low we cou'd not pass upon the City ; and became so notorious in our galloping way , from one end of the Town to t'other , that at last we cou'd hardly compass a competent change of Petticoats to disguize us to the Hackney-Coachmen : And then it was near walking a-foot indeed .

Luc.

Nay , that I began to be afraid of .

Well .

To prevent which , with what Youth and Beauty was left , some Experience , and the small Remainder of Fifteen hundred Pounds apiece , which amounted to bare Two hundred between us both , I persuaded you to bring your Person for a Venture to the Indies . Every thing has succeeded in our Voyage : I pass for your Brother : One of the Richest Planters here happening to dye just as we landed , I have claim'd Kindred with him : So , without making his Will , he has left us the Credit of his Relation to trade upon : We pass for his Cousins , coming here to Surinam chiefly upon his Invitation : We live in Reputation ; have the best Acquaintance of the place ; and we shall see our account in 't , I warrant you .

Luc.

I must rely upon you

Enter Widow Lackitt .
Wid.

Mr Welldon , your Servant . Your Servant , Mrs. Lucy . I am an Ill Visitor , but 't is not too late , I hope , to bid you welcome to this side of the world .

[ Salutes Lucy .
Well .

Gad so , I beg your Pardon , Widow , I shou'd have done the Civilities of my House before : but , as you say , 't is not too late , I hope .

[ Going to kiss her .
Wid.

What! You think now this was a civil way of begging a Kiss ; and by my Troth , if it were , I see no harm in 't ; 't is a pitiful Favour indeed that is not worth asking for : Tho I have known a Woman speak plainer before now , and not understood neither .

Well .

Not under my Roof . Have at you , Widow .

Wid.

Why , that 's well said , spoke like a Younger Brother , that deserves to have a Widow .

[ He kisses her .

You 're a Younger Brother , I know , by your kissing .

Well .

How so , pray ?

Wid.

Why , you kiss as if you expected to be paid for 't . You have Birdlime upon your Lips. You stick so close , there 's no getting rid of you .

Well .

I am a-kin to a Younger Brother .

Wid.

So much the better : We Widows are commonly the better for Younger Brothers .

Luc.

Better , or worse , most of you . But you won't be much better for him , I can tell you .

[ aside .
Well .

I was a Younger Brother ; but an Uncle of my Mother's has malicionsly left me an Estate , and , I 'm afraid , spoil'd my Fortune .

Wid.

No , no ; an Estate will never spoil your Fortune . I have a good Estate my self , thank Heaven , and a kind Husband that left it behind him .

Well .

Thank Heaven , that took him away from it , Widow , and left you behind him .

Wid.

Nay , Heav'ns Will must be done ; he 's in a better place .

Well .

A better place for you , no doubt on 't : Now you may look about you ; chuse for your self , Mrs. Lackitt , that 's your business ; for I know you design to marry again .

Wid.

O dear ! Not I , I protest and swear ; I don't design it : But I won't swear neither ; one does not know what may happen to tempt one .

Well .

Why , a lusty young Fellow may happen to tempt you .

Wid.

Nay , I 'll do nothing rashly : I 'll resolve against nothing . The Devil they say , is very busy upon these occasions ; especially with the Widows . But if I am to be tempted , it must be with a Young Man , I promise you Mrs. Lucy , Your Brother is a very pleasant Gentleman : I came about Business to him , but he turns every thing into Merriment .

Well .

Business , Mrs. Lackitt . Then , I know , you wou'd have me to your self . Pray leave us together , Sister .

[ Exit Luc.

What am I drawing upon my self here ?

[ aside .
Wid.

You have taken a very pretty House here ; every thing so neat about you already . I hear you are laying out for a Plantation .

Well .

Why , yes truly , I like the Countrey , and wou'd buy a Plantation , if I cou'd , reasonably .

Wid.

O! by all means , reasonably .

Well .

If I cou'd have one to my mind , I wou'd think of settling among you .

Wid.

O! you can't do better . Indeed we can't pretend to have so good company for you , as you had in England ; but we shall make very much of you . For my own part , I assure you , I shall think my self very happy to be more particularly known to you .

Well .

Dear Mrs. Lackitt , you do me too much Honour .

Wid.

Then as to a Plantation , Mr. Welldon , you know I have several to dispose of . Mr. Lackitt , I thank him , has left me , though I say it , the Richest Widow upon the place ; therefore I may afford to use you better than other people can . You shall have one upon any reasonable terms .

Well .

That 's a fair Offer indeed .

Wid.

You shall find me as easy as any body you can have to do with , I assure you . Pray try me , I wou'd have you try me , Mr. Welldon . Well , I like that Name of yours exceedingly , Mr. Welldon .

Well .

My Name !

Wid.

O exceedingly ! If any thing cou'd persuade me to alter my own Name , I verily believe nothing in the world wou'd do it so soon , as to be call'd Mrs. Welldon .

Well .

Why , indeed Welldon does sound something better than Lackitt .

Wid.

O! a great deal better . Not that there is so much in a Name neither . But I don't know , there is something : I shou'd like mightily to be call'd Mrs. Welldon .

Well .

I 'm glad you like my Name .

Wid.

Of all things . But then there 's the misfortune ; one can't change ones Name , without changing ones Condition .

Well .

You 'l hardly think it worth that , I believe .

Wid.

Think it worth what , Sir ? Changing my Condition ? Indeed , Sir , I think it worth every thing . But , alas ! Mr. Welldon , I have been a Widow but Six Months ; 't is too soon to think of changing ones Condition yet ; indeed it is : Pray don't desire it of me : Not but that you may persuade me to any thing , sooner than any Person in the world .

Well .

Who , I , Mrs. Lackitt ?

Wid.

Indeed you may , Mr. Welldon , sooner than any man living . Lord , there 's a great deal in saving a Decency : I never minded it before : Well , I 'm glad you spoke first to excuse my Modesty . But what , Modesty means nothing , and is the Virtue of a Girl , that does not know what she would be at : A Widow should be wiser . Now I will own to you ; but I won't confess neither ; I have had a great Respect for you a great while : I beg your Pardon , Sir , and I must declare to you , indeed I must , if you desire to dispose of all I have in the world , in an Honourable Way , which I don't pretend to be any way deserving your consideration , my Fortune and Person , if you won't understand me without telling you so , are both at your service . Gad so ! another time

Stanmore enters to ' em .
Stan.

So , Mrs. Lackitt , your Widowhood is waneing apace . I see which way 't is going . Welldon , you 're a happy man. The Women and their Favours come home to you .

Wid.

A fiddle of favour , Mr. Stanmore : I am a lone Woman , you know it , left in a great deal of Business ; and Business must be followed or lost . I have several Stocks and Plantations upon my hands , and other things to dispose of , which Mr. Welldon may have occasion for .

Well .

We were just upon the brink of a Bargain , as you came in .

Stan.

Let me drive it on for you .

Well .

So you must , I believe , you or somebody for me .

Stan.

I 'll stand by you : I understand more of this business , than you can pretend to .

Well .

I don't pretend to 't ; 't is quite out of my way indeed .

Stan

If the Widow gets you to her self , she will certainly be too hard for you : I know her of old : She has no Conscience in a Corner ; a very Jew in a bargain , and would circumcise you to get more of you .

Well .

Is this true , Widow ?

Wid.

Speak as you find , Mr. Welldon : I have offer'd you very fair : Think upon 't , and let me hear of you : The sooner the better , Mr. Welldon .

[ Exit .
Stan.

I assure you , my Friend , she 'll cheat you if she can .

Well .

I don't know that ; but I can cheat her , if I will.

Stan.

Cheat her ? How ?

Well .

I can marry her ; and then I 'm sure I have it in my power to chear her .

Stan.

Can you marry her ?

Well .

Yes , faith , so she says : Her pretty Person and Fortune ( which , one with the other , you know , are not contemptible ) are both at my service .

Stan.

Contemptible ! very considerable , I'gad ; very desirable : Why , she 's worth Ten thousand Pounds , man ; a clear Estate : No charge upon 't , but a boobi●y Son : He indeed was to have half ; but his Father begot him , and she breeds him up , not to know or have more than she has a mind to : And she has a mind to something else , it seems .

Well .

There 's a great deal to be made of this .

[ musing .
Stan.

A handsome Fortune may be made on 't ; and I advise you to 't , by all means .

Well .

To marry her ! an old , wanton Witch ! I h●●e her .

Stan.

No matter for that : Let her go to the Devil for you . She 'll cheat her Son of a good Estate for you : That 's a Perquisite of a Widow's Portion always .

Well

I have a design , and will follow her at least , till I have a Pen'worth of the Plantation .

Stan.

I speak as a friend , when I advise you to marry her . For 't is directly against the Interest of my own Family . My Cousin Jack has belabour'd her a good while that way .

Well .

What! Honest Jack ! I ll not hinder him . I 'll give over the thoughts of her .

Stan.

He 'll make nothing on 't ; she does not care for him . I 'm glad you have her in your power .

Well .

I may be able to serve him .

Stan.

Here 's a Ship come into the River ; I was in hopes it had been from England .

Well .

From England !

Stan.

No , I was disappointed ; I long to see this handsome Cousin of yours : The Picture you gave me of her has charm'd me .

Well .

You 'll see whether it has flatter'd her or no , in a little time . If she recover'd of that Illness that was the reason of her staying behind us , I know she will come with the first opportunity . We shall see her , or hear of her death .

Stan.

We 'll hope the best . The Ships from England are expected every day .

Well .

What Ship is this ?

Stan.

A Rover , a Buccaneer , a Trader in Slaves : That 's the Commodity we deal in , you know . If you have a curiosity to see our manner of marketting , I 'll wait upon you .

Well .

We 'll take my Sister with us .

[ Exeunt .
SCENE II. An Open Place . Enter Lieutenant-Governor and Blandford . Gov.

THere 's no resisting your Fortune , Blandford ; you draw all the Prizes .

Blan.

I draw for our Lord Governor , you know ; his Fortune favours me .

Gov.

I grudge him nothing this time ; but if Fortune had favour'd me in the last Sale , the Fair Slave had been mine ; Clemene had been mine .

Blan.

Are you still in love with her ?

Gov.

Every day more in love with her .

Enter Capt. Driver , teaz'd and pull'd about by Widow Lackitt and several Planters . Enter at another door Welldon , Lucia , Stanmore .
Wid.

Here have I six Slaves in my Lot , and not a Man among 'em ; all Women and Children ; what can I do with 'em , Captain ? Pray consider , I am a Woman my self , and can't get my own Slaves , as some of my Neighbours do .

1 Plan.

I have all Men in mine : Pray , Captain , let the Men and Women be mingled together , for Procreation-sake , and the good of the Plantation .

2 Plan.

Ay , ay , a Man and a Woman , Captain , for the good of the Plantation .

Capt.

Let 'em mingle together and be damn'd , what care I ? Would you have me pimp for the good of the Plantation ?

1 Plan.

I am a constant Customer , Captain .

Wid.

I am always Ready Money to you , Captain .

1 Plan.

For that matter , Mistress , my Money is as ready as yours .

Wid.

Pray hear me , Captain .

Capt.

Look you , I have done my part by you ; I have brought the number of Slaves you bargain'd for ; if your Lots have not pleas'd you , you must draw again among your selves .

3 Plan.

I am contented with my Lot.

4 Plan.

I am very well satisfied .

3 Plan.

We 'll have no drawing again .

Capt.

Do you hear , Mistress ? You may hold your tongue : For my part , I expect my Money .

Wid.

Captain , No body questions or scruples the Payment . But I won't hold my tongue ; 't is too much to pray and pay too : One may speak for ones own , I hope .

Capt.

Well , what wou'd you say ?

Wid.

I say no more than I can make out .

Capt.

Out with it then .

Wid.

I 〈◊〉 , things have not been so fair carry'd as they might have been . How do I know how you have juggled together in my absence ? You drew the Lots before I came , I 'm sure .

Capt.

That 's your own fault , Mistress ; you might have come sooner .

Wid.

Then here 's a Prince , as they say , among the Slaves , and you set him down to go as a common Man.

Capt.

Have you a mind to try what a Man he is ? You 'll find him no more than a common Man at your business .

Wid.

Sir , You 're a scurvy Fellow to talk at this rate to me . If my Husband were alive , Gadsbodykins , you wou'd not use me so .

Capt.

Right , Mistress , I would not use you at all .

Wid.

Not use me ! Your Betters every Inch of you , I wou'd have you to know , wou'd be glad to use me , Sirrah . Marry come up here , who are you , I trow ? You begin to think your self a Captain , forsooth , because we call you so . You forget your self as fast as you can ; but I remember you ; I know you for a pitiful paltry Fellow , as you are ; an Upstart to Prosperity ; one that is but just come acquainted with Cleanliness , and that never saw Five Shillings of your own , without deserving to be hang'd for ' em .

Gov.

She has giv'n you a Broadside , Captain ; You 'll stand up to her .

Capt.

Hang her , Stink-pot , I 'll come no near .

Wid.

By this good light , it wou'd make a Woman do a thing she never design'd ; Marry again , tho she were sure to repent it , to be reveng'd of such a

J. Stan.

What 's the matter , Mrs. Lackitt ? Can I serve you ?

Wid.

No , no , you can't serve me : You are for serving your self , I 'm sure . Pray go about your business , I have none for you : You know I have told you so . Lord ! how can you be so troublesome ? nay , so unconscionable , to think that every Rich Widow must throw her self away upon a Young Fellow that has nothing ?

Stan.

Jack , You are answer'd , I suppose .

J. Stan.

I 'll have another pluck at her .

Wid.

Mr. Welldon , I am a little out of order ; but pray bring your Sister to dine with me . Gad's my life , I 'm out of all patience with that pitiful Fellow : My flesh rises at him : I can't stay in the place where he is .

[ Exit .
Blan.

Captain , You have us'd the Widow very familiarly .

Capt.

This is my way ; I have no design , and therefore am not over civil . If she had ever a handsome Daughter to wheedle her out of : Or if I cou'd make any thing of her Booby Son.

Well .

I may improve that hint , and make something of him .

[ aside .
Gov.

She 's very Rich.

Capt.

I 'm rich my self . She has nothing that I want . I have no Leaks to stop . Old Women are Fortune-Menders . I have made a good Voyage , and wou'd reap the fruits of my labour . We plow the deep , my Masters , but our Harvest is on shore . I 'm for a Young Woman .

Stan.

Look about , Captain , there 's one ripe , and ready for the Sickle .

Capt.

A Woman indeed ! I will be acquainced with her : Who is she ?

Well .

My Sister , Sir.

Capt.

Wou'd I were a-kin to her : If she were my Sister , she shou'd never go out of the Family . What say you , Mistress ? You expect I should marry you , I suppose .

Luc.

I shan't be disappointed , if you don 't .

[ turning away .
Well .

She won't break her heart , Sir.

Capt.

But I mean

[ following her .
Well .

And I mean

[ Going between him and Lucia .

That you must not think of her without marrying .

Capt.

I mean so too .

Well .

Why then your meaning 's out .

Capt.

You 're very short .

Well .

I will grow , and be taller for you .

Capt.

I shall grow angry , and swear .

Well .

You 'll catch no fish then .

Capt.

I don't well know whether he designs to affront me , or no.

Stan.

No , no , he 's a little familiar ; 't is his way .

Cap.

