none a compilation of the messages and papers of the presidents by james d. richardson theodore roosevelt september , * * * * * messages, proclamations, and executive orders to the end of the fifty-seventh congress, first session * * * * * theodore roosevelt theodore roosevelt, the twenty-seventh president of the united states, was born in the city of new york, october , . his ancestors on the paternal side were of an old knickerbocker family, and on the maternal side of scotch-irish descent. he was educated at home under private tuition and prepared for matriculation into harvard, where he was graduated in . he spent the year of in study and travel. during the years - he was an assemblyman in the legislature of new york. during this term of service he introduced the first civil service bill in the legislature in , and its passage was almost simultaneous with the passage of the civil service bill through congress. in he was the chairman of the delegation from new york to the national republican convention. he received the nomination for mayor of the city of new york in as an independent, but was defeated. he was made civil service commissioner by president harrison in and served as president of the board until may, . he resigned to become president of the new york board of police commissioners in may, . this position, in which the arduous duties were discharged with remarkable vigor and fearlessness, he resigned in to become assistant secretary of the navy. on the breaking out of the spanish-american war in , he resigned on may , and, entering the army, organized the first united states volunteer ("rough rider") regiment of cavalry, recommending col. l.g. wood to the command, and taking for himself the second-in-command as lieutenant-colonel. he had gained his military experience as a member of the eighth regiment of n.y.n.g. from - , during which time he rose to the rank of captain. the rough riders were embarked at tampa, fla., with the advance of shafter's invading army, and sailed for cuba on june , . they participated in every engagement preceding the fall of santiago. theodore roosevelt led the desperate charge of the ninth cavalry and the rough riders at the battle of san juan hill on july . he was made a colonel on july . he received the nomination on september , , for governor of the state of new york, obtaining votes, against for gov. frank s. black. at the election theodore roosevelt was supported by a majority of the independent republicans and many democrats, and defeated the democratic candidate, judge augustus van wyck, by a plurality of , . at the republican convention, held at philadelphia in june, , he was nominated for vice-president, upon which he resigned the governorship of new york. was elected vice-president in november, , and took the oath of office march , . president mckinley was shot september , , and died september . his cabinet announced his death to the vice-president, who took the oath of president at the residence of mr. ansley wilcox in buffalo, before judge john r. hazel, of the united states district court, on september . vice-president roosevelt's inaugural address as vice-president. the history of free government is in large part the history of those representative legislative bodies in which, from the earliest times, free government has found its loftiest expression. they must ever hold a peculiar and exalted position in the record which tells how the great nations of the world have endeavored to achieve and preserve orderly freedom. no man can render to his fellows greater service than is rendered by him who, with fearlessness and honesty, with sanity and disinterestedness, does his life work as a member of such a body. especially is this the case when the legislature in which the service is rendered is a vital part in the governmental machinery of one of those world powers to whose hands, in the course of the ages, is intrusted a leading part in shaping the destinies of mankind. for weal or for woe, for good or for evil, this is true of our own mighty nation. great privileges and great powers are ours, and heavy are the responsibilities that go with these privileges and these powers. accordingly as we do well or ill, so shall mankind in the future be raised or cast down. we belong to a young nation, already of giant strength, yet whose political strength is but a forecast of the power that is to come. we stand supreme in a continent, in a hemisphere. east and west we look across the two great oceans toward the larger world life in which, whether we will or not, we must take an ever-increasing share. and as, keen-eyed, we gaze into the coming years, duties, new and old, rise thick and fast to confront us from within and from without. there is every reason why we should face these duties with a sober appreciation alike of their importance and of their difficulty. but there is also every reason for facing them with highhearted resolution and eager and confident faith in our capacity to do them aright. a great work lies already to the hand of this generation; it should count itself happy, indeed, that to it is given the privilege of doing such a work. a leading part therein must be taken by this the august and powerful legislative body over which i have been called upon to preside. most deeply do i appreciate the privilege of my position; for high, indeed, is the honor of presiding over the american senate at the outset of the twentieth century. march , . message. white house, _december , _. _to the senate and house of representatives:_ the congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. on the sixth of september, president mckinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the pan-american exposition at buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that month. of the last seven elected presidents, he is the third who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal american citizens. moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an american president, have a peculiarly sinister significance. both president lincoln and president garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history; president lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and president garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker. president mckinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. it is not too much to say that at the time of president mckinley's death he was the most widely loved man in all the united states; while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. his political opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close associates. to a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of national character. a gallant soldier in the great war for the union, he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. there could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. no one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. the defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. but for this assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. president mckinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the wage-workers, who had entered the army as a private soldier. wealth was not struck at when the president was assassinated, but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of any one individual. the blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. it was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office. president mckinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no president--not even lincoln himself--was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people--to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. he had just been re-elected to the presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. they felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him. they felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to represent them. and this was the man at whom the assassin struck! that there might be nothing lacking to complete the judas-like infamy of his act, he took advantage of an occasion when the president was meeting the people generally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. there is no baser deed in all the annals of crime. the shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days, while the president yet hovered between life and death. at last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of unfaltering trust in the will of the most high. such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the nation. we mourn a good and great president who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. when we turn from the man to the nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. this criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. the wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. this applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent. the blow was aimed not at this president, but at all presidents; at every symbol of government. president mckinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the nation expressed through the forms of law as a new england town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. on no conceivable theory could the murder of the president be accepted as due to protest against "inequalities in the social order," save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. anarchy is no more an expression of "social discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating. the anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the united states, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. the man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. the anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. his protest of concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against him. the anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. if ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism. for the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. he is not the victim of social or political injustice. there are no wrongs to remedy in his case. the cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the state to do justice to him or his. he is a malefactor and nothing else. he is in no sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social conditions," save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact than an unarmed man happens to have a purse. it is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. no man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual. anarchistic speeches, writings, and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable. i earnestly recommend to the congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of king humbert of italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should ensure their rigorous punishment. they and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. no matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the congress. the federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the president or any man who by the constitution or by law is in line of succession for the presidency, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should band against the anarchist. his crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. it should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. such treaties would give to the federal government the power of dealing with the crime. a grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the president. the people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his behalf. so far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against the government, the government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands of the people. moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. no man will ever be restrained from becoming president by any fear as to his personal safety. if the risk to the president's life became great, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder. this great country will not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines. the american people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame. during the last five years business confidence has been restored, and the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity. such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. if the hand of the lord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom is powerless to avert the calamity. moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences of our own folly. the men who are idle or credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand but by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only to themselves but to others. if the business world loses its head, it loses what legislation cannot supply. fundamentally the welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolution, and intelligence. nothing can take the place of this individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent administration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good effect. the tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. the old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. the growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes. the creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. the process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly without warrant. it is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. on the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time. there have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. successful enterprise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. the captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. without them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. moreover, we should recognize the immense importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. the slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure. an additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of today. the same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international commercial competition. business concerns which have the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. america has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. it is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation. moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. the fundamental rule in our national life--the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together. there are exceptions; and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. it surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very year which is now closing. disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. it spreads through-out, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. the capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. the mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. these are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. in facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. in accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. in dealing with business interests, for the government to undertake by crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. the men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. all this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. there is a widespread conviction in the minds of the american people that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. this springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. it does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands that great things be done. it is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. it is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. it should be as much the aim of those who seek for social betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institutions. the first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. in the interest of the public, the government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. what further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration. the first requisite is knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which may be made public to the world. artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals. the large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one state, always do business in many states, often doing very little business in the state where they are incorporated. there is utter lack of uniformity in the state laws about them; and as no state has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through state action. therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the nation should, without interfering with the power of the states in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. this is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. there would be no hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. indeed, it is probable that supervision of corporations by the national government need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a state as massachusetts, in order to produce excellent results. when the constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century. at that time it was accepted as a matter of course that the several states were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. the conditions are now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. i believe that a law can be framed which will enable the national government to exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the interstate-commerce act. if, however, the judgment of the congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. there should be created a cabinet officer, to be known as secretary of commerce and industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the congress. it should be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations and our merchant marine. the course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as between man and man in this republic. with the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. if the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. it is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the united states than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any other country. the standard of living is also higher than ever before. every effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possible. not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. i regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective. the national government should demand the highest quality of service from its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. if possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the interstate commerce law, which will render effective the efforts of different states to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market. so far as practicable under the conditions of government work, provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy and certain. in all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the united states government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. the government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors. the government should forbid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime. for the district of columbia a good factory law should be passed; and, as a powerful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of which is a reproach to our capital city, into minor streets, where the inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals. american wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. this is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries. the most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." the chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker, farmer, and capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and abilities. second only to this comes the power of acting in combination or association with others. very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. the display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves. finally, there must also in many cases be action by the government in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. under our constitution there is much more scope for such action by the state and the municipality than by the nation. but on points such as those touched on above the national government can act. when all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for which we strive. each man must work for himself, and unless he so works no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he is indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the helping hand outstretched to him. to be permanently effective, aid must always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common interest to all. our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. we need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted to become an american citizen, every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and god-fearing members of the community. but there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system. first, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. this means that we should require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially necessary. the second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate american institutions and act sanely as american citizens. this would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class. but it would do what is also in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. finally, all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with american labor. there should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an american living and enough money to insure a decent start under american conditions. this would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in american industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations have their greatest possibility of growth. both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. a very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law. there is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national policy. the first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this economic policy. nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material well-being. our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. yet it is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our present economic policy. it was specially provided for in the present tariff law. reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. the well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. the phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. whatever is merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. the customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run, directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us something in return. their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit to us. it is most important that we should maintain the high level of our present prosperity. we have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets abroad. to secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask. the cordial relations with other nations which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own interests. the natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. i ask the attention of the senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor. the condition of the american merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the congress. it is discreditable to us as a nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business. we should not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. to remedy this state of things would not merely serve to build up our shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for american products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the navy. ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal points. shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit. from every standpoint it is unwise for the united states to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. it should be made advantageous to carry american goods in american-built ships. at present american shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. many of the fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the fact that the original cost of building american ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid american officers and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. our government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. the american merchant marine should be restored to the ocean. the act of march , , intended unequivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. the price of our government bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. this condition it is evidently desirable to maintain in many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics. moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. the collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary expenditures of the government, thanks mainly to the reduced army expenditures. the utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but, after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs. in his report to the congress the secretary of the treasury considers all these questions at length, and i ask your attention to the report and recommendations. i call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures. the fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or reckless expenditure. only by avoidance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the point required to meet our needs that are genuine. in a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways, commonly known as the interstate commerce act. the cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be accorded equal treatment. a commission was created and endowed with what were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions of this act. that law was largely an experiment. experience has shewn the wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. those who complain of the management of the railways allege that established rates are not maintained; that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted to; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper; that they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that while many rates are too low, many others are excessive; and that gross preferences are made, affecting both localities and commodities. upon the other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to establish and maintain non-discriminating rates. the act should be amended. the railway is a public servant. its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike. the government should see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. at the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows. nothing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies. the subject is one of great importance and calls for the earnest attention of the congress. the department of agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished results of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. it has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our country and with two of the island groups that have lately come under our jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a livelihood. it is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and vegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the several states and territories where they may add materially to our resources. by scientific attention to soil survey and possible new crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental shipments, to animal industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid has been given our farming and stock-growing interests. the products of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during the year that has just closed. public opinion throughout the united states has moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural growth. the great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before. wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. the fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. forest protection is not an end of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. the preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. we have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our well being. the practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining, grazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the west for their protection and extension. the forest reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in the future than in the past. additions should be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness should be increased by a thoroughly business-like management. at present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the general land office, the mapping and description of their timber with the united states geological survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the bureau of forestry, which is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry in the united states. these various functions should be united in the bureau of forestry, to which they properly belong. the present diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. it prevents that effective co-operation between the government and the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without which the interests of both must suffer. the scientific bureaus generally should be put under the department of agriculture. the president should have by law the power of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the department of agriculture. he already has such power in the case of lands needed by the departments of war and the navy. the wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on wood and grass. the water supply itself depends upon the forest. in the arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. the western half of the united states would sustain a population greater than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste were saved and used for irrigation. the forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the united states. certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the wild forest creatures. all of the reserves should be better protected from fires. many of them need special protection because of the great injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. the increase in deer, elk, and other animals in the yellowstone park shows what may be expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and properly guarded. some of these areas have been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including grouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been exterminated or driven away. at the same time the water-storing capacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains. in cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years, vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping. some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to find rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our mountains. the forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few. the forests are natural reservoirs. by restraining the streams in flood and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters otherwise wasted. they prevent the soil from washing, and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. forest conservation is therefore an essential condition of water conservation. the forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region. great storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. their construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. nor can it be best accomplished by the individual states acting alone. far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the resources of single states would often be inadequate. it is properly a national function, at least in some of its features. it is as right for the national government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind. the storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control, under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams. the government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it does other public works. where their purpose is to regulate the flow of streams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow. the reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different problem. here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. the object of the government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon it. to accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach. the pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings. such opportunities are practically gone. there remain, however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals impracticable for private enterprise. these irrigation works should be built by the national government. the lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. the distribution of the water, the division of the streams among irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with state laws and without interference with those laws or with vested rights. the policy of the national government should be to aid irrigation in the several states and territories in such manner as will enable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed reforms in the state laws and regulations governing irrigation. the reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every portion of our country, just as the settlement of the ohio and mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the atlantic states. the increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial production, while wider home markets and the trade of asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually prevent western competition with eastern agriculture. indeed, the products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. our people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation. the necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of the policy just described. it would be unwise to begin by doing too much, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can and what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must of necessity be partly experimental in character. at the very beginning the government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. no reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or local interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained experts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the greatest usefulness to the community as a whole. there should be no extravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys. whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living on irrigated land. we are not at the starting point of this development. over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended in the construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of arid land reclaimed. a high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in reference to the laws relating thereto. the security and value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. with a few creditable exceptions, the arid states have failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times of scarcity. lax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent to ownership. whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. the recognition of such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid regions, should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water supplies. laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper application in a dry country. in the arid states the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use. in irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. granting perpetual water rights to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities. a few of the western states have already recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual state ownership of water. the benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past justify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and important work yet to be accomplished. laws so vitally affecting homes as those which control the water supply will only be effective when they have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people most concerned. the larger development which national aid insures should, however, awaken in every arid state the determination to make its irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any country in the civilized world. nothing could be more unwise than for isolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally, instead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere. we are dealing with a new and momentous question, in the pregnant years while institutions are forming, and what we do will affect not only the present but future generations. our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of its problems. a careful study should be made, both by the nation and the states, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad. ultimately it will probably be necessary for the nation to co-operate with the several arid states in proportion as these states by their legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it. in hawaii our aim must be to develop the territory on the traditional american lines. we do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy american community of men who themselves till the farms they own. all our legislation for the islands should be shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. the land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. it is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to puerto rico than as to any state or territory within our continental limits. the island is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efficiently and honestly. its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the united states, and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. their material welfare must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of our country. we have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the united states. i ask the attention of the congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of puerto rico. in cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful queen of the antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes. elsewhere i have discussed the question of reciprocity. in the case of cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and i most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on cuban imports into the united states. cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well-being. in the philippines our problem is larger. they are very rich tropical islands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization. our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government. we hope to make our administration of the islands honorable to our nation by making it of the highest benefit to the filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we point to what we have done. already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained in the philippines than ever before in their history. it is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities without which the institutions of free government are but an empty mockery. our people are now successfully governing themselves, because for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting themselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. what has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect to see another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large portions of that race start very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty generations ago. in dealing with the philippine people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance and steadfast resolution. our aim is high. we do not desire to do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments. we hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of the really free nations. history may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of war to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown in the philippines. to leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity. the character of governor taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if such be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as they show themselves fit to exercise it. since the civil government was established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any reference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service. in our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the philippines, it may be that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local self-government. it is on this side that our error, if any, has been committed. no competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives, can assert that we have not gone far enough. we have gone to the very verge of safety in hastening the process. to have taken a single step farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and might well have been crime. we are extremely anxious that the natives shall show the power of governing themselves. we are anxious, first for their sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. there need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all the liberty for which they are fit. the only fear is lest in our overanxiety we give them a degree of independence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and disaster. as fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given district the people can govern themselves, self-government has been given in that district. there is not a locality fitted for self-government which has not received it. but it may well be that in certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred. in other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. the danger comes in the opposite direction. there are still troubles ahead in the islands. the insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of portions of the old world. encouragement, direct or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as encouragement to hostile indians in the days when we still had indian wars. exactly as our aim is to give to the indian who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our power for the filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures with the filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone. the heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty. the macabebes have been conspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag. i recommend that the secretary of war be empowered to take some systematic action in the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service and the families of those who are killed. the time has come when there should be additional legislation for the philippines. nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce industrial enterprises. nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to industrial development. the connection between idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. of course no business man will go into the philippines unless it is to his interest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in. it is therefore necessary that the congress should pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developed; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the incoming of business men of every kind. not to permit this is to do a wrong to the philippines. the franchises must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation. but the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. the field must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown. it is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the use and ownership of the lands and timber. these laws will give free play to industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which will surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them. i call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to hawaii and the philippines, to be continued from the philippines to points in asia. we should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable. it is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations. either the congress should immediately provide for the construction of a government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like advantages to those accruing from a government cable may be secured to the government by contract with a private cable company. no single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the american people as the building of a canal across the isthmus connecting north and south america. its importance to the nation is by no means limited merely to its material effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to begin it. while its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the pacific coast and the gulf and south atlantic states, it would also greatly benefit other sections. it is emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of success, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation's material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive ability. i am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with great britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being able to lay before the senate a treaty which if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an isthmian canal at any time, and which guarantees to this nation every right that it has ever asked in connection with the canal. in this treaty, the old clayton-bulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily american ship canal, is abrogated. it specifically provides that the united states alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation from any quarter. the signed treaty will at once be laid before the senate, and if approved the congress can then proceed to give effect to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal. the true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting peace; and this nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all others. over the entire world, of recent years, wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent. wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an entirely different category, being merely a most regrettable but necessary international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the welfare of mankind. peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace possible. the peace conference at the hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment. this same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the monroe doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference. the monroe doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two americas, as it is of the united states. just seventy-eight years have passed since president monroe in his annual message announced that "the american continents are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any european power." in other words, the monroe doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any non-american power at the expense of any american power on american soil. it is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the old world. still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one new world power at the expense of any other. it is simply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere. during the past century other influences have established the permanence and independence of the smaller states of europe. through the monroe doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and secure like permanence for the lesser among the new world nations. this doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any american power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires. in other words, it is really a guaranty of the commercial independence of the americas. we do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other american state. we do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-american power. our attitude in cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. we have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors. we wish to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and political stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into industrial or political chaos. we do not wish to see any old world military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves. the peoples of the americas can prosper best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way. the work of upbuilding the navy must be steadily continued. no one point of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our nation in the future. whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have international duties no less than international rights. even if our flag were hauled down in the philippines and puerto rico, even if we decided not to build the isthmian canal, we should need a thoroughly trained navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. unless our commerce is always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it. inasmuch, however, as the american people have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the fact that the building of the isthmian canal is fast becoming one of the matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is imperative that our navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and should be made to answer to our growing needs. so far from being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace insurance. the cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay. probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as we are. there is not a single civilized power which has anything whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. all we want is peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially, and to guarantee the safety of the american people. our people intend to abide by the monroe doctrine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of securing the peace of the western hemisphere. the navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the monroe doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it. we desire the peace which comes as of right to the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakling. it is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. the ships must be built and the men trained long in advance. some auxiliary vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed with the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the skill of their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the navy when pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively in the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency. in the late war with spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at manila and santiago had been launched from two to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty. our present navy was begun in . at that period our navy consisted of a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as out of place against modern war vessels as the galleys of alcibiades and hamilcar--certainly as the ships of tromp and blake. nor at that time did we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. under the wise legislation of the congress and the successful administration of a succession of patriotic secretaries of the navy, belonging to both political parties, the work of upbuilding the navy went on, and ships equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and what was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best possible service out of them. the result was seen in the short war with spain, which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater preparedness of our navy than of the spanish navy. while awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and manned the ships which destroyed the spanish sea forces in the philippines and in cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck. the congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the department officials and the business men and wage-workers who furnished what the congress had authorized; the secretaries of the navy who asked for and expended the appropriations; and finally the officers who, in fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight--all are entitled to a full share in the glory of manila and santiago, and the respect accorded by every true american to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country. it was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of . if we fail to show forethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster will befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to prepare in advance. there should be no cessation in the work of completing our navy. so far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas. it is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character i refer you to the report of the secretary of the navy. but there is something we need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. to provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the nation. to send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bitterest shame and humiliation. four thousand additional seamen and one thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes at annapolis. there is one small matter which should be mentioned in connection with annapolis. the pretentious and unmeaning title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the title of "midshipman," full of historic association, should be restored. even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. the officers and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned. the big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely battle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. the torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the emergencies of actual warfare. every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so performed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea service. above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. it is important to have our navy of adequate size, but it is even more important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in the world. this is possible only with highly drilled crews and officers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron tactics, and general discipline. our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor. the resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle ship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by the results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be not expert. we now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual service. the remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. it is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they are commissioned. good ships and good guns are simply good weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them. the men must be trained and drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. every effort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer--the command of men. the leading graduates of the naval academy should be assigned to the combatant branches, the line and marines. many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the general board, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the whole navy, under the secretary. this general board, by fostering the creation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the general recognition of our altered conditions as a nation and of the true meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best men, and, second, the best ships. the naval militia forces are state organizations, and are trained for coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line of defense. they should receive hearty encouragement from the general government. but in addition we should at once provide for a national naval reserve, organized and trained under the direction of the navy department, and subject to the call of the chief executive whenever war becomes imminent. it should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war. it should be composed of graduates of the naval academy, graduates of the naval militia, officers and crews of coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as life-saving stations and light-houses. the american people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial, matters. it has been well said that there is no surer way of courting national disaster than to be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed." it is not necessary to increase our army beyond its present size at this time. but it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency. the individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as efficient as those of any other army in the entire world. it is our duty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest possible expression of power to these units when acting in combination. the conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for men to act together with effect. at present the fighting must be done in extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and at the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. under such conditions a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the special skill which is only found as the result of special training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. but nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider. the proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased. the american cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for general purposes now to be found in the world. the ideal cavalryman of the present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best infantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback. a general staff should be created. as for the present staff and supply departments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men so detailed returning after a while to their line duties. it is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. a system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade. justice to the veterans of the civil war who are still in the army would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the navy. the process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be judged purely on his own merits. pressure for the promotion of civil officials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse where applied on behalf of officers of the army or navy. every promotion and every detail under the war department must be made solely with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the man himself. no pressure, political, social, or personal, of any kind, will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of promotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it will be held to militate against him. in our army we cannot afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform them. every effort should be made to bring the army to a constantly increasing state of efficiency. when on actual service no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required. the paper work in the army, as in the navy, should be greatly reduced. what is needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field. constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and commissary departments. our army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to give the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the enlisted men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a comparatively large scale. in time of need no amount of individual excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow inability to work as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring leadership. the congress should provide means whereby it will be possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars, and if possible also a division of national guardsmen, once a year. these exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on the gulf coast or the pacific or atlantic seaboard, or in the region of the great lakes, the army corps when assembled could be marched from some inland point to some point on the water, there embarked, disembarked after a couple of days' journey at some other point, and again marched inland. only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while they are marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and smoothly. a great debt is owing from the public to the men of the army and navy. they should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the nation and the honor of the flag. the individual american enlisted man is probably on the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other army. every consideration should be shown him, and in return the highest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. it is well worth while for the congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond with the increased value of the veteran soldier. much good has already come from the act reorganizing the army, passed early in the present year. the three prime reforms, all of them of literally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year details from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum limit for the army. it would be difficult to overestimate the improvement in the efficiency of our army which these three reforms are making, and have in part already effected. the reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially accomplished. the improved conditions in the philippines have enabled the war department materially to reduce the military charge upon our revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law. there is, however, need of supplementary legislation. thorough military education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars the advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the national guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves for possible military duty. the officers should be given the chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this art. at west point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn out men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should not be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to establish the right of entry to a _corps d'élite_. the typical american officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; but he must be able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and fertility of resource in every emergency. action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces. our militia law is obsolete and worthless. the organization and armament of the national guard of the several states, which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the congress, should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. the obligations and duties of the guard in time of war should be carefully defined, and a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. it is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not been made long beforehand. provision should be made for utilizing in the first volunteer organizations called out the training of those citizens who have already had experience under arms, and especially for the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war. that the army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. in the philippines, cuba, and puerto rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization. no other citizens deserve so well of the republic as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved the union. they did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for nothing. but for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment in popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. moreover, they not only left us a united nation, but they left us also as a heritage the memory of the mighty deeds by which the nation was kept united. we are now indeed one nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are united in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national greatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons of the north and the sons of the south in the times that tried men's souls. the men who in the last three years have done so well in the east and the west indies and on the mainland of asia have shown that this remembrance is not lost. in any serious crisis the united states must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the civil war will give to americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle. the merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and american as the common school system itself. it simply means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor, each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical test. written competitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system. in other cases, as where laborers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely extended. there are, of course, places where the written competitive examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting satisfactory results. wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit system in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the government has been immense. the navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably better than any other branches of the government, the great gain in economy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this principle. i recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified service to the district of columbia, or will at least enable the president thus to extend it. in my judgment all laws providing for the temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision that they be selected under the civil service law. it is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. not an office should be filled in the philippines or puerto rico with any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard to the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at his command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save the man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service. the administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the army and navy. all that we ask from the public servant in the philippines or puerto rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which he makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under it. this is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be content with less. the merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient administration of the government; and in the long run the sole justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both honest and efficient. the consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law passed in , which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions. the interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your attention. several bills providing for a new consular service have in recent years been submitted to the congress. they are based upon the just principle that appointments to the service should be made only after a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions should be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the performance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected by partisan considerations. the guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign commerce, the protection of american citizens resorting to foreign countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that our consuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. it is true that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the congress on this subject are enacted into law. in my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe. the general allotment act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. it acts directly upon the family and the individual. under its provisions some sixty thousand indians have already become citizens of the united states. we should now break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. there will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be held in trust. this is the case also with the lands. a stop should be put upon the indiscriminate permission to indians to lease their allotments. the effort should be steadily to make the indian work like any other man on his own ground. the marriage laws of the indians should be made the same as those of the whites. in the schools the education should be elementary and largely industrial. the need of higher education among the indians is very, very limited. on the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the teaching to the needs of the particular indian. there is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle raising, where the indian should be made a stock grower. the ration system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly detrimental to the indians. it promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles industry. it is an effectual barrier to progress. it must continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. the indian should be treated as an individual--like the white man. during the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the change. there should be a continuous reduction in the number of agencies. in dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. we are doing all we can to save our own indian tribes from this evil. wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about. i bespeak the most cordial support from the congress and the people for the st. louis exposition to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the louisiana purchase. this purchase was the greatest instance of expansion in our history. it definitely decided that we were to become a great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the western hemisphere. it is one of three or four great landmarks in our history--the great turning points in our development. it is eminently fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in commemorating it, and the citizens of st. louis, of missouri, of all the adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy event in our annals. we earnestly hope that foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in this exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint, and that they will participate in securing its success. the national government should be represented by a full and complete set of exhibits. the people of charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are carrying on an exposition which will continue throughout most of the present session of the congress. i heartily commend this exposition to the good will of the people. it deserves all the encouragement that can be given it. the managers of the charleston exposition have requested the cabinet officers to place thereat the government exhibits which have been at buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. i have taken the responsibility of directing that this be done, for i feel that it is due to charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. in my opinion the management should not be required to pay all these expenses. i earnestly recommend that the congress appropriate at once the small sum necessary for this purpose. the pan-american exposition at buffalo has just closed. both from the industrial and the artistic standpoint this exposition has been in a high degree creditable and useful, not merely to buffalo but to the united states. the terrible tragedy of the president's assassination interfered materially with its being a financial success. the exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public policy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all the peoples of the western hemisphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity. such an effort was a genuine service to the entire american public. the advancement of the highest interests of national science and learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results of scientific expeditions conducted by the united states have been committed to the smithsonian institution. in furtherance of its declared purpose--for the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among men"--the congress has from time to time given it other important functions. such trusts have been executed by the institution with notable fidelity. there should be no halt in the work of the institution, in accordance with the plans which its secretary has presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great north american animals in the national zoological park. the urgent needs of the national museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of the congress. perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty years is that which has created the modern public library and developed it into broad and active service. there are now over five thousand public libraries in the united states, the product of this period. in addition to accumulating material, they are also striving by organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its administration. in these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the federal library, which, though still the library of congress, and so entitled, is the one national library of the united states. already the largest single collection of books on the western hemisphere, and certain to increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange, and the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique opportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to american scholarship--service of the highest importance. it is housed in a building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for library uses. resources are now being provided which will develop the collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available, and enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of learning. for the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement of science, the census office as now constituted should be made a permanent government bureau. this would insure better, cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of statistic, economic, and social science. the remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve years. its progressive development compels constantly increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from $ , , in to $ , , in . among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its extension is general and urgent. it is just that the great agricultural population should share in the improvement of the service. the number of rural routes now in operation is , , practically all established within three years, and there are , applications awaiting action. it is expected that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach , . the mail will then be daily carried to the doors of , , of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service. the full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. the extent of this burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid for the last fiscal year only $ , , of the aggregate postal revenue of $ , , . if the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information, were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. that expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. but much of the matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law, and has secured admission only through an evasion of its requirements or through lax construction. the proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of second-class mail. if it be only one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. the post-office department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be sustained in its effort. owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the pacific, whatever happens in china must be of the keenest national concern to us. the general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the antiforeign uprisings in china of , having been formulated in a joint note addressed to china by the representatives of the injured powers in december last, were promptly accepted by the chinese government. after protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the chinese plenipotentiaries on the th of last september, setting forth the measures taken by china in compliance with the demands of the joint note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. it will be laid before the congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of the united states, mr. william woodville rockhill, to whom high praise is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task. the agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to better future relations between china and the powers. reparation has been made by china for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank, recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak. official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence against them. provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign representatives in peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea; and by allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this line. an edict has been issued by the emperor of china prohibiting for two years the importation of arms and ammunition into china. china has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and individuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of the military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and restore order. under the provisions of the joint note of december, , china has agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the foreign powers may decide to be needed. the chinese government has agreed to participate financially in the work of bettering the water approaches to shanghai and to tientsin, the centers of foreign trade in central and northern china, and an international conservancy board, in which the chinese government is largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the shanghai river and the control of its navigation. in the same line of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for _ad valorem_ duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the united states to assist in this work. a list of articles to remain free of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement. during these troubles our government has unswervingly advocated moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment which tends to enhance the welfare of china and to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the empire and the modern world; while in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in safeguarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the national interest and honor. it behooves us to continue in these paths, doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair intercourse between china and the nations, on a footing of equal rights and advantages to all. we advocate the "open door" with all that it implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by the waterways with which china has been so extraordinarily favored. only by bringing the people of china into peaceful and friendly community of trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun be carried to fruition. in the attainment of this purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment, under the conventions, throughout the empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all other powers. we view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the proceedings of the pan-american congress, convoked at the invitation of mexico, and now sitting at the mexican capital. the delegates of the united states are under the most liberal instructions to co-operate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family of american commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world at large. my predecessor communicated to the congress the fact that the weil and la abra awards against mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the congress the money remaining in the hands of the secretary of state on these awards has been returned to mexico. a considerable portion of the money received from mexico on these awards had been paid by this government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was rendered. my judgment is that the congress should return to mexico an amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants. the death of queen victoria caused the people of the united states deep and heartfelt sorrow, to which the government gave full expression. when president mckinley died, our nation in turn received from every quarter of the british empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. the death of the empress dowager frederick of germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the american people; and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by germany when the president was assassinated. indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we received, at the time of the president's death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. in the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual respect and good will. theodore roosevelt. white house, _december , _. _to the senate and house of representatives_: i transmit herewith a report from the secretary of state, with accompanying papers, showing that a civil government for puerto rico has been organized in accordance with the provisions of the act of congress approved april , , entitled "an act to provide revenues and a civil government for puerto rico, and for other purposes," and that the legislative assembly of puerto rico has enacted and put into operation a system of local taxation to meet the necessities of the government of puerto rico. theodore roosevelt. white house, _march , _. _to the senate of the united states_: i return without approval senate bill, no. entitled "an act to remove the charge of desertion from the naval record of john glass." there can be no graver crime than the crime of desertion from the army or navy, especially during war; it is then high treason to the nation, and is justly punishable by death. no man should be relieved from such a crime, especially when nearly forty years have passed since it occurred, save on the clearest possible proof of his real innocence. in this case the statement made by the affiant before the committee does not in all points agree with his statement made to the secretary of the navy. in any event it is incomprehensible to me that he should not have made effective effort to get back into the navy. he had served but little more than a month when he deserted, and the war lasted for over a year afterwards, yet he made no effort whatever to get back into the war. under such circumstances it seems to me that to remove the charge of desertion from the navy and give him an honorable discharge would be to falsify the records and do an injustice to his gallant and worthy comrades who fought the war to a finish. the names of the veterans who fought in the civil war make the honor list of the republic, and i am not willing to put upon it the name of a man unworthy of the high position. theodore roosevelt. white house, _washington, may , _. _to the senate and house of representatives_: one of the greatest calamities in history has fallen upon our neighboring island of martinique. the consul of the united states at guadeloupe has telegraphed from fort de france, under date of yesterday, that the disaster is complete; that the city of st. pierre has ceased to exist; and that the american consul and his family have perished. he is informed that , people have lost their lives and that , are homeless and hungry; that there is urgent need of all kinds of provisions, and that the visit of vessels for the work of supply and rescue is imperatively required. the government of france, while expressing their thanks for the marks of sympathy which have reached them from america, inform us that fort de france and the entire island of martinique are still threatened. they therefore request that, for the purpose of rescuing the people who are in such deadly peril and threatened with starvation, the government of the united states may send, as soon as possible, the means of transporting them from the stricken island. the island of st. vincent and, perhaps, others in that region are also seriously menaced by the calamity which has taken so appalling a form in martinique. i have directed the departments of the treasury, of war, and of the navy to take such measures for the relief of these stricken people as lies within the executive discretion, and i earnestly commend this case of unexampled disaster to the generous consideration of the congress. for this purpose i recommend that an appropriation of $ , be made, to be immediately available. theodore roosevelt. white house, _june , _. _to the senate and house of representatives_: i deem it important before the adjournment of the present session of congress to call attention to the following expressions in the message which in the discharge of the duty imposed upon me by the constitution i sent to congress on the first tuesday of december last: elsewhere i have discussed the question of reciprocity. in the case of cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and i most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on cuban imports into the united states. cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well being. this recommendation was merely giving practical effect to president mckinley's words, when, in his messages of december , , and december , , he wrote: it is important that our relations with this people (of cuba) shall be of the most friendly character and our commercial relations close and reciprocal. * * * we have accepted a trust, the fulfillment of which calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of the highest wisdom. the new cuba yet to arise from the ashes of the past must needs be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and strength if its enduring welfare is to be assured. * * * the greatest blessing which can come to cuba is the restoration of her agricultural and industrial prosperity. yesterday, june , i received, by cable from the american minister in cuba, a most earnest appeal from president palma for "legislative relief before it is too late and (his) country financially ruined." the granting of reciprocity with cuba is a proposition which stands entirely alone. the reasons for it far outweigh those for granting reciprocity with any other nation, and are entirely consistent with preserving intact the protective system under which this country has thriven so marvelously. the present tariff law was designed to promote the adoption of such a reciprocity treaty, and expressly provided for a reduction not to exceed per cent upon goods coming from a particular country, leaving the tariff rates on the same articles unchanged as regards all other countries. objection has been made to the granting of the reduction on the ground that the substantial benefit would not go to the agricultural producer of sugar, but would inure to the american sugar refiners. in my judgment provision can and should be made which will guarantee us against this possibility, without having recourse to a measure of doubtful policy, such as a bounty in the form of a rebate. the question as to which if any of the different schedules of the tariff ought most properly to be revised does not enter into this matter in any way or shape. we are concerned with getting a friendly reciprocal arrangement with cuba. this arrangement applies to all the articles that cuba grows or produces. it is not in our power to determine what these articles shall be, and any discussion of the tariff as it affects special schedules or countries other than cuba is wholly aside from the subject matter to which i call your attention. some of our citizens oppose the lowering of the tariff on cuban products just as three years ago they opposed the admission of the hawaiian islands lest free trade with them might ruin certain of our interests here. in the actual event their fears proved baseless as regards hawaii, and their apprehensions as to the damage to any industry of our own because of the proposed measure of reciprocity with cuba seem to me equally baseless. in my judgment no american industry will be hurt, and many american industries will be benefited by the proposed action. it is to our advantage as a nation that the growing cuban market should be controlled by american producers. the events following the war with spain, and the prospective building of the isthmian canal, render it certain that we must take in the future a far greater interest than hitherto in what happens throughout the west indies, central america, and the adjacent coasts and waters. we expect cuba to treat us on an exceptional footing politically, and we should put her in the same exceptional position economically. the proposed action is in line with the course we have pursued as regards all the islands with which we have been brought into relations of varying intimacy by the spanish war. puerto rico and hawaii have been included within our tariff lines, to their great benefit as well as ours, and without any of the feared detriment to our own industries. the philippines, which stand in a different relation, have been granted substantial tariff concessions. cuba is an independent republic, but a republic which has assumed certain special obligations as regards her international position in compliance with our request. i ask for her certain special economic concessions in return; these economic concessions to benefit us as well as her. there are few brighter pages in american history than the page which tells of our dealings with cuba during the past four years. on her behalf we waged a war of which the mainspring was generous indignation against oppression; and we have kept faith absolutely. it is earnestly to be hoped that we will complete in the same spirit the record so well begun, and show in our dealings with cuba that steady continuity of policy which it is essential for our nation to establish in foreign affairs if we desire to play well our part as a world power. we are a wealthy and powerful nation; cuba is a young republic, still weak, who owes to us her birth, whose whole future, whose very life, must depend on our attitude toward her. i ask that we help her as she struggles upward along the painful and difficult road of self-governing independence. i ask this aid for her, because she is weak, because she needs it, because we have already aided her. i ask that open-handed help, of a kind which a self-respecting people can accept, be given to cuba, for the very reason that we have given her such help in the past. our soldiers fought to give her freedom; and for three years our representatives, civil and military, have toiled unceasingly, facing disease of a peculiarly sinister and fatal type, with patient and uncomplaining fortitude, to teach her how to use aright her new freedom. never in history has any alien country been thus administered, with such high integrity of purpose, such wise judgment, and such single-minded devotion to the country's interests. now, i ask that the cubans be given all possible chance to use to the best advantage the freedom of which americans have such right to be proud, and for which so many american lives have been sacrificed. theodore roosevelt. proclamations. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. _to the people of the united states_: a terrible bereavement has befallen our people. the president of the united states has been struck down; a crime not only against the chief magistrate, but against every law-abiding and liberty-loving citizen. president mckinley crowned a life of largest love for his fellow men, of earnest endeavor for their welfare, by a death of christian fortitude; and both the way in which he lived his life and the way in which, in the supreme hour of trial, he met his death will remain forever a precious heritage of our people. it is meet that we as a nation express our abiding love and reverence for his life, our deep sorrow for his untimely death. now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states of america, do appoint thursday next, september , the day in which the body of the dead president will be laid in its last earthly resting place, as a day of mourning and prayer throughout the united states. i earnestly recommend all the people to assemble on that day in their respective places of divine worship, there to bow down in submission to the will of almighty god, and to pay out of full hearts the homage of love and reverence to the memory of the great and good president, whose death has so sorely smitten the nation. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, the fourteenth day of september, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. the season is nigh when, according to the time-hallowed custom of our people, the president appoints a day as the especial occasion for praise and thanksgiving to god. this thanksgiving finds the people still bowed with sorrow for the death of a great and good president. we mourn president mckinley because we so loved and honored him; and the manner of his death should awaken in the breasts of our people a keen anxiety for the country, and at the same time a resolute purpose not to be driven by any calamity from the path of strong, orderly, popular liberty which as a nation we have thus far safely trod. yet in spite of this great disaster, it is nevertheless true that no people on earth have such abundant cause for thanksgiving as we have. the past year in particular has been one of peace and plenty. we have prospered in things material and have been able to work for our own uplifting in things intellectual and spiritual. let us remember that, as much has been given us, much will be expected from us; and that true homage comes from the heart as well as from the lips and shows itself in deeds. we can best prove our thankfulness to the almighty by the way in which on this earth and at this time each of us does his duty to his fellow men. now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, do hereby designate as a day of general thanksgiving thursday, the th of this present november, and do recommend that throughout the land the people cease from their wonted occupations, and at their several homes and places of worship reverently thank the giver of all good for the countless blessings of our national life. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this second day of november, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march third, , entitled "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, the public lands in the state of colorado, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there are hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of colorado and particularly described as follows, to wit: in township forty-four ( ) north, range eleven ( ) east, the following sections: one ( ) to three ( ), both inclusive, east half of section four ( ), sections ten ( ) to fifteen ( ), both inclusive, east half of section twenty-two ( ), sections twenty-three ( ) to twenty-six ( ), both inclusive, and section thirty-five ( ). in township forty-five ( ) north, range eleven ( ) east, the following sections: one ( ) to five ( ), both inclusive, east half of sections six ( ) and seven ( ), sections eight ( ) to seventeen ( ), both inclusive, sections twenty ( ) to twenty-eight ( ), both inclusive, east half of section twenty-nine ( ) and sections thirty-three ( ) to thirty-six ( ), both inclusive. in township forty-three ( ) north, range twelve ( ) east, the following sections: one ( ) to five ( ), both inclusive, and sections eight ( ) to twelve ( ), both inclusive. in township forty-four ( ) north, range twelve ( ) east, the following sections: one ( ) to thirty-five ( ), both inclusive. in township forty-five ( ) north, range twelve ( ) east, the following sections: two ( ) to eleven ( ), both inclusive, and sections thirteen ( ) to thirty-five ( ), both inclusive. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the san isabel forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this eleventh day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress approved march third, eighteen hundred and ninety-one, entitled "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas the public lands in the territory of arizona, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces, or parcels of land lying and being situate in the territory of arizona, and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: beginning at the northwest corner of township fifteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east, gila and salt river meridian, arizona; thence southerly along the range line to its intersection with the third ( d) standard parallel south; thence easterly along said parallel to the northwest corner of section five ( ), township sixteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east; thence southerly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section twenty ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence southerly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section eight ( ), township seventeen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence southerly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section thirty-one ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence southerly along the range line to its intersection with the northern boundary of the san ygnacio de la canoa grant, as confirmed by the united states court of private land claims; thence in a southeasterly and southwesterly direction along the boundary of said grant to its intersection with the range line between ranges thirteen ( ) and fourteen ( ) east; thence southerly to the northeast corner of township nineteen ( ) south, range thirteen ( ) east; thence westerly along the township line to its intersection with the boundary of said grant; thence in a southwesterly and northwesterly direction along said boundary to its intersection with the section lines between sections twenty-eight ( ) and twenty-nine ( ) and thirty-two ( ) and thirty-three ( ), said township; thence southerly to the northeast corner of section eight ( ), township twenty ( ) south, range thirteen ( ) east; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence southerly to the southwest corner of section twenty ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence southerly to the southwest corner of section thirty-three ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), said township; thence southerly along the range line to its intersection with the fourth ( th) standard parallel south; thence easterly, along the said surveyed and unsurveyed parallel, to the point for its intersection with the range line between ranges fifteen ( ) east and sixteen ( ) east; thence northerly along said range line to the northwest corner of township nineteen ( ) south, range sixteen ( ) east; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section thirty-four ( ), township eighteen ( ) south, range seventeen ( ) east; thence northerly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section fourteen ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the southwest corner of section one ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), township seventeen ( ) south, range seventeen ( ) east; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twelve ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section two ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-three ( ), township sixteen ( ) south, range seventeen ( ) east; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section twenty-nine ( ), said township; thence westerly along the quarter-section lines to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section twenty-five ( ), township sixteen ( ) south, range sixteen ( ) east; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twenty-three ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section seventeen ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section eight ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section six ( ), said township; thence westerly along the third ( d) standard parallel south to the southeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), township fifteen ( ) south, range fifteen ( ) east; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twenty-six ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twenty-two ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section seventeen ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section eight ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section six ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-five township fourteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twenty-six ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of section twenty-seven ( ), said township; thence southerly to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner, of township fifteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing, or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the tract of land reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the santa rita forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this eleventh day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, the san francisco mountains forest reserves, in the territory of arizona, were established by proclamation dated august , , under and by virtue of section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march , , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," which provides, "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, it is further provided by the act of congress, approved june , , entitled, "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june , , and for other purposes," that "the president is hereby authorized at any time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;" and whereas, the public lands in the territory of arizona, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid acts of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that, for the purpose of consolidating into one reserve the lands heretofore embraced in the said san francisco mountains forest reserves and of including therein the other adjacent lands within the description hereinafter given, there is hereby reserved and set apart as a public forest reservation all the lands embraced within the following described boundaries and lying and being situate in the territory of arizona, to wit: beginning at the northwest corner of township twenty-two ( ) north, range one ( ) east, gila and salt river meridian, arizona; thence southerly along the said meridian, allowing for the proper offset on the fifth ( th) standard parallel north, to the southwest corner of township nineteen ( ) south, range one ( ) east; thence easterly along the surveyed and unsurveyed township line to the point for the northwest corner of township eighteen ( ) north, range four ( ) east; thence southerly along the unsurveyed range line to its intersection with the fourth ( th) standard parallel north; thence easterly along said parallel to the point for the northwest corner of township sixteen ( ) north, range five ( ) east; thence southerly to the point for the southwest corner of said township; thence easterly to the point for the northwest corner of township fifteen ( ) north, range six ( ) east; thence southerly to the point for the southwest corner of section eighteen ( ), said township; thence easterly along the unsurveyed section line to the point for the northwest corner of section nineteen ( ), township fifteen ( ) north, range seven ( ) east; thence southerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence easterly along the unsurveyed section lines to the southwest corner of section nineteen ( ), township fifteen ( ) north, range nine ( ) east; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence easterly along the section line to the southeast corner of section thirteen ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section twelve ( ), said township; thence easterly along the section lines to the southeast corner of section one ( ), township fifteen ( ) north, range eleven ( ) east; thence northerly along the range line to its intersection with the fourth ( th) standard parallel north; thence westerly along said parallel to the southeast corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range eleven ( ) east; thence northerly along the surveyed and unsurveyed range line to the point for the northeast corner of township eighteen ( ) north, range eleven ( ) east; thence westerly to the southeast corner of township nineteen ( ) north, range ten ( ) east; thence northerly along the range line to its intersection with the fifth ( th) standard parallel north; thence westerly along said parallel to the point for the southeast corner of township twenty-one ( ) north, range nine ( ) east; thence northerly along the unsurveyed range line, allowing for the proper offset on the sixth ( th) standard parallel north, to the point for the northeast corner of township twenty-five ( ) north, range nine ( ) east; thence westerly along the surveyed and unsurveyed township line to the point for the northwest corner of township twenty-five ( ) north, range three ( ) east; thence southerly along the surveyed and unsurveyed range line, allowing for the proper offset on the sixth ( th) standard parallel north, to the northeast corner of township twenty-two ( ) north, range two ( ) east; thence westerly along the township line to the northwest corner of township twenty-two ( ) north, range one ( ) east, to the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: provided, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing, or settlement was made. _provided further_, that nothing herein shall give any force or effect to any claim or right to any of the lands heretofore embraced within the said san francisco mountains forest reserves which would not have been entitled to recognition if said reserves as heretofore established had been continued in force without this consolidation. the reserve hereby created shall be known as the san francisco mountains forest reserve. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this twelfth day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state._ by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress approved march rd, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, the public lands in the state of nebraska, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of nebraska and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: beginning at the northeast corner of section ten ( ), township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, nebraska; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section six ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence westerly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of section five ( ), township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty-one ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly along the township line to the northwest corner of section six ( ), township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty-three ( ) west; thence southerly to the southwest corner of the northwest quarter of said section; thence westerly along the quarter-section line to the northwest corner of the southwest quarter of section two ( ) township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty-four ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section twenty-three ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northwest corner of section thirty ( ), township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty-three ( ) west; thence southerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence easterly to the northwest corner of section thirty-three ( ), said township; thence southerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence easterly to the northwest corner of section two ( ), township thirty-one ( ) north, range thirty-three ( ) west; thence southerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence easterly to the northwest corner of section ten ( ), township thirty-one ( ) north, range thirty-two ( ) west; thence southerly to the southwest corner of the northwest quarter of section three ( ), township thirty ( ) north, range thirty-two ( ) west; thence easterly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of section two ( ), township thirty ( ) north, range thirty-one ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), township thirty-one ( ) north, range thirty-one ( ) west; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), said township; thence northerly to the southwest corner of section nineteen ( ), township thirty-one ( ) north, range thirty ( ) west; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence easterly along the quarter-section line to the southeast corner of the northwest quarter of section twenty ( ), said township; thence northerly along the quarter-section lines to the northeast corner of the southwest quarter of section thirty-two ( ), township thirty-two ( ) north, range thirty ( ) west; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly to the southwest corner of the northwest quarter of section twenty-nine ( ), said township; thence easterly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of section twenty-eight ( ), said township; thence northerly to the southwest corner of section fifteen ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section ten ( ), said township, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the niobrara forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this sixteenth day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_ by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march rd, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, the public lands in the state of nebraska, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of nebraska and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: beginning at the northeast corner of section twenty-seven ( ), township twenty-two ( ) north, range twenty-five ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, nebraska; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section twenty ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section thirteen ( ), township twenty-two ( ) north, range twenty-six ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section twelve ( ), said township; thence westerly along the quarter-section line to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section ten ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section six ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), township twenty-three ( ) north, range twenty-seven ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-eight ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of section twenty ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence westerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twenty-three ( ), township twenty-three ( ) north, range twenty-eight ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section two ( ), township twenty-two ( ) north, range twenty-eight ( ) west; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section one ( ), said township; thence southerly along the range line to the southwest corner of the northwest quarter of the northwest quarter of section nineteen ( ), township twenty-one ( ) north, range twenty-seven ( ) west; thence easterly along the quarter quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of the northeast quarter of section twenty-three ( ), township twenty-one ( ) north, range twenty-six ( ) west; thence northerly to the southwest corner of section twelve ( ), said township; thence easterly to the southeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said section; thence easterly to the southeast corner of section five ( ), township twenty-one ( ) north, range twenty-five ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence easterly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of section three ( ), said township; thence northerly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-seven ( ), township twenty-two ( ) north, range twenty-five ( ) west, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_\ that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the dismal river forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this sixteenth day of april, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas by an agreement between the shoshone and bannock indians of the fort hall reservation in idaho, on the one part and certain commissioners of the united states on the other part, ratified by act of congress approved june , ( stat., ) the said indians ceded, granted, and relinquished to the united states all right, title, and interest which they had to the following described land, the same being a part of the land obtained through the treaty of fort bridger on the third day of july. , and ratified by the united states senate on the sixteenth day of february, : all that portion of the said reservation embraced within and lying east and south of the following described lines: commencing at a point in the south boundary of the fort hall indian reservation, being the southwest corner of township nine ( ) south, range thirty-four ( ) east of the boise meridian, thence running due north on the range line between townships and east to a point two ( ) miles north of the township line between townships five ( ) and six ( ) south, thence due east to the range line between ranges and east, thence south on said range line four ( ) miles, thence due east to the east boundary line of the reservation; from this point the east and south boundaries of the said reservation as it now exists to the point of beginning, namely, the southwest corner of township nine ( ) south, range thirty-four ( ) east, being the remainder of the description and metes and bounds of the said tract of land herein proposed to be ceded. and whereas, in pursuance of said act of congress ratifying said agreement, allotments of land have been regularly made to each indian occupant who desired it, and a schedule has been made of the lands to be abandoned and the improvements thereon appraised, and such improvements will be offered for sale to the highest bidder at not less than the appraised price prior to the date fixed for the opening of the ceded lands to settlement, and the classification as to agricultural and grazing lands has been made; and whereas, in the act of congress ratifying said agreement it is provided: that on the completion of the allotments and the preparation of the schedule provided for in the preceding section, and the classification of the lands as provided for herein, the residue of said ceded lands shall be opened to settlement by the proclamation of the president, and shall be subject to disposal under the homestead, townsite, stone and timber, and mining laws of the united states only, excepting as to price and excepting the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections in each congressional township, which shall be reserved for common school purposes and be subject to the laws of idaho; _provided_, that all purchasers of lands lying under the canal of the idaho canal company, and which are susceptible of irrigation from the water from said canal, shall pay for the same at the rate of ten dollars per acre; all agricultural lands not under said canal shall be paid for at the rate of two dollars and fifty cents per acre, and grazing lands at the rate of one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, one-fifth of the respective sums to be paid at time of original entry, and four-fifths thereof at the time of making final proof; but no purchaser shall be permitted in any manner to purchase more than one hundred and sixty acres of the land hereinbefore referred to; but the rights of honorably discharged union soldiers and sailors, as defined and described in sections twenty-three hundred and four and twenty-three hundred and five of the revised statutes of the united states, shall not be abridged, except as to the sum to be paid as aforesaid. * * * * * no lands in sections sixteen and thirty-six now occupied, as set forth in article three of the agreement herein ratified, shall be reserved for school purposes, but the state of idaho shall be entitled to indemnity for any lands so occupied: _provided_, that none of said lands shall be disposed of under the townsite laws for less than ten dollars per acre: _and provided further_, that all of said lands within five miles of the boundary line of the town of pocatello shall be sold at public auction, payable as aforesaid, under the direction of the secretary of the interior for not less than ten dollars per acre: _and provided further_, that any mineral lands within said five mile limit shall be disposed of under the mineral land laws of the united states, excepting that the price of such mineral lands shall be fixed at ten dollars per acre, instead of the price fixed by the said mineral land laws. and whereas, all the conditions required by law to be performed prior to the opening of said lands to settlement and entry have been, as i hereby declare, duly performed, except the sale of the improvements mentioned above, but as this is not considered a bar to the opening of the unallotted and unreserved lands to settlement and entry. now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states of america, by virtue of the power vested in me by law, do hereby declare and make known that all of the lands so as aforesaid ceded by the shoshone and bannock indians, saving and excepting all lands allotted to the indians, and saving and excepting the lands on which the indian improvements have been appraised, and saving and excepting the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections in each congressional township, and saving and excepting lots and , section , nw / sw / and lots and , section , t. s., r. e., b.m., known as "lava hot springs," and saving and excepting all of the lands within five miles of the boundary line of the town of pocatello, idaho and saving and excepting the lands ceded under the act of september , ( stat, ), for the purposes of a townsite, will on the th day of june, , at and after the hour of o'clock, noon (mountain standard time), be opened to settlement and entry under the terms of and subject to all the conditions, limitations, reservations, and restrictions contained in the statutes above specified, and the laws of the united states applicable thereto. in view of the provision in said act "that all of said lands within five miles of the boundary line of the town of pocatello shall be sold at public auction, payable as aforesaid, under the direction of the secretary of the interior for not less than ten dollars per acre," the lands "within five miles of the boundary line of the town of pocatello." saving and excepting all lands allotted to the indians, and saving and excepting the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections in each congressional township, and saving and excepting the lands ceded under the act of september , ( stat., ), for the purposes of a townsite, will on the th day of july, , at and after the hour of o'clock, noon (mountain standard time), be offered at public auction at not less than ten dollars per acre, under the terms and subject to all the conditions, limitations, reservations and restrictions, contained in the statutes above specified, and the laws of the united states applicable thereto. because of the provision in the act ratifying said agreement that "the purchaser of said improvements shall have thirty days after such purchase for preference right of entry, under the provisions of this act, of the lands upon which the improvements purchased by him are situated, not to exceed one hundred and sixty acres," the said lands upon which such indian improvements purchased are situated outside of the lands within five miles of the town of pocatello, shall for the period of thirty days after said opening be subject to homestead entry, townsite entry, stone and timber entry, and entry under the mineral laws only by those who may have purchased the improvements thereon, and who are accorded a preference right of entry for thirty days as aforesaid, such entries to be made in accordance with the terms and conditions of this act. persons entitled to make entry under this preference right will be permitted to do so at any time during the said period of thirty days following the opening, and at the expiration of that period any of said lands not so entered will come under the general provisions of this proclamation. the purchaser of the improvements on lands situated within five miles of the town of pocatello will have no preference right of entry of the tract on which such improvements are situated, as the law provides that "all of said lands within five miles of the boundary line of the town of pocatello shall be sold at public auction." in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington the seventh day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, the big horn forest reserve, in the state of wyoming, was established by proclamation dated february d, , under and by virtue of section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march d, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," which provides, "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, it is further provided by the act of congress, approved june th, , entitled, "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june th, , and for other purposes," that the president is hereby authorized at any time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may vacate altogether any order creating such reserve; under such provision, the boundary lines of the said forest reserve were changed and enlarged by proclamation dated june th, ; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid act of congress, approved june th, , do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement, and added to and made a part of the aforesaid big horn forest reserve, all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of wyoming and particularly described as follows, to wit: the west half of township fifty-six ( ) north, range eighty-seven ( ) west; all of townships fifty-five ( ) and fifty-six ( ) north, range eighty-eight ( ) west; and the south half of township fifty-seven ( ) north, range eighty-eight ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, wyoming. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this twenty-second day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march d, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, the public lands in the state of wyoming, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of wyoming and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: beginning at the point where the range line between ranges seventy-six ( ) and seventy-seven ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, wyoming, intersects the boundary line between the states of wyoming and colorado; thence westerly along said state boundary line to a point where it intersects the range line between ranges eighty ( ) and eighty-one ( ) west; thence northerly along said range line, allowing for the proper offset on the third ( rd) standard parallel north, to the southeast corner of township fourteen ( ) north, range eighty-one ( ) west; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said township; thence northerly along the range line allowing for the proper offset on the fourth ( th) standard parallel north, to the northwest corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range eighty-one ( ) west; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said township; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly along the fourth ( th) standard parallel north to the southwest corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range seventy-nine ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of section five ( ), township seventeen ( ) north, range seventy-eight ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines, allowing for the proper offset on the fourth ( th) standard parallel north, to the southeast corner of section thirty-two ( ), township fifteen ( ) north, range seventy-eight ( ) west; thence westerly to the northeast corner of township fourteen ( ) north, range eighty ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly along the township line to the northeast corner of township thirteen ( ) north, range seventy-seven ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line, allowing for the proper offset on the third ( rd) standard parallel north, to the point where it intersects the boundary line between the states of wyoming and colorado, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the medicine bow forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this twenty-second day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, the yellowstone park timber land reserve, in the state of wyoming, was established by proclamation dated march , , and the boundary lines thereof were corrected by proclamation dated september , , and the teton forest reserve, in the state of wyoming, was established by proclamation dated february , , under and by virtue of section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march , , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," which provides, "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, it is further provided by the act of congress, approved june , , entitled, "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june , , and for other purposes," that "the president is hereby authorized at any time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;" and whereas, the public lands in the state of wyoming, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as public reservations; now. therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid acts of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that, the executive proclamations of march , ( stat., ), september , ( stat., ), and february , ( stat., ), are hereby superseded, it being one purpose of this proclamation to establish the two forest reserves hereinafter named in place of the reserves heretofore created by said executive proclamations; and, therefore, there are hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as public reservations all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of wyoming and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: the yellowstone forest reserve. beginning at the point where the eastern boundary line of the yellowstone national park intersects the boundary line between the states of wyoming and montana; thence easterly along said state boundary line to the point for its intersection with the range line between ranges one hundred and three ( ) and one hundred and four ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, wyoming; thence southerly along said unsurveyed range line to the point for its intersection with the fourteenth ( th) standard parallel north; thence easterly along said parallel to the northeast corner of township fifty-six ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township fifty-three ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence westerly along the thirteenth ( th) standard parallel north to the northwest corner of township fifty-two ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line to the southwest corner of township forty-nine ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence easterly along the twelfth ( th) standard parallel north to the northeast corner of section four ( ), township forty-eight ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines to the southeast corner of section thirty-three ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of township forty-seven ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of township forty-six ( ) north, range one hundred and three ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of township forty-five ( ) north, range one hundred and two ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line, allowing for the proper offset on the eleventh ( th) standard parallel north, to its intersection with the southern boundary line of big horn county, wyoming, as defined in sec. of the revised statutes of wyoming ( ); thence, in a general northwesterly and northerly direction, along said county line to its intersection with the southern boundary of the yellowstone national park; thence, in an easterly and northerly direction, along the southern and eastern boundaries of said park to the point of intersection with the boundary line between the states of wyoming and montana, the place of beginning, to be known as the yellowstone forest reserve; the teton forest reserve. beginning at the point where the boundary line between the states of wyoming and idaho intersects the southern boundary of the yellowstone national park; thence easterly along the southern boundary of said park to its intersection with the western boundary line of big horn county, wyoming, as defined in sec. of the revised statutes of wyoming ( ); thence, in a general southerly and southeasterly direction, along said county line to the northwest corner of the wind river or shoshone indian reservation; thence, in a general southwesterly direction, along the western boundary of said reservation to its intersection with the township line between townships forty-two ( ) and forty-three ( ) north; thence westerly along said township line to the southwest corner of township forty-three ( ) north, range one hundred and seven ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said township; thence westerly to the northeast corner of township forty-three ( ) north, range one hundred and nine ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township forty-one ( ) north, range one hundred and nine ( ) west; thence easterly along the tenth ( th) standard parallel north to its intersection with the western boundary of the wind river or shoshone indian reservation; thence, in a southeasterly and southerly direction, along the western boundary of said reservation to the point for its intersection with the township line between townships thirty-three ( ) and thirty-four ( ) north; thence westerly along said surveyed and unsurveyed township line to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township thirty-four ( ) north, range one hundred and nine ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of section three ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of township thirty-five ( ) north, range one hundred and ten ( ) west; thence northerly to the north east corner of said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township thirty-six ( ) north, range one hundred and ten ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of section three ( ), said township; thence westerly along the ninth ( th) standard parallel north to the southeast corner of township thirty-seven ( ) north, range one hundred and ten ( ) west; thence northerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township forty ( ) north, range one hundred and ten ( ) west; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said township; thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township thirty-seven ( ) north, range one hundred and eleven ( ) west; thence westerly along the ninth ( th) standard parallel north to the northeast corner of section four ( ), township thirty-six ( ) north, range one hundred and twelve ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-three ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northeast corner of township thirty-five ( ) north, range one hundred and thirteen ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said township; thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township thirty-three ( ) north, range one hundred and fourteen ( ) west; thence westerly along the eighth ( th) standard parallel north to the northeast corner of township thirty-two ( ) north, range one hundred and fifteen ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line to the southeast corner of township twenty-nine ( ) north, range one hundred and fifteen ( ) west; thence westerly along the seventh ( th) standard parallel north to the southeast corner of township twenty-nine ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section thirty-three ( ), township thirty ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence northerly along the quarter-section lines to the northeast corner of the southwest quarter of section sixteen ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section five ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section thirty-one ( ), township thirty-one ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly along the quarter-section lines to the point of intersection with the eighth ( th) standard parallel north; thence easterly along said parallel to the southeast corner of township thirty-three ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section thirty-four ( ), township thirty-four ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southwest quarter of section twenty-seven ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence westerly to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section twenty-one ( ), said township; thence northerly along the quarter-section lines to the northeast corner of the southwest quarter of section nine ( ), said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of section eight ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section five ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said quarter-section; thence westerly to the northwest corner of said quarter-section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of section thirty-one ( ), township thirty-five ( ) north, range one hundred and eighteen ( ) west; thence westerly to the northwest corner of the southwest quarter of said section; thence northerly along the range line to its intersection with the ninth ( th) standard parallel north; thence westerly along said parallel to its intersection with the boundary line between the states of wyoming and idaho; thence northerly along said state boundary line to the point where it intersects the southern boundary of the yellowstone national park, the place of beginning, to be known as the teton forest reserve; excepting and excluding from reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of wyoming and particularly described as follows, to wit: township forty ( ) north, range one hundred and sixteen ( ) west; townships forty-one ( ) north, ranges one hundred and fifteen ( ) and one hundred and sixteen ( ) west; and townships forty-two ( ) north, ranges one hundred and fifteen ( ) and one hundred and sixteen ( ) west. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. _provided further_, that nothing herein shall give any force or effect to any claim or right to any of the lands heretofore embraced within the yellowstone park timber land reserve or the teton forest reserve which would not have been entitled to recognition if said reserves as heretofore established had been continued in force without being merged into larger reserves as hereinbefore provided. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington this twenty-second day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. [seal.] theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, by executive order dated december , , section , township south, range east, san bernardino meridian, california, was with certain other tracts of land withdrawn from the public domain and reserved for the use of the capitan grande band or village of mission indians; and whereas, the commission appointed under the provisions of the act of congress approved january , , entitled "an act for the relief of the mission indians in the state of california" (u.s. statutes at large, vol. , page ), selected for the said capitan grande band or village of indians certain tracts of land and intentionally omitted and excluded from such selection the said section , township south, range east, and reported that the tracts thus omitted included the lands upon which were found the claims of jacob kühner and others; and whereas, the report and recommendations of the said commission were approved by executive order dated december , , which order also directed that "all of the lands mentioned in said report are hereby withdrawn from settlement and entry until patents shall have issued for said selected reservations, and until the recommendations of said commission shall be fully executed, and, by the proclamation of the president of the united states, the lands or any part thereof shall be restored to the public domain;" and whereas a patent was issued march , , to the said indians for the lands selected by the commission as aforesaid and which patent also excluded the said section , township south, range east; and whereas it appears that the said jacob kühner cannot make the requisite filings on the land occupied by him until it shall have been formally restored to the public domain, and that no good reason appears to exist for the further reservation of the said section for the said band of indians: now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested, do hereby declare and make known that the executive orders dated december , , and december , , are so far modified as to except from their provisions section of township south, range east, san bernardino meridian, and the said section is hereby restored to the public domain. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington this twenty-ninth day of may, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. [seal.] theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas the yellowstone forest reserve, in the state of wyoming, was established by proclamation dated may , , under the provisions of the acts of march , , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," and june , , entitled, "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june , , and for other purposes," superseding the yellowstone park timber land reserve; and whereas, the public lands in the state of wyoming, hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid acts of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement, and added to and made a part of the aforesaid yellowstone forest reserve, all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the state of wyoming and particularly described as follows, to wit: sections one ( ), two ( ) and three ( ), township forty-eight ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west; and all of township forty-nine ( ) north, range one hundred and four ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, wyoming. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this thirteenth day of june, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, in the opening of the kiowa, comanche, apache, and wichita indian lands in the territory of oklahoma, by proclamation dated july , , pursuant to section six of the act of congress approved june , ( stat., , ), the west half of the southeast quarter of the southeast quarter and lot fourteen, of section sixteen in township seven north, of range ten west of the indian principal meridian, containing thirty-eight acres and sixty-hundredths of an acre, were reserved for the use of the kiowa and comanche indian agency; and whereas it appears that said land is no longer used or required for use by said indian agency, and that it adjoins the city of anadarko, oklahoma territory, and is needed by said city for park purposes, the mayor of which city has applied to make entry thereof for said purposes under the act of congress approved september , ( stat., ). now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section six of said act of congress of june , , do hereby declare and make known that said land is hereby restored to the public domain, to be disposed of to said city for park purposes under said act of congress approved september , . in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this twenty-third day of june, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, the white river plateau timber land reserve, in the state of colorado, was established by proclamation dated october th, , under and by virtue of section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march rd, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," which provides, "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof." and whereas, it is further provided by the act of congress, approved june th, , entitled, "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june th, , and for other purposes," that "the president is hereby authorized at any time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;" now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid act of congress, approved june th, , do hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the aforesaid white river plateau timber land reserve are hereby changed so as to read as follows: beginning at the northwest corner of section twenty-seven ( ), township five ( ) north, range ninety-one ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, colorado; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-nine ( ), township five ( ) north, range ninety ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said section; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section thirty-five ( ), said township; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said section; thence easterly along the first ( st) correction line north to the northeast corner of township four ( ) north, range ninety ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence southerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twelve ( ), township three ( ) north, range ninety ( ) west; thence easterly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section four ( ), township three ( ) north, range eighty-nine ( ) west; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twenty-one ( ), township four ( ) north, range eighty-nine ( ) west; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-four ( ), said township; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of section six ( ), township three ( ) north, range eighty-eight ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section seventeen ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said section; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said section; thence easterly to the northeast corner of section twenty-one ( ), said township; thence southerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), said township; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section thirty-six ( ), said township; thence northerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-four ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence westerly to the southwest corner of section fourteen ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence westerly to the southwest corner of section ten ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence westerly to the southwest corner of section four ( ), said township; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section nine ( ), township four ( ) north, range eighty-eight ( ) west; thence westerly along the first ( st) correction line north to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township five ( ) north, range eighty-nine ( ) west; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twenty-two ( ), said township; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-four ( ), township five ( ) north, range eighty-six ( ) west; thence southerly along the range line, allowing for the proper offsets on the first ( st) correction line north and on the base line, to the southeast corner of township two ( ) south, range eighty-six ( ) west; thence westerly along the township line to the northeast corner of section four ( ), township three ( ) south, range eighty-seven ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines to the southeast corner of section thirty-three ( ), township four ( ) south, range eighty-seven ( ) west; thence westerly along the township line to the southwest corner of township four ( ) south, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said township; thence westerly along the township line to the southwest corner of township three ( ) south, range ninety-three ( ) west; thence northerly along the range line to the northwest corner of township two ( ) south, range ninety-three ( ) west; thence easterly along the township line to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township one ( ) south, range ninety-two ( ) west; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twenty-seven ( ), said township; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of the northwest quarter of section twenty-six ( ), township one ( ) south, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence southerly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section thirty-five ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of section two ( ), township two ( ) south, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of said section; thence easterly to the northeast corner of the northwest quarter of section twelve ( ), said township; thence southerly along the quarter-section lines to the southeast corner of the southwest quarter of section thirteen ( ), said township; thence easterly along the section lines to the southwest corner of the southeast quarter of section eighteen ( ), township two ( ) south, range ninety ( ) west; thence northerly along the quarter-section lines to the northwest corner of the northeast quarter of section six ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of township one ( ) south, range ninety ( ) west; thence northerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), township one ( ) south, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence westerly to the southwest corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of the northeast quarter of said section; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the southeast corner of section thirteen ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of said section; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northeast corner of said township; thence easterly along the base line to the southwest corner of township one ( ) north, range ninety ( ) west; thence northerly to the northwest corner of section thirty-one ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of the southwest quarter of section twenty-nine ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of section twenty-eight ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said section; thence northerly to the northwest corner of the southwest quarter of section twenty-two ( ), said township; thence easterly to the northeast corner of the southeast quarter of said section; thence northerly to the southeast corner of section fifteen ( ), said township; thence westerly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section nineteen ( ), said township; thence southerly to the southeast corner of the northeast quarter of said section; thence westerly to the southwest corner of the northwest quarter of said section; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-four ( ), township one ( ) north, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section twenty-six ( ), said township; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said section; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section thirty-four ( ), said township; thence westerly along the base line to the northwest corner of township one ( ) south, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence southerly to the southeast corner of section twelve ( ), township one ( ) south, range ninety-two ( ) west; thence westerly along the section lines to the southwest corner of section ten ( ), said township; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section three ( ), said township; thence easterly along the base line to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township one ( ) north, range ninety-two ( ) west; thence northerly along the surveyed and unsurveyed section lines to the point for the intersection with the township line between townships two ( ) and three ( ) north; thence easterly along the said township line to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township three ( ) north, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section ten ( ), township four ( ) north, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence westerly along the first ( st) correction line north to the southwest corner of section thirty-four ( ), township five ( ) north, range ninety-one ( ) west; thence northerly along the section lines to the northwest corner of section twenty-seven ( ), said township, the place of beginning. the lands hereby excluded from the reservation and restored to the public domain shall be open to settlement from date hereof, but shall not be subject to entry, filing or selection until after ninety days' notice by such publication as the secretary of the interior may prescribe. this reservation shall hereafter be known as the white river forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this twenty-eighth day of june, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas the president on august , , issued his proclamation stating that he has been advised by the louisiana purchase exposition commission, pursuant to the provisions of section of the act of congress approved march , , entitled "an act to provide for celebrating the one hundredth anniversary of the purchase of the louisiana territory by the united states by holding an international exhibition of arts, industries, manufactures, and the products of the soil, mine, forest, and sea in the city of st. louis, in the state of missouri," that provision had been made for grounds and buildings for the uses specified in the said mentioned act of congress; whereas it was declared and proclaimed by the president in his aforesaid proclamation that "such international exhibition would be opened in the city of st. louis, in the state of missouri, not later than the first day of may, , and be closed not later than the first day of december thereafter;" and whereas section of the act of congress approved june , , entitled "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june , , and for other purposes," fixes a subsequent date for the holding of the said international exhibition and specifically states that "said commission shall provide for the dedication of the buildings of the louisiana purchase exposition, in said city of st. louis, not later than the thirtieth day of april, , with appropriate ceremonies, and thereafter said exposition shall be opened to visitors at such time as may be designated by said company, subject to the approval of said commission, not later than the first day of may, , and shall be closed at such time as the national commission may determine, subject to the approval of said company, but not later than the first day of december thereafter;" now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, do hereby declare and proclaim the aforesaid provision of law to the end that it may definitely and formally be known that such international exhibition will be opened in the city of st. louis, in the state of missouri, not later than may , , and will be closed not later than december first of that year. in testimony whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, the first day of july, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: david j. hill, _acting secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, it is provided by section twenty-four of the act of congress, approved march rd, , entitled, "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas, the public lands in the territory of arizona, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power in me vested by section twenty-four of the aforesaid act of congress, do hereby make known and proclaim that there is hereby reserved from entry or settlement and set apart as a public reservation all those certain tracts, pieces or parcels of land lying and being situate in the territory of arizona, and within the boundaries particularly described as follows, to wit: beginning at the northwest corner of township thirteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east, gila and salt river meridian, arizona; thence northerly to the point for the northwest corner of section nineteen ( ), township twelve ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east; thence easterly along the unsurveyed section lines to the point for the northeast corner of section twenty-one ( ), said township; thence northerly along the unsurveyed section lines to the point for the northwest corner of section three ( ), said township; thence easterly to the point for the northeast corner of said township; thence northerly to the point for the northwest corner of township eleven ( ) south, range fifteen ( ) east; thence easterly along the second ( nd) standard parallel south to the point for the northeast corner of said township; thence southerly to the point for the southeast corner of section thirteen ( ), said township; thence easterly along the unsurveyed section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-four ( ), township eleven ( ) south, range seventeen ( ) east; thence southerly along the unsurveyed range line to the point for the southeast corner of section twelve ( ), township thirteen ( ) south, range seventeen ( ) east; thence westerly along the unsurveyed section lines to the point for the southwest corner of section seven ( ), township thirteen ( ) south, range fifteen ( ) east; thence northerly to the point for the northwest corner of said township; thence westerly to the northwest corner of township thirteen ( ) south, range fourteen ( ) east, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. the reservation hereby established shall be known as the santa catalina forest reserve. in witness whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington this second day of july, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas, satisfactory proof has been given to me by the government of cuba that no discriminating duties of tonnage or imposts are imposed or levied in the ports of cuba, upon vessels wholly belonging to citizens of the united states or upon the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported in the same from the united states, or from any foreign country: now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states of america, by virtue of the authority vested in me by section of the revised statutes of the united states, do hereby declare and proclaim that, from and after the date of this, my proclamation, so long as vessels of the united states and their cargoes shall be exempt from discriminating duties as aforesaid, any such duties on cuban vessels entering the ports of the united states, or on the produce, manufactures, or merchandise imported in such vessels, shall be suspended and discontinued, and no longer. in testimony whereof, i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, the third day of july, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas many of the inhabitants of the philippine archipelago were in insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the kingdom of spain at divers times from august, , until the cession of the archipelago by that kingdom to the united states of america, and since such cession many of the persons so engaged in insurrection have until recently resisted the authority and sovereignty of the united states; and whereas the insurrection against the authority and sovereignty of the united states is now at an end, and peace has been established in all parts of the archipelago except in the country inhabited by the moro tribes, to which this proclamation does not apply; and whereas during the course of the insurrection against the kingdom of spain and against the government of the united states, persons engaged therein, or those in sympathy with and abetting them, committed many acts in violation of the laws of civilized warfare; but it is believed that such acts were generally committed in ignorance of these laws, and under orders issued by the civil or military insurrectionary leaders; and whereas it is deemed to be wise and humane, in accordance with the beneficent purposes of the government of the united states toward the filipino people, and conducive to peace, order and loyalty among them, that the doers of such acts who have not already suffered punishment shall not be held criminally responsible, but shall be relieved from punishment for participation in these insurrections and for unlawful acts committed during the course thereof by a general amnesty and pardon; now, therefore, be it known that i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states of america, by virtue of the power and authority vested by the constitution, do hereby proclaim and declare, without reservation or condition, except as hereinafter provided, a full and complete pardon and amnesty to all persons in the philippine archipelago who have participated in the insurrections aforesaid, or who have given aid and comfort to persons participating in said insurrections, for the offenses of treason or sedition, and for all offenses political in their character committed in the course of such insurrections pursuant to orders issued by the civil or military insurrectionary authorities, or which grow out of internal political feuds or dissensions between filipinos and spaniards, or the spanish authorities, or which resulted from internal political feuds or dissensions among the filipinos themselves during either of said insurrections. _provided_, however, that the pardon and amnesty hereby granted shall not include such persons committing crimes since may , , in any province of the archipelago in which at the time civil government was established, nor shall it include such persons as have been heretofore finally convicted of the crimes of murder, rape, arson, or robbery, by any military or civil tribunal organized under the authority of spain or of the united states of america, but special application may be made to the proper authority for pardon by any person belonging to the exempted classes and such clemency as is consistent with humanity and justice will be liberally extended; and, further _provided_, that this amnesty and pardon shall not affect the title or right of the government of the united states or that of the philippine islands to any property or property rights heretofore used or appropriated by the military or civil authorities of the government of the united states or that of the philippine islands organized under authority of the united states by way of confiscation or otherwise; and _provided further_, that every person who shall seek to avail himself of this proclamation shall take and subscribe the following oath before any authority in the philippine archipelago authorized to administer oaths, namely: "i solemnly swear (or affirm) that i recognize and accept the supreme authority of the united states of america in the philippine islands and will maintain true faith and allegiance thereto; that i impose upon myself this obligation voluntarily without mental reservation or purpose of evasion so help me god." given under my hand at the city of washington, this th day of july, a.d. , and in the one hundred and twenty-seventh year of the independence of the united states. theodore roosevelt. by the president: elihu root, _secretary of war_. gen. chaffee is relieved of his civil duties, and the philippine commission is made the superior authority in the following order: the insurrection against the sovereign authority of the united states in the philippine archipelago having ended, and provincial civil governments having been established throughout the entire territory of the archipelago not inhabited by moro tribes, under the instructions of the president to the philippine commission, dated april , , now ratified and confirmed by the act of congress approved july , , entitled "an act temporarily to provide for the administration of affairs of civil government in the philippine islands, and for other purposes," the general commanding the division of the philippines is hereby relieved from the further performance of the duties of military governor, and the office of military governor in said archipelago is terminated. the general commanding the division of the philippines and all military officers in authority therein will continue to observe the direction contained in the aforesaid instructions of the president that the military forces in the division of the philippines shall be at all times subject, under the orders of the military commander, to the call of the civil authorities for the maintenance of law and order, and the enforcement of their authority. finally the president, through secretary root, pronounces the following eulogy upon the united states army: headquarters of the army, adjutant-general's office, _washington, july , _. _general order, no. _. the following has been received from the war department: war department, _washington, july , _. _to the army of the united states:_ the president, upon this anniversary of national independence, wishes to express to the officers and enlisted men of the united states army his deep appreciation of the service they have rendered to the country in the great and difficult undertakings which they have brought to a successful conclusion during the past year. he thanks the officers and the enlisted men who have been maintaining order and carrying on the military government in cuba, because they have faithfully given effect to the humane purposes of the american people. they have with sincere kindness helped the cuban people to take all the successive steps necessary to the establishment of their own constitutional government. during the time required for that process they have governed cuba wisely, regarding justice and respecting individual liberty; have honestly collected and expended for the best interests of the cuban people the revenues, amounting to over $ , , ; have carried out practical and thorough sanitary measures, greatly improving the health and lowering the death rate of the island. by patient, scientific research they have ascertained the causes of yellow fever, and by good administration have put an end to that most dreadful disease which has long destroyed the lives and hindered the commercial prosperity of the cubans. they have expedited justice and secured protection for the rights of the innocent, while they have cleansed the prisons and established sound discipline and healthful conditions for the punishment of the guilty. they have re-established and renovated and put upon a substantial basis adequate hospitals and asylums for the care of the unfortunate. they have established a general system of free common schools throughout the island, in which over two hundred thousand children are in actual attendance. they have constructed great and necessary public works. they have gradually trained the cubans themselves in all branches of administration, so that the new government upon assuming power has begun its work with an experienced force of cuban civil service employees competent to execute its orders. they have borne themselves with dignity and self-control, so that nearly four years of military government have passed unmarred by injury or insult to man or woman. they have transferred the government of cuba to the cuban people amid universal expressions of friendship and good will, and have left a record of ordered justice and liberty of rapid improvement in material and moral conditions and progress in the art of government which reflects great credit upon the people of the united states. the president thanks the officers and enlisted men of the army in the philippines, both regulars and volunteers, for the courage and fortitude, the indomitable spirit and loyal devotion with which they have put down and ended the great insurrection which has raged throughout the archipelago against the lawful sovereignty and just authority of the united states. the task was peculiarly difficult and trying. they were required at first to overcome organized resistance of superior numbers, well equipped with modern arms of precision, intrenched in an unknown country of mountain defiles, jungles, and swamps, apparently capable of interminable defense. when this resistance had been overcome they were required to crush out a general system of guerrilla warfare conducted among a people speaking unknown tongues, from whom it was almost impossible to obtain the information necessary for successful pursuit or to guard against surprise and ambush. the enemies by whom they were surrounded were regardless of all obligations of good faith and of all the limitations which humanity has imposed upon civilized warfare. bound themselves by the laws of war, our soldiers were called upon to meet every device of unscrupulous treachery and to contemplate without reprisal the infliction of barbarous cruelties upon their comrades and friendly natives. they were instructed, while punishing armed resistance, to conciliate the friendship of the peaceful, yet had to do with a population among whom it was impossible to distinguish friend from foe, and who in countless instances used a false appearance of friendship for ambush and assassination. they were obliged to deal with problems of communication and transportation in a country without roads and frequently made impassable by torrential rains. they were weakened by tropical heat and tropical disease. widely scattered over a great archipelago, extending a thousand miles from north to south, the gravest responsibilities, involving the life or death of their comrades, frequently devolved upon young and inexperienced officers beyond the reach of specific orders or advice. under all these adverse circumstances the army of the philippines has accomplished its task rapidly and completely. in more than two thousand combats, great and small, within three years, it has exhibited unvarying courage and resolution. utilizing the lessons of the indian wars it has relentlessly followed the guerrilla bands to their fastness in mountain and jungle, and crushed them. it has put an end to the vast system of intimidation and secret assassination, by which the peaceful natives were prevented from taking a genuine part in government under american authority. it has captured or forced to surrender substantially all the leaders of the insurrection. it has submitted to no discouragement and halted at no obstacle. its officers have shown high qualities of command, and its men have shown devotion and discipline. its splendid virile energy has been accompanied by self-control, patience, and magnanimity. with surprisingly few individual exceptions its course has been characterized by humanity and kindness to the prisoner and the non-combatant. with admirable good temper, sympathy, and loyalty to american ideals its commanding generals have joined with the civilian agents of the government in healing the wounds of war and assuring to the people of the philippines the blessings of peace and prosperity. individual liberty, protection of personal rights, civil order, public instruction and religious freedom have followed its footsteps. it has added honor to the flag, which it defended, and has justified increased confidence in the future of the american people, whose soldiers do not shrink from labor or death, yet love liberty and peace. the president feels that he expresses the sentiments of all the loyal people of the united states in doing honor to the whole army which has joined in the performance and shares in the credit of these honorable services. this general order will be read aloud at parade in every military post on the th day of july, , or on the first day after it shall have been received. elihu root, _secretary of war_. by command of lieutenant-general miles: h.c. corbin, _adjutant-general, major-general, u.s.a._ by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation. whereas the medicine bow forest reserve, in the state of wyoming, was established by proclamation dated may , , under and by virtue of section twenty-four of the act of congress approved march , , entitled "an act to repeal timber-culture laws, and for other purposes," which provides "that the president of the united states may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any state or territory having public land bearing forests, in any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations, and the president shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof;" and whereas it is further provided by the act of congress approved june , , entitled "an act making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the government for the fiscal year ending june , , and for other purposes," that "the president is hereby authorized at any time to modify any executive order that has been or may hereafter be made establishing any forest reserve, and by such modification may reduce the area or change the boundary lines of such reserve, or may vacate altogether any order creating such reserve;" and whereas the public lands in the state of wyoming, within the limits hereinafter described, are in part covered with timber, and it appears that the public good would be promoted by setting apart and reserving said lands as a public reservation; now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, by virtue of the power vested in me by the aforesaid act of congress approved june , , do hereby make known and proclaim that the boundary lines of the aforesaid medicine bow forest reserve are hereby changed so as to read as follows: beginning at the northwest corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range eighty-one ( ) west, sixth ( th) principal meridian, wyoming; thence easterly to the northeast corner of said township; thence southerly to the northwest corner of section thirty ( ), township seventeen ( ) north, range eighty ( ) west; thence easterly along the section lines to the northeast corner of section twenty-five ( ), said township; thence northerly to the northwest corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range seventy-nine ( ) west; thence easterly along the township line to the northeast corner of section five ( ), township seventeen ( ) north, range seventy-eight ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines, allowing for the proper offset on the fourth ( th) standard parallel north, to the southeast corner of section thirty-two ( ), township fourteen ( ) north, range seventy-eight ( ) west; thence easterly along the township line to the northeast corner of section four ( ), township thirteen ( ) north, range seventy-seven ( ) west; thence southerly along the section lines, allowing for the proper offset on the third ( d) standard parallel north, to the point of intersection with the boundary line between the states of wyoming and colorado; thence westerly along said state boundary line to the point of intersection with the range line between ranges eighty ( ) and eighty-one ( ) west; thence northerly along said range line, allowing for the proper offset on the third ( d) standard parallel north, to the southeast corner of township fourteen ( ) north, range eighty-one ( ) west; thence westerly to the southwest corner of said township; thence northerly along the range line, allowing for the proper offset on the fourth ( th) standard parallel north, to the northwest corner of township seventeen ( ) north, range eighty-one ( ) west, the place of beginning. excepting from the force and effect of this proclamation all lands which may have been, prior to the date hereof, embraced in any legal entry or covered by any lawful filing duly of record in the proper united states land office, or upon which any valid settlement has been made pursuant to law, and the statutory period within which to make entry or filing of record has not expired: _provided_, that this exception shall not continue to apply to any particular tract of land unless the entryman, settler, or claimant continues to comply with the law under which the entry, filing, or settlement was made. warning is hereby expressly given to all persons not to make settlement upon the lands reserved by this proclamation. the lands hereby excluded from the said reserve and restored to the public domain shall be open to settlement from date hereof, but shall not be subject to entry, filing, or selection until after ninety days' notice by such publication as the secretary of the interior may prescribe. in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this sixteenth day of july, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-seventh. theodore roosevelt. by the president: john hay, _secretary of state_. a proclamation. whereas the act of congress entitled, "an act to ratify and confirm a supplemental agreement with the creek tribe of indians, and for other purposes," approved on the thirtieth day of june, , contains a provision as follows: that the following supplemental agreement, submitted by certain commissioners of the creek tribe of indians, as herein amended, is hereby ratified and confirmed on the part of the united states, and the same shall be of full force and effect if ratified by the creek tribal council on or before the first day of september, nineteen hundred and two, * * * and whereas the principal chief of the said tribe has transmitted to me an act of the creek national council entitled, "an act to ratify and confirm a supplemental agreement with the united states" approved the twenty-sixth day of july, , which contains a provision as follows: that the following supplemental agreement by and between the united states and the muskogee (or creek) tribe of indians, in indian territory, ratified and confirmed on the part of the united states by act of congress approved june , (public--no. .), is hereby confirmed on the part of the muskogee (or creek) nation, * * * and whereas paragraph twenty-two provides as follows: the principal chief, as soon as practicable after the ratification of this agreement by congress, shall call an extra session of the creek nation council and submit this agreement, as ratified by congress, to such council for its consideration, and if the agreement be ratified by the national council, as provided in the constitution of the tribe, the principal chief shall transmit to the president of the united states a certified copy of the act of the council ratifying the agreement, and thereupon the president shall issue his proclamation making public announcement of such ratification, thenceforward all the provisions of this agreement shall have the force and effect of law. now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, do hereby declare said agreement duly ratified and that all the provisions thereof became law according to the terms thereof upon the twenty-sixth day of july, . in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. [seal.] done at the city of washington, this eighth day of august, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. by the president: alvey a. adee, _acting secretary of state_. executive orders. executive mansion, _september , _. in accordance with the provisions of the act of congress approved june , ( stat., - ), and by virtue of the authority thereby given, and on the recommendation of the secretary of the interior, it is hereby ordered that sections , of township seven south, range west, th principal meridian, colorado, within the limits of the black mesa forest reserve be restored to the public domain after sixty days' notice hereof by publication, as required by law; these tracts having been found upon personal and official inspection to be better adapted to agricultural than forest purposes. theodore roosevelt. to all whom these presents shall come, greeting: know ye that reposing special trust and confidence in the integrity, prudence, and ability of thaddeus s. sharretts, united states general appraiser, i have invested him with full and all manner of authority for and in the name of the united states of america, to meet and confer with any person or persons duly authorized by the government of china or by any government or governments having treaties with china being invested with like power and authority, and with him or them to agree on a plan for the conversion into specific duties, as far as possible, and as soon as may be, of all _ad valorem_ duties on imports into china in conformity with the provisions in this regard contained in the final protocol signed by the diplomatic representatives of china and the powers at peking on september , , the same to be submitted to the president of the united states for approval. in testimony whereof i have caused the seal of the united states to be hereunto affixed. [seal.] given under my hand at the city of washington, this first day of october, a.d. , and, of the independence of the united states, the one hundred and twenty-sixth. theodore roosevelt. _october , _. on and after january , , the following ratings and pay per month are established for the petty officers and other enlisted men of the commissary branch of the united states navy: rating. monthly pay. chief commissary steward $ commissary steward ship's cook, st class ship's cook, d class ship's cook, d class ship's cook, th class baker, st class baker, d class landsmen detailed as crew messmen shall while so acting except when appointed as reliefs during temporary absence of the regular crew messmen receive extra compensation at the rate of $ per month. theodore roosevelt. white house, _october , _. it is hereby ordered that harbor island, and three islets southeast thereof in sitka harbor, district of alaska, be and they are hereby reserved for the use of the revenue cutter service subject to any legal existing rights. theodore roosevelt. white house, _november , _. it is hereby ordered that all tracts and parcels of land belonging to the united states situate in the provinces of zambales and bataan, in the island of luzon, philippine islands to the southward and westward of a line beginning at the mouth of the rio pamatuan, near capones islands, and following the imaginary course of the pamatuan to the headwaters of the easternmost branch of said river; from thence east, true, to meet a line running north, true, from santa rita peak; from this intersection to santa rita itself; thence to santa rosa peak, and thence in a straight line in a southerly direction to the sea at the town of bagac, and including said town as well as all adjacent islands, bays, harbors, estuaries, and streams within its limits, be and the same are hereby reserved for naval purposes, and said reservations and all lands included within said boundaries are hereby placed under the governance and control of the navy department. theodore roosevelt. white house, _november , _. it is hereby ordered that the southwest quarter, section twenty-nine, and the southeast quarter, section thirty, township one south, range eighteen west, san bernardino base and meridian, california, be and they are hereby reserved for lighthouse purposes, subject to any legal existing rights. theodore roosevelt. white house, _november , _. it is hereby ordered that san nicolas island, california, be and it is hereby reserved for lighthouse purposes. theodore roosevelt. _november , _. from and after january , , all enlisted men of the navy will be allowed seventy-five cents per month in addition to the pay of their ratings for each good conduct medal, pin, or bar, issued for service, terminating after december , . theodore roosevelt. white house, _december , _. from and after january , , each enlisted man of the navy who holds a certificate as a credit from the petty officers' school of instruction, navy training station, newport, r.i., shall receive two dollars per month in addition to the pay of his rating. theodore roosevelt. white house, _december , _. from and after january , , the classification and monthly pay of mess attendants in the united states navy shall be as follows: mess attendants, st class $ mess attendants, d class mess attendants, d class theodore roosevelt. white house, _december , _. such public lands as may exist on culebra island between the parallels of ° ' and ° ' north latitude, and between the meridians of ° ' and ° ' west longitude, are hereby placed under the jurisdiction of the navy department. theodore roosevelt. _january , _. the attention of the departments is hereby called to the provisions of the laws giving preference to veterans in appointment and retention. the president desires that wherever the needs of the service will justify it and the law will permit preference shall be given alike in appointment and retention to honorably discharged veterans of the civil war, who are fit and well qualified to perform the duties of the places which they seek or are filling. theodore roosevelt. _january , _. all officers and employees of the united states of every description serving in or under any of the executive departments and whether so serving in or out of washington are hereby forbidden either direct or indirect, individually or through associations, to solicit an increase of pay, or to influence or to attempt to influence in their own interest any legislation whatever, either before congress or its committees, or in any way save through the heads of the departments in or under which they serve, on penalty of dismissal from the government service. theodore roosevelt. _february , _. as it is desirable in view of the expected visit of his royal highness, prince henry of prussia, to the united states that suitable arrangements should be made for his reception and entertainment during his sojourn in the united states, i hereby designate the following named persons to serve as delegates for this purpose, and do hereby authorize and empower them to make such engagements, incur such expenses, and to draw upon the secretary of state for such moneys as may be necessary with which to pay the expenses thus incurred, to an amount to be determined by the secretary of state. the assistant secretary of state, david j. hill, representing the department of state. major-general henry c. corbin, adjutant-general, u.s.a., representing the war department. rear-admiral robley d. evans, u.s.n., representing the navy department, and to be honorary a.d.c. to his royal highness. the following officers are detailed to assist the delegates: colonel t.a. bingham, u.s.a., military aide to the president; commander w.s. cowles, u.s.n., navy aide to the president. theodore roosevelt. white house, _february , _. in accordance with the provisions of section of the revised statutes and by virtue of the authority thereby given, it is hereby ordered that the office of surveyor-general in the surveying district of the territory of arizona, be and it is hereby located at phoenix, arizona, and the office of surveyor-general at tucson, arizona, is hereby discontinued, and the records and business thereof are hereby transferred to the office of surveyor-general at tucson, arizona. theodore roosevelt. _march , _. paragraph of the consular regulations of is hereby amended by the addition of the following: no consular officer shall accept an appointment to office from any foreign state as administrator, guardian or any other fiduciary capacity for the settlement or conservation of the estate of deceased persons, or of their heirs or of other persons under legal disabilities, without having been previously authorized by the secretary of state to do so. theodore roosevelt. white house, _march , _. it is hereby ordered that the building known as the "office" and a tract of land feet square, the center of which shall be identical with that of the building, and the sides of which shall be parallel with those of the building in the limits of the fort yuma abandoned military reservation, arizona, be and they are hereby reserved and set apart for the use of the weather bureau. theodore roosevelt. _to the heads of the executive departments:_ as a mark of respect to the memory of the right honorable lord pauncefote, of preston, late ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of great britain to the united states, the president directs that the national flag be displayed at half-mast upon the white house and other federal buildings in the city of washington on wednesday, march , , the day of the funeral. george b. cortelyou, _secretary to the president_. white house, _april , _. _to the heads of the executive departments:_ as a mark of respect to the memory of j. sterling morton, formerly secretary of agriculture, the president directs that the national flag be displayed at half-mast upon the white house and other federal buildings in the city of washington on wednesday, april , , the day of the funeral. george b. cortelyou, _secretary to the president_. white house, _april , _. it is hereby ordered that the building known as the "residence" and the tract of land bounded on the north, east, and south by the rights of way grant to the yuma pumping irrigation company by the act of congress approved january , ( stat., ), and on the west by the east line of the tract reserved by executive order of march , , for the weather bureau and the extension thereof to intersections with the rights of way herein mentioned in the limits of the fort yuma abandoned military reservation, arizona, be and they are hereby reserved and set apart for the customs service. theodore roosevelt. white house, _april , _. it is hereby ordered that the northwest quarter of the northwest quarter and lot of section , township one south, range west, san bernardino base and meridian, california, be and they are hereby reserved for light-house purposes, subject to any legal existing rights. theodore roosevelt. _may , _. it is hereby ordered that such employees of the executive departments, the government printing office, and the navy yard and station at washington, d.c., as served in the military or navy service of the united states in the late civil war shall be excused from duty on saturday, the th instant, to enable them to attend the ceremonies incident to the reburial of the late major-general w.s. rosecrans. theodore roosevelt. white house, _may , _. it is hereby ordered that upon wednesday, the st instant, such employees of the executive departments, the government printing office, and the navy yard and station at washington, d.c., as served in the military or naval service of the united states in the spanish-american war, or the insurrection in the philippine islands, shall be excused from duty at o'clock noon for the remainder of that day, to enable them to participate in the ceremonies incident to the dedication of a statue erected to the memory of the spanish war dead at arlington. theodore roosevelt. white house, _june , _. it is hereby ordered that the southwest quarter section thirty-four township twenty-three north, range one east, willamette meridian, washington, be and it is hereby reserved and set apart for the use of the navy department for the purposes of a target range. theodore roosevelt. white house, _july , _. no enlisted person in the navy service of the united states shall be discharged therefrom prior to the completion of his term of enlistment, except for one of the following causes: undesirability, inaptitude, physical or mental disability, or unfitness. in every case, the recommendation for such discharge must be made by the commanding officer of the vessel on which the man may be serving. applications for discharges which reach the department except through the commanding officers of vessels shall be without exception disregarded. theodore roosevelt. oyster bay, _july , _. the act of congress approved june , , having amended the revised statutes of the united states so as to permit of the issuance of passports to persons owing allegiance to the united states, whether citizens of the united states or not, and under such rules as the president shall designate and prescribe on behalf of the united states, the instructions to the diplomatic officers of the united states and the united states consular regulations are hereby so modified and amended as to permit diplomatic and consular officers of the united states having authority to issue passports to issue them to residents of the insular possessions of the united states who make satisfactory application. each applicant under this provision must state in addition to the information now required in the application of a citizen of the united states that he owes allegiance to the united states and that he does not acknowledge allegiance to any other government and must submit an affidavit from at least two credible witnesses having good means of the knowledge in substantiation of his statements of birth and residence and loyalty. the same fee shall be collected by diplomatic and consular officers of the united states for issuing passports to residents of the insular possessions as is now required for issuing passports to citizens of the united states. theodore roosevelt. white house, _washington, july , _. by virtue of the authority vested in me by the act of congress approved july , , entitled "an act authorizing the president to reserve public lands and buildings in the island of puerto rico for public uses, and granting other public lands and buildings to the government of puerto rico and for other purposes," miraflores island in the harbor of san juan, puerto rico, is hereby reserved for use as a quarantine station or a site for a marine hospital or for both said purposes under the control of the public health and marine hospital service of the united states. theodore roosevelt. white house, _july , _. it is hereby ordered under the provisions of section of the act of congress approved april , , "to promote the efficiency of the revenue cutter service," that the secretary of the treasury shall "by direction of the president" when officers of the revenue cutter service reach the age limit of years, retire from them active service. theodore roosevelt. white house, _august , _. from and after july , , each enlisted man that has been rated seaman gunner prior to april , , or that holds certificate of graduation from the petty officers' schools, seaman gunner class, shall receive $ . per month in addition to the pay of his rating during current and subsequent enlistments. theodore roosevelt. white house, _august , _. it is hereby ordered that the south half of the southeast quarter and the southwest quarter of section , township north, range west, th principal meridian, nebraska, be, and they are hereby, reserved and set apart for the use of the department of agriculture for purposes in connection with experimental tree planting. theodore roosevelt. * * * * * index a. acheen or atjeh.--population, , . adee, alvey a.: acting secretary of state, . africa: repressing liquor trade in, suggestions made by belgium, , . african slave trade: international congress at brussels for abolition of, . agricultural, department of: discussed, , , . sugar-beet culture, , , , . aguinaldo: referred to, , . alabama.--population ( ), , , . alaska.--population ( ), , . discussed, , . education in, preparation for, recommended, . legislation, recommended, , . military department of, . referred to, , , . alexander, gen. e.p.: settlement of question between costa rica and nicaragua by, . algeria.--area , square miles; population ( ) about , , . allen contract law, amendment of, recommended, , . amelia island, a seacoast island on the northeast of florida between the mouths of the st. mary and nassau rivers. american republics, bureau of: discussed, , , . report of, transmitted and discussed, . annual messages of president: mckinley, , , . roosevelt, . arbitration, international: attitude of great britain and united states discussed, , , . treaty with great britain regarding, discussed, , . argentine republic.--area , , square miles; population ( ), , , . treaty with, discussed, . arizona territory.--population ( ), , . arkansas.--population ( ), , , . armenians obtaining citizenship in united states and returning to turkey expelled, discussed, . army: commanding officers and men praised by president roosevelt, . discussed by president-- mckinley, , . roosevelt, , . eulogy on the army of united states by president roosevelt, won by their gallantry and efficiency in the cuban and philippine campaigns, . asia.--population estimated in to be , , . attorney-general, philander chase knox, pennsylvania, born ; admitted to the bar ; present appointment april , . australia.--population ( ), , , . austria-hungary.--population ( ), , , . claims of, regarding subjects killed in riot in pennsylvania, . expulsion of american citizens, . autonomous government for cuba discussed, . b. bahama islands.--population ( ), , . banks and banking, special commission to make suggestions concerning, recommended, . banks, national.