Say you so ? Nay , I can be as familiar as he , if that be it . Well , Sir , look upon me full : What say you ? How do you like me for a Brother-in-law ?

Well .

Why yes , faith , you 'll do my business , If we can agree about my Sister 's .

[ turning him about .
Capt.

I don't know whether your Sister will like me , or not : I can't say much to her : But I have Money enough : And if you are her Brother , as you seem to be a-kin to her , I know that will recommend me to you .

Well .

This is your Market for Slaves ; my Sister is a Free Woman , and must not be dispos'd of in publick . You shall be welcome to my House , if you please : And , upon better acquaintance , if my Sister likes you , and I like your Offers ,

Capt.

Very well , Sir , I 'll come and see her .

Gov.

Where are the Slaves , Captain ? They are long a coming .

Blan.

And who is this Prince that 's fallen to my Lot , for the Lord Governor ? Let me know something of him , that I may treat him accordingly ; who is he ?

Capt.

He 's the Devil of a Fellow , I can tell you ; a Prince every Inch of him : You have paid dear enough for him , for all the good he 'll do you : I was forc'd to clap him in Irons , and did not think the Ship safe neither . You are in hostility with the Indians , they say ; they threaten you daily : You had best have an eye upon him .

Blan.

But who is he ?

Gov.

And how do you know him to be a Prince ?

Capt.

He is Son and Heir to the great King of Angola , a mischievous Monarch in those parts , who , by his good will , wou'd never let any of his Neighbours be in quiet . This Son was his General , a plaguy fighting Fellow : I have formerly had dealings with him for Slaves , which he took Prisoners , and have got pretty roundly by him : But the Wars being at an end , and nothing more to be got by the Trade of that Countrey , I made bold to bring the Prince along with me .

Gov.

How could you do that ?

Blan.

What! steal a Prince out of his own Countrey ? Impossible !

Capt.

'T was hard indeed ; but I did it . You must know , this Oroonoko

Blan.

Is that his Name ?

Capt.

Ay , Oroonoko .

Gov.

Oroonoko .

Capt.

Is naturally inquisitive about the Men and Manners of the White Nations . Because I could give him some account of the other Parts of the World , I grew very much into his favour : In return of so great an Honour , you know I cou'd do no less upon my coming away , than invite him on board me : Never having been in a Ship , he appointed his time , and I prepared my Entertainment : He came the next Evening as privately as he cou'd , with about some Twenty along with him . The Punch went round ; and as many of his Attendants as wou'd be dangerous , I sent dead drunk on shore ; the rest we secur'd : And so you have the Prince Oroonoko .

1 Plan.

Gad-a-mercy , Captain , there you were with him , I'faith .

2 Plan.

Such men as you are fit to be employ'd in Publick Affairs : The Plantation will thrive by you .

3 Plan.

Industry shou'd be encourag'd .

Capt.

There 's nothing done without it , Boys . I have made my Fortune this way .

Blan.

Unheard-of Villany !

Stan.

Barbarous Treachery !

Blan.

They applaud him for 't .

Gov.

But , Captain , methinks you have taken a great deal of pains for this Prince Oroonoko ; why did you part with him at the common rate of Slaves ?

Capt.

Why , Lieutenant-Governor , I 'll tell you ; I did design to carry him to England , to have show'd him there ; but I found him troublesome upon my hands , and I 'm glad I 'm rid of him . Oh , ho , here they come .

Black St●ves , Men , Women , and Children , pass across the Stage by two and two ; Aboan , and others of Oroonoko's Attendants two and two ; Oroonoko last of all in Chains .
Luc.

Are all these Wretches Slaves ?

Stan.

All sold , they and their Posterity all Slaves .

Luc.

O miserable Fortune !

Blan.

Most of 'em know no better ; they were born so , and only change their Masters . But a Prince , born only to Command , betray'd and sold ! My heart drops blood for him .

Capt.

Now , Governor , here he comes , pray observe him .

Oro.

So , Sir , You have kept your Word with me .

Capt.

I am a better Christian , I thank you , than to keep it with a Heathen .

Oro. You are a Christian , be a Christian still : If you have any God that teaches you To break your Word , I need not curse you more : Let him cheat you , as you are false to me . You faithful Followers of my better Fortune ! We have been Fellow-Soldiers in the Field ; [ Embracing his Friends . Now we are Fellow-Slaves . This last farewell . Be sure of one thing that will comfort us , Whatever World we next are thrown upon , Cannot be worse than this . [ All Slaves go off , but Oroonoko . Capt.

You see what a Bloody Pagan he is , Governor ; but I took care that none of his Followers should be in the same Lot with him , for fear they shou'd undertake some desperate action , to the danger of the Colony .

Oro. Live still in fear ; it is the Villains Curse , And will revenge my Chains : Fear ev'n me , Who have no pow'r to hurt thee . Nature abhors , And drives thee out from the Society And Commerce of Mankind , for Breach of Faith. Men live and prosper but in Mutual Trust , A Confidence of one another's Truth : That thou hast violated . I have done . I know my Fortune , and submit to it . Gov.

Sir , I am sorry for your Fortune , and wou'd help it , if I cou'd .

Blan.

Take off his Chains . You know your condition ; but you are fall'n into Honourable Hands : You are the Lord Governor's Slave , who will use you nobly : In his absence it shall be my care to serve you .

[ Blanford applying to him .
Oro.

I hear you , but I can believe no more .

Gov.

Captain , I 'm afraid the world won't speak so honourably of this action of yours , as you wou'd have ' em .

Capt.

I have the Money . Let the world speak and be damn'd , I care not .

Oro. I wou'd forget my self . Be satisfied , [ to Blansord . I am above the rank of common Slaves . Let that content you . The Christian there , that knows me , For his own sake will not discover more . Capt.

I have other matters to mind . You have him , and much good may do you with your Prince .

[ Exit . The Planters pulling and staring at Oroonoko .
Blan.

What wou'd you have there ? You stare as if you never saw a Man before . Stand further off .

[ turns 'em away .
Oro. Let 'em stare on . I am unfortunate , but not asham'd Of being so : No , let the Guilty blush , The White Man that betray'd me : Honest Black Disdains to change its Colour . I am ready : Where must I go ? Dispose me as you please . I am not well acquainted with my Fortune , But must learn to know it better : So I know , you say : Degrees make all things easy . Blan.

All things shall be easy .

Oro. Tear off this Pomp , and let me know my self : The slavish Habit best becomes me now . Hard Fare , and Whips , and Chains may overpow'r The frailer flesh , and bow my Body down . But there 's another , Nobler Part of Me , Out of your reach , which you can never tame . Blan. You shall find nothing of this wretchedness You apprehend . We are not Monsters all . You seem unwilling to disclose your self : Therefore for fear the mentioning your Name Should give you new disquiets , I presume To call you Caesar. Oro.

I am my self ; but call me what you please .

Stan.

A very good Name , Caesar.

Gov.

And very fit for his great Character .

Oro.

Was Caesar then a Slave ?

Gov.

I think he was ; to Pirates too : He was a great Conqueror , but unfortunate in his Friends .

Oro.

His Friends were Christians ?

Blan.

No.

Oro.

No! that 's strange .

Gov.

And murder'd by ' em .

Oro.

I wou'd be Caesar there . Yet I will live .

Blan.

Live to be happier .

Oro.

Do what you will with me .

Blan.

I 'll wait upon you , attend , and serve you .

[ Exit with Oroonoko .
Luc.

Well , if the Captain had brought this Prince's Countrey along with him , and wou'd make me Queen of it , I wou'd not have him , after doing so base a thing .

Well

He 's a man to thrive in the world , Sister : He 'll make you the better Jointure .

Luc.

H●ng him , nothing can prosper with him .

Stan.

Enquire into the great Estates , and you will find most of 'em depend upon the same Title of Honesty : The men who raise 'em first are much of the Captain 's Principles .

Well .

Ay , ay , as you say , let him be damn'd for the good of his Family . Come , Sister , we are invited to dinner .

Gov.

Stanmore , You dine with me .

Exeunt Omnes .
ACT II. Scene I. Widow Lackitt's House . Widow Lackitt , Welldon . Well .

THis is so great a Favour , I don't know how to receive it .

Wid.

O dear Sir ! you know how to receive and how to return a Favour , as well as any body , I don't doubt it : 'T is not the first you have had from our Sex , I suppose .

Well .

But this is so unexpected .

Wid.

Lord , how can you say so , Mr. Welldon ? I won't believe you . Don't I know you handsome Gentlemen expect every thing that a Woman can do for you ? And by my troth you 're in the right on 't : I think one can't do too much for a Handsome Gentleman ; and so you shall find it .

Well .

I shall never have such an Offer again , that 's certain : What shall I do ? I am mightily divided .

[ pretending a concern .
Wid. Divided ! O dear , I hope not so , Sir. If I marry , truly I expect to have you to my self . Well .

There 's no danger of that , Mrs. Lackitt . I am divided in my thoughts . My Father upon his Death-bed oblig'd me to see my Sister dispos'd of , before I married my self . 'T is that sticks upon me . They say indeed Promises are to be broken or kept ; and I know 't is a foolish thing to be tied to a Promise ; but I can't help it : I don't know how to get rid of it .

Wid.

Is that all ?

Well .

All in all to me . The Commands of a dying Father , you know , ought to be obey'd .

Wid.

And so they may .

Well .

Impossible , to do me any good .

Wid.

They shan't be your hindrance . You wou'd have a Husband for your Sister , you say : He must be very well to pass too in the world , I suppose ?

Well .

I wou'd not throw her away .

Wid.

Then marry her out of hand to the Sea-Captain you were speaking of .

Well .

I was thinking of him , but 't is to no purpose : She hates him .

Wid.

Does she hate him ? Nay , 't is no matter , an Impudent Rascal as he is , I wou'd not advise her to marry him .

Well .

Can you think of no body else ?

Wid.

Let me see .

Well .

Ay , pray do : I shou'd be loth to part with my good fortune in you for so small a matter as a Sister : But you find how it is with me .

Wid.

Well remembred , I'saith : Well , if I thought you wou'd like of it , I have a Husband for her : What do you think of my Son ?

Well .

You don't think of it your self .

Wid.

I protest but I do : I am in earnest , if you are . He shall marry her within this half hour , if you ll give your consent to it .

Well .

I give my consent ! I 'll answer for my Sister , she shall have him : You may be sure I shall be glad to get over the difficulty .

Wid.

No more to be said then , that difficulty is over . But I vow and swear you frightned me , Mr. Welldon . If I had not had a Son now for your Sister , what must I have done , do you think ? Were not you an ill natur'd thing to boggle at a Promise ? I cou'd break twenty for you .

Well .

I am the more oblig'd to you : But this Son will save all .

Wid.

He 's in the house ; I 'll go and bring him my self .

[ going .

You wou'd do well to break the business to your Sister : She 's within , I ll send her to you .

[ going again , comes back .
Well .

Pray do .

Wid.

But d' you hear ? Perhaps she may stand upon her Maidenly Behaviour , and blush , and play the fool , and delay : But don't be answer'd so : What! she is not a Girl at these years : Shew your Authority , and tell her roundly , she must be married immediately . I 'll manage my Son , I warrant you .

[ goes out in haste .
Well .

The Widow 's in haste , I see : I thought I had laid a rub in the road , about my Sister : But she has stept over that . She 's making way for her self as fast as she can ; but little thinks where she is going : I cou'd tell her she is going to play the fool : But people don't love to hear of their faults : Besides , that is not my business at present .

So , Sister , I have a Husband for you .

[ Enter Lucia .
Luc.

With all my heart : I don't know what Confinement Marriage may be to the Men , but I 'm sure the Women have no liberty without it . I am for any thing that will deliver me from the care of a Reputation , which I begin to find impossible to preserve .

Well .

I 'll ease you of that care : You must be married immediately .

Luc.

The sooner the better ; for I am quite tir'd of setting up for a Husband . The Widow 's foolish Son is the man , I suppose .

Well .

I consider'd your Constitution , Sister ; and finding you wou'd have occasion for a Fool , I have provided accordingly .

Luc.

I don't know what occasion I may have for a Fool when I 'm married : But I find none but Fools have occasion to marry .

Well .

Since he is to be a Fool then , I thought it better for you to have one of his Mother's making than your own ; 't will save you the trouble .

Luc.

I thank you ; you take a great deal of pains for me : But , pray tell me , what are you doing for your self all this while ?

Well .

You were never true to your own secrets , and therefore I won't trust you with mine . Only remember this , I am your elder Sister , and consequently laying my Breeches aside , have as much occasion for a Husband as you can have . I have a Man in my eye , be satisfied .

Enter Widow Lackitt , with her Son Daniel .
Wid.

Come , Daniel , hold up thy head , Child : Look like a Man : You must not take it as you have done . Gad's my life ! there 's nothing to be done with twirling your Hat , Man.

Dan.

Why , Mother , what 's to be done then ?

Wid.

Why look me in the face , and mind what I say to you .

Dan.

Marry , who 's the fool then ? what shall I get by minding what you say to me ?

Wid.

Mrs. Lucy , the Boy is bashful , don't discourage him : Pray come a little forward , and let him salute you .

[ Going between Lucia and Daniel .
Luc.

A fine Husband I am to have truly .

[ to Welldon .
Wid.

Come , Daniel , you must be acquainted with this Gentlewoman .

Dan.

Nay , I 'm not proud , that is not my fault : I am presently acquainted when I know the Company ; but this Gentlewoman is a stranger to me .

Wid.

She is your Mistress ; I have spoke a good word for you ; make her a Bow , and go and kiss her .

Dan.

Kiss her ! Have a care what you say ; I warrant she scorns your words . Such Fine Folk are not us'd to be slopt and kiss'd . Do you think I don't know that , Mother ?

Wid. Try her , try her , Man. [ Daniel bows , she thrusts him forward : Why that 's well done ; go nearer her . Dan.

Is the Devil in the Woman ? Why so I can go nearer her , if you would let a body alone .

[ To his Mother .

Cry you mercy , forsooth ; my Mother is always shaming one before company : She wou'd have me as unmannerly as her self , and offer to kiss you .

[ To Lucia .
Well .

Why , won't you kiss her ?

Dan.

Why , pray , may I ?

Well .

Kiss her , Kiss her , Man.

Dan.

Marry , and I will.

[ Kisses her . ]

Gadsooks ! she kisses rarely ! An' please you , Mistress , and seeing my Mother will have it so , I don't much care if I kiss you again , forsooth .

[ Kisses her again .
Luc.

Well , how do you like me now ?

Dan.

Like you ! marry , I don't know . You have bewitch'd me , I think : I was never so in my born days before .

Wid.

You must marry this Fine Woman , Daniel .

Dan.

Hey day ! marry her ! I was never married in all my life . What must I do with her then , Mother ?

Wid.

You must live with her , eat and drink with her , go to bed with her , and sleep with her .

Dan.

Nay , marry , if I must go to bed with her , I shall never sleep , that 's certain : She 'll break me of my rest , quite and clean , I tell you before-hand . As for eating and drinking with her , why I have a good stomach , and can play my part in any company . But how do you think I can go to bed to a Woman I don't know ?

Well .

You shall know her better .

D●●

Say you so , Sir ?

Well .

Kiss her again .

[ Daniel kisses Lucy .
Dan.

Nay , kissing I find will make us presently acquainted . We 'll steal into a Corner to practise a little , and then I shall be able to do any thing .

Well .

The Young Man mends apace .

Wid.

Pray don't baulk him .

Dan.

Mother , Mother , if you 'll stay in the room by me , and promise not to leave me , I don't care for once if I venture to go to bed with her .

Wid.

There 's a good Child ; go in and put on thy best Cloaths ; pluck up a spirit ; I 'll stay in the room by thee . She won't hurt thee , I warrant thee .

Dan.

Nay , as to that matter , I 'm not afraid of her : I 'll give her as good as she brings : I have a Rowland for her Oliver , and so you may tell her .

[ Exit .
Wid.

Mrs Lucy , we shan't stay for you : You are in a readiness , I suppose .

Well .

She 's always ready to do what I wou'd have her , I must say that for my Sister .

Wid.

'T will be her own another day . Mr. Welldon , we 'll marry 'em out of hand , and then

Well .

And then , Mrs. Lackitt , look to your self .

[ Exeunt .
SCENE II. Oroonoko and Blanford . Oro. YOU grant I have good reason to suspect All the professions you can make to me . Blan. Indeed you have . Oro. The Dog that sold me did profess as much As you can do . But yet I know not why , Whether it is because I 'm fall'n so low , And have no more to fear . That is not it : I am a Slave no longer than I please . 'T is something nobler . Being just my self , I am inclining to think others so : 'T is that prevails upon me to believe you . Blan. You may believe me . Oro. I do believe you . From what I know of you , you are no Fool : Fools only are the Knaves , and live by Tricks : Wise men may thrive without 'em , and be honest . Blan. They won't all take your counsel . [ aside . Oro. You know my Story , and you say you are A Friend to my Misfortunes : That 's a name Will teach you what you owe your self and me . Blan. I 'll study to deserve to be your Friend . When once our Noble Governor arrives , With him you will not need my Interest : He is too generous not to feel your wrongs . But be assurd I will employ my pow'r , And find the means to send you home again . Oro. I thank you , Sir. My honest , wretched Friends ! Their Chains are heavy : They have hardly found [ sighing . So kind a Master . May I ask you , Sir , What is become of ' em ? Perhaps I shou'd not . You will forgive a Stranger . Blan. I 'll enquire , and use my best endeavours , where they are , To have 'em gently us'd . Oro. Once more I thank you . You offer every Cordial that can keep My Hopes alive , to wait a better day . What Friendly Care can do , you have apply'd . But , Oh! I have a Grief admits no Cure. Blan. You do not know , Sir , Oro. Can you raise the dead ? Pursue and overtake the Wings of Time ? And bring about again the Hours , the Days , The Years that made me happy . Blan. That is not to be done . Oro. No , there is nothing to be done for me . [ Kneeling and kissing the Earth . Thou God ador'd ! thou ever-glorious Sun ! If she be yet on Earth , send me a Beam Of thy All-seeing Power to light me to her . Or if thy Sister Goddess has preferr'd Her Beauty to the skies to be a Star ; O tell me where she shines , that I may stand Whole Nights , and gaze upon her . Blan. I am rude , and interrupt you . Oro. I am troublesome : But pray give me your Pardon . My swoll'n Heart Bursts out its passage , and I must complain . O! can you think of nothing dearer to me ? Dearer than Liberty , my Countrey , Friends , Much dearer than my Life ? that I have lost . The tend'rest , best belov'd , and loving Wife . Blan. Alas ! I pity you . Oro. Do , pity me : Pity 's a-kin to Love ; and every thought Of that soft kind is welcome to my Soul. I wou'd be pity'd here . ( if you Blan. I dare not ask more than you please to tell me : but Think it convenient to let me know Your Story , I dare promise you to bear A part in your Distress , if not assist you . Oro. Thou honest-hearted man ! I wanted such , Just such a Friend as thou art , that would sit Still as the night , and let me talk whole days Of my Imoinda . O! I ll tell thee all From first to last ; and pray observe me well . Blan. I will most heedfully . Oro. There was a Stranger in my Father's Court , Valu'd and honour'd much : He was a White , The first I ever saw of your Complexion : He chang'd his gods for ours , and so grew great ; Of many Virtues , and so fam'd in Arms , He still commanded all my Father's Wars . I was bred under him . One Fatal Day , The Armies joining , he before me stept , Receiving in his breast a Poyson'd Dart Levell'd at me ; He dy'd within my Arms. I 've tir'd you already . Blan. Pray go on . Oro. He left an only Daughter , whom he brought An Infant to Angola . When I came Back to the Court , a happy Conqueror ; Humanity oblig'd me to condole With this sad Virgin for a Father's Loss , Lost for my safety . I presented her With all the Slaves of Battel to attone Her Father's Ghost . But when I saw her Face , And heard her speak , I offer'd up my self To be the Sacrifice . She bow'd and blush'd ; I wonder'd and ador'd . The Sacred Pow'r That had subdu'd me , then inspir'd my Tongue , Inclin'd her Heart ; and all our Talk was Love. Blan. Then you were happy . Oro. O! I was too happy . I marry'd her : And though my Countrey 's Custom Indulg'd the Privilege of many Wives , I swore my self never to know but her . She grew with Child , and I grew happier still . O my Imoinda ! but it cou'd not last . Her fatal Beauty reach'd my Father's Ears : He sent for her to Court , where , cursed Court ! No Woman comes , but for his Amorous Use. He raging to possess her , she was forc'd To own her self my Wife . The furious King Started at Incest : But grown desperate , Not daring to enjoy what he desir'd , In mad Revenge , which I cou'd never learn , He Poyson'd her , or sent her far , far off , Far from my hopes ever to see her more . Blan. Most barbarous of Fathers ! the sad Tale Has struck me dumb with wonder . Oro. I have done . I 'le trouble you no farther : now and then , A Sigh will have its way ; that shall be all . [ Enter Stanmore . Stan. Blandford , the Lieutenant Governour is gone to your Plantation . He desires you wou'd bring the Royal Slave with you . The sight of his fair Mistriss , he says , is an Entertainment For a Prince ; he wou'd have his opinion of her . Oro. Is he a Lover ? Blan. So he says himself : he flatters a beautifull Slave , that I have , and calls her Mistress . Oro. Must he then flatter her to call her Mistriss ? I pity the proud Man , who thinks himself Above being in love : what , tho' she be a Slave , She may deserve him . Blan. You shall judge of that , when you see her , Sir. Oro. I go with you . [ Exeunt .
SCENE III. A Plantation . [ L. Governour following Imoinda . ] Gov. I have disturb'd you , I confess my fault , My fair Clemene , but begin again , And I will listen to your mournfull Song , Sweet as the soft complaining Nightingales . While every Note calls out my trembling Soul , And leaves me silent , as the Midnight Groves , Only to shelter you , sing , sing agen , And let me wonder at the many ways You have to ravish me . Imo. O! I can weep Enough for you , and me , if that will please you . Gov. You must not weep : I come to dry your Tears , And raise you from your Sorrow . Look upon me : Look with the Eyes of kind indulging Love , That I may have full cause for what I say : I come to offer you your liberty , And be my self the Slave . You turn away . [ Following her . But every thing becomes you . I may take This pretty hand : I know your Modesty Wou'd draw it back : but you wou'd take it ill , If I shou'd let it go , I know you wou'd . You shall be gently forc'd to please your self ; That you will thank me for . [ She struggles , and gets her hand from him , then he offers to kiss her . Nay if you struggle with me , I must take Imo. You may , my life , that I can part with freely . [ Exit . [ Enter Blanford , Stanmore , Oroonoko to him . ] Blan.

So , Governour , we don't disturb you , I hope : your Mistriss has left you : you were making Love , she 's thankfull for the Honour , I suppose .

Gov. Quite insensible to all I say , and do : When I speak to her , she sighs , or weeps , But never answers me as I wou'd have her . Stan. There 's something nearer than her Slavery , that touches her . Blan. What do her fellow Slaves say of her ? cann't they find the cause ? Gov.

Some of 'em , who pretend to be wiser than the rest , and hate her , I suppose , for being us'd better than they are , will needs have it that she 's with Child .

Blan. Poor wretch ! if it be so , I pity her : She has lost a husband , that perhaps was dear To her , and then you cannot blame her . Oro. If it be so , indeed you cannot blame her . [ Sighing . Gov. No , no , it is not so : if it be so , I still must love her : and desiring still , I must enjoy her . Blan. Try what you can do with fair means , and wellcome . Gov. I 'll give you ten Slaves for her . Blan. You know she is our Lord Governour 's : but if I could Dispose of her , I wou'd not now , especially to you . Gov. Why not to me ? Blan I mean against her Will. You are in love with her . And we all know what your desires wou'd have : Love stops at nothing but possession . Were she within your pow'r , you do not know How soon you wou'd be tempted to forget The Nature of the Deed , and , may be , act A violence , you after wou'd repent . Oro. 'T is Godlike in you to protect the weak . Gov. Fye , fye , I wou'd not force her . Tho' she be A Slave , her Mind is free , and shou'd consent . Oro. Such Honour will engage her to consent : And then , if you 'r in love , she 's worth the having . Shall we not see this wonder ? Gov. Have a care ; You have a Heart , and she has conquering Eyes . Oro. I have a Heart : but if it cou'd be false To my first Vows , ever to love agen , These honest Hands shou'd tear it from my Breast , And throw the Traytor from me . O! Imoinda ! Living or dead , I can be only thine . Blan. Imoinda was his Wife : she 's either dead , Or living , dead to him : forc't from his Arms By an inhuman Father . Another time I 'le tell you all . [ To Gov. and Stanmore . ] Stan. Hark! the Slaves have done their work ; And now begins their Evening merriment . Blan. The Men are all in love with fair Clemene As much as you are : and the Women hate her , From an instinct of natural jealousie . They sing , and dance , and try their little tricks To entertain her , and divert her sadness . May be she is among 'em : shall we see ? [ Exeunt . The Scene drawn shews the Slaves , Men , Women , and Children upon the Ground , some rise and dance , others sing the following Songs .
A SONG . [ By an unknown hand . ] Sett by Mr. Courtevill , and sung by the Boy to Miss Cross. I. A Lass there lives upon the Green , Cou'd I her Picture draw ; A brighter Nymph was never seen , That looks , and reigns a little Queen , And keeps the Swains in awe . II. Her Eyes are Cupid's Darts , and Wings , Her Eyebrows are his Bow ; Her Silken Hair the Silver Strings , Which sure and swift destruction brings To all the Vale below . III. If Pastorella's dawning Light Can warm , and wound us so : Her Noon will shine so piercing bright , Each glancing beam will kill outright , And every Swain subdue .
A SONG , by Mr. Cheek . Sett by Mr. Courtevill , and sung by Mr. Leveridge . I. Bright Cynthia's Pow'r divinely great , What Heart is not obeying ? A thousand Cupids on her wait , And in her Eyes are playing . II. She seems the Queen of Love to reign , For She alone dispences Such Sweets , as best can entertain The Gust of all the Senses . III. Her Face a charming prospect brings ; Her Breath gives balmy Blisses : I hear an Angel , when she sings , And taste of Heaven in Kisses . IV. Four Senses thus she feasts with joy , From Nature's richest Treasure : Let me the other Sense employ , And I shall dye with pleasure .
During the Entertainment , the Governour , Blanford , Stanmore , Oroonoko , enter as Spectators ; that ended , Captain , Driver , Jaek Stanmore , and several Planters enter with their Swords drawn . [ A Bell rings . Capt. Where are you , Governour ? make what hast you can To save your self , and the whole Colony . I bid 'em ring the Bell. Gov. What 's the matter ? J. Stan. The Indians are come down upon us : They have plunder'd some of the Plantations already , And are marching this way , as fast as they can . Gov. What can we do against ' em ? Blan. We shall be able to make a stand , Till more Planters come in to us . J. Stan. There are a great many more without , If you wou'd show your self , and put us in order . Gov. There 's no danger of the White Slaves , they 'll not stir : Blanford , and Stanmore come you along with me : Some of you stay here to look after the Black Slaves . All go out but the Captain , and 6 Planters , who all at once seize Oroonoko . 1. Plan. Ay , ay , let us alone . Capt. In the first place we secure you , Sir , As an Enemy to the Government . Oro. Are you there , Sir , you are my constant Friend . 1 Plan. You will be able to do a great deal of mischief . Capt.

But we shall prevent you : bring the Irons hither .

He has the malice of a Slave in him , and wou'd be glad to be cutting his Masters Throats , I know him . Chain his hands and feet , that he may not run over to 'em : if they have him , they shall carry him on their backs , that I can tell ' em .

[ As they are chaining him , Blanford enters , runs to ' em .
Blan. What are you doing there ? Capt. Securing the main chance : this is a bosom enemy . Blan.

Away you Brutes : I 'll answer with my life for his behaviour ; so tell the Governour .

Capt. and Plan. Well , Sir , so we will. Exeunt Capt. and Planters . Oro. Give me a Sword and I 'll deserve your trust . A Party of Indians enter , hurrying Imoinda among the Slaves ; another Party of Indians sustains 'em retreating , follow'd at a distance by the Governour with the Planters : Blanford , Oroonoko joyn ' em . Blan.

Hell , and the Devil ! they drive away our Slaves before our Faces . Governour , can you stand tamely by , and suffer this ? Clemene , Sir , your Mistriss is among ' em .