--the total number of banks organized under the act aggregates , . of these several have since become insolvent or gone into liquidation, leaving in april, , a total of , in operation, with resources aggregating $ , , , , and a circulation of $ , , outstanding. discussed by president mckinley, , . banks, savings.--there are now ( ), , such banks throughout this country with deposits aggregating $ , , , . barbados island.--population ( ), , . bates, brigadier-general john c., transmitting his report in connection with the treaty effected by him with the sultan of sulu, . bavaria.--population ( ), , , . bear, the: referred to, . belgium.--population ( ), , , . convention with, for regulation slave trade, . importations of american products to, restrictions upon, discussed, . trade-marks, treaty with, regarding, . bering sea fisheries: claims against russia, . questions with great britain regarding, . bermudas.--population ( ), , . bertholf, ellsworth p., thanks of congress to, recommended, . biographical sketches of president: mckinley, . roosevelt, . boer war.--attitude of the united states concerning, , , . bolivia, diplomatic relations with, . insurrection in, discussed, . war between chile, peru, and, . boston, the, mentioned, . boxers.--a religious sect in china who were largely responsible for the disturbance in that country in . on may , , china agreed to pay to the powers, which are austria-hungary, belgium, france, germany, great britain, italy, japan, the netherlands, russia, and the united states, an indemnity amounting to , , taels ($ , , ) for injuries inflicted by the boxers. this indemnity is to constitute a gold debt re-payable in thirty-nine annual installments, due on jan. st of each year up to ; interest at per cent to be payable half-yearly. the securities for the debt are the imperial maritime customs, otherwise unappropriated, increased to five per cent _ad valorem_, the navy customs, and the salt tax otherwise unappropriated. brazil.--boundary question with bolivia discussed, . relations with, . bremen.--population ( ), , . british colonies, commercial relations with, . british guiana.--arbitration of, boundary questions discussed, . tariff laws of, evidence of modification of, proclaimed, . buffalo, pan-american exposition at, , . in order to wipe out the deficit incurred in this enterprise congress voted an appropriation for that purpose amounting to $ , . bulgaria.--population ( ), , , . c. cabinet.--by a law which came into force on january , , in case of removal, death, resignation or inability of both the president and vice-president, the secretary of state, and after him in the order of the establishment of their departments, other members of the cabinet is removed, or a president elected. on the death of a vice-president the duties of the office fall to the president _pro tempore_ of the senate, who receives the salary of the vice-president ($ , . .) california.--population ( ), , , . call, dr. samuel j., thanks of congress recommended to, . canada, dominion of.--population ( ), , , . commission, joint high, progress of, discussed, . canary islands.--population ( ), , . cape verd islands.--population ( ), , . caroline islands.--dispute between germany and spain relating to domination of, discussed, . by treaty of february , , these islands, with the exception of guam, the largest of the marianne which had been ceded to the united states in , passed on october , , from spain into the hands of germany. the purchase-price paid by germany was about $ , , . they consist of about five hundred coral islets which are small and sparsely peopled. the most important product and export is copra. census, discussed and recommendations regarding, by president-- mckinley, , . roosevelt, . referred to, , , . centennial anniversary of founding of washington as capital to be held in , , , . central america, greater republic of, establishment of, discussed, . chile.--population ( ), , , . boundary question with argentine republic, . commission to settle claims of u.s. against, discussed, . china.--area of china proper , , square miles; with dependencies , , square miles; population , , ; of the whole empire about , , . american citizens in, protection for, discussed, . boxer uprising in, discussed, , . commercial relations with, . commission to study conditions in, recommended, . conditions in, discussed, . disturbances in, discussed, , . subjects of, in united states, outrages committed on, discussed, . troops sent to protect, . war with japan; action taken by u.s. regarding, . citizens of united states: interference with rights of naturalized citizens of australia, . property of, protected in south africa, . civil service, discussed by president-- mckinley, , , , . roosevelt, , . colombia.--population ( ), about , , . civil war in, discussed, and action of u.s. regarding, , . claims of united states against, . colorado.--population ( ), , . commerce: active co-operation of commerce serves in promoting foreign commerce, . consular reports, , , , . discussed by president-- mckinley, , , , , . roosevelt, . ecuador, . extension of, with foreign powers, referred to, . merchant marine, discussed by president-- mckinley, . roosevelt, . nicaragua, . reciprocal trade relations with foreign countries, commission for, . santo domingo, . trusts discussed, , , . with foreign powers, china, . commerce with foreign powers: consular regulations, . consular reports on trade and industries, referred to, , , , , . concord, the, mentioned, . congress.--extraordinary session of, convened by proclamation of president mckinley, . referred to, . connecticut.--population ( ), , . consular reports, on trade and industries of foreign powers, referred to, , . consuls of the united states, active co-operation in commerce, , . may not act in a fiduciary capacity, . reports of consular agents, referred to, , , , , . contagious diseases: discussed, , . costa rica.--population ( ), , . boundary question with nicaragua, arbitration of award of, discussed, . courts, consular, regulations for, . creek indians: treaty with, discussed, . ratified by proclamation, . crozler, captain william, peace commissioner at the hague, . cuba.--area , square miles; population in by census, , , . in by act of congress, autonomous government was granted to take effect in may of that year. it was relinquished by spain preliminary to negotiations at paris, december , , and was advanced to the position of an independent state. the armed interposition of the united states in its struggle for freedom had the effect of bringing the island into close communication with the united states government. a convention met november , , to decide upon a constitution and this was adopted february , , according to which the form of government of the island is republican, with a president, señor estrada palma, vice-president, senor estevez, a senate, and a house of representatives. it was upon the adoption of this constitution that the united states decided to pass over the government to the island of cuba as soon as the government of that island should agree that it would make no treaty with any foreign power which would endanger its independence; to contract no debt greater than the current revenue would suffice to pay; to grant the united states the right of intervention, and also to give it the right to use its naval stations. these conditions were accepted by cuba june , , and the president and vice-president of the republic of cuba were formally elected february , . there are at the present writing some slight evidences of dissatisfaction with the present administration, but they are of the ordinary political nature. census ordered, . constitutional convention assembled, creation of offices in, , . d. dahlberg, gustav isak, recommendation for indemnity to, . dakota.--north and south dakota created into a separate internal revenue district, . daws commission, discussed, , . day, william r., secretary of state, . debt, public.--on july , , the public debt of the united states amounted to $ , , , . . defenses, public, discussed by president mckinley, . delagoa bay railway, claims regarding, submitted to arbitration, . delaware.--population ( ), , . denmark.--population ( ), , , . detroit, the, mentioned, . distilled spirits, sale of, in manila, information concerning, transmitted, . district of columbia.--population ( ), , . national celebration of the centennial anniversary of the transfer of seat of government to, , , . e. ecuador.--population ( ), , , . egypt.--population, , , . elections, constitutional convention in cuba, appointed, . not to be held in hawaii, . europe.--population ( ) about , , . executive departments: appointments and promotions in, order regarding promotions to be given veterans in, . canvassing for outside support for promotions forbidden, . employees in, order permitting to participate in public exercises, , , , . expansion, territorial, foreign policy discussed by president mckinley, , . expenditures, public.--for the year ending june , , they had increased to $ , , . congress warned about, . experiment stations: discussed, . exports.--in the value of exports in the united states was $ , , , exclusive of gold and silver. extraordinary session of congress, proclamation convening, . f. falkland islands.--population ( ), , . faure, president, death of, referred to, . fiji or feejee islands.--population ( ), , . finances, discussed by president-- mckinley, , . , , . roosevelt, . five civilized tribes, discussed, . florida.--population ( ), , . foreign coins.--value of alphonsino and louis fixed by order, . foreign import duties, modifications of tariff laws discussed, . foreign policy of the united states, discussed, , , . forestry system, inauguration of, discussed, . france.--population ( ), , , , and of her colonial possessions about , , . faure, president, death of, referred to by president mckinley, . wines, duty on, imported into united states modified by reciprocal trade relations, proclamation concerning, . free-delivery system extended to rural districts, . french exhibits and relations at the world's fair, chicago, in , a reason for the united states participating largely at paris, . fugitive criminals, convention regarding, with peru, . fuller, melville w., member of board of arbitration, . g. geographic names, board on, report of, . georgia.--population ( ), , , . germany.--population ( ), , , . dispute with spain regarding caroline islands, . importation of american products into, discussed, . government employees, order permitting to participate in public exercises, , , . great britain.--population ( ), , , ; area of the british empire, including colonies, protectorates, etc., , , sq. miles, and the population in , , . boundary dispute of, with venezuela regarding british guiana, . commerce of the united states, restrictions placed upon by, during south african war, . great britain--continued. commercial reciprocal convention concluded with, on behalf of colonies, . commissioners award in the claims of the united states against, . interference with cargoes in neutral bottoms during boer war by, . minister of united states in pretoria protects british and other interests in south africa, . vessels of united states restricted in south africa, . greece.--population ( ), , , . h. hawaiian islands.--in accordance with resolution of congress of july , , these islands were formally annexed to the united states august , . the islands were ceded as the territory of hawaii on june , . by the act of april , , all persons who were on august , , citizens of the republic of hawaii were declared to be citizens of the united states and of the territory of hawaii. the territorial franchise is granted to residents in the territory for a year, registration in the district, and ability to read and write the english or hawaiian language. as a military district the islands have been attached to the department of california. annexation of, to united states, . cable connection with, recommended, . discussed by president mckinley, , . hay, john. secretary of state, . authorized to confer with great britain and germany concerning samoa, . honduras.--population ( ), , . i. idaho.--population ( ), , . illinois.--population ( ), , , . immigration discussed by president mckinley, . inaugural addresses of president-- mckinley, , . roosevelt, , india.--area, , , square miles; population ( ), , , . indian appropriation bill.--necessity of passing, discussed, . indian territory.--population ( ), , . indiana.--population ( ), , , . indians: action recommended to enable the iroquois, delawares, and abenaki in canada to attend exposition held at omaha, . act to refer claims for depredations by, to court of claims, veto, . instructions to commissioners engaged with, in indian territory, . treaty with, ratified by proclamation, . five civilized tribes discussed, . internal revenue.--during the recent war with spain there was collected in from the taxes imposed for war purposes $ , , . iowa.--population ( ), , , . italy.--population ( ), , , . indemnity paid by united states for subjects of, lynched, , . j. japan.--commercial relations with, , . questions with, settled, . relations with, . k. kansas.--population ( ), , , . kentucky.--population ( ), , , . kongo free state.--population ( ), about , , . korea or corea.--population estimated from eight to sixteen millions. l. la abra silver mining company, claim of against mexico, . labor, principal of arbitration in, referred to, . labor, hours of: referred to, , . laborers, alien: discussed, , . lands, public: discussed, , . disposition of, discussed by president mckinley, . opened to settlement, proclaimed, , , , , , , , , , , , , , . sale of, discussed by president mckinley, . set apart as public reservation by proclamation of president-- mckinley, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . roosevelt, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . lawshe, abraham l.--report of and investigation into expenditure of cuban funds, . liberia.--the total population in was , , , mostly natives. library of congress, referred to, . life insurance companies, american.--exclusion of, from transacting business in germany, , . referred to, . loans, discussed, . louisiana.--population ( ) was , , . lynching in, referred to, . sufferers from floods relieved by appropriation, . low, seth, peace commissioner at the hague, . lynchings, discussed, , , , , , , , . lynn canal, referred to, . m. mcarthur, general, military governor of philippine islands, . mckinley, william (twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth president of the u.s.): advancement and progress of the united states discussed by, . agriculture, department of, discussed by, . alaska, discussed by, , . legislation for, recommended by, , . alien contract law, amendment of, recommended by, , . american republics, bureau of, discussed by, , , . annual message of, , , . arbitration, discussed by, , , , . army, discussed by, , . bering sea fisheries, discussed by, , . biographical sketch of, . buffalo, pan-american exposition at, discussed by, , . census, discussed by, , . china, boxer uprising in, discussed by, . civil service discussed by, , , , . commerce, discussed by, , , , , . cuban insurrection and policy of the united states regarding, discussed by, , . death of-- action of congress on, . announcement of, to vice-president and reply to, . to representatives abroad, . to the army, . to the navy, . to the treasury, . certificate of the coroner, . house committee named, . news at the white house, . official order of observances, . official order of the army, . order of procession, . orders to the army, . to the guard of honor, . to the navy, . proclamation of, by president roosevelt, . dewey appointed acting rear-admiral by, . executive orders of, . extraordinary session of congress, . senate, . extraordinary session of congress by proclamation of, . finances discussed by, , , , , , , . foreign policy discussed by, , , . germany, relations with, discussed by, , . government for philippine islands discussed by, , , . harrison, hon. benjamin, death of, . hawaiian cable concession, . hawaiian islands, annexation of, discussed by, , . affairs in, discussed by, , . cable communication with, discussed by, , . hobart, garret p., death of, referred to by, . immigration, discussed by, . italy, recommendations regarding lynching of subjects of, made by, , , , . japan, commercial relations with, discussed by, , . questions with, discussed by, . kansas pacific railway, claims against, dismissed by, . labor, hours of, discussed by, , . lands, public-- set apart as public reservation, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . opened for settlement, , , , , . lands, public, set apart as public reservation by proclamation of, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . opened for settlement by proclamation of, , , , , . revenue derived from, discussed by, . last speech of, . loans, discussed by, . louisiana purchase exposition, . lynchings, discussed by, , , , , , , . manila, cable communication with, discussed by, , , . marshall day, referred to, . mexico, treaty with, discussed by, . monetary commission, discussed by, . modification of tariff laws, discussed by, . mosquito indian strip, insurrection in and treatment of american citizens, discussed by, , . navy discussed by, , , , . vessels for, construction of discussed and commendations regarding, by, . nicaragua canal, discussed by, , , . nicaragua, relations with, discussed by, . revolution in, discussed by, . ocean cables with philippines, . ozama river bridge claims, referred to, . pacific railway claims, discussed by, , . pan-american exposition at buffalo, discussed by, , . paris, france, universal exposition at, discussed by, , , , , , , , , , , . patent office, discussed by, , . at the hague, discussed by, , . pennsylvania, riots at lattimer, discussed by, , . peru, affairs in, discussed by, . philippine islands, affairs in, discussed by, . government for, discussed by, , , . postal service, discussed by, , . proclamations of-- cessation of tariff, puerto rico, . copyright-- netherlands, . costa rica, . puerto rico, legislation for, suggested by, , . relief for, discussed by, . expeditions against, discussed by, , . questions with japan, discussed by, . reciprocal commercial agreement, france, . germany, . italy, . revocation of suspension of port dues, tobago, . trinidad, . samoan islands, affairs of, and policy of united states concerning, discussed by, , , . sherman, hon. john, death of, . southern ute indians, colorado, . suspension of tonnage dues, mexico, , . denmark, . thanksgiving, , , , . the assassination of, . transfer of, to united states referred to by, . trusts, discussed by, , . veto messages of-- navajo, . water boundary commission discussed by, , . macrum, charles e., consul at durban concerning mail of, . mahan, alfred t., peace commissioner at the hague, . maine.--population in was , . manila, philippine islands: cable communication with, recommended, , , . liquor at, sale of, . marshall day, referred to, . maryland.--population in was , , . massachusetts.--population in was , , . mexico.--population in was , , . claims of benjamin weil and la abra silver mining co. against, . convention with, . fugitive criminals convention with, for surrender of, . lynching of subjects at yreka, indemnity recommended, . relations with, . treaty regarding water boundary commission discussed, , . treaty with, discussed by president mckinley, . michigan.--the population in was , , . minnesota.--the population in was , , . mississippi.--the population in was , , . appropriation recommended for sufferers by flood in, . missouri.--population in was , , . monetary commission, discussed, . montana.--the population in was , . morgan city, the, mentioned, . mosquito indian strip, insurrection in, discussed, , . n. naturalization laws, discussed, . naturalized citizens impressed into military service of foreign countries, . navajo indians, veto message concerning, . navy, discussed by president mckinley, , , . nebraska.--population in was , , . nevada.--population in was , . newark, the, mentioned, . newel, stanford, peace commissioner at the hague, . new hampshire.--population in was , . new jersey.--population in was , , . new mexico.--population in was , . new york.--population in was , , . nicaragua, boundary line with costa rica, arbitration of, referred to president of united states and award of, discussed, . diplomatic relations with, . revolution in, discussed, . rupture with costa rica amicably settled, . nicaragua canal, discussed, , , . nicaragua canal commission, discussed, . north carolina.--population in was , , . north dakota.--population in was , . norway.--population in was about , , . o. ohio.--population in was , , . oklahoma.--population in was , . otis, elwell s., communications with aguinaldo, . proclamation to philippines issued by, . ozama river, building bridge over, at santo domingo city by american citizens, . p. pacific railroads, indebtedness of, commission to settle, . kansas pacific, sale of, discussed, . union pacific, sale of, discussed, . pan-american exposition at buffalo, , . paris, france, universal exposition at, discussed, , , , , , , , , , , . patent office discussed, , . peace congress at the hague, , . pennsylvania.--population in was , , . conflict at lattimer, claims of austria-hungary regarding subjects killed in, . pensions discussed, , . philadelphia, commercial museum at, . philippine islands: affairs in, discussed by president-- mckinley, . roosevelt, . aid to loyal natives in, . civil service extended to, . commission made the superior authority in, . general chaffee relieved of civil duties in, . government for, discussed by president-- mckinley, , , . roosevelt, . granting of franchise in, to be encouraged, . independence to, danger of, . pardon and amnesty to insurgents in, . thanks to army in, . plague, the, regulations to prevent introduction of, into united states, . portugal, claims of united states against, . postal service discussed, , . puerto rico: expeditions against, , . legislation for, , . relief for, . q. quarantine regulations discussed, . r. rhode island.--population in was , . russia.--claims of united states against, . roosevelt, theodore (twenty-seventh president of the united states): agriculture discussed by, . anarchy discussed by, . annual message of, . army discussed by, . eulogy on, by, . improvement of, suggested by, . veterans praised by, . west point referred to by, . banks and banking discussed by, . biographical sketch of, . cable communication with hawaii and the philippine islands, . census discussed by, . charleston exposition referred to, . china-- "open door" discussed by, . uprising in, discussed by, . civil service discussed by, . extension of the, to the philippine islands and cuba, . officers and employees forbidden to seek outside influence in promotion, . veterans to have the preference in appointment and promotions, . clayton-bulwer treaty referred to by, . commerce discussed by, . consular corps-- in relation to commerce, . members of, forbidden to act in a fiduciary capacity for others, . permitted to issue passports in the insular possessions of the united states, . creeks, treaty with, ratified by proclamation, . cuba-- fair treatment accorded to, by the united states, referred to, . reciprocal exemption of vessels from tonnage dues proclaimed, . reciprocal reduction in tariff recommended by, . reciprocity with, urged by, . death of president mckinley-- announcement of and reply to by, . proclaimed by, . referred to by, . department of agriculture discussed by, . eulogy of the army of the united states by, . executive orders of, . expenditure discussed by, . filipino insurgents, pardon and amnesty declared by, . forest reserves discussed by, . germany-- death of empress dowager frederick referred to, . sympathy with the united states on the death of mckinley, . glass, john, act for relief of, vetoed by, . government employees, permission given to participate in public exercises, . great britain, negotiations with, on nicaraguan canal referred to, . hawaii-- affairs of, discussed by, . cable communication with, discussed by, . henry, prince of prussia, committee on reception and entertainment of, appointed by, . immigration-- discussed by, . laws should be amended, . inaugural address by, as vice-president, . indians-- affairs of, discussed by, . necessity of education of, . interstate commerce law discussed by, , . isthmian canal discussed by, . irrigation discussed by, . la abra claims referred to, . labor discussed by, . lands, arid, discussed by, . lands, public-- discussed by, . in puerto rico, legislation for, recommended, . opened to settlement by, , , . set apart for public reservations by proclamation, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . library of congress referred to, . louisiana purchase exposition, duration of, fixed by proclamation, . mckinley, death of-- proclaimed, . referred to, . martinique, recommending appropriation for the relief of sufferers in, . merchant marine discussed by, . monroe doctrine referred to, . morton, j. sterling, mark of respect to be paid on the death of, . naval reserve, national, suggested by, . navy-- discussed by, . rating and pay of petty officers and men established in the, , , . regulating discharge from, . retirement of men in, order regarding, . oath of office administered to, , . pardon and amnesty to philippine insurgents proclaimed, . pan-american exposition referred to, . pauncefote, right honorable lord, mark of respect to be paid on death of, . peace conference at the hague, referred to, . postal service discussed by, . philippine islands-- affairs in, discussed by, . aid to loyal natives in, recommended, . civil service to be extended to, . commission made the superior authority in, . gen. chaffee relieved of his civil duties in, . government in, discussed by, . granting of franchise in to be encouraged, . independence to, danger of granting, . pardon and amnesty to insurgents in, proclaimed, . proclamations of-- cuban reciprocity in exemption of vessels from tonnage dues, . day of mourning and prayer proclaimed, . death of president mckinley, . eulogy on the army of the united states, . louisiana purchase exposition, time for holding, fixed, . pardon and amnesty to the insurgents in the philippine islands, . puerto rico legislation for public lands, . ratifying treaty with the creeks, . thanksgiving, . railways referred to, . reciprocity discussed by, . secretary of commerce and industries, appointment of, recommended, . sharretts, thaddeus s., commissioned to effect changes in foreign duties, . shipping discussed by, . smithsonian institution referred to, . tariff system discussed by, . thanksgiving proclamation, . thanks of, to the army in cuba and the philippines, . treaty with the creeks ratified by, . trusts discussed by, . veto message for the relief of john glass, . victoria, queen of great britain, death of referred to, . s. samoan islands, affairs of discussed, , , . government of discussed, . insurrection in discussed, , . king of, death of, . santo domingo, claim of united states against, . revolution in, referred to, . war in, discussed, . south carolina.--population in was , , . south dakota.--population in was , . specie payments discussed, . sulu, sultan of, treaty with, . sweden and norway, king of, arbitrator in samoan affairs, . t. taft commission discussed, . tellefsen, captain b., claim of, against united states, . tennessee.--population in was , , . tewkesberry, samuel, claim of, vetoed, . texas.--population in was , , . thanks of congress: tender of, recommended to-- bertholf, ellsworth p., . call, dr. samuel j., . jarvis, david h., . tuttle, captain francis, . tice, isaac p., administrators of, act for relief of, vetoed, . trade-marks, treaty regarding, with belgium, . trusts, evils of monopolies discussed, recommendations regarding, , . turkey.--american citizens, injuries inflicted upon in, . armenian subjects of, referred to, . commercial relations with, , . naturalization, treaty with, discussed, . tuttle, captain francis, thanks of congress to, recommended, . u. united states.--the total population in was , , . utah.--population in was , . v. venezuela.--boundary dispute with great britain regarding british guiana, arbitration of, discussed, . claims of united states against, payment of, . revolution in, discussed, . vice-presidents of united states.--five vice-presidents have succeeded to the presidency by reason of the death of the president; viz: john tyler, who succeeded william henry harrison in ; millard fillmore, who succeeded zachary taylor in ; andrew johnson, who succeeded abraham lincoln in ; chester a. arthur, who succeeded james a. garfield in , and theodore roosevelt, who succeeded william mckinley in . virginia.--population in was , , . w. walker, john g.--chairman of nicaraguan canal commission, . washington.--population in was , . washington, george.--centennial anniversary of death of, december , , referred to by president mckinley, . washington city.--centennial anniversary of founding of, for capital, held in , discussed, , . memorial bridge across the potomac, appropriation recommended for, . whaling fleet relieved by "bear" under captain francis tuttle, . white, andrew d., peace commissioner at the hague, . wisconsin.--population in was , , . worcester, dean c., member of commission, philippine islands, . wyoming.--population in was , . [transcriber's note: every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies.] [illustration: arrival at gardiner, mont. (entrance to yellowstone national park.)] camping with president roosevelt by john burroughs houghton, mifflin and company copyright, by houghton, mifflin & co. _reprinted from the atlantic monthly may, _ camping with president roosevelt by john burroughs at the time i made the trip to yellowstone park with president roosevelt in the spring of , i promised some friends to write up my impressions of the president and of the park, but i have been slow in getting around to it. the president himself, having the absolute leisure and peace of the white house, wrote his account of the trip nearly two years ago! but with the stress and strain of my life at "slabsides,"--administering the affairs of so many of the wild creatures of the woods about me,--i have not till this blessed season found the time to put on record an account of the most interesting thing i saw in that wonderful land, which, of course, was the president himself. a storm centre when i accepted his invitation i was well aware that during the journey i should be in a storm centre most of the time, which is not always a pleasant prospect to a man of my habits and disposition. the president himself is a good deal of a storm,--a man of such abounding energy and ceaseless activity that he sets everything in motion around him wherever he goes. but i knew he would be pretty well occupied on his way to the park in speaking to eager throngs and in receiving personal and political homage in the towns and cities we were to pass through. but when all this was over, and i found myself with him in the wilderness of the park, with only the superintendent and a few attendants to help take up his tremendous personal impact, how was it likely to fare with a non-strenuous person like myself, i asked? i had visions of snow six and seven feet deep where traveling could be done only upon snowshoes, and i had never had the things on my feet in my life. if the infernal fires beneath, that keep the pot boiling so out there, should melt the snows, i could see the party tearing along on horseback at a wolf-hunt pace over a rough country; and as i had not been on a horse's back since the president was born, how would it be likely to fare with me there? the president's interest in natural history i had known the president several years before he became famous, and we had had some correspondence on subjects of natural history. his interest in such themes is always very fresh and keen, and the main motive of his visit to the park at this time was to see and study in its semi-domesticated condition the great game which he had so often hunted during his ranch days; and he was kind enough to think it would be an additional pleasure to see it with a nature-lover like myself. for my own part, i knew nothing about big game, but i knew there was no man in the country with whom i should so like to see it as roosevelt. his love of animals some of our newspapers reported that the president intended to hunt in the park. a woman in vermont wrote me, to protest against the hunting, and hoped i would teach the president to love the animals as much as i did,--as if he did not love them much more, because his love is founded upon knowledge, and because they had been a part of his life. she did not know that i was then cherishing the secret hope that i might be allowed to shoot a cougar or bobcat; but this fun did not come to me. the president said, "i will not fire a gun in the park; then i shall have no explanations to make." yet once i did hear him say in the wilderness, "i feel as if i ought to keep the camp in meat. i always have." i regretted that he could not do so on this occasion. i have never been disturbed by the president's hunting trips. it is to such men as he that the big game legitimately belongs,--men who regard it from the point of view of the naturalist as well as from that of the sportsman, who are interested in its preservation, and who share with the world the delight they experience in the chase. such a hunter as roosevelt is as far removed from the game-butcher as day is from night; and as for his killing of the "varmints,"--bears, cougars, and bobcats,--the fewer of these there are, the better for the useful and beautiful game. the cougars, or mountain lions, in the park certainly needed killing. the superintendent reported that he had seen where they had slain nineteen elk, and we saw where they had killed a deer, and dragged its body across the trail. of course, the president would not now on his hunting trips shoot an elk or a deer except to "keep the camp in meat," and for this purpose it is as legitimate as to slay a sheep or a steer for the table at home. we left washington on april , and strung several of the larger western cities on our thread of travel,--chicago, milwaukee, madison, st. paul, minneapolis,--as well as many lesser towns, in each of which the president made an address, sometimes brief, on a few occasions of an hour or more. meeting the people he gave himself very freely and heartily to the people wherever he went. he could easily match their western cordiality and good-fellowship. wherever his train stopped, crowds soon gathered, or had already gathered, to welcome him. his advent made a holiday in each town he visited. at all the principal stops the usual programme was: first, his reception by the committee of citizens appointed to receive him,--they usually boarded his private car, and were one by one introduced to him; then a drive through the town with a concourse of carriages; then to the hall or open air platform, where he spoke to the assembled throng; then to lunch or dinner; and then back to the train, and off for the next stop--a round of hand-shaking, carriage-driving, speech-making each day. he usually spoke from eight to ten times every twenty-four hours, sometimes for only a few minutes from the rear platform of his private car, at others for an hour or more in some large hall. in chicago, milwaukee, and st. paul, elaborate banquets were given him and his party, and on each occasion he delivered a carefully prepared speech upon questions that involved the policy of his administration. the throng that greeted him in the vast auditorium in chicago--that rose and waved and waved again--was one of the grandest human spectacles i ever witnessed. in milwaukee the dense cloud of tobacco smoke that presently filled the large hall after the feasting was over was enough to choke any speaker, but it did not seem to choke the president, though he does not use tobacco in any form himself; nor was there anything foggy about his utterances on that occasion upon legislative control of the trusts. a pretty incident in st. paul the city was inundated with humanity,--a vast human tide that left the middle of the streets bare as our line of carriages moved slowly along, but that rose up in solid walls of town and prairie humanity on the sidewalks and city dooryards. how hearty and happy the myriad faces looked! at one point i spied in the throng on the curbstone a large silk banner that bore my own name as the title of some society. i presently saw that it was borne by half a dozen anxious and expectant-looking schoolgirls with braids down their backs. as my carriage drew near them, they pressed their way through the throng, and threw a large bouquet of flowers into my lap. i think it would be hard to say who blushed the deeper, the girls or myself. it was the first time i had ever had flowers showered upon me in public; and then, maybe, i felt that on such an occasion i was only a minor side issue, and public recognition was not called for. but the incident pleased the president. "i saw that banner and those flowers," he said afterwards; "and i was delighted to see you honored that way." but i fear i have not to this day thanked the monroe school of st. paul for that pretty attention. [illustration: the president with mr. burroughs and secretary loeb just before entering the park. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] gratifying the children the time of the passing of the presidential train seemed well known, even on the dakota prairies. at one point i remember a little brown schoolhouse stood not far off, and near the track the school-ma'am, with her flock, drawn up in line. we were at luncheon, but the president caught a glimpse ahead through the window, and quickly took in the situation. with napkin in hand, he rushed out on the platform and waved to them. "those children," he said, as he came back, "wanted to see the president of the united states, and i could not disappoint them. they may never have another chance. what a deep impression such things make when we are young!" cowboy friends at some point in the dakotas we picked up the former foreman of his ranch, and another cowboy friend of the old days, and they rode with the president in his private car for several hours. he was as happy with them as a schoolboy ever was in meeting old chums. he beamed with delight all over. the life which those men represented, and of which he had himself once formed a part, meant so much to him; it had entered into the very marrow of his being, and i could see the joy of it all shining in his face as he sat and lived parts of it over again with those men that day. he bubbled with laughter continually. the men, i thought, seemed a little embarrassed by his open-handed cordiality and good-fellowship. he himself evidently wanted to forget the present, and to live only in the memory of those wonderful ranch days,--that free, hardy, adventurous life upon the plains. it all came back to him with a rush when he found himself alone with these heroes of the rope and the stirrup. how much more keen his appreciation was, and how much quicker his memory, than theirs! he was constantly recalling to their minds incidents which they had forgotten, and the names of horses and dogs which had escaped them. his subsequent life, instead of making dim the memory of his ranch days, seemed to have made it more vivid by contrast. when they had gone, i said to him, "i think your affection for those men very beautiful." "how could i help it?" he said. "still, few men in your station could or would go back and renew such friendships." "then i pity them," he replied. ranch life the making of him he said afterwards that his ranch life had been the making of him. it had built him up and hardened him physically, and it had opened his eyes to the wealth of manly character among the plainsmen and cattlemen. had he not gone west, he said, he never would have raised the rough riders regiment; and had he not raised that regiment and gone to the cuban war, he would not have been made governor of new york; and had not this happened, the politicians would not unwittingly have made his rise to the presidency so inevitable. there is no doubt, i think, that he would have got there some day; but without the chain of events above outlined, his rise could not have been so rapid. our train entered the bad lands of north dakota in the early evening twilight, and the president stood on the rear platform of his car, gazing wistfully upon the scene. "i know all this country like a book," he said. "i have ridden over it, and hunted over it, and tramped over it, in all seasons and weather, and it looks like home to me. my old ranch is not far off. we shall soon reach medora, which was my station." it was plain to see that that strange, forbidding-looking landscape, hills and valleys to eastern eyes utterly demoralized and gone to the bad,--flayed, fantastic, treeless, a riot of naked clay slopes, chimney-like buttes, and dry coulees,--was in his eyes a land of almost pathetic interest. there were streaks of good pasturage here and there where his cattle used to graze, and where the deer and the pronghorn used to linger. old neighbors when we reached medora, where the train was scheduled to stop an hour, it was nearly dark, but the whole town and country round had turned out to welcome their old townsman. after much hand-shaking, the committee conducted us down to a little hall, where the president stood on a low platform, and made a short address to the standing crowd that filled the place. then some flashlight pictures were taken by the local photographer, after which the president stepped down, and, while the people filed past him, shook hands with every man, woman, and child of them, calling many of them by name, and greeting them all most cordially. i recall one grizzled old frontiersman whose hand he grasped, calling him by name, and saying, "how well i remember you! you once mended my gunlock for me,--put on a new hammer." "yes," said the delighted old fellow; "i'm the man, mr. president." he was among his old neighbors once more, and the pleasure of the meeting was very obvious on both sides. i heard one of the women tell him they were going to have a dance presently, and ask him if he would not stay and open it! the president laughingly excused himself, and said his train had to leave on schedule time, and his time was nearly up. i thought of the incident in his "ranch life," in which he says he once opened a cowboy ball with the wife of a minnesota man, who had recently shot a bullying scotchman who danced opposite. he says the scene reminded him of the ball where bret harte's heroine "went down the middle with the man that shot sandy magee." before reaching medora he had told me many anecdotes of "hell roaring bill jones," and had said i should see him. but it turned out that hell roaring bill had begun to celebrate the coming of the president too early in the day, and when we reached medora he was not in a presentable condition. i forget now how he had earned his name, but no doubt he had come honestly by it; it was a part of his history, as was that of "the pike," "cold turkey bill," "hash knife joe," and other classic heroes of the frontier. bad lands and bad men it is curious how certain things go to the bad in the far west, or a certain proportion of them,--bad lands, bad horses, and bad men. and it is a degree of badness that the east has no conception of,--land that looks as raw and unnatural as if time had never laid its shaping and softening hand upon it; horses that, when mounted, put their heads to the ground and their heels in the air, and, squealing defiantly, resort to the most diabolically ingenious tricks to shake off or to kill their riders; and men who amuse themselves in bar-rooms by shooting about the feet of a "tenderfoot" to make him dance, or who ride along the street and shoot at every one in sight. just as the old plutonic fires come to the surface out there in the rockies, and hint very strongly of the infernal regions, so a kind of satanic element in men and animals--an underlying devilishness--crops out, and we have the border ruffian and the bucking broncho. the president told of an englishman on a hunting trip in the west, who, being an expert horseman at home, scorned the idea that he could not ride any of their "grass-fed ponies." so they gave him a bucking broncho. he was soon lying on the ground, much stunned. when he could speak, he said, "i should not have minded him, you know, _but 'e 'ides 'is 'ead_." the president's cordiality at one place in dakota the train stopped to take water while we were at lunch. a crowd soon gathered, and the president went out to greet them. we could hear his voice, and the cheers and laughter of the crowd. and then we heard him say, "well, good-by, i must go now." still he did not come. then we heard more talking and laughing, and another "good-by," and yet he did not come. then i went out to see what had happened. i found the president down on the ground shaking hands with the whole lot of them. some one had reached up to shake his hand as he was about withdrawing, and this had been followed by such eagerness on the part of the rest of the people to do likewise, that the president had instantly got down to gratify them. had the secret service men known it, they would have been in a pickle. we probably have never had a president who responded more freely and heartily to the popular liking for him than roosevelt. the crowd always seem to be in love with him the moment they see him and hear his voice. and it is not by reason of any arts of eloquence, or charm of address, but by reason of his inborn heartiness and sincerity, and his genuine manliness. the people feel his quality at once. in bermuda last winter i met a catholic priest who had sat on the platform at some place in new england very near the president while he was speaking, and who said, "the man had not spoken three minutes before i loved him, and had any one tried to molest him, i could have torn him to pieces." it is the quality in the man that instantly inspires such a liking as this in strangers that will, i am sure, safeguard him in all public places. i once heard him say that he did not like to be addressed as "his excellency;" he added laughingly, "they might just as well call me his transparency, for all i care." it is this transparency, this direct, out-and-out, unequivocal character of him that is one source of his popularity. the people do love transparency,--all of them but the politicians. a friend of his one day took him to task for some mistake he had made in one of his appointments. "my dear sir," replied the president, "where you know of one mistake i have made, i know of ten." how such candor must make the politicians shiver! the mule-team i have said that i stood in dread of the necessity of snowshoeing in the park, and, in lieu of that, of horseback riding. yet when we reached gardiner, the entrance to the park, on that bright, crisp april morning, with no snow in sight save that on the mountain-tops, and found major pitcher and captain chittenden at the head of a squad of soldiers, with a fine saddle-horse for the president, and an ambulance drawn by two span of mules for me, i confess that i experienced just a slight shade of mortification. i thought they might have given me the option of the saddle or the ambulance. yet i entered the vehicle as if it was just what i had been expecting. the president and his escort, with a cloud of cowboys hovering in the rear, were soon off at a lively pace, and my ambulance followed close, and at a lively pace, too; so lively that i soon found myself gripping the seat with my hands. "well," i said to myself, "they are giving me a regular western send-off;" and i thought, as the ambulance swayed from side to side, that it would suit me just as well if my driver did not try to keep up with the presidential procession. the driver and his mules were shut off from me by a curtain, but, looking ahead out of the sides of the vehicle, i saw two good-sized logs lying across our course. surely, i thought (and barely had time to think), he will avoid these. but he did not, and as we passed over them i was nearly thrown through the top of the ambulance. "this _is_ a lively send-off," i said, rubbing my bruises with one hand, while i clung to the seat with the other. presently i saw the cowboys scrambling up the bank as if to get out of our way; then the president on his fine gray stallion scrambling up the bank with his escort, and looking ominously in my direction, as we thundered by. sidetracking the president "well," i said, "this is indeed a novel ride; for once in my life i have sidetracked the president of the united states! i am given the right of way over all." on we tore, along the smooth, hard road, and did not slacken our pace till, at the end of a mile or two, we began to mount the hill toward fort yellowstone. and not till we reached the fort did i learn that our mules had run away. they had been excited beyond control by the presidential cavalcade, and the driver, finding he could not hold them, had aimed only to keep them in the road, and we very soon had the road all to ourselves. huge boiling springs fort yellowstone is at mammoth hot springs, where one gets his first view of the characteristic scenery of the park,--huge, boiling springs with their columns of vapor, and the first characteristic odors which suggest the traditional infernal regions quite as much as the boiling and steaming water does. one also gets a taste of a much more rarefied air than he has been used to, and finds himself panting for breath on a very slight exertion. the mammoth hot springs have built themselves up an enormous mound that stands there above the village on the side of the mountain, terraced and scalloped and fluted, and suggesting some vitreous formation, or rare carving of enormous, many-colored precious stones. it looks quite unearthly, and, though the devil's frying pan, and ink pot, and the stygian caves are not far off, the suggestion is of something celestial rather than of the nether regions,--a vision of jasper walls, and of amethyst battlements. with captain chittenden i climbed to the top, stepping over the rills and creeks of steaming hot water, and looked at the marvelously clear, cerulean, but boiling, pools on the summit. the water seemed as unearthly in its beauty and purity as the gigantic sculpturing that held it. [illustration: fort yellowstone. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] the stygian caves the stygian caves are still farther up the mountain,--little pockets in the rocks, or well-holes in the ground at your feet, filled with deadly carbon dioxide. we saw birds' feathers and quills in all of them. the birds hop into them, probably in quest of food or seeking shelter, and they never come out. we saw the body of a martin on the bank of one hole. into one we sank a lighted torch, and it was extinguished as quickly as if we had dropped it into water. each cave or niche is a death valley on a small scale. near by we came upon a steaming pool, or lakelet, of an acre or more in extent. a pair of mallard ducks were swimming about in one end of it,--the cool end. when we approached, they swam slowly over into the warmer water. as they progressed, the water got hotter and hotter, and the ducks' discomfort was evident. presently they stopped, and turned toward us, half appealingly, as i thought. they could go no farther; would we please come no nearer? as i took another step or two, up they rose and disappeared over the hill. had they gone to the extreme end of the pool, we could have had boiled mallard for dinner. deer feeding in the streets another novel spectacle was at night, or near sundown, when the deer came down from the hills into the streets, and ate hay a few yards from the officers' quarters, as unconcernedly as so many domestic sheep. this they had been doing all winter, and they kept it up till may, at times a score or more of them profiting thus on the government's bounty. when the sundown gun was fired a couple of hundred yards away, they gave a nervous start, but kept on with their feeding. the antelope and elk and mountain sheep had not yet grown bold enough to accept uncle sam's charity in that way. the president wanted all the freedom and solitude possible while in the park, so all newspaper men and other strangers were excluded. even the secret service men and his physician and private secretaries were left at gardiner. he craved once more to be alone with nature; he was evidently hungry for the wild and the aboriginal,--a hunger that seems to come upon him regularly at least once a year, and drives him forth on his hunting trips for big game in the west. we spent two weeks in the park, and had fair weather, bright, crisp days, and clear, freezing nights. the first week we occupied three camps that had been prepared, or partly prepared, for us in the northeast corner of the park, in the region drained by the gardiner river, where there was but little snow, and which we reached on horseback. visit to the geyser region the second week we visited the geyser region, which lies a thousand feet or more higher, and where the snow was still five or six feet deep. this part of the journey was made in big sleighs, each drawn by two span of horses. on the horseback excursion, which involved only about fifty miles of riding, we had a mule pack train, and sibley tents and stoves, with quite a retinue of camp laborers, a lieutenant and an orderly or two, and a guide, billy hofer. the first camp the first camp was in a wild, rocky, and picturesque gorge on the yellowstone, about ten miles from the fort. a slight indisposition, the result of luxurious living, with no wood to chop or to saw, and no hills to climb, as at home, prevented me from joining the party till the third day. then captain chittenden drove me eight miles in a buggy. about two miles from camp we came to a picket of two or three soldiers, where my big bay was in waiting for me. i mounted him confidently, and, guided by an orderly, took the narrow, winding trail toward camp. except for an hour's riding the day before with captain chittenden, i had not been on a horse's back for nearly fifty years, and i had not spent as much as a day in the saddle during my youth. that first sense of a live, spirited, powerful animal beneath you, at whose mercy you are,--you, a pedestrian all your days,--with gullies and rocks and logs to cross, and deep chasms opening close beside you, is not a little disturbing. but my big bay did his part well, and i did not lose my head or my nerve, as we cautiously made our way along the narrow path on the side of the steep gorge, with a foaming torrent rushing along at its foot, nor yet when we forded the rocky and rapid yellowstone. a misstep or a stumble on the part of my steed, and probably the first bubble of my confidence would have been shivered at once; but this did not happen, and in due time we reached the group of tents that formed the president's camp. the president alone in the wilderness the situation was delightful,--no snow, scattered pine trees, a secluded valley, rocky heights, and the clear, ample, trouty waters of the yellowstone. the president was not in camp. in the morning he had stated his wish to go alone into the wilderness. major pitcher very naturally did not quite like the idea, and wished to send an orderly with him. "no," said the president. "put me up a lunch, and let me go alone. i will surely come back." and back he surely came. it was about five o'clock when he came briskly down the path from the east to the camp. it came out that he had tramped about eighteen miles through a very rough country. the day before, he and the major had located a band of several hundred elk on a broad, treeless hillside, and his purpose was to find those elk, and creep up on them, and eat his lunch under their very noses. and this he did, spending an hour or more within fifty yards of them. he came back looking as fresh as when he started, and at night, sitting before the big camp fire, related his adventure, and talked with his usual emphasis and copiousness of many things. he told me of the birds he had seen or heard; among them he had heard one that was new to him. from his description i told him i thought it was townsend's solitaire, a bird i much wanted to see and hear. i had heard the west india solitaire,--one of the most impressive songsters i ever heard,--and i wished to compare our western form with it. a strange bird song the next morning we set out for our second camp, ten or a dozen miles away, and in reaching it passed over much of the ground the president had traversed the day before. as we came to a wild, rocky place above a deep chasm of the river, with a few scattered pine trees, the president said, "it was right here that i heard that strange bird song." we paused a moment. "and there it is now," he exclaimed. the solitaire sure enough, there was the solitaire singing from the top of a small cedar,--a bright, animated, eloquent song, but without the richness and magic of the song of the tropical species. we hitched our horses, and followed the bird up as it flew from tree to tree. the president was as eager to see and hear it as i was. it seemed very shy, and we only caught glimpses of it. in form and color it much resembles its west india cousin, and suggests our catbird. it ceased to sing when we pursued it. it is a bird found only in the wilder and higher parts of the rockies. my impression was that its song did not quite merit the encomiums that have been pronounced upon it. at this point, i saw amid the rocks my first and only rocky mountain woodchucks, and, soon after we had resumed our journey, our first blue grouse,--a number of them like larger partridges. occasionally we would come upon black-tailed deer, standing or lying down in the bushes, their large ears at attention being the first thing to catch the eye. they would often allow us to pass within a few rods of them without showing alarm. elk horns were scattered all over this part of the park, and we passed several old carcasses of dead elk that had probably died a natural death. [illustration: the yellowstone river and canyon. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] the "singing gopher" in a grassy bottom at the foot of a steep hill, while the president and i were dismounted, and noting the pleasing picture which our pack train of fifteen or twenty mules made filing along the side of a steep grassy slope,--a picture which he has preserved in his late volume, "out-door pastimes of an american hunter,"--our attention was attracted by plaintive, musical, bird-like chirps that rose from the grass about us. i was almost certain it was made by a bird; the president was of like opinion; and i kicked about in the tufts of grass, hoping to flush the bird. now here, now there, arose this sharp, but bird-like note. finally we found that it was made by a species of gopher, whose holes we soon discovered. what its specific name is i do not know, but it should be called the singing gopher. our destination this day was a camp on cottonwood creek, near "hell roaring creek." as we made our way in the afternoon along a broad, open, grassy valley, i saw a horseman come galloping over the hill to our right, starting up a band of elk as he came; riding across the plain, he wheeled his horse, and, with the military salute, joined our party. he proved to be a government scout, called the "duke of hell roaring,"--an educated officer from the austrian army, who, for some unknown reason, had exiled himself here in this out-of-the-way part of the world. he was a man in his prime, of fine, military look and bearing. after conversing a few moments with the president and major pitcher, he rode rapidly away. the second camp our second camp, which we reached in mid-afternoon, was in the edge of the woods on the banks of a fine, large trout stream, where ice and snow still lingered in patches. i tried for trout in the head of a large, partly open pool, but did not get a rise; too much ice in the stream, i concluded. very soon my attention was attracted by a strange note, or call, in the spruce woods. the president had also noticed it, and, with me, wondered what made it. was it bird or beast? billy hofer said he thought it was an owl, but it in no way suggested an owl, and the sun was shining brightly. it was a sound such as a boy might make by blowing in the neck of an empty bottle. presently we heard it beyond us on the other side of the creek, which was pretty good proof that the creature had wings. "let's go run that bird down," said the president to me. so off we started across a small, open, snow-streaked plain, toward the woods beyond it. we soon decided that the bird was on the top of one of a group of tall spruces. after much skipping about over logs and rocks, and much craning of our necks, we made him out on the peak of a spruce. i imitated his call, when he turned his head down toward us, but we could not make out what he was. "why did we not think to bring the glasses?" said the president. "i will run and get them," i replied. treeing an owl "no," said he, "you stay here and keep that bird treed, and i will fetch them." so off he went like a boy, and was very soon back with the glasses. we quickly made out that it was indeed an owl,--the pigmy owl, as it turned out,--not much larger than a bluebird. i think the president was as pleased as if we had bagged some big game. he had never seen the bird before. throughout the trip i found his interest in bird life very keen, and his eye and ear remarkably quick. he usually saw the bird or heard its note as quickly as i did,--and i had nothing else to think about, and had been teaching my eye and ear the trick of it for over fifty years. of course, his training as a big-game hunter stood him in good stead, but back of that were his naturalist's instincts, and his genuine love of all forms of wild life. roosevelt the naturalist i have been told that his ambition up to the time he went to harvard had been to be a naturalist, but that there they seem to have convinced him that all the out-of-door worlds of natural history had been conquered, and that the only worlds remaining were in the laboratory, and to be won with the microscope and the scalpel. but roosevelt was a man made for action in a wide field, and laboratory conquests could not satisfy him. his instincts as a naturalist, however, lie back of all his hunting expeditions, and, in a large measure, i think, prompt them. certain it is that his hunting records contain more live natural history than any similar records known to me, unless it be those of charles st. john, the scotch naturalist-sportsman. the canada jays, or camp-robbers, as they are often called, soon found out our camp that afternoon, and no sooner had the cook begun to throw out peelings and scraps and crusts than the jays began to carry them off, not to eat, as i observed, but to hide them in the thicker branches of the spruce trees. how tame they were, coming within three or four yards of one! why this species of jay should everywhere be so familiar, and all other kinds so wild, is a puzzle. in the morning, as we rode down the valley toward our next camping-place, at tower falls, a band of elk containing a hundred or more started along the side of the hill a few hundred yards away. i was some distance behind the rest of the party, as usual, when i saw the president wheel his horse off to the left, and, beckoning to me to follow, start at a tearing pace on the trail of the fleeing elk. he afterwards told me that he wanted me to get a good view of those elk at close range, and he was afraid that if he sent the major or hofer to lead me, i would not get it. i hurried along as fast as i could, which was not fast; the way was rough,--logs, rocks, spring runs, and a tenderfoot rider. wild elk now and then the president, looking back and seeing what slow progress i was making, would beckon to me impatiently, and i could fancy him saying, "if i had a rope around him, he would come faster than that!" once or twice i lost sight of both him and the elk; the altitude was great, and the horse was laboring like a steam-engine on an upgrade. still i urged him on. presently, as i broke over a hill, i saw the president pressing the elk up the opposite slope. at the brow of the hill he stopped, and i soon joined him. there on the top, not fifty yards away, stood the elk in a mass, their heads toward us and their tongues hanging out. they could run no farther. the president laughed like a boy. the spectacle meant much more to him than it did to me. i had never seen a wild elk till on this trip, but they had been among the notable game that he had hunted. he had traveled hundreds of miles, and undergone great hardships, to get within rifle range of these creatures. now here stood scores of them, with lolling tongues, begging for mercy. after gazing at them to our hearts' content, we turned away to look up our companions, who were nowhere within sight. we finally spied them a mile or more away, and, joining them, all made our way to an elevated plateau that commanded an open landscape three or four miles across. it was high noon, and the sun shone clear and warm. from this lookout we saw herds upon herds of elk scattered over the slopes and gentle valleys in front of us. some were grazing, some were standing or lying upon the ground, or upon the patches of snow. through our glasses we counted the separate bands, and then the numbers of some of the bands or groups, and estimated that three thousand elk were in full view in the landscape around us. it was a notable spectacle. afterward, in montana, i attended a council of indian chiefs at one of the indian agencies, and told them, through their interpreter, that i had been with the great chief in the park, and of the game we had seen. when i told them of these three thousand elk all in view at once, they grunted loudly, whether with satisfaction or with incredulity, i could not tell. in the midst of this great game amphitheatre we dismounted and enjoyed the prospect. and the president did an unusual thing, he loafed for nearly an hour,--stretched himself out in the sunshine upon a flat rock, as did the rest of us, and, i hope, got a few winks of sleep. i am sure i did. little, slender, striped chipmunks, about half the size of ours, were scurrying about; but i recall no other wild thing save the elk. tower falls from here we rode down the valley to our third camp, at tower falls, stopping on the way to eat our luncheon on a washed boulder beside a creek. on this ride i saw my first and only badger; he stuck his striped head out of his hole in the ground only a few yards away from us as we passed. our camp at tower falls was amid the spruces above a cañon of the yellowstone, five or six hundred feet deep. it was a beautiful and impressive situation,--shelter, snugness, even cosiness,--looking over the brink of the awful and the terrifying. with a run and a jump i think one might have landed in the river at the bottom of the great abyss, and in doing so might have scaled one of those natural obelisks or needles of rock that stand up out of the depths two or three hundred feet high. nature shows you what an enormous furrow her plough can open through the strata when mowing horizontally, at the same time that she shows you what delicate and graceful columns her slower and gentler aerial forces can carve out of the piled strata. at the falls there were two or three of these columns, like the picket-pins of the elder gods. mountain sheep across the cañon in front of our camp, upon a grassy plateau which was faced by a wall of trap rock, apparently thirty or forty feet high, a band of mountain sheep soon attracted our attention. they were within long rifle range, but were not at all disturbed by our presence, nor had they been disturbed by the road-builders who, under captain chittenden, were constructing a government road along the brink of the cañon. we speculated as to whether or not the sheep could get down the almost perpendicular face of the chasm to the river to drink. it seemed to me impossible. would they try it while we were there to see? we all hoped so; and sure enough, late in the afternoon the word came to our tents that the sheep were coming down. the president, with coat off and a towel around his neck, was shaving. one side of his face was half shaved, and the other side lathered. hofer and i started for a point on the brink of the cañon where we could have a better view. "by jove," said the president, "i must see that. the shaving can wait, and the sheep won't." watching the "stunt" so on he came, accoutred as he was,--coatless, hatless, but not latherless, nor towelless. like the rest of us, his only thought was to see those sheep do their "stunt." with glasses in hand, we watched them descend those perilous heights, leaping from point to point, finding a foothold where none appeared to our eyes, loosening fragments of the crumbling rocks as they came, now poised upon some narrow shelf and preparing for the next leap, zigzagging or plunging straight down till the bottom was reached, and not one accident or misstep amid all that insecure footing. i think the president was the most pleased of us all; he laughed with the delight of it, and quite forgot his need of a hat and coat till i sent for them. [illustration: mr. burroughs's favorite pastime. by kind permission of forest and stream.] in the night we heard the sheep going back; we could tell by the noise of the falling stones. in the morning i confidently expected to see some of them lying dead at the foot of the cliffs, but there they all were at the top once more, apparently safe and sound. they do, however, occasionally meet with accidents in their perilous climbing, and their dead bodies have been found at the foot of the rocks. doubtless some point of rock to which they had trusted gave way, and crushed them in the descent, or fell upon those in the lead. trout fishing the next day, while the rest of us went fishing for trout in the yellowstone, three or four miles above camp, over the roughest trail that we had yet traversed on horseback, the president, who never fishes unless put to it for meat, went off alone again with his lunch in his pocket, to stalk those sheep as he had stalked the elk, and to feel the old sportsman's thrill without the use of firearms. to do this involved a tramp of eight or ten miles down the river to a bridge and up the opposite bank. this he did, and ate his lunch near the sheep, and was back in camp before we were. we took some large cut-throat trout, as they are called, from the yellow mark across their throats, and i saw at short range a black-tailed deer bounding along in that curious, stiff-legged, mechanical, yet springy manner, apparently all four legs in the air at once, and all four feet reaching the ground at once, affording a very singular spectacle. return to fort yellowstone we spent two nights in our tower falls camp, and on the morning of the third day set out on our return to fort yellowstone, pausing at yancey's on our way, and exchanging greetings with the old frontiersman, who died a few weeks later. around the camp fire while in camp we always had a big fire at night in the open near the tents, and around this we sat upon logs or camp-stools, and listened to the president's talk. what a stream of it he poured forth! and what a varied and picturesque stream!--anecdote, history, science, politics, adventure, literature; bits of his experience as a ranchman, hunter, rough rider, legislator, civil service commissioner, police commissioner, governor, president,--the frankest confessions, the most telling criticisms, happy characterizations of prominent political leaders, or foreign rulers, or members of his own cabinet; always surprising by his candor, astonishing by his memory, and diverting by his humor. his reading has been very wide, and he has that rare type of memory which retains details as well as mass and generalities. one night something started him off on ancient history, and one would have thought he was just fresh from his college course in history, the dates and names and events came so readily. another time he discussed palæontology, and rapidly gave the outlines of the science, and the main facts, as if he had been reading up on the subject that very day. he sees things as wholes, and hence the relation of the parts comes easy to him. at dinner, at the white house, the night before we started on the expedition, i heard him talking with a guest,--an officer of the british army, who was just back from india. and the extent and variety of his information about india and indian history and the relations of the british government to it were extraordinary. it put the british major on his mettle to keep pace with him. the president telling stories one night in camp he told us the story of one of his rough riders who had just written him from some place in arizona. the rough riders, wherever they are now, look to him in time of trouble. this one had come to grief in arizona. he was in jail. so he wrote the president, and his letter ran something like this:-- "dear colonel,--i am in trouble. i shot a lady in the eye, but i did not intend to hit the lady; i was shooting at my wife." and the presidential laughter rang out over the treetops. to another rough rider, who was in jail, accused of horse stealing, he had loaned two hundred dollars to pay counsel on his trial, and, to his surprise, in due time the money came back. the ex-rough wrote that his trial never came off. "_we elected our district attorney_;" and the laughter again sounded, and drowned the noise of the brook near by. on another occasion we asked the president if he was ever molested by any of the "bad men" of the frontier, with whom he had often come in contact. "only once," he said. the cowboys had always treated him with the utmost courtesy, both on the round-up and in camp; "and the few real desperadoes i have seen were also perfectly polite." once only was he maliciously shot at, and then not by a cowboy nor a _bona fide_ "bad man," but by a "broad-hatted ruffian of a cheap and commonplace type." he had been compelled to pass the night at a little frontier hotel where the bar-room occupied the whole lower floor, and was, in consequence, the only place where the guests of the hotel, whether drunk or sober, could sit. as he entered the room, he saw that every man there was being terrorized by a half-drunken ruffian who stood in the middle of the floor with a revolver in each hand, compelling different ones to treat. flooring a ruffian "i went and sat down behind the stove," said the president, "as far from him as i could get; and hoped to escape his notice. the fact that i wore glasses, together with my evident desire to avoid a fight, apparently gave him the impression that i could be imposed upon with impunity. he very soon approached me, flourishing his two guns, and ordered me to treat. i made no reply for some moments, when the fellow became so threatening that i saw something had to be done. the crowd, mostly sheep-herders and small grangers, sat or stood back against the wall, afraid to move. i was unarmed, and thought rapidly. saying, 'well, if i must, i must,' i got up as if to walk around him to the bar, then, as i got opposite him, i wheeled and fetched him as heavy a blow on the chin-point as i could strike. he went down like a steer before the axe, firing both guns into the ceiling as he went. i jumped on him, and, with my knees on his chest, disarmed him in a hurry. the crowd was then ready enough to help me, and we hog-tied him and put him in an outhouse." the president alludes to this incident in his "ranch life," but does not give the details. it brings out his mettle very distinctly. he told us in an amused way of the attempts of his political opponents at albany, during his early career as a member of the assembly, to besmirch his character. his outspoken criticisms and denunciations had become intolerable to them, so they laid a trap for him, but he was not caught. his innate rectitude and instinct for the right course saved him, as it has saved him many times since. i do not think that in any emergency he has to debate with himself long as to the right course to be pursued; he divines it by a kind of infallible instinct. his motives are so simple and direct that he finds a straight and easy course where another man, whose eye is less single, would flounder and hesitate. rare combination of qualities the president unites in himself powers and qualities that rarely go together. thus, he has both physical and moral courage in a degree rare in history. he can stand calm and unflinching in the path of a charging grizzly, and he can confront with equal coolness and determination the predaceous corporations and money powers of the country. he unites the qualities of the man of action with those of the scholar and writer,--another very rare combination. he unites the instincts and accomplishments of the best breeding and culture with the broadest democratic sympathies and affiliations. he is as happy with a frontiersman like seth bullock as with a fellow harvard man, and seth bullock is happy, too. he unites great austerity with great good-nature. he unites great sensibility with great force and will power. he loves solitude, and he loves to be in the thick of the fight. his love of nature is equaled only by his love of the ways and marts of men. he is doubtless the most vital man on the continent, if not on the planet, to-day. he is many-sided, and every side throbs with his tremendous life and energy; the pressure is equal all around. his interests are as keen in natural history as in economics, in literature as in statecraft, in the young poet as in the old soldier, in preserving peace as in preparing for war. and he can turn all his great power into the new channel on the instant. his interest in the whole of life, and in the whole life of the nation, never flags for a moment. his activity is tireless. all the relaxation he needs or craves is a change of work. he is like the farmer's fields, that only need a rotation of crops. i once heard him say that all he cared about being president was just "the big work." during this tour through the west, lasting over two months, he made nearly three hundred speeches; and yet on his return mrs. roosevelt told me he looked as fresh and unworn as when he left home. sleighing among the geysers we went up into the big geyser region with the big sleighs, each drawn by four horses. a big snowbank had to be shoveled through for us before we got to the golden gate, two miles above mammoth hot springs. beyond that we were at an altitude of about eight thousand feet, on a fairly level course that led now through woods, and now through open country, with the snow of a uniform depth of four or five feet, except as we neared the "formations," where the subterranean warmth kept the ground bare. the roads had been broken and the snow packed for us by teams from the fort, otherwise the journey would have been impossible. the president always rode beside the driver. from his youth, he said, this seat had always been the most desirable one to him. when the sleigh would strike the bare ground, and begin to drag heavily, he would bound out nimbly and take to his heels, and then all three of us--major pitcher, mr. childs, and myself--would follow suit, sometimes reluctantly on my part. walking at that altitude is no fun, especially if you try to keep pace with such a walker as the president is. but he could not sit at his ease and let those horses drag him in a sleigh over bare ground. when snow was reached, we would again quickly resume our seats. [illustration: sunrise in yellowstone park. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] as one nears the geyser region, he gets the impression from the columns of steam going up here and there in the distance--now from behind a piece of woods, now from out a hidden valley--that he is approaching a manufacturing centre, or a railroad terminus. and when he begins to hear the hoarse snoring of "roaring mountain," the illusion is still more complete. at norris's there is a big vent where the steam comes tearing out of a recent hole in the ground with terrific force. huge mounds of ice had formed from the congealed vapor all around it, some of them very striking. old faithful the novelty of the geyser region soon wears off. steam and hot water are steam and hot water the world over, and the exhibition of them here did not differ, except in volume, from what one sees by his own fireside. the "growler" is only a boiling teakettle on a large scale, and "old faithful" is as if the lid were to fly off, and the whole contents of the kettle should be thrown high into the air. to be sure, boiling lakes and steaming rivers are not common, but the new features seemed, somehow, out of place, and as if nature had made a mistake. one disliked to see so much good steam and hot water going to waste; whole towns might be warmed by them, and big wheels made to go round. i wondered that they had not piped them into the big hotels which they opened for us, and which were warmed by wood fires. at norris's the big room that the president and i occupied was on the ground floor, and was heated by a huge box stove. as we entered it to go to bed, the president said, "oom john, don't you think it is too hot here?" "i certainly do," i replied. "shall i open the window?" "that will just suit me." and he threw the sash, which came down to the floor, all the way up, making an opening like a doorway. the night was cold, but neither of us suffered from the abundance of fresh air. the caretaker of the building was a big swede called andy. in the morning andy said that beat him: "there was the president of the united states sleeping in that room, with the window open to the floor, and not so much as one soldier outside on guard." the president had counted much on seeing the bears that in summer board at the fountain hotel, but they were not yet out of their dens. we saw the track of only one, and he was not making for the hotel. at all the formations where the geysers are, the ground was bare over a large area. i even saw a wild flower--an early buttercup, not an inch high--in bloom. this seems to be the earliest wild flower in the rockies. it is the only fragrant buttercup i know. capturing a mouse as we were riding along in our big sleigh toward the fountain hotel, the president suddenly jumped out, and, with his soft hat as a shield to his hand, captured a mouse that was running along over the ground near us. he wanted it for dr. merriam, on the chance that it might be a new species. while we all went fishing in the afternoon, the president skinned his mouse, and prepared the pelt to be sent to washington. it was done as neatly as a professed taxidermist would have done it. this was the only game the president killed in the park. in relating the incident to a reporter while i was in spokane, the thought occurred to me, suppose he changes that _u_ to an _o_, and makes the president capture a moose, what a pickle i shall be in! is it anything more than ordinary newspaper enterprise to turn a mouse into a moose? but, luckily for me, no such metamorphosis happened to that little mouse. it turned out not to be a new species, as it should have been, but a species new to the park. i caught trout that afternoon, on the edge of steaming pools in the madison river, that seemed to my hand almost blood-warm. i suppose they found better feeding where the water was warm. on the table they did not compare with our eastern brook trout. i was pleased to be told at one of the hotels that they had kalsomined some of the rooms with material from one of the devil's paint-pots. it imparted a soft, delicate, pinkish tint, not at all suggestive of things satanic. the mountain bluebird one afternoon at norris's, the president and i took a walk to observe the birds. in the grove about the barns there was a great number, the most attractive to me being the mountain bluebird. these birds we saw in all parts of the park, and at norris's there was an unusual number of them. how blue they were,--breast and all. in voice and manner they were almost identical with our bluebird. the western purple finch was abundant here also, and juncos, and several kinds of sparrows, with an occasional western robin. a pair of wild geese were feeding in the low, marshy ground not over one hundred yards from us, but when we tried to approach nearer they took wing. a few geese and ducks seem to winter in the park. the second morning at norris's, one of our teamsters, george marvin, suddenly dropped dead from some heart affection, just as he had finished caring for his team. it was a great shock to us all. i never saw a better man with a team than he was. i had ridden on the seat beside him all the day previous. on one of the "formations" our teams had got mired in the soft, putty-like mud, and at one time it looked as if they could never extricate themselves, and i doubt if they could have, had it not been for the skill with which marvin managed them. we started for the grand cañon up the yellowstone that morning, and, in order to give myself a walk over the crisp snow in the clear, frosty air, i set out a little while in advance of the teams. as i did so, i saw the president, accompanied by one of the teamsters, walking hurriedly toward the barn to pay his last respects to the body of marvin. after we had returned to mammoth hot springs, he made inquiries for the young woman to whom he had been told that marvin was engaged to be married. he looked her up, and sat a long time with her in her home, offering his sympathy, and speaking words of consolation. the act shows the depth and breadth of his humanity. traveling on skis at the cañon hotel the snow was very deep, and had become so soft from the warmth of the earth beneath, as well as from the sun above, that we could only reach the brink of the cañon on skis. the president and major pitcher had used skis before, but i had not, and, starting out without the customary pole, i soon came to grief. the snow gave way beneath me, and i was soon in an awkward predicament. the more i struggled, the lower my head and shoulders went, till only my heels, strapped to those long timbers, protruded above the snow. to reverse my position was impossible till some one came, and reached me the end of a pole, and pulled me upright. but i very soon got the hang of the things, and the president and i quickly left the superintendent behind. i think i could have passed the president, but my manners forbade. he was heavier than i was, and broke in more. when one of his feet would go down half a yard or more, i noted with admiration the skilled diplomacy he displayed in extricating it. the tendency of my skis was all the time to diverge, and each to go off at an acute angle to my main course, and i had constantly to be on the alert to check this tendency. paths had been shoveled for us along the brink of the cañon, so that we got the usual views from the different points. the cañon was nearly free from snow, and was a grand spectacle, by far the grandest to be seen in the park. the president told us that once, when pressed for meat, while returning through here from one of his hunting trips, he had made his way down to the river that we saw rushing along beneath us, and had caught some trout for dinner. necessity alone could induce him to fish. across the head of the falls there was a bridge of snow and ice, upon which we were told that the coyotes passed. as the season progressed, there would come a day when the bridge would not be safe. it would be interesting to know if the coyotes knew when this time arrived. the only live thing we saw in the cañon was an osprey perched upon a rock opposite us. near the falls of the yellowstone, as at other places we had visited, a squad of soldiers had their winter quarters. the president always called on them, looked over the books they had to read, examined their housekeeping arrangements, and conversed freely with them. in front of the hotel were some low hills separated by gentle valleys. at the president's suggestion, he and i raced on our skis down those inclines. we had only to stand up straight, and let gravity do the rest. as we were going swiftly down the side of one of the hills, i saw out of the corner of my eye the president taking a header into the snow. the snow had given way beneath him, and nothing could save him from taking the plunge. i don't know whether i called out, or only thought, something about the downfall of the administration. at any rate, the administration was down, and pretty well buried, but it was quickly on its feet again, shaking off the snow with a boy's laughter. i kept straight on, and very soon the laugh was on me, for the treacherous snow sank beneath me, and i took a header, too. "who is laughing now, oom john?" called out the president. the spirit of the boy was in the air that day about the cañon of the yellowstone, and the biggest boy of us all was president roosevelt. homeward bound the snow was getting so soft in the middle of the day that our return to the mammoth hot springs could no longer be delayed. accordingly, we were up in the morning, and ready to start on the home journey, a distance of twenty miles, by four o'clock. the snow bore up the horses well till mid-forenoon, when it began to give way beneath them. but by very careful management we pulled through without serious delay, and were back again at the house of major pitcher in time for luncheon, being the only outsiders who had ever made the tour of the park so early in the season. a few days later i bade good-by to the president, who went on his way to california, while i made a loop of travel to spokane, and around through idaho and montana, and had glimpses of the great, optimistic, sunshiny west that i shall not soon forget. [illustration: theodore roosevelt]. the attempted assassination _of_ ex-president theodore roosevelt written, compiled, and edited by oliver e. remey henry f. cochems wheeler p. bloodgood published by the progressive publishing company of milwaukee, wisconsin copyright. , by o. e. remey, milwaukee library edition. a library edition of this book is in the hands of the printers and will be issued shortly. this edition will be bound in hard cover. the volume will be neatly bound and suitable for public and private libraries. the library edition will be limited in number. those who desire a copy will be mailed a copy as soon as the edition is off the press, if they will send one dollar to the progressive publishing company of milwaukee, wis., room caswell block, milwaukee. the demand for this edition is rapidly exhausting it. this historical narrative is dedicated to ex-president theodore roosevelt the greatest american of his time. list of illustrations. page. theodore roosevelt frontispiece shirts worn by the ex-president page of ex-president's manuscript x-ray photograph showing bullet john flammang schrank page one of schrank's letter page two of schrank's letter capt. a. o. girard elbert e. martin automobile in which ex-president roosevelt was shot johnston emergency hospital judge august c. backus district attorney winifred c. zabel dr. joseph colt bloodgood dr. r. g. sayle john t. janssen, chief of police mrs. theodore roosevelt members of sanity commission hotel gilpatrick schrank in county jail henry f. cochems james g. flanders, schrank's attorney table of contents. page. preface chronology chapter i. the shot is fired chapter ii. speaks to great audience chapter iii. roosevelt in the emergency chapter iv. careful of collar buttons chapter v. arrival at mercy hospital chapter vi. gets back into campaign chapter vii. back at sagamore hill chapter viii. arrest, appears in court chapter ix. appears in municipal court chapter x. schrank declared insane chapter xi. shows repentance but once chapter xii. schrank before chief chapter xiii. witnesses of the shooting chapter xiv. a second examination chapter xv. report of the alienists chapter xvi. finding of the alienists chapter xvii. schrank describes shooting chapter xviii. conclusion of commission chapter xix. schrank discusses visions chapter xx. schrank's defense chapter xxi. schrank's unwritten laws chapter xxii. unusual court precedent preface. at : o'clock on the night of oct. , , a shot was fired the echo of which swept around the entire world in thirty minutes. an insane man attempted to end the life of the only living ex-president of the united states and the best known american. the bullet failed of its mission. col. theodore roosevelt, carrying the leaden missile intended as a pellet of death in his right side, has recovered. he is spared for many more years of active service for his country. john flammang schrank, the mad man who fired the shot, is in the northern hospital for the insane at oshkosh, wis., pronounced by a commission of five alienists a paranoiac. if he recovers he will face trial for assault with intent to kill. this little book presents an accurate story of the attempt upon the life of the ex-president. the aim of those who present it is that, being an accurate narrative, it shall be a contribution to the history of the united states. this book is written, compiled and edited by henry f. cochems, chairman of the national speakers' bureau of the progressive party during the campaign, and who was with col. roosevelt in the automobile when the ex-president was shot, wheeler p. bloodgood, wisconsin representative of the national progressive committee, and oliver e. remey, city editor of the milwaukee free press, who necessarily followed all incidents of the shooting closely. the story told is an historical narrative in the preparation of which accuracy never has been lost sight of. chronology. october , --at : o'clock p.m., john flammang schrank, of new york, a paranoiac, shoots ex-president theodore roosevelt in the right side with a -caliber bullet as the ex-president is standing in an automobile in front of hotel gilpatrick, milwaukee. schrank is immediately arrested, after a struggle to recover the revolver and protect him from violence. col. roosevelt, bleeding from his wound, is driven to the auditorium, milwaukee, and speaks to an audience of , for eighty minutes. immediately after his speech he is taken to the johnston emergency hospital, milwaukee, where his wound is dressed. at : o'clock he is taken on a special train to chicago, then to mercy hospital. october , --schrank is arraigned in district court, milwaukee, and admits having fired the shot. he is bound over to municipal court for preliminary hearing. october , --ex-president roosevelt passes crisis in mercy hospital, chicago. october , --ex-president roosevelt leaves chicago for his home at oyster bay, r.i. october , --ex-president roosevelt reaches home after a trip not seriously impairing his condition. october , --ex-president roosevelt takes first walk out of doors. october , --ex-president roosevelt celebrates his fifty-fourth birthday. october , --ex-president roosevelt speaks to an audience of , in madison square garden, new york, over , having been turned away. he is given an ovation lasting forty-five minutes. november , --ex-president roosevelt again speaks to an audience filling madison square garden. but for his request that it cease so that he could speak, the ovation would have exceeded that of october . november , --ex-president roosevelt makes his last campaign speech at oyster bay, r.i. november , --ex-president roosevelt votes at oyster bay, r.i. november , --john flammang schrank pleads guilty to assault with intent to murder before judge august c. backus in municipal court, milwaukee. judge backus appoints a commission of five milwaukee alienists to determine, as officers of the court, schrank's sanity. november , --the sanity commission begins examinations of schrank. november , --the sanity commission reports to judge a. c. backus in municipal court, milwaukee, that schrank is insane and was insane at the time he shot ex-president roosevelt. schrank is committed to the northern hospital for the insane at oshkosh, wis. judge backus in making the commitment orders that in the event of recovery schrank shall face trial on the charge of assault with intent to kill. november , --schrank is taken to the northern hospital for the insane, oshkosh, wis., by deputies from the office of the sheriff of milwaukee county. chapter i. the shot is fired. related by henry f. cochems after the shooting. at : o'clock on the night of oct. , , an attempt was made to assassinate ex-president theodore roosevelt in the city of milwaukee. col. roosevelt had dined at the hotel gilpatrick with the immediate members of his traveling party. the time having arrived to leave for the auditorium, where he was due to speak, he left his quarters, and, emerging from the front of the hotel, crossing the walk, stepped