Gov. We throw our selves away , in the attempt to rescue ' em . Oro. A Lover cannot fall more glorious , Than in the cause of Love. He that deserves His Mistress's favour wonnot stay behind : I 'le lead you on , be bold , and follow me . Oroonoko at the head of the Planters , falls upon the Indians with a great shout , beats 'em off . Imoinda enters . Imo. I 'm tost about by my tempestuous Fate , And no where must have rest ; Indians , or English ! Whoever has me , I am still a Slave . No matter whose I am , since I am no more , My Royal Masters ; Since I 'm his no more . O I was happy ! nay , I will be happy , In the dear thought that I am still his Wife , Tho' far divided from him . [ Draws off to a corner of the Stage . After a shout , enter the Governour with Oroonoko , Blanford , Stanmore , and the Planters . Gov. Thou glorious Man ! thou something greater sure Than Caesar ever was ! that single Arm Has sav'd us all : accept our general thanks . All bow to Oroonoko . And what we can do more to recompense Such noble services , you shall command . Clemene too shall thank you , she is safe Look up , and bless your brave deliverer . [ Brings Clemene forward , looking down on the ground . Oro. Bless me indeed ! Blan. You start ! Oro. O all you Gods ! Who govern this great World , and bring about Things strange , and unexpected , can it be ? Gov. What is 't you stare'at so ? Oro. Answer me some of you , you who have power , And have your Senses free : or are you all Struck thro' with wonder too ? [ Looking still fixt on her . Blan. What wou'd you know ? Oro. My Soul steals from my Body thro' my Eyes : All that is left of life , I 'll gaze away , And die upon the Pleasure . Gov. This is strange ! Oro. If you but mock me with her Image here : If she be not Imoinda She looks upon him , and falls into a Swoon , he runs to her . Ha! she faints ! Nay , then it must be she : it is Imoinda : My Heart confesses her , and leaps for joy , To welcome her to her own Empire here . I feel her all , in every part of me . O! let me press her in my eager Arms , Wake her to life , and with this kindling Kiss Give back that Soul , she only sent to me . [ Kisses her . Gov. I am amaz'd ! Blan. I am as much as you . Oro. Imoinda ! O! thy Oroonoko calls . [ Imoinda coming to life . Imo. My Oroonoko ! O! I can't believe What any Man can say . But if I am To be deceiv'd , there 's something in that Name , That Voice , that Face , [ Staring on him , O! if I know my self , I cannot be mistaken . [ Runs , and embraces Oroonoko . Oro. Never here ; You cannot be mistaken : I am yours , Your Oroonoko , all that you wou'd have , Your tender loving Husband . Imo. All indeed That I wou'd have : my Husband ! then I am Alive , and waking to the Joys I feel : They were so great , I cou'd not think 'em true . But I believe all that you say to me : For Truth it self , and everlasting Love Grows in this Breast , and pleasure in these arms . Oro. Take , take me all : enquire into my heart , ( You know the way to every secret there ) My Heart , the sacred treasury of Love : And if , in absence , I have mis-employ'd A Mite from the rich store : if I have spent A Wish , a Sigh , but what I sent to you : May I be curst to wish , and sigh in vain , And you not pity me . Imo. O! I believe , And know you by my self . If these sad Eyes , Since last we parted , have beheld the Face Of any Comfort ; or once wish'd to see The light of any other Heaven , but you : May I be struck this moment blind , and lose Your blessed sight , never to find you more . Oro. Imoinda ! O! this separation Has made you dearer , if it can be so , Than you were ever to me . You appear Like a kind Star to my benighted Steps , To guide me on my way to happiness : I cannot miss it now . Governour , Friend , You think me mad : but let me bless you all , Who , any way , have been the Instruments Of finding her again . Imoinda's found ! And every thing , that I wou'd have in her . [ Embracing her in the most passionate Fondness . Stan. Where 's your Mistriss now , Governour ? Gov. Why , where most Men's Mistrisses are forc'd to be sometimes , With her Husband , it seems : but I won't lose her so . [ Aside . Stan. He has fought lustily for her , and deserves her , I 'll say that for him . Blan. Sir we congratulate your happiness : I do most heartily . Gov. And all of us : but how it comes to pass Oro. That will require more precious time than I can spare you now . I have a thousand things to ask of her , And she as many more to know of me . But you have made me happier , I confess , Acknowledge it , much happier , than I Have words , or pow'r to tell you . Captain , you , Ev'n you , who most have wrong'd me , I forgive . I won't say you have betray'd me now : I 'll think you but the minister of Fate , To bring me to my lov'd Imoinda here . Imo. How , how shall I receive you ? how be worthy Of such Endearments , all this tenderness ? These are the Transports of Prosperity , When Fortune smiles upon us . Oro. Let the Fools , who follow Fortune , live upon her smiles . All our Prosperity is plac'd in Love. We have enough of that to make us happy . This little spot of Earth you stand upon , Is more to me , than the extended Plains Of my great Father's Kingdom . Here I reign In full delights , in Joys to Pow'r unknown ; Your Love my Empire , and your Heart my Throne . [ Exeunt .
ACT III. SCENE I. [ Aboan with several Slaves , Hottman . ] Hott . WHat ! to be Slaves to Cowards ! Slaves to Rogues ! Who cann't defend themselves ! Abo. Who is this Fellow ? he talks as if he were acquainted With our design : is he one of us ? [ Aside to his own Gang. Slav. Not yet : but he will be glad to make one , I believe . Abo. He makes a mighty noise . Hott . Go , sneak in Corners ; whisper out your Griefs , For fear your Masters hear you : cringe and crouch Under the bloody whip , like beaten Currs , That lick their Wounds , and know no other cure . All , wretches all ! you feel their cruelty , As much as I can feel , but dare not groan . For my part , while I have a Life and Tongue , I 'll curse the Authors of my Slavery . Abo. Have you been long a Slave ? Hott . Yes , many years . Abo. And do you only curse ? Hott . Curse ? only curse ? I cannot conjure , To raise the Spirits of other Men : I am but one . O! for a Soul of fire , To warm , and animate our common Cause , And make a body of us : then I wou'd Do something more than curse . Abo. That body set on Foot , you wou'd be one , A limb , to lend it motion . Hott . I wou'd be the Heart of it : the Head , the Hand , and Heart . Wou'd I cou'd see the day . Abo. You will do all your self . Hott . I wou'd do more , than I shall speak : but I may find a time . Abo. The time may come to you ; be ready for 't . Methinks he talks too much : I 'll know him more , Before I trust him farther . Slav. If he dares half what he says , he 'll be of use to us . [ Enter Blanford to ' em . ] Blan. If there be any one among you here , That did belong to Oroonoko , speak , I come to him . Abo. I did belong to him : Aboan ; my Name . Blan. You are the Man I want ; pray , come with me . [ Exeunt .
SCENE II. [ Oroonoko and Imoinda . ] Oro. I do not blame my Father for his Love : ( Tho' that had been enough to ruine me ) 'T was Nature's fault , that made you like the Sun , The reasonable worship of Mankind : He cou'd not help his Adoration . Age had not lock'd his Sences up so close , But he had Eyes , that open'd to his Soul , And took your Beauties in : he felt your pow'r , And therefore I forgive his loving you . But when I think on his Barbarity , That cou'd expose you to so many Wrongs ; Driving you out to wretched Slavery , Only for being mine ; then I confess , I with I cou'd forget the Name of Son , That I might curse the Tyrant . Imo. I will bless him , for I have found you here : Heav'n only knows . What is reserv'd for us : but if we ghess The future by the past , our Fortune must Be wonderfull , above the common Size Of good or ill ; it must be in extreams : Extreamly happy , or extreamly wretched . Oro. 'T is in our pow'r to make it happy now . Imo. But not to keep it so . [ Enter Blanford and Aboan . Blan. My Royal Lord ! I have a Present for you . Oro. Aboan ! Abo. Your lowest Slave . Oro. My try'd and valu'd Friend . This worthy Man always prevents my wants : I only wish'd , and he has brought thee to me . Thou art surpriz'd : carry thy duty there ; [ Aboan goes : to Imoinda and falls at her Feet . While I acknowledge mine , how shall I thank you . Blan. Believe me honest to your interest , And I am more than paid . I have secur'd , That all your Followers shall be gently us'd . This Gentleman , your chiefest Favourite , Shall wait upon your Person , while you stay among us . Oro. I owe every thing to you . Blan. You must not think you are in Slavery . Oro. I do not find I am . Blan. Kind Heaven has miraculously sent Those Comforts , that may teach you to expect Its farther care , in your deliverance . Oro. I sometimes think my self , Heav'n is concern'd : For my deliverance . Blan. It will be soon : You may expect it . Pray , in the mean time , Appear as chearfull as you can among us . You have some Enemies , that represent You dangerous , and wou'd be glad to find A Reason , in your discontent , to fear : They watch your looks . But there are honest Men , Who are your Friends : You are secure in them . Oro. I thank you for your caution . Blan. I will leave you : And be assur'd , I wish your liberty . [ Exit . Abo. He speaks you very fair . Oro. He means me fair . Abo. If he should not , my Lord. Oro. If , he should not . I 'll not suspect his Truth : but if I did , What shall I get by doubting ? Abo. You secure , not to be disappointed : but besides , There 's this advantage in suspecting him : When you put off the hopes of other men , You will rely upon your God-like self : And then you may be sure of liberty . Oro. Be sure of liberty ! what dost thou mean ; Advising to rely upon my self ? I think I may be sure on 't : we must wait : 'T is worth a little patience . [ Turning to Imoinda Abo. O my Lord ! Oro. What dost thou drive at ? Abo. Sir , another time , You wou'd have found it sooner : but I see Love has your Heart , and takes up all your thoughts . Oro. And canst thou blame me ? Abo. Sir , I must not blame you . But as our fortune stands there is a Passion ( Your pardon Royal Mistriss , I must speak : ) That wou'd become you better than your Love : A brave resentment ; which inspir'd by you , Might kindle , and diffuse a generous rage Among the Slaves , to rouze and shake our Chains , And struggle to be free . Oro. How can we help our selves ? Abo. I knew you , when you wou'd have found a way . How , help our selves ! the very Indians teach us : We need but to attempt our Liberty , And we may carry it . We have Hands sufficient , Double the number of our Masters force , Ready to be employ'd . What hinders us To set 'em then at work ? we want but you , To head our enterprize , and bid us strike . Oro. What wou'd you do ? Abo. Cut our Oppressors Throats . Oro. And you wou'd have me joyn in your design of Murder ? Abo. It deserves a better Name : But be it what it will , 't is justified By self-defence , and natural liberty . Oro. I 'll hear no more on 't . Abo. I am sorry for 't . Oro. Nor shall you think of it . Abo. Not think of it ! Oro. No , I command you not . Abo. Remember Sir , You are a Slave your self , and to command , Is now anothers right . Not think of it ! Since the first moment they put on my Chains , I 've thought of nothing but the weight of 'em , And how to throw 'em off : can yours sit easie ? Oro. I have a sense of my condition , As painfull , and as quick , as yours can be . I feel for my Imoinda and my self ; Imoinda much the tenderest part of me . But though I languish for my liberty , I wou'd not buy it at the Christian Price Of black Ingratitude : they shannot say , That we deserv'd our Fortune by our Crimes . Murder the Innocent ! Abo. The Innocent ! Oro. These men are so , whom you wou'd rise against : If we are Slaves , they did not make us Slaves ; But bought us in an honest way of trade : As we have done before 'em , bought and sold Many a wretch , and never thought it wrong . They paid our Price for us , and we are now Their Property , a part of their Estate , To manage as they please . Mistake me not , I do not tamely say , that we should bear All they could lay upon us : but we find The load so light , so little to be felt , ( Considering they have us in their power , And may inflict what grievances they please ) We ought not to complain . Abo. My Royal Lord ! You do not know the heavy Grievances , The Toyls , the Labours , weary Drudgeries , Which they impose ; Burdens , more fit for Beasts , For senseless Beasts to bear , than thinking Men. Then if you saw the bloody Cruelties , They execute on every slight offence ; Nay sometimes in their proud , insulting sport : How worse than Dogs , they lash their fellow Creatures : Your heart wou'd bleed for ' em . O cou'd you know How many Wretches lift their Hands and Eyes To you , for their Relief . Oro. I pity 'em , And wish I cou'd with honesty do more . Abo. You must do more , and may , with honesty . O Royal Sir , remember who you are , A Prince , born for the good of other Men : Whose God-like Office is to draw the Sword Against Oppression , and set free Mankind : And this , I 'm sure , you think Oppression now . What tho' you have not felt these miseries , Never believe you are oblig'd to them : They have their selfish reasons , may be , now , For using of you well : but there will come A time , when you must have your share of ' em . Oro. You see how little cause I have to think so : Favour'd in my own Person , in my Friends ; Indulg'd in all that can concern my care , In my Imoinda's soft Society . [ Embracing her . Abo. And therefore wou'd you lye contented down , In the forgetfulness , and arms of Love , To get young Princes for ' em ? Oro. Say'st thou ! ha ! Abo. Princes , the Heirs of Empire , and the last Of your illustrious Lineage , to be born To pamper up their Pride , and be their Slaves ? Oro. Imoinda ! save me , save me from that thought . Imo. There is no safety from it : I have long Suffer'd it with a Mother's labouring pains ; And can no longer . Kill me , kill me now , While I am blest , and happy in your love ; Rather than let me live to see you hate me : As you must hate me ; me , the only cause ; The Fountain of these flowing miseries : Dry up this Spring of Life , this pois'nous Spring , That swells so fast , to overwhelm us all . Oro. Shall the dear Babe , the eldest of my hopes , Whom I begot a Prince , be born a Slave ? The treasure of this Temple was design'd T' enrich a Kingdoms Fortune : shall it here Be seiz'd upon by vile unhallow'd hands , To be employ'd in uses most prophane ? Abo. In most unworthy uses ; think of that ; And while you may , prevent it . O my Lord ! Rely on nothing that they say to you . They speak you fair , I know , and bid you wait . But think what 't is to wait on promises : And promises of Men , who know no tye Upon their words , against their interest : And where 's their interest in freeing you ? Imo. O! where indeed , to lose so many Slaves ? Abo. Nay grant this Man , you think so much your Friend , Be honest , and intends all that he says : He is but one ; and in a Government , Where , he confesses , you have Enemies , That watch your looks : what looks can you put on , To please these men , who are before resolv'd To read 'em their own own way ? alas ! my Lord ! If they incline to think you dangerous , They have their knavish Arts to make you so . And then who knows how far their cruelty May carry their revenge ? Imo. To every thing , That does belong to you ; your Friends , and me ; I shall be torn from you , forc't away , Helpless , and miserable : shall I live To see that day agen ? Oro. That day shall never come . Abo. I know you are perswaded to believe The Governour 's arrival will prevent These mischiess , and bestow your liberty : But who is sure of that ? I rather fear More mischiess from his coming : he is young , Luxurious , passionate , and amorous : Such a Complexion , and made bold by power , To countenance all he is prone to do ; Will know no bounds , no law against his Lusts : If , in a fit of his Intemperance , With a strong hand , he should resolve to seize , And force my Royal Mistress from your Arms , How can you help your self ? Oro. Ha! thou hast rouz'd The Lion in his den , he stalks abroad , And the wide Forrest trembles at his roar . I find the danger now : my Spirits start At the alarm , and from all quarters come To Man my Heart , the Citadel of love . It there a power on Earth to force you from me ? And shall I not resist it ? not strike first To keep , to save you ? to prevent that curse ? This is your Cause , and shall it not prevail ? O! you were born all ways to conquer me . Now I am fashion'd to thy purpose : speak , What Combination , what Conspiracy , Woud'st thou engage me in ? He undertake All thou woud'st have me now for liberty , For the great Cause of Love and Liberty . Abo. Now , my great Master , you appear your self . And since we have you joyn'd in our design , It cannot fail us . I have muster'd up The choicest Slaves , Men who are sensible Of their condition , and seem most resolv'd : They have their several parties . Oro : Summon 'em , Assemble 'em : I will come forth , and shew My self among 'em : if they are resolv'd , I 'le lead their formost resolutions . Abo. I have provided those will follow you . Oro. With this reserve in our proceeding still , The means that lead us to our liberty , Must not be bloody . Abo. You command in all . We shall expect you , Sir. Oro. You shannot long . Exeunt Oroonoko and Imoinda at one Door , Aboan at another .
SCENE III. [ Welldon coming in before Mrs. Lackit . ] Wid.

These unmannerly Indians were something unseasonable , to disturb us just in the nick , Mr. Weldon : but I have the Parson within call still , to doe us the good turn .

Well .

We had best stay a little I think , to see things settled agen , had not we ? Marriage is a serious thing you know .

Wid.

What do you talk of a serious thing , Mr. Welldon ? I think you have found me sufficiently serious : I have marry'd my Son to your Sister , to pleasure you : and now I come to claim your promise to me , you tell me marriage is a serious thing .

Well .

Why , is it not ?

Wid.

Fidle fadle , I know what it is : 't is not the first time I have been marry'd , I hope : but I shall begin to think , you don't design to do fairly by me , so I shall .

Well .

Why indeed , Mrs Lackit , I am afraid I can't do as fairly as I wou'd by you . 'T is what you must know , first or last ; and I shou'd be the worst man in the world to conceal it any longer ; therefore I must own to you , that I am marry'd already .

Wid.

Marry'd ! you don't say so I hope ! how have you the Conscience to tell me such a thing to my face ! have you abus'd me then , fool'd and cheated me ? What do you take me for , Mr. Welldon ? do you think I am to be serv'd at this rate ? but you shan't find me the silly creature , you think me : I wou'd have you to know , I understand better things , than to ruine my Son without a valuable consideration . If I can't have you , I can keep my Money . Your Sister shan't have the catch of him , she expected : I won't part with a Shilling to ' em .

Well .

You made the match your self , you know , you can't blame me .

Wid. Yes , yes , I can , and do blame you : You might have told me before you were marry'd . Well .

I wou'd not have told you now ; but you follow'd me so close , I was forc'd to 't : indeed I am marry'd in England ; but 't is , as if I were not ; for I have been parted from my Wife a great while : and to do reason on both sides , we hate one another heartily . Now I did design , and will marry you still , if you 'll have a little patience .

Wid.

A likely business truly .

Well .

I have a Friend in England that I will write to , to poyson my Wife , and then I can marry you with a good Conscience , if you love me , as you say you do ; you 'll consent to that , I 'm sure .

Wid.

And will he do it , do you think ?

Well .

At the first word , or he is not the Man I take him to be .

Wid. Well , you are a dear Devil , Mr. Welldon : And wou'd you poyson your Wife for me ? Well .

I wou'd do any thing for you .

Wid. Well , I am mightily oblig'd to you . But 't will be a great while before you can have an answer of your Letter . Well .

'T will be a great while indeed .

Wid.

In the mean time , Mr. Welldon

Well . Why in the mean time Here 's company : we 'll settle that within . I 'll follow you . [ Exit Widow . [ Enter Stanmore . ] Stan. So , Sir , you carry your business swimmingly : You have stolen a Wedding , I hear . Well .

Ay , my Sister is marry'd : and I am very near being run away with my self .

Stan.

The Widow will have you then .

Well . You come very seasonably to my rescue : Jack Stanmore is to be had , I hope . Stan.

At half an hours warning .

Well .

I must advise with you .

[ Exeunt .
SCENE IV. [ Oroonoko with Aboan , Hottman , Slaves . ] Oro. Impossible ! nothing's impossible : We know our strength only by being try'd . If you object the Mountains , Rivers , Woods Unpassable , that lie before our March : Woods we can set on fire : we swim by nature : What can oppose us then , but we may tame ? All things submit to vertuous industry : That we can carry with us , that is ours . Slave . Great Sir , we have attended all you said , With silent joy and admiration : And , were we only Men , wou'd follow such , So great a Leader , thro' the untry'd World. But , oh ! consider we have other Names , Husbands and Fathers , and have things more dear To us , than Life , our Children , and our Wives , Unfit for such an expedition : What must become of them ? Oro. We wonnot wrong The virtue of our Women , to believe There is a Wife among 'em , wou'd refuse To share her Husband's fortune . What is hard , We must make easie to 'em in our Love : while we live , And have our Limbs , we can take care for them ; Therefore I still propose to lead our march Down to the Sea , and plant a Colony : Where , in our native innocence , we shall live Free , and be able to desend our selves ; Till stress of weather , or some accident Provide a Ship for us . Abo. An accident ! the luckiest accident presents it self : The very Ship , that brought and made us Slaves , Swims in the River still ; I see no cause But we may seize on that . Oro. It shall be so : There is a justice in it pleases me . Do you agree to it ? [ To the Slaves . Omn. We follow you . Oro. You do not relish it . [ To Hottman . Hott . I am afraid You 'll find it difficult , and dangerous . Abo. Are you the Man to find the danger first ? You shou'd have giv'n example . Dangerous ! I thought you had not understood the word ; You , who wou'd be the Head , the Hand , and Heart : Sir , I remember you , you can talk well ; I wonnot doubt but you 'll maintain your word . Oro. This Fellow is not right , I 'll try him further . [ To Aboan . The danger will be certain to us all : And Death most certain in miscarrying . We must expect no mercy , if we fail : Therefore our way must be not to expect : We 'll put it out of expectation , By Death upon the place , or Liberty . There is no mean , but Death or Liberty . There 's no Man here , I hope , but comes prepar'd For all that can befall him . Oro. Death is all : In most conditions of humanity To be desir'd but to be shun'd in none : The remedy of many ; wish of some ; And certain end of all . If there be one among us , who can fear The face of Death appearing like a Friend , As in this cause of Honour Death must be : How will he tremble , when he sees him drest In the wild fury of our Enemies , In all the terrors of their cruelty ? For now if we shou'd fall into their hands , Cou'd they invent a thousand murd'ring ways , By racking Torments , we shou'd feel 'em all . Hott . What will become of us ? Oro. Observe him now . [ To Aboan concerning Hottman . I cou'd die altogether , like a Man : As you , and you , and all of us may do : But who can promise for his bravery Upon the Rack ? where fainting , weary life , Hunted thro' every Limb , is forc'd to feel An agonizing death of all its parts ? Who can bear this ? resolve to be empal'd ? His Skin flead off , and roasted yet alive ? The quivering flesh torn from his broken Bones , By burning Pincers ? who can bear these Pains ? Hott . They are not to be born . [ Discovering all the confusion of fear . Oro. You see him now , this Man of mighty words ! Abo. How his Eyes roul ! Oro. He cannot hide his fear : I try'd him this way , and have found him out . Abo. I cou'd not have believ'd it . Such a Blaze , And not a spark of Fire ! Oro. His violence , Made me suspect him first : now I 'm convinc'd . Abo. What shall we do with him ? Oro. He is not fit Abo. Fit ! hang him , he is only fit to be Just what he is , to live and die a Slave : The base Companion of his servile Fears . Oro. We are not safe with him . Abo. Do you think so ? Oro. He 'll certainly betray us . Abo. That he shan't : I can take care of that : I have a way To take him off his evidence . Oro. What way ? Abo. I 'll stop his mouth before you , stab him here , And then let him inform . [ Going to stab Hottman , Oroonoko holds him . Oro. Thou art not mad ? Abo. I wou'd secure our selves . Oro. It shannot be this way ; nay cannot be : His Murder wou'd alarm all the rest , Make 'em suspect us of Barbarity , And , may be , fall away from our design . We 'll not set out in Blood : we have , my Friends , This Night to furnish what we can provide , For our security , and just defence . If there be one among us , we suspect Of baseness , or vile fear , it will become Our common care , to have our Eyes on him : I wonnot name the Man. Abo. You ghess at him . [ To Hottman . Oro. To morrow , early as the breaking day , We rendezvous behind the Citron Grove . That Ship secur'd , we may transport our selves To our respective homes : my Fathers Kingdom Shall open her wide arms to take you in , And nurse you for her own , adopt you all , All , who will follow me . Omn. All , all follow you . Oro. There I can give you all your liberty ; Bestow its Blessings , and secure 'em yours . There you shall live with honour , as becomes My Fellow-sufferers , and worthy Friends : This if we do succeed : But if we fall In our attempt , 't is nobler still to dye , Than drag the galling yoke of slavery . [ Exeunt Omnes . ]
ACT IV.
SCENE I. [ Welldon and Jack Stanmore . ] Well .

YOU see , honest Jack , I have been industrious for you : you must take some pains now to serve your self .

J. Stan.

Gad , Mr. Welldon , I have taken a great deal of pains : And if the Widow speaks honestly , faith and troth , She 'll tell you what a pains-taker I am .

Well . Fie , fie , not me : I am her Husband you know : She won't tell me what pains you have taken with her : Besides , she takes you for me . J. Stan. That 's true : I forgot you had marry'd her . But if you knew all Well .

'T is no matter for my knowing all : if she does

J. Stan.

Ay , ay , she does know , and more than ever she knew since she was a woman , for the time ; I will be bold to say : for I have done

Well .

The Devil take you , you 'll never have done .

J. Stan.

As old as she is , she has a wrincle behind more than she had , I believe

For I have taught her , what she never knew in her life before .

Well .

What care I what wrincles she has ? or what you have taught her ? If you 'll let me advise you , you may ; if not , you may prate on , and ruine the whole design .

J. Stan.

Well , well , I have done .

Well .

No body , but your Cozin , and you , and I , know any thing of this matter . I have marry'd Mrs. Lackit ; and put you to bed to her , which she knows nothing of , to serve you : in two or three days I 'll bring it about so , to resign up my claim , with her consent , quietly to you .

J. Stan.

But how will you do it ?

Well .

That must be my business : in the mean time , if you should make any noise , 't will come to her Ears , and be impossible to reconcile her .

J. Stan.

Nay , as for that , I know the way to reconcile her , I warrant you .

Well .

But how will you get her Money ? I am marry'd to her .

J. Stan.

That I don't know indeed .

Well .

You must leave it to me , you find , all the pains I shall put you to , will be to be silent : you can hold your Tongue for two or three days ?

J. Stan.

Truly , not well , in a matter of this nature : I should be very unwilling to lose the reputation of this nights work , and the pleasure of telling .

Well .

You must mortifie that vanity a little : you will have time enough to brag , and lie of your Manhood , when you have her in a bare-fac'd condition to disprove you .

J. Stan.

Well , I 'll try what I can do : the hopes of her Money must do it .

Well .

You 'll come at night again ? 't is your own business .

J. Stan.

But you have the credit on 't .

Well . 'T will be your own another day , as the Widow says . Send your Cozin to me : I want his advise . J. Stan.

I want to be recruited , I 'm sure , a good Breakfast , and to Bed : She has rock'd my Cradle sufficiently .

[ Exit .
Well .

She wou'd have a Husband ; and if all be , as he says , she has no reason to complain : but there 's no relying on what the Men say upon these occasions : they have the benefit of their bragging , by recommending their abilities to other Women : theirs is a trading Estate , that lives upon credit , and increases by removing it out of one Bank into another . Now poor Women have not these opportunities : we must keep our stocks dead by us ; at home , to be ready for a purchase , when it comes , a Husband , let him be never so dear , and be glad of him : or venture our Fortunes abroad on such rotten security , that the principal and interest , nay very often our persons are in danger . If the Women wou'd agree ( which they never will ) to call home their Effects , how many proper Gentlemen wou'd sneak into another way of living , for want of being responsible in this ? then Husbands wou'd be cheaper . Here comes the Widow , she 'll tell truth : she 'll not bear false Witness against her own interest , I know .

[ Enter Widow Lackit . ]
Well .

Now , Mrs. Lackit .

Wid.

Well , well , Lackit , or what you will now ; now I am marry'd to you : I am very well pleas'd with what I have done , I assure you .

Well .

And with what I have done too , I hope .

Wid.

Ah! Mr. Welldon ! I say nothing , but you 're a dear Man , and I did not think it had been in you .

Well .

I have more in me than you imagine .

Wid.

No , no , you can't have more than I imagine : 't is impossible to have more : you have enough for any Woman , in an honest way , that I will say for you .

Well .

Then I find you are satisfied .

Wid.

Satisfied ! no indeed ; I 'm not to be satisfied , with you or without you : to be satisfied , is to have enough of you ; now , 't is a folly to lye : I shall never think I can have enough of you . I shall be very fond of you : wou'd you have me fond of you ? What do you do to me , to make me love you so well ?

Well .

Can't you tell what ?

Wid.

Go ; there 's no speaking to you : you bring all the Blood of ones body into ones face , so you do : why do you talk so ?

Well .

Why , how do I talk ?

Wid. You know how : but a little colour becomes me , I believe : how do I look to day ? Well .

O! most lovingly , most amiably .

Wid. Nay , this can't be long a secret , I find , I shall discover it by my Countenance . Well .

The Women will find you out , you look so cheerfully .

Wid.

But do I , do I really look so cheerfully , so amiably ? there 's no such paint in the World as the natural glowing of a Complexion . Let 'em find me out , if they please , poor Creatures , I pity 'em : they envy me , I 'm sure , and wou'd be glad to mend their looks upon the same occasion . The young jilflirting Girls , forsooth , believe nobody must have a Husband , but themselves ; but I wou'd have 'em to know there are other things to be taken care of , besides their green Sickness :

Well .

Ay , sure , or the Physicians wou'd have but little practise .

Wid.

Mr. Welldon , what must I call you : I must have some pretty fond name or other for you : what shall I call you ?

Well .

I thought you lik'd my own name .

Wid.

Yes , yes , I like it , but I must have a nick-name for you : most Women have nick-names for their Husbands

Well .

Cuckold .

Wid. No , no , but 't is very pretty before company ; It looks negligent , and is the fashion , you know . Well .

To be negligent of their Husbands , it is indeed .

Wid.

Nay then , I won't be in the fashion ; for I can never be negligent of dear Mr. Welldon : and to convince you , here 's something to encourage you not to be negligent of me .

[ Gives him a Purse and a little Casket .

Five hundred pounds in Gold in this ; and Jewels to the value of five hundred pounds more in this .

[ Welldon opens the Casket .
Well .

Ay , marry , this will encourage me indeed .

Wid.

there are comforts in marrying an elderly Woman , Mr. Welldon . Now a young Woman wou'd have fancy'd she had paid you with her person , or had done you the favour .

Well .

What do you talk of young Women ? you are as young as any of 'em , in every thing , but their folly and ignorance .

Wid.

And do you thing me so ? but I have no reason to suspect you . Was not I seen at your house this Morning , do you think ?

Well .

You may venture again : you 'll come at night , I suppose .

Wid.

O dear ! at night ? so soon ?

Well .

Nay , if you think it so soon .

Wid.

O! no , it is not for that Mr. Welldon , but

Well .

You won't come then .

Wid. Won't ! I don't say , I won't : that is not a word for a Wife : If you command me Well .

To please your self .

Wid.

I will come to please you .

Well .

To please your self , own it .

Wid.

Well , well , to please my self then , you 're the strangest Man in the world , nothing can scape you : you 'll to the bottom of every thing .

[ Enter Daniel , Lucia following . ]
Dan.

What wou'd you have ? what do you follow me for ?

Luc.

Why , may'nt I follow you ? I must follow you now all the World over .

Dan.

Hold you , hold you there : not so far by a mile or two ; I have enough of your Company already , byrlady ; and something to spare : you may go home to your Brother , an you will , I have no farther to do with you .

Wid.

Why , Daniel , Child , thou art not out of thy wits sure , art thou ?

Dan. Nay , marry , I don't know ; but I am very near it , I believe : I am alter'd for the worse mightily since you saw me ; And she has been the cause of it there . Wid.

How so , Child ?

Dan.

I told you before what wou'd come on 't , of putting me to bed to a strange Woman : but you wou'd not be said nay .

Wid.

She is your Wife now , Child , you must love her .

Dan.

Why , so I did , at first .

Wid.

But you must love her always .

Dan.

Always ! I lov'd her as long as I cou'd , Mother , and as long as loving was good , I believe , for I find now I don't care a fig for her .

Luc.

Why , you lubberly , slovenly , misbegotten Blockhead

Wid.

Nay , Mistriss Lucy , say any thing else , and spare not : but as to his begetting , that touches me , he is as honestly begotten , tho' I say it , that he is the worse agen .

Luc.

I see all good nature is thrown away upon you

Wid.

It was so with his Father before him : he takes after him .

Luc.

And therefore I will use you , as you deserve , you Tony.

Wid.

Indeed he deserves bad enough ; but don't call him out of his name , his name is Daniel , you know .