into a waiting automobile. instantly that he appeared a wild acclaim of applause and welcome greeted him. he settled in his seat, but, responsive to the persistent roar of the crowd, which extended in dense masses for over a block in every direction, he rose in acknowledgement, raising his hat in salute. at this instant there cracked out the vicious report of a pistol shot, the flash of the gun showing that the would-be assassin had fired from a distance of only four or five feet. instantly there was a wild panic and confusion. elbert e. martin, one of col. roosevelt's stenographers, a powerful athlete and ex-football player, leaped across the machine and bore the would-be assassin to the ground. at the same moment capt. a. o. girard, a former rough rider and bodyguard of the ex-president, and several policemen were upon him. col. roosevelt's knees bent just a trifle, and his right hand reached forward on the door of the car tonneau. then he straightened himself and reached back against the upholstered seat, but in the same instant he straightened himself, he again raised his hat, a reassuring smile upon his face, apparently the coolest and least excited of any one in the frenzied mob, who crowding in upon the man who fired the shot, continued to call out: "kill him, kill him." i had stepped into the car beside col. roosevelt, about to take my seat when the shot was fired. throwing my arm about the colonel's waist, i asked him if he had been hit, and after col. roosevelt saying in an aside, "he pinked me, harry," called out to those who were wildly tearing at the would-be assassin: "don't hurt him; bring him to me here!" the sharp military tone of command was heard in the midst of the general uproar, and martin, girard and the policemen dragged schrank toward where mr. roosevelt stood. arriving at the side of the car, the revolver, grasped by three or four hands of men struggling for possession, was plainly visible, and i succeeded in grasping the barrel of the revolver, and finally in getting it from the possession of a detective. mr. martin says that schrank still had his hands on the revolver at that time. the colonel then said: "officers, take charge of him, and see that there is no violence done to him." the crowd had quickly cleared from in front of the automobile, and we drove through, col. roosevelt waving a hand, the crowd now half-hysterical with frenzied excitement. after rounding the corner i drew the revolver from my overcoat pocket and saw that it was a -caliber long which had been fired. as the colonel looked at the revolver he said: "a -colt has an ugly drive." mr. mcgrath, one of the colonel's secretaries riding at his right side, said: "why, colonel, you have a hole in your overcoat. he has shot you." the colonel said: "i know it," and opened his overcoat, which disclosed his white linen, shirt, coat and vest saturated with blood. we all instantly implored and pleaded with the colonel to drive with the automobile to a hospital, but he turned to me with a characteristic smile and said: "i know i am good now; i don't know how long i may be. this may be my last talk in this cause to our people, and while i am good i am going to drive to the hall and deliver my speech." [illustration: shirts worn by ex-president roosevelt showing extent of bleeding from wound while he spoke to , people.] by the time we had arrived at the hall the shock had brought a pallor to his face. on alighting he walked firmly to the large waiting room in the back of the auditorium stage, and there doctors sayle, terrell and stratton opened his shirt, exposing his right breast. just below the nipple of his right breast appeared a gaping hole. they insisted that under no consideration should he speak, but the colonel asked: "has any one a clean handkerchief?" some one extending one, he placed it over the wound, buttoned up his clothes and said: "now, gentlemen, let's go in," and advanced to the front of the platform. i, having been asked to present him to the audience, after admonishing the crowd that there was no occasion for undue excitement, said that an attempt to assassinate col. roosevelt had taken place; that the bullet was still in his body, and that he would attempt to make his speech as promised. as the colonel stepped forward, some one in the audience said audibly: "fake," whereupon the colonel smilingly said: "no, it's no fake," and opening his vest, the blood-red stain upon his linen was clearly visible. a half-stifled expression of horror swept through the audience. about the first remark uttered in the speech, as the colonel grinned broadly at the audience, was: "it takes more than one bullet to kill a bull moose. i'm all right, no occasion for any sympathy whatever, but i want to take this occasion within five minutes after having been shot to say some things to our people which i hope no one will question the profound sincerity of." throughout his speech, which continued for an hour and twenty minutes, the doctors and his immediate staff of friends, sitting closely behind him, expected that he might at any moment collapse. i was so persuaded of this that i stepped over the front of the high platform to the reporters' section immediately beneath where he was speaking, so that i might catch him if he fell forward. these precautions, however, were unnecessary, for, while his speech lacked in the characteristic fluency of other speeches, while the shock and pain caused his argument to be somewhat labored, yet it was with a soldierly firmness and iron determination, which more than all things in roosevelt's career discloses to the country the real roosevelt, who at the close of his official service as president in left that high office the most beloved public figure in our history since lincoln fell, and the most respected citizen of the world. as was said in an editorial in the chicago evening post: "there is no false sentiment here; there is no self-seeking. the guards are down. the soul of the man stands forth as it is. in the valley of the shadow his own simple declaration of his sincerity, his own revelation of the unselfish quality of his devotion to the greatest movement of his generation, will be the standard by which history will pass upon theodore roosevelt its final judgment. this much they cannot take from him, no matter whether he is now to live or to die." to the men of america, who either love or hate roosevelt personally, these words from his speech must carry an imperishable lesson: "the bullet is in me now, so that i cannot make a very long speech. but i will try my best. "and now, friends, i want to take advantage of this incident to say as solemn a word of warning as i know how to my fellow americans. "first of all, i want to say this about myself: i have altogether too many important things to think of to pay any heed or feel any concern over my own death. "now i would not speak to you insincerely within five minutes of being shot. i am telling you the literal truth when i say that my concern is for many other things. it is not in the least for my own life. "i want you to understand that i am ahead of the game anyway. no man has had a happier life than i have had--a happier life in every way. "i have been able to do certain things that i greatly wished to do, and i am interested in doing other things. "i can tell you with absolute truthfulness that i am very much uninterested in whether i am shot or not. "it was just as when i was colonel of my regiment. i always felt that a private was to be excused for feeling at times some pangs of anxiety about his personal safety, but i cannot understand a man fit to be a colonel who can pay any heed to his personal safety when he is occupied, as he ought to be occupied, with the absorbing desire to do his duty. "i am in this cause with my whole heart and soul; i believe in the progressive movement--a movement for the betterment of mankind, a movement for making life a little easier for all our people, a movement to try to take the burdens off the man and especially the woman in this country who is most oppressed. "i am absorbed in the success of that movement. i feel uncommonly proud in belonging to that movement. "friends, i ask you now this evening to accept what i am saying as absolute truth when i tell you i am not thinking of my own success, i am not thinking of my own life or of anything connected with me personally." the disabling of col. roosevelt at this tragic moment was a great strategic loss in his campaign. the mind of the country was in a pronounced state of indecision. he had started at detroit, mich., one week before and had planned to make a great series of sledge hammer speeches upon every vital issue in the campaign, which plan took him to the very close of the fight. he had planned to put his strongest opponent in a defensive position, the effect of which, now that all is over, no man can measure. stricken down, an immeasurable loss was sustained. in the years that lie before, when misjudgment and misstatements, which are the petty things born of prejudice, and which die with the breath that gives them life, shall have passed away, this incident and the soldierly conduct of the brave man who was its victim will have a real chastening and wholesome historical significance. [illustration: page from ex-president roosevelt's manuscript of speech showing bullet holes.] chapter ii. speaks to great audience.[ ] standing with his coat and vest opened, holding before him manuscript of the speech he had prepared to deliver, through which were two perforations by schrank's bullet, the ex-president was given an ovation which shook the mammoth auditorium, milwaukee. [ ] stenographic report from the milwaukee sentinel. the audience seemed unable to realize the truth of the statement of henry f. cochems, who had introduced col. roosevelt, that the ex-president had been shot. col. roosevelt had opened his vest to show blood from his wound. even then many in the audience did not comprehend that they were witnessing a scene destined to go down in history--an ex-president of the united states, blood still flowing from the bullet wound of a would-be assassin, delivering a speech from manuscript perforated by the bullet of the assailant. col. roosevelt said: "friends, i shall ask you to be as quiet as possible," he said. "i don't know whether you fully understand that i have just been shot, but it takes more than that to kill a bull moose. (cheers.) but fortunately i had my manuscript, so you see i was going to make a long speech (holds up manuscript with bullet hole) and there is a bullet--there is where the bullet went through and it probably saved me from it going into my heart. the bullet is in me now, so that i can not make a very long speech, but i will try my best. (cheers.) "and now, friends, i want to take advantage of this incident and say a word of a solemn warning, as i know how to my fellow countrymen. first of all, i want to say this about myself: i have altogether too important things to think of to feel any concern over my own death, and now i can not speak to you insincerely within five minutes of being shot. i am telling you the literal truth when i say that my concern is for many other things. it is not in the least for my own life. i want you to understand that i am ahead of the game, anyway. (applause and cheers.) no man has had a happier life than i have led; a happier life in every way. i have been able to do certain things that i greatly wished to do and i am interested in doing other things. i can tell you with absolute truthfulness that i am very much uninterested in whether i am shot or not. it was just as when i was colonel of my regiment. i always felt that a private was to be excused for feeling at times some pangs of anxiety about his personal safety, but i can not understand a man fit to be a colonel who can pay any heed to his personal safety when he is occupied as he ought to be occupied with the absorbing desire to do his duty. (applause and cheers.) "i am in this cause with my whole heart and soul. i believe that the progressive movement is for making life a little easier for all our people; a movement to try to take the burdens off the men and especially the women and children of this country. i am absorbed in the success of that movement. "friends, i ask you now this evening to accept what i am saying as absolutely true, when i tell you i am not thinking of my own success. i am not thinking of my life or of anything connected with me personally. i am thinking of the movement. i say this by way of introduction because i want to say something very serious to our people and especially to the newspapers. i don't know anything about who the man was who shot me tonight. he was seized at once by one of the stenographers in my party, mr. martin, and i suppose is now in the hands of the police. he shot to kill. he shot--the shot, the bullet went in here--i will show you (opened his vest and shows bloody stain in the right breast; stain covered the entire lower half of his shirt to the waist). "i am going to ask you to be as quiet as possible for i am not able to give the challenge of the bull moose quite as loudly. now i do not know who he was or what party he represented. he was a coward. he stood in the darkness in the crowd around the automobile and when they cheered me and i got up to bow, he stepped forward and shot me in the darkness. "now friends, of course, i do not know, as i say, anything about him, but it is a very natural thing that weak and vicious minds should be inflamed to acts of violence by the kind of awful mendacity and abuse that have been heaped upon me for the last three months by the papers in the interest of not only mr. debs but of mr. wilson and mr. taft. (applause and cheers.) "friends, i will disown and repudiate any man of my party who attacks with such foul slander and abuse any opponent of any other party (applause) and now i wish to say seriously to all the daily newspapers, to the republican, the democratic and the socialist parties that they cannot month in and month out and year in and year out make the kind of untruthful, of bitter assault that they have made and not expect that brutal violent natures, or brutal and violent characters, especially when the brutality is accompanied by a not very strong mind; they cannot expect that such natures will be unaffected by it. "now friends, i am not speaking for myself at all. i give you my word, i do not care a rap about being shot not a rap. (applause.) "i have had a good many experiences in my time and this is one of them. what i care for is my country. (applause and cheers.) i wish i were able to impress upon my people--our people, the duty to feel strongly but to speak the truth of their opponents. i say now, i have never said one word against any opponent that i can not--on the stump--that i can not defend. i have said nothing that i could not substantiate and nothing that i ought not to have said--nothing that i--nothing that looking back at i would not say again. "now friends, it ought not to be too much to ask that our opponents (speaking to some one on the stage) i am not sick at all. i am all right. i can not tell you of what infinitesimal importance i regard this incident as compared with the great issues at stake in this campaign and i ask it not for my sake, not the least in the world, but for the sake of our common country, that they make up their minds to speak only the truth, and not to use the kind of slander and mendacity which if taken seriously must incite weak and violent natures to crimes of violence. (applause.) don't you make any mistake. don't you pity me. i am all right. i am all right and you can not escape listening to the speech either. (laughter and applause.) "and now, friends, this incident that has just occurred--this effort to assassinate me, emphasizes to a peculiar degree the need of this progressive movement. (applause and cheers.) friends, every good citizen ought to do everything in his or her power to prevent the coming of the day when we shall see in this country two recognized creeds fighting one another, when we shall see the creed of the 'havenots' arraigned against the creed of the 'haves.' when that day comes then such incidents as this tonight will be commonplace in our history. when you make poor men--when you permit the conditions to grow such that the poor man as such will be swayed by his sense of injury against the men who try to hold what they improperly have won, when that day comes, the most awful passions will be let loose and it will be an ill day for our country. "now, friends, what we who are in this movement are endeavoring to do is to forestall any such movement by making this a movement for justice now--a movement in which we ask all just men of generous hearts to join with the men who feel in their souls that lift upward which bids them refuse to be satisfied themselves while their fellow countrymen and countrywomen suffer from avoidable misery. now, friends, what we progressives are trying to do is to enroll rich or poor, whatever their social or industrial position, to stand together for the most elementary rights of good citizenship, those elementary rights which are the foundation of good citizenship in this great republic of ours. "my friends are a little more nervous than i am. don't you waste any sympathy on me. i have had an a time in life and i am having it now. "i never in my life had any movement in which i was able to serve with such wholehearted devotion as in this; in which i was able to feel as i do in this that common weal. i have fought for the good of our common country. (applause.) "and now, friends, i shall have to cut short much of the speech that i meant to give you, but i want to touch on just two or three of the points. "in the first place, speaking to you here in milwaukee, i wish to say that the progressive party is making its appeal to all our fellow citizens without any regard to their creed or to their birthplace. we do not regard as essential the way in which a man worships his god or as being affected by where he was born. we regard it as a matter of spirit and purpose. in new york, while i was police commissioner, the two men from whom i got the most assistance were jacob ries, who was born in denmark and oliver van briesen, who was born in germany, both of them as fine examples of the best and highest american citizenship as you could find in any part of this country. [illustration: x-ray photograph showing bullet as it remains in theodore roosevelt.] "i have just been introduced by one of your own men here, henry cochems. his grandfather, his father and that father's seven brothers all served in the united states army and they entered it four years after they had come to this country from germany (applause). two of them left their lives, spent their lives on the field of battle--i am all right--i am a little sore. anybody has a right to be sore with a bullet in him. you would find that if i was in battle now i would be leading my men just the same. just the same way i am going to make this speech. "at one time i promoted five men for gallantry on the field of battle. afterward it happened to be found in making some inquiries about that i found that it happened that two of them were protestants, two catholics and one a jew. one protestant came from germany and one was born in ireland. i did not promote them because of their religion. it just happened that way. if all five of them had been jews, i would have promoted them, or if all five had been protestants i would have promoted them; or if they had been catholics. in that regiment i had a man born in italy who distinguished himself by gallantry, there was a young fellow, a son of polish parents, and another who came here when he was a child from bohemia, who likewise distinguished themselves, and friends, i assure you, that i was incapable of considering any question whatever, but the worth of each individual as a fighting man. if he was a good fighting man, then i saw that uncle sam got the benefit from it. that is all. (applause.) "i make the same appeal in our citizenship. i ask in our civic life we in the same way pay heed only to the man's quality of citizenship to repudiate as the worst enemy that we can have whoever tries to get us to discriminate for or against any man because of his creed or his birthplace. "now, friends, in the same way i want our people to stand by one another without regard to differences or class or occupation. i have always stood by the labor unions. i am going to make one omission tonight. i have prepared my speech because mr. wilson had seen fit to attack me by showing up his record in comparison with mine. but i am not going to do that tonight. i am going to simply speak of what i myself have done and of what i think ought to be done in this country of ours. (applause.) "it is essential that there should be organizations of labor. this is an era of organization. capital organizes and therefore labor must organize. (applause.) "my appeal for organized labor is twofold, to the outsider and the capitalist i make my appeal to treat the laborers fairly, to recognize the fact that he must organize, that there must be such organization, that it is unfair and unjust--that the laboring man must organize for his own protection and that it is the duty of the rest of us to help him and not hinder him in organizing. that is one-half of the appeal that i make. "now the other half is to the labor man himself. my appeal to him is to remember that as he wants justice, so he must do justice. i want every labor man, every labor leader, every organized union man to take the lead in denouncing crime or violence. (applause.) i want them to take the lead (applause) in denouncing disorder and inciting riot, that in this country we shall proceed under the protection of our laws and with all respect to the laws and i want the labor men to feel in their turn that exactly as justice must be done them so they must do justice. that they must bear their duty as citizens, their duty to this great country of ours and that they must not rest content without unless they do that duty to the fullest degree. (interruption.) "i know these doctors when they get hold of me they will never let me go back and there are just a few things more that i want to say to you. "and here i have got to make one comparison between mr. wilson and myself simply because he has invited it and i can not shrink from it. "mr. wilson has seen fit to attack me, to say that i did not do much against the trusts when i was president. i have got two answers to make to that. in the first place what i did and then i want to compare what i did while i was president with what mr. wilson did not do while he was governor. (applause and laughter.) "when i took office as president"--(turning to stage) "how long have i talked?" answer: "three-quarters of an hour." "well, i will take a quarter of an hour more. (laughter and applause.) when i took office the anti-trust law was practically a dead letter and the interstate commerce law in as poor a condition. i had to revive both laws. i did. i enforced both. it will be easy enough to do now what i did then, but the reason that it is easy now is because i did it when it was hard. (applause and cheers.) "nobody was doing anything. i found speedily that the interstate commerce law by being made more perfect could be a most useful instrument for helping solve some of our industrial problems with the anti-trust law. i speedily found that almost the only positive good achieved by such a successful lawsuit as the northern securities suit, for instance, was for establishing the principle that the government was supreme over the big corporation, but that by itself, or that law did not do--did not accomplish any of the things that we ought to have accomplished, and so i began to fight for the amendment of the law along the lines of the interstate commerce, and now we propose, we progressives, to establish an interstate commission having the same power over industrial concerns that the interstate commerce commission has over railroads, so that whenever there is in the future a decision rendered in such important matters as the recent suits against the standard oil, the sugar--no, not that--tobacco--the tobacco trust--we will have a commission which will see that the decree of the court is really made effective; that it is not made a merely nominal decree. "our opponents have said that we intend to legalize monopoly. nonsense. they have legalized monopoly. at this moment the standard oil and tobacco trust monopolies are legalized; they are being carried on under the decree of the supreme court. (applause.) "our proposal is really to break up monopoly. our proposal is to put in the law--to lay down certain requirements and then require the commerce commission--the industrial commission to see that the trusts live up to those requirements. our opponents have spoken as if we were going to let the commission declare what the requirements should be. not at all. we are going to put the requirements in the law and then see that the commission makes the trust. (interruption.) you see they don't trust me. (laughter.) that the commission requires them to obey that law. "and now, friends, as mr. wilson has invited the comparison i only want to say this: mr. wilson has said that the states are the proper authorities to deal with the trusts. well, about per cent of the trusts are organized in new jersey. the standard oil, the tobacco, the sugar, the beef, all those trusts are organized in new jersey and mr. wilson--and the laws of new jersey say that their charters can at any time be amended or repealed if they misbehave themselves and it gives the government--the laws give the government ample power to act about those laws and mr. wilson has been governor a year and nine months and he has not opened his lips. (applause and cheers.) the chapter describing of what mr. wilson has done about the trusts in new jersey would read precisely like a chapter describing the snakes in ireland, which ran: 'there are no snakes in ireland.' (laughter and applause.) mr. wilson has done precisely and exactly nothing about the trusts. "i tell you and i told you at the beginning i do not say anything on the stump that i do not believe. i do not say anything i do not know. let any of mr. wilson's friends on tuesday point out one thing or let mr. wilson point out one thing he has done about the trusts as governor of new jersey. (applause.) "and now, friends, i want to say one special thing here----" (col. roosevelt turned to the table upon the stage to reach for his manuscript, but found it in the hands of some one upon the stage. he demanded it back with the words: "teach them not to grab," which provoked laughter.) "and now, friends, there is one thing i want to say specially to you people here in wisconsin. all that i have said so far is what i would say in any part of this union. i have a peculiar right to ask that in this great contest you men and women of wisconsin shall stand with us. (applause.) you have taken the lead in progressive movements here in wisconsin. you have taught the rest of us to look to you for inspiration and leadership. now, friends, you have made that movement here locally. you will be doing a dreadful injustice to yourselves; you will be doing a dreadful injustice to the rest of us throughout this union if you fail to stand with us now that we are making this national movement (applause) and what i am about to say now i want you to understand if i speak of mr. wilson i speak with no mind of bitterness. i merely want to discuss the difference of policy between the progressive and the democratic party and to ask you to think for yourselves which party you will follow. i will say that, friends, because the republican party is beaten. nobody need to have any idea that anything can be done with the republican party. (cheers and applause.) [illustration: john flammang schrank.] "when the republican party--not the republican party--when the bosses in the control of the republican party, the barneses and penroses last june stole the nomination and wrecked the republican party for good and all. (applause.) i want to point out to you, nominally, they stole that nomination from me, but really it was from you. (applause.) they did not like me and the longer they live the less cause they will have to like me. (applause and laughter.) but while they do not like me, they dread you. you are the people that they dread. they dread the people themselves, and those bosses and the big special interests behind them made up their mind that they would rather see the republican party wrecked than see it come under the control of the people themselves. so i am not dealing with the republican party. there are only two ways you can vote this year. you can be progressive or reactionary. whether you vote republican or democratic it does not make any difference, you are voting reactionary." (applause.) col. roosevelt stopped to take a drink of water and the doctors remonstrated with him to stop talking, to which he replied: "it is getting to be better and better as time goes on. (turning to the audience) if these doctors don't behave themselves i won't let them look at me at all." (laughter and applause.) "now the democratic party in its platform and through the utterances of mr. wilson has distinctly committed itself to old flintlock, muzzle loaded doctrine of states right and i have said distinctly that we are for the people's right. we are for the rights of the people. if they can be obtained best through the national government, then we are for national rights. we are for the people's rights however it is necessary to secure them. "mr. wilson has made a long essay against senator beveridge's bill to abolish child labor. it is the same kind of an argument that would be made against our bill to prohibit women from working more than eight hours a day in industry. it is the same kind of argument that would have to be made, if it is true, it would apply equally against our proposal to insist that in continuous industries there shall be by law one day's rest in seven and a three-shift eight hour day. you have labor laws here in wisconsin, and any chamber of commerce will tell you that because of that fact there are industries that will not come into wisconsin. they prefer to stay outside where they can work children of tender years; where they can work women fourteen and sixteen hours a day, where, if it is a continuous industry, they can work men twelve hours a day and seven days a week. "now, friends, i know that you of wisconsin would never repeal those laws even if they are to your commercial hurt, just as i am trying to get new york to adopt such laws even though it will be to new york's commercial hurt. but if possible, i want to arrange it so that we can have justice without commercial hurt, and you can only get that if you have justice enforced nationally. you won't be burdened in wisconsin with industries not coming to the state if the same good laws are extended all over the other states. (applause.) do you see what i mean? the states all compete in a common market and it is not justice to the employers of a state that has enforced just and proper laws to have them exposed to the competition of another state where no such laws are enforced. now the democratic platform, their speaker declares that we shall not have such laws. mr. wilson has distinctly declared that you shall not have a national law to prohibit the labor of children, to prohibit child labor. he has distinctly declared that we shall not have law to establish a minimum wage for women. "i ask you to look at our declaration and hear and read our platform about social and industrial justice and then, friends, vote for the progressive ticket without regard to me, without regard to my personality, for only by voting for that platform can you be true to the cause of progress throughout this union." (applause.) all through his talk, it was evident that his physicians feared his injury had been more serious than he was willing to admit. that a man with a bullet embedded in his body could stand up there and insist on giving the audience the speech which they had come to hear was almost incredible and it was plain the physicians as well as the other friends of the colonel on the stage were greatly alarmed. col. roosevelt, however, would have none of it. "sit down, sit down," he said to those who, when he faltered once or twice, half rose to come towards him. he insisted that he was having a good time in spite of his injury. finally a motherly looking woman, a few rows of seats back from the stage rose and said, "mr. roosevelt, we all wish you would be seated." to this the colonel quickly replied: "i thank you, madam, but i don't mind it a bit." to those on the stage, who wished he would adopt the suggestion of being seated, he said: "good gracious if you saw me in the saddle at the head of my troops with a bullet in me you would not mind." the only time col. roosevelt gave up and took a seat was when he came to a quotation from la follette's weekly which paid him a tribute of praise for his work as president. this was read by assemblyman t. j. mahon, while the colonel rested. at the conclusion of the reading col. roosevelt said that he was the same man now that he was then. he had not been president since so that what he was described as being then he was now. t. j. mahon read this editorial from la follette's magazine of march , : "roosevelt steps from the stage gracefully. he has ruled his party to a large extent against its will. he has played a large part of the world's work for the past seven years. the activities of his remarkably forceful personality have been so manifold that it will be long before his true rating will be fixed in the opinion of the race. he is said to think that the three great things done by him are the undertaking of the construction of the panama canal and its rapid and successful carrying forward, the making of peace between russia and japan, and the sending around the world of the fleet. "these are important things but many will be slow to think them his great services. the panama canal will surely serve mankind when in operation; and the manner of organizing this work seems to be fine. but no one can yet say whether this project will be a gigantic success or a gigantic failure; and the task is one which must in the nature of things have been undertaken and carried through some time soon, as historic periods go, anyhow. the peace of portsmouth was a great thing to be responsible for, and roosevelt's good offices undoubtedly saved a great and bloody battle in manchuria. but the war was fought out, and the parties ready to quit, and there is reason to think that it is only when this situation was arrived at that the good offices of the president of the united states were, more or less indirectly, invited. the fleet's cruise was a strong piece of diplomacy, by which we informed japan that we will send our fleet wherever we please and whenever we please. it worked out well. "but none of these things, it will seem to many, can compare with some of roosevelt's other achievements. perhaps he is loath to take credit as a reformer, for he is prone to spell the word with question marks, and to speak despairingly of 'reform.' "but for all that, this contention of 'reformers' made reform respectable in the united states, and this rebuke of 'muck-rakers' has been the chief agent in making the history of 'muck-raking' in the united states a national one, conceded to be useful. he has preached from the white house many doctrines; but among them he has left impressed on the american mind the one great truth of economic justice couched in the pithy and stinging phrase 'the square deal.' the task of making reform respectable in a commercialized world, and of giving the national a slogan in a phrase, is greater than the man who performed it is likely to think. "and, then, there is the great and statesmanlike movement for the conservation of our national resources, into which roosevelt so energetically threw himself at a time when the nation as a whole knew not that we are ruining and bankrupting ourselves as fast as we can. this is probably the greatest thing roosevelt did, undoubtedly. this globe is the capital stock of the race. it is just so much coal and oil and gas. this may be economized or wasted. this same thing is true of phosphates and other mineral resources. our water resources are immense, and we are only just beginning to use them. our forests have been destroyed; they must be restored. our soils are being depleted; they must be built up and conserved. "these questions are not of this day only, or of this generation. they belong all to the future. their consideration requires that high moral tone which regards the earth as the home of a posterity to whom we owe a sacred duty. "this immense idea, roosevelt, with high statesmanship, dinned into the ears of the nation until the nation heeded. he held it so high that it attracted the attention of the neighboring nations of the continent, and will so spread and intensify that we will soon see world's conferences devoted to it. "nothing can be greater or finer than this. it is so great and so fine that when the historian of the future shall speak of theodore roosevelt, he is likely to say that he did many notable things, among them that of inaugurating the movement which finally resulted in the square deal, but that his greatest work was inspiring and actually beginning a world movement for staying terrestrial waste and saving for the human race the things upon which, and upon which alone, a great and peaceful and progressive and happy race life can be founded. "what statesman in all history has done anything calling for so wide a view and for a purpose more lofty?" [illustration: page one of letter found in schrank's pocket.] chapter iii. roosevelt in the emergency. after colonel roosevelt had finished speaking at the auditorium, the effect of the shock and loss of blood from the shot, was quite manifest in his appearance. despite this fact, however, he walked with firm step to an automobile waiting at the rear of the big hall, and guarded by a group of friends, was driven rapidly to the johnston emergency hospital. preparation had there been made for a careful examination and for treatment by dr. scurry l. terrell, who attended col. roosevelt during his entire trip, dr. r. g. sayle and dr. t. a. stratton, both of milwaukee. at the hospital, dr. joseph colt bloodgood, a surgeon of the faculty of johns-hopkins university, was invited into the consultation. the colonel's first thought had been to reassure mrs. roosevelt and family against any unnecessary fear, and before he received treatment, he sent a long reassuring telegram, together with a telegram to seth bullock, whose telegram was one of the first of the stream of telegrams which began pouring in for news of the patient's condition. during the preliminary examination of the wound by the doctors in the johnston emergency hospital, preparations were completed to secure x-ray pictures under the direction of dr. j. s. janssen, roentgenologist, milwaukee. dr. janssen secured his views and left for his laboratory to develop the negatives. while these negatives were being secured, it was determined by the doctors that no great additional danger would be incurred if col. roosevelt were moved to a train, and by special train to chicago, which plan he had proposed, so that he might be nearer to the center of his fight. he was moved by ambulance to the train, which left milwaukee shortly after midnight. in the meantime, the completion of the x-ray pictures disclosed the fact that the bullet laid between the fourth and fifth ribs, three and one-half inches from the surface of the chest, on the right side, and later examinations disclosed that it had shattered the fourth rib somewhat, and was separated by only a delicate tissue from the pleural cavity. by a miracle it had spent its force, for had it entered slightly farther, it would almost to a certainty have ended col. roosevelt's life. upon dr. janssen's report of the location of the bullet, there was a period of indecision, during which the train waited, before the surgeons concluded that the patient might be taken to chicago, despite the deep nature of the wound, without seriously impairing his chances. arriving at chicago about in the morning of october , an ambulance was procured and the colonel taken to mercy hospital, where he was attended by dr. john b. murphy, dr. arthur dean bevan and dr. s. l. terrell. a week later, during which the surgeons concluded that the wound was not mortal, and having recovered his strength somewhat, he was taken east to his home at oyster bay. the bullet lies where it imbedded itself. it has not been disturbed by probes, because surgeons have concluded that such an effort would incur additional danger. that the shot fired by schrank didn't succeed in murdering col. roosevelt is a miracle of good fortune. a "thirty-eight" long colt's cartridge, fired from a pistol frame of "forty-four" caliber design, so built because it gives a heavier drive to the projectile, fired at that close range, meant almost inevitable death. the aim was taken at a lower portion of col. roosevelt's body, but a bystander struck schrank's arm at the moment of explosion, and elevated the direction of the shot. after passing through the colonel's heavy military overcoat, and his other clothing, it would have certainly killed him had it not struck in its course practically everything which he carried on his person which could impede its force. in his coat pocket he had fifty pages of manuscript for the night's speech, which had been doubled, causing the bullet to traverse a hundred pages of manuscript. it had struck also his spectacle case on the outer concave surface of the gun metal material of which the case was constructed. it had passed through a double fold of his heavy suspenders before reaching his body. had anyone of those objects been out of the range of the bullet, schrank's dastardly purpose would have been accomplished beyond any conjecture. just before he went to the operating room in the emergency hospital col. roosevelt directed the following telegram to mrs. roosevelt and gave orders that if the telegraph office at oyster bay was closed the message should be taken to sagamore hill by taxicab. "am in excellent shape, made an hour and half speech. the wound is a trivial one. i think they will find that it merely glanced on a rib and went somewhere into a cavity of the body; it certainly did not touch a lung and isn't a particle more serious than one of the injuries any of the boys used continually to be having. am at the emergency hospital at the moment, but anticipate going right on with my engagements. my voice seems to be in good shape. best love to ethel. "theodore roosevelt." the first bulletin issued by surgeons at the johnston emergency hospital was: "the bleeding was insignificant and the wound was immediately cleansed, externally and dressed with sterile gauze by r. g. sayle, of milwaukee, consulting surgeon of the emergency hospital. as the bullet passed through col. roosevelt's clothes, doubled manuscript and metal spectacle case, its force was much diminished. the appearance of the wound also presented evidence of a much bent bullet. the colonel is not suffering from shock and is in no pain. his condition was so good that the surgeons did not object to his continuing his journey in his private car to chicago where he will be placed under surgical care." (signed) "dr. s. l. terrell. "dr. r. g. sayle. "dr. joseph colt bloodgood, _of the faculty of johns-hopkins university_. "dr. t. a. stratton." the following bulletin was issued just before col. roosevelt was taken to the special train which carried him to chicago: "col. roosevelt has a superficial flesh wound below the right breast with no evidence of injury to the lung. "the bullet is probably lodged somewhere in the chest walls, because there is but one wound and no signs of any injury to the lung. "his condition was so good that the surgeons did not try to locate the bullet, nor did they try to probe for it." "dr. s. l. terrell. "dr. r. g. sayle." chapter iv. careful of collar buttons. miss regine white, superintendent of the johnston emergency hospital, cut the gory shirts from colonel roosevelt and, after he had been attended by surgeons, tied the hospital shirt, with "johnston emergency hospital" emblazoned across the front, about him. miss white, describing the ex-president's stay in the hospital, said: "col. roosevelt is the most unusual patient who ever was ministered to in the johnston emergency hospital, in that he was absolutely calm and unperturbed, and influenced every one about him to be so, although excitement and unrest were in the very atmosphere, and he was suffering much. "col. roosevelt had not been in the hospital fifteen minutes before every one he came in contact with was willing to swear allegiance to the bull moose party, and personal allegiance to, the genial bull moose himself. he was so friendly and cordial, so natural and free, so happy and genial and so inclined to 'jolly' us all that we felt on terms of intimate friendship with him almost immediately, and yet through all this freedom of manner he maintained a dignity that never for an instant let us forget we were in the presence of a great man. "it is almost unbelievable that he could have been as unruffled and apparently unconcerned as he was when he really was suffering, and when he did not know how serious the wound was." "god help poor fool." "i asked the colonel how he felt about the prosecution of the man who shot him," said miss white, "and he said, 'i've not decided yet, but god help the poor fool under any circumstances!' and the tone he used was one of kindly sympathy and sincerity, and without one trace of malice or sarcasm. "he seemed kindly interested in everything that any one said to him. miss elvine kucko, one of our nurses, shook hands with him when he was about to go and said she was sorry the shooting had happened in our city. the colonel consoled her by saying it might have happened anywhere. i broke in with a remark to the effect that he would have felt even worse had it been perpetrated by a milwaukeean, and that we were glad it was a new yorker who did the deed. "'you cruel little woman!' the patient ejaculated, and i remembered then that new york was the ex-president's state." when he was ready to go, miss white offered him a sealed envelope and told him his cuff buttons, shirt studs and collar buttons were in it. "no, you can't do that with me," he said, "i want to see! i don't intend to get down to chicago without the flat button for the back of my collar." miss white joined him in a laugh as she pulled open the envelope and counted each one separately into his hand. that flat bone button that he treasured hid itself under one of the others and he had to have a second count before he was satisfied that he was not going to be inconvenienced by its loss when he should next care to wear a collar. doctors and nurses questioned the ex-president's coat being warm enough, but he assured them that the coat was one he had worn in the spanish-american war, that it was of military make and would keep him warm enough in a steam-heated pullman. when the bandages were being strapped on the colonel's chest to keep the dressing in place, one of the doctors, fred stratton, a young giant, didn't put one fold as miss white thought it ought to be. she ordered it put right, and the colonel began to laugh, which isn't to be wondered at when one remembers that miss white is a tiny, wee bit of fluffy humanity who doesn't look a bit like what one would expect, the superintendent of a big hospital and looked a pigmy beside the big doctor. [illustration: page two of letter found in schrank's pocket.] "that's nothing," said dr. r. g. sayle, "she's been bossing us doctors for the past twenty years!" "oh, please--not quite that long----" began miss white. "well, we'll knock off two and make it eighteen," the colonel interposed. when the wound was dressed doctors and nurses tried to persuade the patient to remain over night, but without success. "i know if mrs. roosevelt were here she would insist upon your staying," miss white said. "young woman, if mrs. roosevelt were here i am certain she would insist upon my leaving immediately," her husband made reply, and gazed at the four pretty nurses surrounding him. when the patient was brought up the elevator and led into the "preparation" room, the