Dan. She may call me Hermophrodite , if she will , For I hardly know whether I 'm a Boy or a Girl . Well . A Boy , I warrant thee , as long as thou liv'st . Dan. Let her call me what she pleases , Mother , 'T is not her Tongue that I am afraid of . Luc.

I will make such a Beast of thee , such a Cuckold !

Wid.

O , pray , no , I hope ; do nothing rashly , Mrs. Lucy .

Luc.

Such a Cuckold will I make of thee !

Dan.

I had rather be a Cuckold , than what you wou'd make of me in a week , I 'm sure : I have no more Manhood left in me already , than there is , saving the mark , in one of my Mothers old under Petticoats here .

Wid.

Sirrah , Sirrah , meddle with your Wife's Petticoats , and let your Mother's alone , you ungracious Bird , you .

[ Beats him .
Dan.

Why is the Devil in the Woman ? what have I said now ?

Do you know , if you were ask'd , I trow ? but you are all of a bundle ; ev'n hang together ; he that unties you , makes a Rod for his own tail ; and so he will find it , that has any thing to do with you .

Wid.

Ay , Rogue enough , you shall find it : I have a Rod for your Tail still .

Dan.

No , Wife and I care not .

Wid.

I 'll swinge you into better manners , you Booby .

[ Beats him off , Exit .
Well .

You have consummated our project upon him .

Luc. Nay , if I have a limb of the Fortune , I care not who has the whole body of the Fool. Well .

That you shall , and a large one , I promise you .

Luc.

Have you heard the news ? they talk of an English Ship in the River .

Well

I have heard on 't : and am preparing to receive it , as fast as I can .

Luc. There 's something the matter too with the Slaves , Some disturbance or other ; I don't know what ' t is . Well . So much the better still : We fish in troubled waters : We shall have fewer Eyes upon us . Pray , go you home , and be ready to assist me in your part of the design . Luc.

I can't fail in mine .

[ Exit
Well . The Widow has furnish'd me , I thank her , to carry it on . Now I have got a Wife , 't is high time to think of getting a Husband . I carry my fortune about me ; A thousand Pounds in Gold and Jewels . Let me see 'T will be a considerable trust : And I think , I shall lay it out to advantage . [ Enter Stanmore . ] Stan.

So Welldon , Jack has told me his success ; and his hopes of marrying the Widow by your means .

Well . I have strain'd a point , Stanmore , upon your account , To be serviceable to your Family . Stan. I take it upon my account ; and am very much oblig'd to you . But here we are all in an uproar . Well .

So they say , what 's the matter ?

Stan. A Mutiny among the Slaves : Oroonoko is at the head of 'em , Our Governour is gone out with his rascally Militia against 'em , What it may come to no body knows . Well .

For my part , I shall do as well as the rest : but I 'm concern'd for my Sister , and Cozen , whom I expect in the Ship from England .

Stan.

There 's no danger of ' em .

Well .

I have a thousand pounds here , in Gold and Jewels , for my Cozens use , that I wou'd more particularly take care of : 't is too great a summ to venture at home ; and I wou'd not have her wrong'd of it : therefore , to secure it , I think my best way will be , to put it into your keeping .

Stan.

You have a very good opinion of my honesty .

[ Takes the Purse and Casket .
Well .

I have indeed , if any thing shou'd happen to me , in this bustle , as no body is secure of accidents , I know you will take my Cozen into your protection and care .

Stan.

You may be sure on 't .

Well .

If you hear she is dead , as she may be , then I desire you to accept of the Thousand Pound , as a Legacy , and Token of my Friendship ; my Sister is provided for .

Stan.

Why , you amaze me : but you are never the nearer dying , I hope , for makeing your Will ?

Well . Not a jot ; but I love to be before hand with Fortune . If she comes safe ; this is not a place for a single Woman , you know ; Pray see her marryed as soon as you can . Stan.

If she be as handsom as her Picture , I can promise her a Husband .

Well .

If you like her , when you se● her , I wish nothing so much as to have you marry her your ●elf .

Stan.

From what I have heard of her , and my Engagements to you , it must be her fault , if I don 't :

I hope to have her from your own Hand .

Well .

And I hope to give her to you , for all this .

Stan. Ay , ay , hang these melancholy Reflections . Your Generosity has engag'd all my Services . Well .

I always thought you worth making a Friend .

Stan.

You shan't find your good Opinion thrown away upon me : I am in your Debt , and shall think so as long as I live .

[ Exeunt .
SCENE II. Enter on one side of the Stage Oroonoko , Aboan , with the Slaves , Imoinda with a Bow and Quiver , the Women , some leading , others carrying their Children upon their Backs . Oro. The Women , with their Children , fall behind . Imoinda you must not expose your self : Retire , my Love : I almost fear for you . Imo.

I fear no Danger : Life , or Death , I will enjoy with you .

Oro.

My Person is your Guard.

Abo.

Now , Sir , blame your self : if you had not prevented my cutting his Throat , that Coward there had not discover'd us ; He comes now to upbraid you .

Enter on the other side Governour , talking to Hottman , with his Rabble .
Gov. This is the very thing I would have wisht . Your honest Service to the Government [ To Hottman . Shall be rewarded with your Liberty . Abo. His honest Service ! call it what it is , His Villany , the Service of his Fear : If he pretends to honest Services , Let him stand out , and meet me , like a Man. [ Advancing . Oro. Hold , you : And you who come against us , hold ; I charge you in a general good to all , And wish I cou'd command you , to prevent The bloody Havock of the murdering Sword. I wou'd not urge Destruction uncompell'd : But if you follow Fate , you find it here . The Bounds are set , the Limits of our Lives : Between us lyes the gaping Gulph of Death , To swallow all : who first advances [ Enter the Capt. with his Crew . Capt. Here , here , here they are , Governour : What! seize upon my Ship ! Come , Boys , fall on [ Advancing first , Oroonoko kills him . Oro. Thou art fall'n indeed . Thy own Blood be upon thee . Gov. Rest it there : he did deserve his Death . Take him away . [ the Body remov'd . You see , Sir , you and those mistaken Men Must be our Witnesses , we do not come As Enemies , and thirsting for your Blood. If we desir'd your Ruin , the Revenge Of our Companions Death , had pusht it on . But that we over-look , in a Regard To common Safety , and the publick Good. Oro. Regard that publick good : draw off your Men , And leave us to our Fortune : We 're resolv'd . Gov. Resolv'd , on what ? your Resolutions Are broken , overturn'd , prevented , lost : What Fortune now can you raise out of ' em ? Nay , grant we shou'd draw off , what can you do ? Where can you move ? What more can you resolve ? Unless it be to throw your selves away . Famine must eat you up , if you go on . You see , our Numbers cou'd with Ease compel What we request : And what do we request ? Only to save your selves ? [ The Women with their Children gathering about the Men. Oro. I 'le hear no more . Women . Hear him , hear him . He takes no care of us . Gov. To those poor wretches who have been seduc'd , And led away , to all , and every one , We offer a full Pardon Oro. Then fall on . [ Preparing to Engage . Gov. Lay hold upon 't , before it be too late , Pardon and Mercy . [ The Women clinging about the Men , they leave Oroonoko , and fall upon their Faces crying out for Pardon . Slaves . Pardon , Mercy , Pardon . Oro. Let 'em go all : now , Governour , I see , I own the Folly of my Enterprise , The Rashness of this Action , and must blush Quite thro' this Vail of Night , a whitely Shame , To think I cou'd design to make those free , Who were by Nature Slaves ; Wretches design'd To be their Masters Dogs , and lick their Feet . Whip , whip 'em to the Knowledge of your Gods , Your Christian Gods , who suffer you to be Unjust , dishonest , cowardly , and base , And give 'em your Excuse for being so . I wou'd not live on the same Earth with Creatures , That only have the Faces of their Kind : Why shou'd they look like Men , who are not so ? When they put off their Noble Natures , for The groveling qualities of down-cast Beasts , I wish they had their Tails . Abo. Then we shou'd know ' em . Oro. We were too few before for Victory : We 're still enow to dye . [ To Imoinda , Aboan . Blanford Enters . Gov. Live , Royal Sir ; Live , and be happy long on your own Terms : Only consent to yield , and you shall have What Terms you can propose , for you , and yours . Oro. Consent to yield ! shall I betray my self ? Gov. Alas ! we cannot fear , that your small Force , The Force of two , with a weak Womans Arm , Shou'd Conquer us . I speak in the regard And Honour of your Worth , in my desire And forwardness to serve so great a Man. I wou'd not have it lie upon my Thoughts , That I was the occasion of the fall Of such a Prince , whose Courage carried on In a more Noble Cause , wou'd well deserve The Empire of the World. Oro. You can speak fair . Gov. Your Undertaking , tho' it wou'd have brought So great a loss to us , we must all say Was generous , and noble ; and shall be Regarded only as the Fire of Youth , That will break out sometimes in Gallant So We 'll think it but the Natural Impulse , A rash impatience of Liberty : No otherwise . Oro. Think it what you will. I was not born to render an Account Of what I do , to any but my self . [ Blanford comes forward . Blan. I 'm glad you have proceeded by fair means . [ To the Governour . I came to be a Mediator . Gov. Try what you can work upon him . Oro. Are you come against me too ? Blan. Is this to come against you ? [ Offering his Sword to Oroon . Unarm'd to put my self into your Hands ? I come , I hope , to serve you . Oro. You have serv'd me ; I thank you for 't : And I am pleas'd to think You were my Friend , while I had need of one : But now 't is past ; this farewell : and be gone . [ Embraces him . Blan. It is not past , and I must serve you still . I wou'd make up these Breaches , which the Sword Will widen more ; and close us all in Love. Oro. I know what I have done , and I shou'd be A Child to think they ever can Forgive : Forgive ! Were there but that , I wou'd not live To be Forgiven : Is there a Power on Earth , That I can ever need forgiveness from ? Blan. You sha' not need it . Oro. No , I wonnot need it . Blan. You see he offers you your own Conditions , For you , and yours . Oro. I must Capitulate ? Precariously Compound , on stinted Terms , To save my Life ? Blan. Sir , he Imposes none . You make 'em for your own Security . If your great Heart cannot descend to treat , In adverse Fortune , with an Enemy : Yet sure , your Honour 's safe , you may accept Offers of Peace , and Safety from a Friend . Gov. He will rely on what you say to him : [ To Blanford . Offer him what you can , I will confirm , And make all good : Be you my Pledge of Trust. Blan. I 'le answer with my Life for all he says . Gov. Ay , do , and pay the Forfeit if you please . [ Aside . Blan. Consider , Sir , can you consent to throw That Blessing from you , you so hardly found , [ Of Imoinda . And so much valu'd once ? Oro. Imoinda ! Oh! 'T is She that holds me on this Argument Of tedious Life : I cou'd resolve it soon , Were this curst Being only in Debate . But my Imoinda struggles in my Soul : She makes a Coward of me : I Confess I am afraid to part with Her in Death : And more afraid of Life to lose Her here . Blan. This way you must lose her , think upon The weakness of her Sex , made yet more weak With her Condition , requiring Rest , And soft Indulging Ease , to nurse your Hopes , And make you a glad Father . Oro. There I feel a Father's Fondness , and a Husband's Love. They seize upon my Hart , strain all its strings , To pull me to 'em , from my stern resolve . Husband , and Father ! All the melting Art Of Eloquence lives in those softning Names . Methinks I see the Babe , with Infant Hands , Pleading for Life , and begging to be born : Shall I forbid his Birth ? Deny him Light ? The Heavenly Comforts of all-cheering Light ? And make the Womb the Dungeon of his Death ? His Bleeding Mother his sad Monument ? These are the Calls of Nature , that call loud , They will be heard , and Conquer in their Cause : He must not be a Man , who can resist ' em . No , my Imoinda ! I will venture all To save thee , and that little Innocent : The World may be a better Friend to him , Than I have found it . Now I yield my self : [ Gives up bis Sword. The Conflict's past , and we are in your Hands . [ Several Men get about Oronooko , and Aboan , and seize ' em . Gov. So you shall find you are : Dispose of them , As I commanded you . Blan. Good Heaven forbid ! You cannot mean Gov. This is not your Concern . [ To Blanford who goes to Oroonoko . I must take care of you . [ To Imoinda . Imo. I 'm at the end Of all my Care : Here I will die with him . [ Holding Oroonoko . Oro. You shall not force her from me . [ he holds her . Gov. Then I must [ they force her from him . Try other means , and Conquer Force by Force : Break , cut off his Hold , bring her away . Imo. I do not ask to Live , kill me but here . Oro. O Bloody Dogs ! Inhumane Murderers . [ Imoinda forct out of one Door by the Governour , and others . Oroonoko and Aboan hurried out of another . [ Exeunt Omnes .
ACT V. SCENE I. Enter Stanmore , Lucia , Charlott . Stan.

'T IS strange we cannot hear of him : Can no body give an account of him ?

Luc.

Nay , I begin to despair : I give him for gone .

Stan.

Not so I hope .

Luc.

There are so many disturbances in this devilish Country ! Wou'd we had never seen it .

Stan.

This is but a cold welcome for you , Madam , after so troublesome a Voyage .

Char. A cold Welcome indeed , Sir , without my Cousin Welldon , He was the best Friend I had in the World. Stan. He was a very good Friend of yours indeed , Madam . Luc.

They have made him away , Murder'd him for his Mony , I believe , he took a considerable Sum out with him , I know , that has been his Ruin.

Stan.

That has done him no Injury , to my knowledge : For this Morning he put into my Custody what you speak of , I suppose a Thousand Pounds , for the use of this Lady .

Char. I was always oblig'd to him : and he has shown his Care of me , in placing my little Affairs in such Honourable Hands . Stan.

He gave me a particular charge of you , Madam , very particular , so particular , that you will be surpriz'd when I tell you .

Char.

What , pray Sir.

Stan.

I am engag'd to get you a Husband , I promis'd that before I saw you ; and now I have seen you , you must give me leave to offer you my self .

Luc. Nay , Cozen , never be coy upon the matter , to my Knowledge my Brother always design'd you for this Gentleman . Stan.

You hear , Madam , he has given me his Interest , and 't is the Favour I wou'd have begg'd of him . Lord ! you are so like him

Char.

That you are oblig'd to say you like me for his Sake .

Stan.

I shou'd be glad to love you for your own .

Char.

If I shou'd consent to the fine things you can say to me , how wou'd you look at last , to find 'em thrown away upon an old Acquaintance ?

Stan.

An old Acquaintance !

Char.

Lord , how easily are you Men to be impos'd upon ! I am no Cozen newly arriv'd from England , not I ; but the very Welldon you wot of .

Stan.

Welldon !

Char.

Not murdered , nor made away , as my Sister wou'd have you believe , but am in very good Health , your old friend in Breeches that was , and now your humble Servant in Petticoats .

Stan. I 'm glad we have you agen . But what service can you do me in Petticoats , pray ? Char.

Can't you tell what ?

Stan.

Not I , by my troth : I have found my Friend , and lost my Mistress , it seems , which I did not expect from your Petticoats .

Char.

Come , come , you have had a Friend of your Mistress long enough , 't is high time now to have a Mistress of your Friend .

Stan.

What do you say ?

Char.

I am a Woman , Sir.

Stan.

A Woman !

Char. As arrant a Woman as you wou'd have had me . But now , I assure you . Stan.

And at my Service ?

Char.

If you have any for me in Petticoats .

Stan.

Yes , yes , I shall find you employment .

Char.

You wonder at my proceeding , I believe .

Stan.

'T is a little extraordinary , indeed .

Char.

I have taken some pains to come into your Favour .

Stan.

You might have had it cheaper a great deal .

Char.

I might have marry'd you in the Person of my English Cozen , but cou'd not consent to cheat you , ev'n in the thing I had a mind to .

Stan.

'T was done as you do every thing .

Char.

I need not tell you , I made that little Plot , and carry'd it on only for this Opportunity . I was resolv'd to see whether you lik't me as a Woman , or not : if I had found you indifferent ; I wou'd have indeavour'd to have been so too : but you say you like me , and therefore I have ventur'd to discover the truth .

Stan.

Like you ! I like you so well , that I 'm afraid you won't think Marriage a proof on 't : shall I give you any other ?

Char.

No , no , I 'm inclin'd to believe you , and that shall convince me . At more leisure I 'le satisfie you how I came to be in Mans Cloaths , for no ill I assure you , tho' I have happen'd to play the Rogue in 'em : They have assisted me in marrying my Sister , and have gone a great way in befriending your Cozen Jack with the Widow . Can you forgive me for pimping for your Family ?

Enter Jack Stanmore .
Stan.

So , Jack , what News with you ?

J. Stan. I am the forepart of the Widow , you know , She 's coming after with the body of the Family , the young Squire in her hand , my Son-in-Law that is to be , with the Help of Mr. Weldon . Char.

Say you so , Sir ?

[ Clapping Jack upon the back . Enter Widow Lackitt with her Son Daniel .
Wid.

So , Mrs. Lucy , I have brought him about agen , I have Chastis'd him , I have made him as supple as a Glove for your wearing , to pull on , or throw off , at your pleasure . Will you ever Rebell again ? Will you , Sirrah ? But come , come , down on your Marrow Bones , and ask her forgiveness . [ Daniel Kneels . Say after me , pray forsooth Wife .

Dan.

Pray forsooth Wife .

Luc.

Well , well , this is a Day of good Nature , and so I take you into Favour : But first take the Oath of Allegiance .

[ He kisses her Hand , and rises .

If ever you do so agen

Dan.

Nay Marry if I do , I shall have the worst on 't .

Luc.

Here 's a Stranger , forsooth , wou'd be glad to be known to you , a Sister of mine , pray salute her .

[ starts at Charlott .
Wid.

Your Sister ! Mrs. Lucy ! what do you mean ? This is your Brother , Mr. Weldon ; do you think I do not know Mr. Weldon ?

Luc. Have a care what you say : This Gentleman 's about Marrying her : You may spoil all . VVid.

Fiddle faddle , what ! You wou'd put a trick upon me .

Char.

No faith , Widow , the Trick is over , it has taken sufficiently , and now I will teach you the Trick , To prevent your being Cheated another time .

VVid.

How ! Cheated , Mr. VVeldon !

Char.

Why , ay , you will always take things by the wrong Handle , I see you will have me Mr. VVeldon : I grant you , I was Mr. VVeldon a little while to please you , or so : But Mr. Stanmore here has perswaded me into a Woman agen .

VVid. A Woman ! Pray let me speak with you . [ drawing her aside . You are not in earnest , I hope ? A Woman ! Char.

Really a Woman .

VVid.

Gads my Life ! I could not be cheated in every thing : I know a Man from a Woman at these Years , or the Devil 's in 't . Pray , did not you marry me ?

Char.

You wou'd have it so .

Wid.

And did not I give you a Thousand Pounds this Morning ?

Char.

Yes indeed , 't was more than I deserv'd : But you had your Penniworth for your Penny , I suppose : You seem'd to be pleas'd with your Bargain .

Wid.

A rare Bargain I have made on 't , truly . I have laid out my Money to fine purpose upon a Woman .

Char.

You wou'd have a Husband , and I provided for you as well as I cou'd .

Wid :

Yes , yes , you have provided for me .

Char.

And you have paid me very well for 't , I thank you .

Wid.

'T is very well ; I may be with Child too , for ought I know , and may go look for the Father .

Char. Nay , if you think so , 't is time to look about you indeed . Ev'n make up the matter as well as you can , I advise you as a Friend , and let us live Neighbourly and Lovingly together . Wid.

I have nothing else for it , that I know now .

Char.

For my part , Mrs. Lackit , your Thousand Pounds will Engage me not to laugh at you . Then my Sister is Married to your Son , he is to have half your Estate , I know ; and indeed they may live upon it , very comfortably to themselves , and very creditably to you .

Wid.

Nay , I can blame no body but my self .

Char. You have enough for a Husband still , And that you may bestow upon honest Jack Stanmore . Wid.

Is he the Man then ?

Char.

He is the Man you are oblig'd to .

J. Stan.

Yes , Faith , Widow , I am the Man : I have done fairly by you , you find , you know what you have to trust to before hand .

VVid.

Well , well , I see you will have me , ev'n Marry me , and make an end of the business .

Stan.

Why , that 's well said , now we are all agreed , and all provided for .

[ A Servant Enters to Stanmore .
Serv.

Sir , Mr. Blandford desires you to come to him , and bring as many of your Friends as you can with you .

Stan.

I come to him . You 'l all go along with me . Come , young Gentleman , Marriage is the fashion , you see , you must like it now .

Dan.

If I don't , how shall I help my self ?

Luc. Nay , you may hang your self in the Noose , if you please , But you 'll never get out on 't with strugling . Dan. Come then , let 's ev'n jogg on in the old Road. Cuckold , or worse , I must be now contented : I 'm not the first has marry'd , and repented . [ Exeunt .
SCENE II. Enter Governour with Blanford , and Planters . Blan. Have you no Reverence of future Fame ? No awe upon your actions , from the Tongues , The censuring Tongues of Men , that will be free ? If you confess Humanity , believe There is a God , or Devil , to reward Our doings here , do not provoke your Fate . The Hand of Heaven is arm'd against these Crimes , With hotter Thunder-Bolts , prepar'd to shoot , And Nail you to the Earth , a sad Example ; A Monument of Faithless Infamy . Enter Stanmore , J. Stanmore , Charlott , Lucy , Widow , and Daniel . So , Stanmore , you I know , the Women too Will join with me : 'T is Oroonoko's Cause , A Lover's Cause , a wretched Woman's Cause , That will become your Intercession . [ To the Women . 1. Plan.

Never mind 'em , Governour ; he ought to be made an Example for the good of the Plantation .

2. Plan.

Ay , ay , 't will frighten the Negroes from Attempting the like agen .

1. Plan. What rise against their Lords and Masters ! At this rate no Man is safe from his own Slaves . 2. Plan.

No , no more he is . Therefore , one and all , Governour , we declare for Hanging .

Om. Plan.

Ay , ay , hang him , hang him .

Wid.

What! Hang him ! O! forbid it , Governour .

Char. and Lucy .

We all Petition for him .

J. Stan.

They are for a Holy-Day ; Guilty or not , Is not the Business , hanging is their Sport.

Blan. We are not sure so wretched , to have these , The Rabble , judge for us ; the changing Croud ; The Arbitrary Guard of Fortune's Power , Who wait to catch the Sentence of her Frowns , And hurry all to ruine she Condemns . Stan. So far from farther Wrong , that 't is a shame He shou'd be where he is : Good Governour Order his Liberty : He yielded up Himself , his all , at your discretion . Blan. Discretion ! no , he yielded on your word ; And I am made the cautionary Pledge , The Gage , and Hostage of your keeping it . Remember , Sir , he yielded on your word ; Your Word ! which honest Men will think should be The last resort of Truth , and trust on Earth : There 's no Appeal beyond it , but to Heaven : An Oath is a recognisance to Heaven , Binding us over , in the Courts above , To plead to the Indictment of our Crimes . That those who 'scape this World should suffer there But in the common Intercourse of Men , ( Where the dread Majesty is not Invoak'd , His Honour not immediately concern'd , Not made a Party in our Interests , ) Our Word is all to be rely'd upon . Wid.

Come , come , You 'l be as good as your Word , we know .

Stan. He 's out of all power of doing any harm now , If he were dispos'd to it . Char. But he is not dispos'd to it . Blan. To keep him , where he is , will make him soon Find out some desperate way to Liberty : He 'll hang himself , or dash out his mad Brains . Char. Pray try him by gentle Means : We 'll all be Sureties for him . Om. All , all . Luc. We will all answer for him now . Gov. Well , you will have it so , do what you please , Just what you will with him , I give you leave . [ Exit . Blan. We thank you , Sir ; this way , pray come with me . [ Exeunt . The Scene drawn shews Oroonoko upon his Back , his Legs and Arms stretcht out , and chain'd to the Ground . Enter Blanford , Stanmore . &c. Blan. O miserable Sight ! help every one , Assist me all to free him from his Chains . [ They help him up , and bring him forward , looking down . Most injur'd Prince ! how shall we clear our selves ? We cannot hope you will vouchsafe to hear , Or credit what we say in the Defence , And Cause of our suspected Innocence . Stan. We are not guilty of your Injuries , No way consenting to 'em ; but abhor , Abominate , and loath this Cruelty . Blan. It is our Curse , but make it not our Crime . A heavy curse upon us , that we must Share any thing in common , ev'n the Light , The Elements , and Seasons , with such Men , Whose Principles , like the fam'd Dragons Teeth , Scatter'd , and sown , wou'd shoot a Harvest up Of fighting Mischiefs , to confound themselves , And ruin all about ' em . Stan. Profligates ! Whose bold Titanian Impiety Wou'd once agen pollute their Mother Earth , Force her to teem with her old monstrous Brood Of Gyants , and forget the Race of Men. Blan. We are not so : believe us innocent . We come prepar'd with all our Services , To offer a Redress of your base Wrongs . Which way shall we employ ' em ? Stan. Tell us , Sir , if there is any thing that can attone ; But nothing can ; that may be some amends Oro. If you wou'd have me think you are not all Confederates , all accessory to The base Injustice of your Governour : If you wou'd have me live , as you appear Concern'd for me , if you wou'd have me live To thank , and bless you , there is yet a Way To tye me ever to your honest Love : Bring my Imoinda to me ; give me her , To charm my Sorrows , and , if possible , I 'le sit down with my Wrongs ; never to rise Against my Fate , or think of Vengeance more . Blan. Be satisfi'd , you may depend upon us , We 'll bring her safe to you , and suddenly . Char. We wonnot leave you in so good a work . Wid. No , no , we 'll go with you . Blan. In the mean time Endeavour to forget , Sir , and forgive : And hope a better Fortune . [ Exeunt . Oroonoko alone . Oro. Forget ! forgive ! I must indeed forget , When I forgive : but while I am a Man , In Flesh , that bears the living mark of Shame , The print of his dishonourable Chains , My Memory still rousing up my Wrongs , I never can forgive this Governour ; This Villain ; the disgrace of Trust , and Place , And just Contempt of delegated Power . What shall I do ? If I declare my self , I know him , he will sneak behind his Guard Of Followers , and brave me in his Fears . Else , Lyon like , with my devouring Rage , I wou'd rush on him , fasten on his Throat , Tear wide a Passage to his treacherous Heart , And that way lay him open to the World. [ Pausing . If I shou'd turn his Christian Arts on him , Promise him , speek him fair , flatter , and creep , With fawning Steps , to get within his Faith , I cou'd betray him then , as he has me . But am I sure by that to right my self ? Lying's a certain Mark of Cowardise : And when the Tongue forgets its Honesty , The Heart and Hand may drop their functions too , And nothing worthy be resolv'd , or done . The Man must go together , bad , or good : In one part srail , he soon grows weak in all . Honour shou'd be concern'd in Honour's Cause , That is not to be cur'd by Contraries , As Bodies are , whose Health is osten drawn From rankest Poysons . Let me but find out An honest Remedy , I have the Hand , A ministring Hand , that will apply it Home . [ Exit .
SCENE the Governour 's House . Enter Governour . Gov. I wou'd not have her tell me , she consents : In Favour of the Sexes Modesty , That still shou'd be presum'd , because there is A greater Impudence in owning it , Than in allowing all that we can do . This Truth I know , and yet against my self , ( So unaccountable are Lovers ways ) I talk , and lose the Opportunities , Which Love , and she expects I shou'd employ : Ev'n she expects : for when a Man has said All that is fit , to save the Decency , The Women know the rest is to be done . I wonnot disappoint her . [ Going Enter to him Blanford , the Stanmores , Daniel , Mrs. Lackit , Charlot , and Lucy . Wid. O Governour ! I 'm glad we have lit upon you . Gov. Why ! what 's the Matter ? Char. Nay , nothing extraordinary . But one good Action Draws on another . You have given the Prince his Fredom : Now we come a begging for his Wife : You won't refuse us . Gov. Refuse you . No , no , what have I to do to refuse you Wid. You won't refuse to send her to him , she means . Gov. I send her to him ! Wid. We have promis'd him to bring her . Gov. You do very well ; 't is Kindly done of you : Ev'n carry her to him , with all my Heart . Luc. You must tell us where she is . Gov. I tell you ! why , don't you know ? Blan. Your Servants say she 's in the House . Gov.

No , no , I brought her home at first indeed ; but I thought it wou'd not look well to keep her here : I remov'd her in the Hurry , only to take care of her . What! she belongs to you : I have nothing to do with her .

Char. But where is she now , Sir ? Gov.

Why , Faith , I can't say certainly : you 'll hear of her at Parham House , I suppose : there , or thereabouts : I think I sent her there .

Blan. I 'le have an Eye on him . [ Aside . [ Exeunt all but the Governour . Gov. I have ly'd my self into a little Time ; And must employ it : they 'll be here agen ; But I must be before ' em . [ Going out , he meets Imoinda , and seises her . Are you come ! I 'le court no longer for a Happiness That is in mine own keeping : you may still Refuse to grant , so I have Power to take . The Man that asks deserves to be deny'd . [ She disengages one hand , and draws his Sword from his side upon him , Governour starts and retires , Blanford enters behind him . Imo. He does indeed , that asks unworthily . Blan. You hear her , Sir , that asks unworthily . Gov. You are no Judge . Blan. I am of my own Slave . Gov. Begone , and leave us . Blan. When you let her go . Gov. To fasten upon you . Blan. I must defend my self . Imo. Help , Murder , help . [ Imoinda retreats towards the door , favour'd by Blanford , when they are clos'd , she throws down the Sword , and runs out . Governour takes up the Smord , they fight , close , and fall , Blanford upon him . Servants enter , and part ' em . Gov. She shannot scape me so . I 've gone too far , Not to go farther . Curse on my delay : But yet she is , and shall be in my Power . Blan. Nay then it is the War of Honesty : I know you , and will save you from your self . Gov. All come along with me . [ Exeunt .
SCENE the last . Oroonoko Enters . Oro. To Honour bound ! and yet a Slave to Love ! I am distracted by their rival Powers , And both will be obey'd . O great Revenge ! Thou Raiser , and Restorer of faln Fame ! Let me not be unworthy of thy Aid , For stopping in thy course : I still am thine : But can't forget I am Imoinda's too . She calls me from my Wrongs to rescue her . No man condemn me , who has never felt A womans Power , or try'd the Force of Love : All tempers yield , and soften in those fires : Our Honours , Interests resolving down , Run in the gentle Current of our Joys : But not to sink , and drown our Memory : We mount agen to Action , like the Sun , That rises from the Bosom of the Sea , To run his glorious Race of Light anew And carry on the World. Love , Love will be My first Ambition , and my Fame the next . Aboan enters bloody . My Eyes are turn'd against me , and combine With my sworn Enemies , to represent This spectacle of Honour . Aboan ! My ever faithful Friend ! Abo. I have no Name , That can distinguish me from the vile Earth , To which I 'm going : a poor , abject worm , That crawl'd awhile upon a bustling World , And now am trampled to my Dust agen . Oro. I see thee gasht , and mangled . Abo. Spare my shame To tell how they have us'd me : but believe The Hangman's Hand wou'd have been merciful . Do not you scorn me , Sir , to think I can Intend to live under this Infamy . I do not come for pity , to complain . I 've spent an honourable Life with you ; The earliest Servant of your rising Fame , And wou'd attend it with my latest care : My life was yours , and so shall be my death . You must not live . Bending and sinking , I have dragg'd my Steps Thus far , to tell you that you cannot live : To warn you of those Ignominious wrongs , Whips , Rods , and all the Instruments of death , Which I have felt , and are prepar'd for you . This was the Duty that I had to pay . 'T is done , and now I beg to be discharg'd . Oro. What shall I do for thee ? Abo. My Body tires , And wonnot bear me off to Liberty : I shall agen be taken , made a Slave . A Sword , a Dagger yet wou'd rescue me . I have not Strength to go to find out Death : You must direct him to me . Oro. Here he is , [ Gives him a Dagger . The only present I can make thee now : And next the honourable means of Life , I wou'd bestow the honest means of Death . Abo. I cannot stay to thank you . If there is A Being after this , I shall be yours In the next World , your faithful Slave agen . This is to try [ Stabs himself . ] I had a living Sense Of all your royal Favours , but this last Strikes through my Heart . I wonnot say farewell , For you must follow me . [ dyes . Oro. In Life , and death , The Guardian of my Honour ! follow thee ! I shou'd have gone before thee : then perhaps Thy Fate had been prevented . All his Care Was to preserve me from the barbarous Rage That wrong'd him , only for being mine . Why , why , you Gods ! Why am I so accurst , That it must be a Reason of your Wrath , A Guilt , a Crime sufficient to the Fate Of any one , but to belong to me ? Ny Friend has found it , and my Wife will soon : My Wife ! the very Fear 's too much for Life : I can't support it . Where ? Imoinda ! Oh! [ Going out , she meets him , running into his Arms. Thou bosom Sotfness ! Down of all my Cares ! I cou'd recline my thoughts upon this Breast To a forgetfulness of all my Griefs , And yet be happy : but it wonnot be . Thou art disorder'd , pale , and out of Breath ! If Fate pursues thee , find a shelter here . What is it thou woud'st tell me ? Imo. 'T is in vain to call him Villain . Oro. Call him Governour : is it not so ? Imo. There 's not another sure . Oro. Villain 's the common name of Mankind here : But his most properly . What! what of him ? I fear to be resolv'd , and must enquire . He had thee in his Power . Imo. I blush to think it . Oro. Blush ! to think what ? Imo. That I was in his Power . Oro. He cou'd not use it ? Imo. What can't such men do ? Oro. But did he ? durst he ? Imo. What he cou'd , he dar'd . Oro. His own Gods damn him then : for ours have none , No Punishment for such unheard-of Crimes . Imo. This Monster , cunning in his Flatteries , When he had weary'd all his useless Arts , Leapt out , fierce as a beast of prey , to seize me . I trembled , fear'd . Oro. I fear , and tremble now . What cou'd preserve thee ? what deliver thee ? Imo. That worthy Man , you us'd to call your Friend Oro. Blanford . Imo. Came in , and sav'd me from his Rage . Oro. He was a Friend indeed to rescue thee ! And for his sake , I 'le think it possible A Christian may be yet an honest man. Imo. O! did you know what I have strugl'd through , To save me yours , sure you wou'd promise me Never to see me forc't from you agen . Oro. To promise thee ! O! do I need to promise ? But there is now no farther use of Words . Death is security for all our fears . [ Shews Aboan's body on the floor . And yet I cannot trust him . Imo. Aboan ! Oro. Mangled , and torn , resolv'd to give me time To fit my self for what I must expect , Groan'd out a warning to me , and expir'd . Imo. For what you must expect ? Oro. Wou'd that were all . Imo. What! to be butcher'd thus Oro. Just as thou see'st . Imo. By barbarous Hands , to fall at last their Prey ! Oro. I have run the Race with Honour , shall I now Lag , and be overtaken at the Goal ? Imo. No. Oro. I must look back to thee . [ Tenderly . Imo. You shannot need . I 'm always present to your purpose , say , Which way wou'd you dispose me ? Oro. Have a care , Thou' rt on a Precipice , and dost not see Whither that question leads thee . O! too soon Thou dost enquire what the assembled Gods Have not determin'd , and will latest doom . Yet this I know of Fate , this is most certain , I cannot , as I wou'd , dispose of thee : And , as I ought , I dare not . Oh Imoinda ! Imo. Alas ! that sigh ! why do you tremble so ? Nay then 't is bad indeed , if you can weep . Oro. My Heart runs over , if my gushing Eyes Betray a weakness which they never knew , Believe , thou , only thou cou'dst cause these tears . The Gods themselves conspire with faithless Men To our destruction . Imo. Heaven and Earth our Foes ! Oro. It is not always granted to the great , To be most happy : If the angry Pow'rs Repent their Favours , let 'em take 'em back : The hopes of Empire , which they gave my youth , By making me a Prince , I here resign . Let 'em quench in me all those glorious Fires , Which kindled at their beams : that lust of Fame , That Fevor of Ambition , restless still , And burning with the sacred Thirst of Sway , Which they inspir'd , to qualifie my Fate , And make me fit to govern under them , Let 'em extinguish . I submit my self To their high pleasure , and devoted Bow Yet lower , to continue still a Slave ; Hopeless of liberty : and if I cou'd Live after it , wou'd give up Honour too , To satisfie their Vengeance , to avert This only Curse , the curse of losing thee . Imo. If Heav'n cou'd be appeas'd , these cruel Men Are not to be entreated , or believ'd : O! think on that , and be no more deceiv'd . Oro. What can we do ? Imo. Can I do any thing ? Oro. But we were born to suffer . Imo. Suffer both , Both die , and so prevent ' em . Oro. By thy Death ! O! let me hunt my travel'd Thoughts again ; Range the wide waste of desolate despair ; Start any hope . Alas ! I lose my self , 'T is Pathless , Dark , and Barren all to me . Thou art my only guide , my light of Life , And thou art leaving me : Send out thy Beams Upon the Wing ; let 'em fly all around , Discover every way : Is there a dawn , A glimmering of comfort ? the great God , That rises on the World , must shine on us . Imo. And see us set before him . Oro. Thou bespeak'st , and goes before me . Imo. So I wou'd , in Love : In the dear unsuspected part of Life , In Death for Love. Alas ! what hopes for me ? I was preserv'd but to acquit my self , To beg to die with you . Oro. And can'st thou ask it ? I never durst enquire into my self About thy fate , and thou resolv'st it all . Imo. Alas ! my Lord ! my Fate 's resolv'd in yours . Oro. O! keep thee there : Let not thy Virtue shrink From my support , and I will gather strength , Fast as I can to tell thee Imo. I must die . I know 't is fit , and I can die with you . Oro. O! thou hast banisht hence a thousand fears , Which sickned at my Heart , and quite unman'd me . Imo. Your fear 's for me , I know you fear'd my strength , And cou'd not overcome your tenderness , To pass this Sentence on me : and indeed There you were kind , as I have always found you , As you have ever been : for tho' I am Resign'd , and ready to obey my doom , Methinks it shou'd not be pronounc'd by you . Oro. O! that was all the labour of my grief . My heart , and tongue forsook me in the strife : I never cou'd pronounce it . Imo. I have for you , for both of us . Oro. Alas ! for me ! my death I cou'd regard as the last Scene of life , And act it thro' with joy , to have it done . But then to part with thee Imo. 'T is hard to part . But parting thus , as the most happy must , Parting in death , makes it the easier . You might have thrown me off , forsaken me , And my misfortunes : that had been a death Indeed of terror , to have trembled at . Oro. Forsaken ! thrown thee off ! Imo. But 't is a pleasure more than life can give , That with unconquer'd Passion to the last , You struggle still , and fain wou'd hold me to you . Oro. Ever , ever , and let those stars , which are my ●●●●ies , Witness against me in the other World , If I wou'd leave this Mansion of my Bliss , To be the brightest Ruler of their Skies . O! that we cou'd incorporate , be one , [ Embracing her . One Body , as we have been long one Mind : That blended so , we might together mix , And losing thus our Beings to the World , Be only found to one anothers Joys . Imo. Is this the way to part ? Oro. Which is the way ? Imo. The God of Love is blind , and cannot find it . But quick , make haste , our Enemies have Eyes To find us out , and shew us the worst way Of parting ; think on them . Oro. Why dost thou wake me ? Imo. O! no more of Love. For if I listen to you , I shall quite Forget my Dangers , and desire to live . I can't live yours . [ Takes up the Dagger . Oro. There all the Stings of Death Are shot into my Heart what shall I do ? Imo. This Dagger will instruct you . [ Gives it him . Oro. Ha! this Dagger ! Like Fate , it points me to the horrid Deed. Imo. Strike , strike it home , and bravely save us both . There is no other Safety , Oro. It must be But first a dying Kiss [ Kisses her . This last Embrace [ Embracing her . And now Imo. I 'm ready . Oro. O! where shall I strike ? Is there a smallest grain of that lov'd Body That is not dearer to me than my Eyes , My bosom'd Heart , and all the live Blood there ? Bid me cut off these Limbs , hew off these Hands , Dig out these Eyes , tho' I wou'd keep them last To gaze upon thee : but to murder thee ! The Joy , and Charm of every ravisht Sense , My Wife ! forbid it Nature . Imo. T is your Wife , Who on her knees conjures you . O! in time Prevent those Mischeifs that are falling on us . You may be hurry'd to a shameful Death , And I too drag'd to the vile Governour : Then I may cry aloud : when you are gone , Where shall I find a Friend agen to save me ? Oro. It will be so . Thou unexampled Virtue ! Thy Resolution has recover'd mine : And now prepare thee . Imo. Thus with open Arms , I welcome you , and Death . [ He drops his Dagger as he looks on her , and throws himself on the Ground . Oro. I cannot bear it . O let me dash against this Rock of Fate . Dig up this Earth , tear , tear her Bowels out , To make a Grave , deep as the Center down , To swallow wide , and bury us together . It wonnot be . O! then some pitying God ( If there be one a Friend to Innocence ) Find yet a way to lay her Beauties down Gently in Death , and save me from her Blood. Imo. O rise , 't is more than Death to see you thus . I 'le ease your Love , and do the Deed my self [ She takes up the Dagger , he rises in haste to take it from her . Oro. O! hold , I charge thee , hold . Imo. Tho' I must own It wou'd be nobler for us both from you . Oro. O! for a Whirlwind's Wing to hurry us To yonder Clif , which frowns upon the Flood : That in Embraces lockt we might plunge in , And perish thus in one anothers Arms. Imo. Alas ! what shout is that ? Oro. I see 'em coming . They shannot overtake us . This last Kiss . And now farewell . Imo. Farewel , farewel for ever . Oro. I 'le turn my Face away , and do it so . Now , are you ready ? Imo. Now. But do not grudge me The Pleasure in my Death of a last look , Pray look upon me Now I 'm satisfied . Oro. So Fate must be by this [ Going to stab her , he stops short , she lays her hands on his , in order to give the blow . Imo. Nay then I must assist you . And since it is the common Cause of both , 'T is just that both shou'd be employ'd in it . Thus , thus 't is finisht , and I bless my Fate , [ Stabs her self . That where I liv'd , I die , in these lov'd Arms. [ Dyes . Oro. She 's gone . And now all 's at an End with me . Soft , lay her down . O we will part no more . [ Throws himself by her . But let me pay the tribute of my Grief , A few sad Tears to thy lov'd Memory , And then I follow [ Weeps over her . But I stay too long . [ A noise agen . The Noise comes nearer . Hold , before I go , There 's something wou'd be done . It shall be so . And then , Imoinda , I 'le come all to thee . [ Rises . [ Blanford , and his party , enters before the Governour and his party , Swords drawn on both sides . Gov. You strive in vain to save him , he shall die . Blan. Not while we can defend him with our lives . Gov. Where is he ? Oro. Here 's the Wretch whom you wou'd have . Put up your Swords , and let civil broils Engage you in the cursed cause of one , Who cannot live , and now entreats to die . This object will convince you . Blan. 'T is his Wife ! [ They gather about the Body . Alas ! there was no other Remedy . Gov. Who did the bloody Deed ? Oro. The Deed was mine : Bloody I know it is , and I expect Your Laws shou'd tell me so . Thus self-condemn'd , I do resign my self into your Hands , The Hands of Justice But I hold the Sword For you and for my self . [ Stabs the Governour , and himself , then throws himself by Imoinda's Body . Stan. He has kill'd the Governour , and stab'd himself . Oro. 'T is as it shou'd be now . I have sent his Ghost To be a Witness of that Happiness In the next World , which he deny'd us here . [ Dyes . Blan. I hope there is a place of Happiness In the next World for such exalted Virtue . Pagan , or Unbeliever , yet he liv'd To all he knew : And if he went astray , There 's Mercy still above to set him right . But Christians guided by the Heavenly Ray , Have no excuse if we mistake our Way .
FINIS .
EPILOGE , Written by Mr. Congreve , and Spoken by Mrs. Verbruggen . YOU see , we try all Shapes , and Shifts , and Arts , To tempt your Favours , and regain your Hearts . We weep , and laugh , joyn mirth and grief together , Like Rain and Sunshine mixt , in April weather . Your different tasts divide our Poet's Cares : One foot the Sock , t'other the Buskins wears : Thus , while he strives to please , he 's forc'd to do 't , Like Volscius , hip-hop , in a single Boot . Criticks , he knows , for this may damn his Books : But he makes Feasts for Friends , and not for Cooks . Tho' Errant-Knights of late no favour find , Sure you will be to Ladies-Errant kind . To follow Fame , Knights-Errant make profession : We Damsels flye , to save our Reputation : So they , their Valour show , we , our Discretion . To Lands of Monsters , and fierce Beasts they go : Wee , to those Islands , where Rich Husbands grow : Tho' they 're no Monsters , we may make 'em so . If they 're of English growth , they 'll bear 't with patie●●● But save us from a Spouse of Oroonoko's Nati●●● ! Then bless your Stars , you happy London Wives , Who love at large , each day , yet keep your lives : Nor envy poor Imoinda's doating blindness , Who thought her Husband kill'd her out of kindness . Death with a Husband ne'er had shewn such Charms , Had she once dy'd within a Lover's Arms. Her error was from ignorance proceeding : Poor Soul ! she wanted some of our Town Breeding . Forgive this Indians fondness of her Spouse ; Their Law no Christian Liberty allows : Alas ! they make a Conscience of their Vows ! If Virtue in a Heathen be a fault ; Then Damn the Heathen School , where she was taught . She might have learn'd to Cuckold , Jilt , and Sham , Had Covent-Garden been in Surinam . FINIS .