first thing to do was to prepare him for care of his wound. miss white took his eye glasses. the colonel objected and said he did not want those out of his sight. but when miss white assured him she would give the glasses her personal attention he seemed content with the arrangement. one of the physicians asked for a chair for col. roosevelt. miss white said the operating table was ready, and the colonel immediately acquiesced and laid down on the carefully scrubbed pine slab on an iron frame, which has carried the weight of tramps, laborers and other unfortunates picked up in the street, but never before that of an ex-president of the united states. miss white was a little diffident about exposing the fact that the president had said a swear word, but she finally admitted that he remarked: "i don't care a d----n about finding the bullet but i do hope they'll fix it up so i need not continue to suffer." the doctors washed the wound area, painted it with iodine, itself a somewhat painful operation, and proceeded to the dressing. one of the doctors told col. roosevelt that miss white was a suffragist, and that after his kind treatment he ought to be converted. miss white said the big bull moose was a suffragist and that was one of the big planks of his party and the colonel laughed and said of course he believed in it. when the party left for chicago dr. r. g. sayle took with his antisepticized surgeon's gloves, surgical dressing and instruments to be used in case of hemorrhage before chicago was reached. not a souvenir of the ex-president's visit remains in the hospital. his shirt was turned over to the police, and a blood-soaked handkerchief which was bound upon the wound, and which was picked up by one of the nurses, was found to have an "s" in the corner, so it was evident that it either did not belong to the ex-president or he had not always owned it, and this was discarded. the mercy hospital nurses were appreciative of col. roosevelt. "he was the best patient i ever had," said miss welter, and the sentiment was endorsed by miss fitzgerald. "he was consideration itself. he never had a word of complaint all the time he was at the hospital, and his chief worry seemed to be that we were not comfortable. we had expected to find him 'strenuous' and possibly disagreeable. on the contrary, we found him most docile. he chafed at being kept in bed, but he tried not to show it, and he never was ill-humored or peevish, as many patients in a similar position are." chapter v. arrival at mercy hospital. arriving at mercy hospital, chicago, col. roosevelt was given further examination on october . several bulletins of his condition were issued. the last official bulletin given out by his staff physicians, j. b. murphy, a. d. bevan and scurry l. terrell, showed a most favorable condition. mrs. roosevelt reached chicago with her son theodore and her daughter ethel, was driven directly to mercy hospital and took charge of her husband as soon as she had greeted him. she was quite composed on her arrival and placidly directed affairs all through. as a result of her presence, the colonel's visiting list was materially cut down, he devoted less time to reading telegrams, and discussed the campaign very little. part of the morning he spent in reading cablegrams of sympathy and congratulation on his escape from emperor william, king george, the president of france, the king of italy, the king of spain, the president of portugal and the crown prince and princess of germany. among his few callers were col. cecil lyon, medill mccormick, dr. alexander lambert, his family physician, who accompanied mrs. roosevelt to chicago, dr. evans of chicago and dr. woods-hutchinson, a writer on medical topics, a warm personal friend. as soon as he saw dr. lambert the colonel said: "lambert, you'd have let me finish that speech if you'd been there after i was shot, wouldn't you?" "perhaps so," returned the doctor, a little dubiously, "but i should have made sure you were not seriously hurt first." before mrs. roosevelt arrived the colonel was insistent that he be allowed to go to oyster bay shortly. after a talk with mrs. roosevelt, he said he would leave that question to her. "it will probably be ten days at least before we go," she said. "it is too far distant to attempt a prophecy." a more careful examination of the x-ray photographs taken of the patient disclosed the fact that his fourth rib was slightly splintered by the impact of the bullet lodged against it. this accounted for the discomfort that the colonel suffered. mrs. roosevelt was insistent on taking her husband home at the earliest moment consistent with safety. the colonel passed an easy day. he continued to exhibit the utmost indifference to the motives of schrank, who sought his life. "his name might be czolgosz or anything else as far as i am concerned," he said to one of his visitors. "i never heard of him before and know nothing about him." to another friend he expressed the opinion that the man was a maniac afflicted with a paranoia on the subject of the third term. he showed no curiosity about him and did not discuss him, although he talked considerably about the shooting. "you know," he said to dr. murphy, "i have done a lot of hunting and i know that a thirty-eight caliber pistol slug fired at any range will not kill a bull moose." before he went to sleep, col. roosevelt called for hot water and a mirror and sitting in bed, carefully shaved himself. mrs. roosevelt, tired out after her long journey, also retired early, at o'clock. the following bulletin, issued by the surgeons on the morning of october , described the wound inflicted by schrank's bullet: "col. roosevelt's hurt is a deep bullet wound of the chest wall without striking any vital organ in transit. the wound was not probed. the point of entrance was to the right of and one inch below the level of the right nipple. the range of the bullet was upward and inward, a distance of four inches, deeply in the chest wall. there was no evidence of the bullet penetrating into the lung. pulse, ; temperature, . ; respiration, ; leucocyte count, . at a.m. no operation to remove bullet is indicated at the present time. condition hopeful, but wound so important as to demand absolute rest for a number of days." (signed) "dr. john b. murphy. "dr. arthur b. bevan. "dr. scurry l. terrell. "dr. r. g. sayle." the arrival of col. roosevelt in mercy hospital, chicago, was described by john b. pratt, of the international news service, a correspondent traveling with the ex-president during the campaign, as follows: "any way, if i had to die, i wanted to die with my boots on." lying on a hospital bed completely filled by his great bulk, theodore roosevelt made this answer to a question by dr. terrell. he had just talked with the newspaper men who were with his party enroute. terrell, coming in at the conclusion of the conversation, expressed the fear that the ex-president was exerting himself beyond his strength. "you do too much," said terrell. "the most uncomfortable hour i ever spent in my life was while i sat on that platform in milwaukee wondering where that bullet was and in how imminent danger you were. how could you be so incautious as to make a speech then? it was all very well for you to say the shot was not fatal but how could you tell?" the colonel grinned, raised his arm heavily, trying not to show the pain that came with every movement. "i did not think the wound was dangerous," he said. "i was confident that it was not in a place where much harm could follow and therefore i wished to make the speech. anyway, even if it went against me--well, if i had to die--" and the colonel chuckled grimly, "i thought i'd rather die with my boots on." the newspaper men who were with him when out of the darkness came the bullet that still menaces his life, felt that in that sentence he had epitomized his unfaltering courage. never once since has he wavered in courage. physically overcome he once sank back, and came as near to fainting as so strong a man can. all the rest of the time he has been as serene as a man unhurt. it was in the gray of this morning's daylight that we caught our first glimpse of him after the shooting. standing in the corridor of his private car as it lay in the north-western station in chicago, we heard dr. terrell say: "now is a chance to see the old warrior, he is coming out." the door of his state room creaked and swung open slowly. as it swung back within loomed the figure that attracts attention everywhere. the colonel stepped out slowly, his shoulders thrown back and his bearing soldierly. he stretched out two fingers to one of the party. "ah, old comrade," he said, "shake. the newspaper boys are my friends," he added, as he proceeded toward the door of the car. "i'm glad to see them." "you had a pretty rough time last night, colonel," suggested somebody. "we did have a middling lively time, didn't we?" said the colonel with a broad grin. "pretty plucky of you," said another man. "everybody agrees to that." "fiddlesticks," and the colonel stepped out on the platform and down the steps. he had indignantly refused a stretcher and even balked at an ambulance, but finally agreed that this was the best means of conveyance to the hospital. he walked past a silent crowd, a crowd that wanted to cheer, but did not dare, but stood, without a smile as he went by. to them all he waved a hand. just as he was leaving the steps a flashlight flared forth, the sharp report of the powder startling everybody. [illustration: capt. a. o. girard.] "ah, shot again," said the colonel, without a tremor. before climbing into the ambulance he turned to the newspaper men who had come out to see him off. "i want to see you newspaper men at the hospital at o'clock. i want all the old guard there." then he started up the steps of the automobile conveyance with a firm step and tried to seat himself firmly on the cushion. but he had counted on more strength than he possessed. with a smothered exclamation he sank back among them, his head dropping and his figure one of pathetic helplessness. at o'clock he welcomed the newspaper men sitting up in bed with his massive chest hidden beneath an undershirt. "i came away in too big a hurry to get my pajamas," he explained, apologetically. "here they are, bless their hearts. they never desert me," the colonel cried, as the visitors were ushered in. his face had lost the gray of the early morning and resumed its normal tint. he never looked better and certainly never looked larger. he filled the narrow hospital cot completely, from side to side, and from end to end. two beautiful rooms had been secured for him at mercy hospital, one of the biggest and finest institutions in the west. the four windows of the sick room faced two on calumet avenue and two on twenty-sixth street, in a quiet part of town, away from the smoke and the roar of the elevated trains. to make the air more salubrious an oxygen apparatus had been placed in the room, which liberated just enough gas to make the air fresh and to give it an autumn twang. in response to a question as to how he felt, he replied with a laugh: "i feel as well as a man feels who has a bullet in him." "but haven't you any pain?" asked someone. "well," the colonel said, dryly, "a man with a bullet in him is lucky if he doesn't experience a little pain." here dr. terrell, always on watch, held up a warning hand. "you must not talk much," he said. "i'll boss this job," said roosevelt. "you go away and let me do this thing." just then the door opened to admit elbert e. martin, the herculean stenographer who had grabbed schrank before he could fire a second shot. "here he is," cried the colonel, waving his hand, "here is the man that did it." martin had brought a lot of telegrams. the colonel, lying partly propped up adjusted the great tortoise shell glasses and proceeded to look them over. with one of them he seemed especially pleased. it came from madison, wis., and was as follows: "permit me to express my profound regret that your life should have been in peril and to express my congratulations upon your fortunate escape from serious injury. i trust that you will speedily recover. (signed) "robert m. la follette." "let me see that again," he said, after turning it back to martin. when he had read it a second time he said: "here, take this," and dictated: "senator robert m. la follette--thanks sincerely for your kind expressions of sympathy." half an hour the colonel spent looking over and answering private telegrams, dictating always in a clear, strong voice. when he had done he talked with the newspaper men of former experiences of the kind he had just gone through and of cranks at sagamore hill and at the white house. "but i never had a bullet in me before," he said. chapter vi. gets back into campaign. october , convinced that he was beyond all possible danger, col. roosevelt resumed the active campaign from his sick room in mercy hospital by dictating a statement in which he requested his political opponents to continue the fight as if nothing had happened to him. the colonel awoke feeling as he expressed it, "like a bull moose." in the afternoon he overcame mrs. roosevelt's objections to work long enough to send for stenographer martin and dictate the statement that put him back into politics. then he answered dispatches from president taft, cardinal gibbons, and several other of those who had sent messages of sympathy. he carefully reread the dispatch from president taft and dictated this reply: "i appreciate your sympathetic inquiry and wish to thank you for it." "sign that theodore roosevelt," he said to martin. to cardinal gibbons he sent this: "i am deeply touched by your kind words." to woodrow wilson: "i wish to thank you for your very warm sympathy." his statement dictated to stenographer martin asking the campaign to continue despite schrank's shot was as follows: "i wish to express my cordial agreement with the manly and proper statement of mr. bryan at franklin, ind., when in arguing for a continuance of the discussion of the issues at stake in the contest he said: "'the issues of this campaign should not be determined by the act of an assassin. neither col. roosevelt nor his friends should ask that the discussion should be turned away from the principles that are involved. if he is elected president it should be because of what he has done in the past and what he proposes to do hereafter.' "i wish to point out, however, that neither i nor my friends have asked that the discussion be turned away from the principles that are involved. on the contrary, we emphatically demand that the discussion be carried on precisely as if i had not been shot. i shall be sorry if mr. wilson does not keep on the stump and feel that he owes it to himself and to the american people to continue on the stump. "i wish to make one more comment on mr. bryan's statement. it is of course perfectly true that in voting for me or against me, consideration must be paid to what i have done in the past and to what i propose to do. but it seems to me far more important that consideration should be paid to what the progressive party proposes to do. "i cannot too strongly emphasize the fact upon which we progressives insist that the welfare of any one man in this fight is wholly immaterial compared to the greatest fundamental issues involved in the triumph of the principles for which our cause stands. if i had been killed the fight would have gone on exactly the same. gov. johnson, senator beveridge, mr. straus, senator bristow, miss jane addams, giffford pinchot, judge ben lindsay, raymond robbins, mr. prendergast and the hundreds of other men now on the stump are preaching the doctrine that i have been preaching and stand for, and represent just the same cause. they would have continued the fight in exactly the same way if i had been killed, and they are continuing it in just the same way now that i am for the moment laid up. "so far as my opponents are concerned, whatever could with truth and propriety have been said against me and my cause before i was shot can with equal truth and equal propriety be said against me and it now should be so said, and the things that cannot be said now, are merely the things that ought not to have been said before. this is not a contest about any man; it is a contest concerning principles. "if my broken rib heals fast enough to relieve my breathing i shall hope to be able to make one or two speeches yet in this campaign; in any event, if i am not able to make them the men i have mentioned above and the hundreds like them will be stating our case right to the end of the campaign and i trust our opponents will be stating their case also. "theodore roosevelt." october , gov. hiram w. johnson, of california, candidate for vice-president on the national progressive ticket, was summoned to mercy hospital by col. roosevelt. the governor hastened to the hospital and conferred with roosevelt for an hour. the ex-president urged upon johnson that he return to california to hold his office as governor. johnson had two years to serve of his term and under the law he would forfeit the governorship if he did not get back. the law there provides that no governor shall absent himself from office for more than two months running. johnson had been away all but a few days of that period. "governor, i realize the sacrifice you have made in keeping so long away from your office," began the colonel, in serious tone. "i am told that if you do not hurry back they will take the governorship away from you. now, i want you to go back. leave the campaign to me. i can handle it all right. soon i'm going out on the stump and i'll lead the fight myself." gov. johnson marveled at the bold idea that roosevelt, convalescing from the bullet wound, would take command again. "you can't do it, colonel," he protested. "you will need to build up your strength. i won't----" "fiddlesticks," interrupted the colonel. "you'll do what i say. i never felt any stronger in my life. it's all a matter of being able to breathe easier with this splintered rib. that won't bother me more than a few days. then they can't hold me back." flatly gov. johnson informed col. roosevelt that he wanted to stay in the fight. "i'm needed," he went on. "i'm going to let them take the governorship. i'll resign." leaning out from the arm chair in which he sat, roosevelt whacked his right fist down on the table before him. a sharp pain went through the breast pierced by the bullet. "i tell you, governor, you'll not do it," fairly cried the colonel, so vehemently that mrs. roosevelt, in the next room, stepped to the doorway. "you must be quiet, theodore," spoke mrs. roosevelt, lifting a warning finger. "yes, that's right," agreed the colonel, "but the governor here is recalcitrant and i've got to speak roughly to him." after a brisk interchange of opinion as to the feasibility of the governor giving up the campaign the two violently taking opposite sides, bidding the colonel an affectionate good-bye, gov. johnson left the hospital. as he passed out to an automobile, johnson said he had promised the colonel to talk the matter over with other leaders before deciding what to do. "he insists that i return to california and i insist i won't," explained the governor. "we couldn't agree." later gov. johnson conferred at his hotel with william allen white, francis j. heney and other bull moose leaders. the governor was obdurate in his decision to stick in the race. "col. roosevelt is in no shape to take up the responsibility," he maintained. "it is but an evidence of his magnanimity that he urges me to return to california. i'd rather lost the job than desert the colonel now." attorney general u. s. webb of california on october issued the following opinion, however, which did away with possibility of gov. johnson losing his office: [illustration: elbert e. martin.] "there is a code section in the state limiting the absence of the governor and other officials from the state to sixty days, but the legislature of by resolution, removed the limitations on the governor and other high state officials. in addition to that the constitution of the united states specifically provides the conditions under which a state official may be removed, and it does not include this particular condition. there is no reason why gov. johnson cannot remain outside the state as long as he sees fit and there is nothing the legislature can do to remove him for remaining away more than sixty days." chapter vii. back at sagamore hill. the trip of ex-president roosevelt from mercy hospital, chicago, to his home at oyster bay, beginning the morning of october over the pennsylvania road is described here by one of the correspondents who traveled with him. under date of october , he wrote at pittsburg, pa.: "on a mellow autumn day whose warmth seemed to breathe a tender sympathy, col. roosevelt traveled from chicago today on his way to oyster bay on the most extraordinary trip ever undertaken by a candidate for the presidency. "unable because of sheer weakness to show himself on the platform of his private car, the stricken bull moose leader, with blinds drawn in his stateroom, listened with throbbing heart to the soft murmuring of eager throngs as they clustered at the stations along the way. as the train rolled into pittsburg tonight the colonel, shaken up by the jostling of the train, meekly confessed to dr. alexander lambert, his new york physician, who with dr. scurry terrell, are making the trip with him, that he was 'tired out.' "'i'm going to put in a sound night of sleep,' he sighed, 'i'll be all right again in the morning.' "the bullet nestling in the colonel's chest and the splintered rib gave him more discomfort than the wounded leader had counted on. as the train jolted at times the ex-president experienced piercing pain. but he bore it without a whimper. "when night came the physicians agreed that although the tumbling of the train had caused the colonel more worry than he would admit, he would suffer no ill effects. "the ex-president's leisurely jaunt through ohio, for he is running upon a twenty-four hour train, was in truth an occasion of tragic quiet. the waiting throngs which half anticipated that they would see the plucky third party fighter walk out onto platform of his car, stood in a respectful attitude as they learned that the colonel was unable to see them. "almost the whole day the ex-president lay on a soft bed in his state room, reading, or when that grew irksome, dropping into restful slumber. outside of his family, his stenographer, john martin and the latter's wife, who boarded the train at lima, the colonel saw no one. he asked for quiet, feeling himself that he needed to conserve all the strength at his command for the long run to oyster bay. "the ex-president started his jaunt homeward by fooling the newspaper men in chicago. at mercy hospital the tip was allowed to filter out that the colonel would climb into an automobile at the front entrance. camera men adjusted their machines and a flock of newspaper men waited. "instead, the ex-president was wheeled to a side door to an automobile ambulance, into which he pulled himself. "'i fooled them that time,' chuckled the colonel to dr. lambert, who climbed in after him. "while the colonel was driven to the train, mrs. roosevelt, miss ethel and theodore, jr., took an automobile. so as to avoid the crowd at the pennsylvania depot, the ambulance was taken to the train by way of a yard, the colonel's private car being drawn up for it. only a few yardmen were there to salute the colonel as he stepped from the ambulance. they raised their hats and one of them cried: "'colonel, good luck to you!' roosevelt lifted his right hand to his hat and gave a military salute." concerning the ex-president's appearance in madison square garden, new york, on the night of october , a press dispatch said: "bearing no outward sign of the bullet in his breast, theodore roosevelt tonight hurled himself back into the campaign at madison square garden. he spoke for forty minutes to the biggest meeting he has ever addressed in new york and to one of the greatest gatherings ever seen in that historic auditorium. "more than , men and women welcomed him. another vast crowd waited all evening outside in the hope that they might catch a word or two from the colonel as he departed. they were disappointed, for his physicians, fearing too great a tax on his strength, refused to permit him to make more than one address. "the crowd inside cheered for forty minutes when roosevelt, at twenty minutes past o'clock led his guards into the garden, climbed the steps to the speaker's gallery and stood before them. bandannas and american flags waved like a moving forest, the shouts of the crowd and the drumming of thousands of heels on the floor drowned the band and every air that has been sung in the campaign from 'everybody's doin' it' to 'onward, christian soldiers,' boomed forth when the enthusiasts, wearied of plain cheering, of mooing like the moose, or of yelling: 'we want teddy! we want teddy!' "the great hall whose galleries and arched ceiling were completely hidden with bunting and huge flags, made a marvelous picture as the colonel, leaning over the speaker's rail, his teeth snapping like a bulldog's, raised his left hand in first greeting. "for three-quarters of an hour he stood there. now and then recognizing a friend he would make a dash to the other end of the stand, a distance of twenty feet and wave his hand--always his left--in greeting. "as he faced first to the left, then to the right, he awakened successive outbursts of cheers, and bandannas and flags were set in motion by sections, till red flushes ran over the crowd like waves. "the colonel's speech was pitched in a solemn and impressive key. he made no direct allusion to the attack upon him. he made no attack upon any individual among his political foes. he named no names save those of washington, lincoln, jefferson and jackson. "deliberately avoiding the line of advance, which was punctuated with applause, he appealed for the votes of his auditors for the progressive cause, making no reference to himself and none to his achievements. "with cheeks thinner than they were before the attack upon him, but with a brilliant color, with figure sturdy and erect, and with a voice that reached to every part of the hall, and never once cracked into the falsetto squeak that often characterizes it, the colonel seemed the picture of health. not at all while he was speaking did he smile. all his gestures, save one or two were made with his left hand which, being farthest removed from the bullet wound, could be moved with impunity. "once or twice toward the end he brought his right hand down with a resounding slap on the rail of the speakers stand, but his face gave no indication that the gesture caused him pain. the flashlights which were set off at intervals during the address he faced without wincing. "col. roosevelt was preceded by senator dixon, who presided, by oscar straus, candidate for governor in new york, and by governor johnson of california." "col. roosevelt's physicians went into his state room to see him soon after the train left englewood. they found him contentedly reading: "'col. roosevelt is resting well and is very comfortable.' "so well, indeed, was the ex-president that the doctor said he did not bother to take his pulse and temperature." col. roosevelt arrived at sagamore hill at o'clock in the morning of october . when the ex-president's physicians left him at dusk they gave out this bulletin, impressing their insistence that roosevelt devote himself to solid rest: "col. roosevelt has stood the journey well, but, of course, is tired. the wound is still open and oozing. rest and quiet are essential to him to avoid possibilities of wound infection. he will be able to see no one tonight. while col. roosevelt is extremely anxious to take up the work of the campaign we are not willing to say at this time that that will be possible. "jos. a. blake. "george e. brewer. "alexander s. lambert. "scurry l. terrell." the colonel was brought to sagamore hill in an auto from syasset, l. i., without going to oyster bay, in order to avoid any crowd. flowers sent to sagamore hill by the school children of nassau county were the only tokens of public welcome for the homecoming. when he arrived at sagamore hill the colonel's wound was dressed and he went to bed at once, with instructions to remain quiet all day. the physicians said the wound showed no ill effects from the trip. col. roosevelt and his secretaries were busy on the train until late in the night of october , looking for an old speech of the colonel's on the trusts. this speech had been the basis of recent criticism by william j. bryan, and after a secretary had unearthed it and col. roosevelt had gone over it he said he intended to reply to mr. byran's criticism either in a statement or in a speech. [illustration: automobile in which ex-president roosevelt stood when shot. crosses marked where col. roosevelt and schrank stood. george f. moss, owner and driver of automobile.] chapter viii. arrest, appears in court. within five minutes after he had fired the bullet into ex-president roosevelt's right side, john flammang schrank was on his way in the auto police patrol to the central police station, milwaukee. those who overpowered schrank were elbert e. martin, capt. a. o. girard, col. cecil lyon of texas, sergeant albert murray of the milwaukee police department and detectives harry ridenour, louis hartman and valentine skierawski of the milwaukee police department. the thousands who were in the vicinity of the shooting clamored for schrank's life. capt. girard and sergeant murray fought off the crowd and literally dragged schrank into the hotel gilpatrick through the main entrance, through the lobby and into the hotel kitchen. here schrank was left in charge of capt. girard and herman rollfink while sergeant murray telephoned the central police station for the auto patrol. upon its arrival schrank was hustled into it and taken to the central station. schrank having disappeared, the crowd about the hotel hurried to the auditorium. this vast building was filled to capacity, , , and at least , were outside unable to even get to the doors, which had been closed and locked by attendants at o'clock. when schrank was first questioned at the central station he declined to give his name. within a short time, however, under supervision of chief john t. janssen, he submitted to an examination, which appears in full in another chapter. schrank necessarily was roughly handled immediately after firing the shot. he clung to the revolver until it was wrenched from him, and at one time he was beneath a pile of struggling men in the street car tracks immediately in front of hotel gilpatrick. one of the detectives, in his efforts to get hold of schrank, was carried down with schrank beneath this struggling mass of men. when schrank arrived at the central station he was little the worse for his rough handling, except that his clothing was badly soiled, his collar torn off and his hair disheveled. he looked as though he were glad he had been rescued from the crowd crying for his life. searched at the central station the following letter was found in a coat pocket: "to the people of the united states: "september , -- : a.m. "in a dream i saw president mckinley sit up in his coffin pointing at a man in a monk's attire in whom i recognized theodore roosevelt. the dead president said--this is my murderer--avenge my death. "september , -- : a.m. "while writing a poem some one tapped me on the shoulder and said--let not a murderer take the presidential chair, avenge my death. i could clearly see mr. mckinley's features. before the almighty god, i swear that the above written is nothing but the truth. "so long as japan could rise to be one of the greatest powers of the world despite her surviving a tradition more than , years old, as gen. nogi demonstrated, it is the duty of the united states of america to see that the third termer be regarded as a traitor to the american cause. let it be the right and duty of every citizen to forcibly remove a third termer. "never let a third term party emblem appear on an official ballot. i am willing to die for my country. god has called me to be his instrument, so help me god. "innocent--guilty." on a sheet of paper taken from the man when he was searched at the central station, the police found a list of nine hotels where he is supposed to have stopped recently. the following is the list: mosely hotel, charleston, s. c.; planters hotel, augusta, ga.; childs' hotel, atlanta, ga.; plaza hotel, birmingham, ala.; redmon hotel, chattanooga, tenn.; third avenue hotel, rome, tenn.; bismark hotel, nashville, tenn.; station hotel, evansville, ind., and the normandy hotel, louisville, ky. at : o'clock on the morning of october schrank was taken to district court before judge n. b. neelen. he admitted that he had fired the bullet which hit ex-president roosevelt, and he was bound over to the december term of municipal court, with bail fixed at $ , . bail was later raised to $ , . before schrank appeared in court district attorney winifred c. zabel said: "so far as i have been able to determine from several examinations, john schrank is legally sane," declared district attorney w. c. zabel, in discussing theodore roosevelt's would-be assassin, yesterday. "he has a perfect knowledge of right and wrong and realizes that the act he committed was against the law. medically he may have a slight aberration, but only experts could determine that. "schrank will have as fair a trial under the law as any other man. he has been given ample time in which to prepare his case, and, if he does not engage an attorney himself, one will be appointed to defend him." schrank expressed no desire to be tried in a hurry. the revolver from which the shot had been fired, together with the shirt and underwear worn by col. roosevelt were brought into court and exhibited by detective louis hartman. at the suggestion of others, judge neelen ordered the revolver and bullets taken to dean r. e. w. sommers, marquette university, for chemical analysis to determine whether the bullets were poisoned. schrank seemed unconcerned over the crime he had committed. "you are charged with assault with intent to kill and murder," said district attorney zabel. "what do you plead, guilty or not guilty?" "i am guilty," answered schrank quietly. the court then explained to schrank that he was charged with a serious offense, and had the right to ask for an adjournment and time in which to obtain legal counsel and prepare a defense. "i understand that," said schrank. "i plead guilty and waive examination." "then you are bound over to the municipal court under bonds of $ , ," said the court. schrank was then asked if he wanted a speedy trial. "no, i don't want one at once," was the reply. "i wish to have some time." "we will give you plenty of time. you will be tried during the december term of the municipal court." as schrank was being led back to the prisoners' "pen," one of the newspaper men standing, remembering that president mckinley died because of a poisoned bullet, reminded the court that it might be well to have the bullets in schrank's revolver chemically analyzed. "oh, if that's the case, it makes it much more serious," said the court. "infection might set in. i'll raise the bail from $ , to $ , ." a crowd of not more than was seated in the courtroom when schrank's case was called, the general impression being that he would not be examined before october . when his name was called every one in the room pushed forward, and it was necessary for the deputies and policemen to use force to push them back of the railing. when in the "bullpen" schrank's fellow prisoners shrank away from him. they knew of his attempt to assassinate the former president, and he was an outcast, even among his own kind. he was led from the courtroom by sheriff arnold and a special corps of deputies, the officials fearing violence, to the county jail, where he was lodged in a cell on the first floor. schrank on his arrival in milwaukee registered at the argyle hotel, west water street, and was assigned to room number . he paid for his room in advance and was very seldom seen at the hotel thereafter. his meals, according to the clerk, he took outside. the clerk said the only time the man was seen about the hotel was when he walked in and out. he was registered under the name of "albert ross," which name he has registered under in a number of hotels at which he stopped while following col. roosevelt about the country. without a tremor in his voice and talking willingly in the central station, schrank unfolded the fact that he had at one time been engaged to be married to miss elsie ziegler, new york, one of the victims of the general slocum steamboat disaster, in which over a thousand lives were lost. as he spoke of the girl his voice softened and his eyes sought the floor of his cell. his lips seemed to quiver slightly, the first evidence of remorse since his arrest. asked if the fact that the girl had lost her life during the disaster had anything to do with the act he clenched his hands and with an angry jerk of his head almost shouted his answer to the questioner. "she had nothing to do with it," he exclaimed. "she was a beautiful girl and i want you to understand that her soul is cleared from any part of this act." the five sets of finger prints were taken by the police at the request of police departments of other cities. the warrant under which schrank was arrested read as follows: "john schrank, being then and there armed with a dangerous weapon, to-wit, a loaded revolver, did then and there, unlawfully, wilfully and feloniously make an assault in and upon one, theodore roosevelt, with said loaded revolver, with intent, then and there, him, the said theodore roosevelt, unlawfully, willingly and feloniously and of his malice aforethought to kill and murder." the crime with which schrank still is charged reads as follows: "assault with intent to murder or rob. section . any person being armed with a dangerous weapon who shall assault another with intent to rob or murder shall be punished by imprisonment in the state prison not more than fifteen years nor less than one year." chapter ix. appears in municipal court. november schrank appeared in municipal court before judge august c. backus. two sessions of court, lasting only a few minutes each, were necessary to dispose of schrank's preliminary hearing. at o'clock the court heard schrank's plea of guilty, and took recess until o'clock, when the following physicians were appointed to look into the prisoner's mental condition: dr. f. c. studley, dr. w. f. becker, dr. richard dewey, dr. w. f. wegge, and dr. d. w. harrington, all of milwaukee. the court also appointed attorney james g. flanders to represent schrank. at both sessions of the court, schrank appeared perfectly at ease, walking inside the bar with a jaunty air, chin up and a curious look on his face. his appearance had changed considerably since the night he shot the ex-president. then his clothing was torn and bedraggled, his hair unkempt, face unshaven and his expression wild. [illustration: johnston emergency hospital, milwaukee.] in municipal court he was neatly dressed in a carefully pressed suit of blue serge, shoes shined, clean linen and spotless white tie, with a white handkerchief peeping out of a side coat pocket. he had been cleanly shaven and his hair was carefully pasted down, while in his hands he carried a new fedora hat and a raincoat. as he was led to the front of the courtroom by deputy sheriff albert melms, everyone in the crowd stared at him, but the prisoner walked with a firm step, and looked neither to the right nor left. it was only when he was called before the bar and asked to plead, that he wavered, and then only for an instant. judge backus ordered him to stand and listen to the charge made against him, reciting that "john schrank, on oct. , with malice aforethought, did attempt to kill and murder theodore roosevelt." "what do you plead to that, guilty or not guilty?" asked district attorney w. c. zabel. "i plead guilty to the shooting," answered the prisoner in a voice that was slightly husky. "did you intend to kill theodore roosevelt?" asked mr. zabel. here the prisoner's voice became steady again, and he answered: "i did not intend to kill the citizen roosevelt." "did you intend to kill the candidate roosevelt?" "i intended to kill theodore roosevelt, the third termer," was the answer. "i did not want to kill the candidate of the progressive party. i shot roosevelt as a warning to other third termers." "there we have it," broke in the court, and schrank was told that he might take his seat. district attorney zabel moved that the court either appoint a commission of alienists to examine schrank or have him tried before a jury. judge backus announced that he would appoint a commission of five experts at o'clock, and took a recess, ordering the deputies to take schrank back to the county jail. as the prisoner arose to leave many of those in the courtroom rushed for the door, but all fell back when the court said: "let no man leave the courtroom until the prisoner has left the city hall." at the afternoon session schrank was simply brought in and allowed to sit at one of the tables. when the physicians who are to examine him arose to be sworn, he eyed them curiously, but evinced no outward signs of emotion. the court allowed the alienists as much time as they desired to make the examination of the prisoner, and ordered the sheriff to allow them to see schrank whenever they wished. the prisoner also was given an opportunity to confer with his attorney. the decision which the alienists were to reach, as ordered by the court, was whether "the defendant, john schrank, is sane at the present time." district attorney zabel announced that the following had been subpoenaed as witnesses: detectives louis hartman, and valentine skierawski; dr. robert g. sayle and dr. t. w. williams, emergency hospital, who attended col. roosevelt; capt. a. o. girard and john campbell, rescue mission, an eyewitness. mr. zabel received several letters and telegrams from new york asking for leniency, and commending schrank's action. several were sent with the request that they be handed to the attorney who would defend the prisoner. people all over the country sent letters to district attorney w. c. zabel advising him how to handle schrank. "think of all the brains that are uniting with mine in trying to determine how to handle this case," said mr. zabel, with a laugh. "and the best part of it is that it's not costing the city or county a cent either. how do you like this one," handing over a letter which said: "for god's sake, don't let any catholic priest get near him." another said: "hang him up by the thumbs. no punishment is too horrible for such a man." a third man looked with suspicion upon the socialist district attorney, and believed that he read something wrong in the statement that schrank would not be placed on trial immediately. "probably schrank is not so crazy after all," this man wrote. and then he insinuated that schrank very carefully planned to commit the deed in a state where there is no capital punishment and in a county--the only one in the country--in which "there is a socialist district attorney." still another advised the district attorney to look into the minutest details, as he saw some big rich and powerful influence back of schrank which had urged him on to the crime. "these are only a few of the letters i received from men who are probably in as bad a mental state as they seem to think schrank is," said the district attorney. chapter x. schrank declared insane. on november schrank was declared insane by the five alienists who had examined him. he appeared in municipal court and was committed to the northern hospital for the insane at oshkosh, wis., by judge august c. backus in the following order: "findings of the court: "the court now finds that the defendant john schrank is insane, and therefore incapacitated to act for himself. "it is therefore ordered and adjudged, that the defendant john schrank be committed to the northern hospital for insane, near oshkosh, in the county of winnebago, state of wisconsin, until such time when he shall have recovered from such insanity, when he shall be returned to this court for further proceedings according to law. "and it is further ordered, that all proceedings in this case be stayed indefinitely and until such recovery. "it is further ordered, that the sheriff of milwaukee county is hereby ordered to convey the said john schrank to the said northern hospital for insane, near oshkosh, in the county of winnebago, state of wisconsin, and there to deliver him to the superintendent thereof and the said superintendent is hereby ordered and directed to receive the said john schrank as an inmate of said hospital and there to keep him until he has recovered from such insanity, when he shall be returned to this court for further proceedings as provided by law." schrank expressed the keenest disappointment both on the report of the insanity commission and also on the judgment of the court. "why didn't they give me my medicine right away, instead of making me wait," he exclaimed bitterly as he was led to the county jail. "i did it, and i am willing to stand the consequences of my act. "i want to say now that i am sane, and know what i am doing all the time. i am not a lunatic, and never was one." schrank offered no defense. before the judgment of the court was pronounced he was asked if he had any statement to make. "i have nothing to say," he said clearly. while judge backus was reading the judgment, schrank sat with bowed head. his fingers twitched nervously, but otherwise he gave no outward sign. as the deputy sheriffs led him away, he stopped and insisted upon shaking hands with each one of the five alienists. although schrank was not called to the witness stand during the inquisition yesterday afternoon, district attorney w. c. zabel introduced testimony to show schrank's every movement in milwaukee, from the time he arrived until the time he shot col. roosevelt. this testimony tended to show that schrank "filled up" on beer just before he committed the act, although each of the witnesses insisted that he was not intoxicated at the time he did the shooting. one policeman said that he was dazed, but was not intoxicated. the testimony showed that schrank spent the early part of the evening he shot col. roosevelt in the saloon of herman rollfink, third street, where he posed as a newspaper man "out on an investigating trip." "schrank came into the saloon at o'clock in the afternoon and drank five or six beers," testified paul thume, a bartender. "he told me he was a newspaper man, and to prove it, he pointed to the newspapers in his pockets. "we got to talking, and i told him i was going out west to earn some money. he advised me to go south to make money. he wanted a place to room, but when i recommended a room for $ a day, he kicked. said he was willing to pay cents. "he came in again at o'clock in the evening and we talked some more. he then asked the bar musicians to play some song, something with stripes in it, and then he bought each one a drink." for the first time during the hearing, schrank smiled. it started in a broad smile, and then extended until it covered his entire face. it developed that he asked the musicians to play the "star spangled banner," which the bartender described as a song having "stripes" in it. schrank left the saloon only a few minutes before he did the shooting, after having again treated all to drinks. the testimony of the barkeeper was substantiated by two musicians, frank galk and james crawford, who said that schrank danced around while they were playing. herman rollfink told how he jumped on schrank after the shooting and blocked the door to the kitchen in the hotel after schrank had been carried in there. capt. alfred o. girard said: "i saw schrank in the crowd just as i was getting into col. roosevelt's automobile. i saw him as he raised the gun up between two men. i saw the flash, and almost simultaneously, i sprang upon him. after taking him into the hotel, we searched him, but found no other weapons." three policemen were placed on the stand as witnesses, and each one insisted that he was not detailed to service there, but had been attracted to the spot by the crowd. this tended to show that col. roosevelt had no police protection while he was in milwaukee. robert m. lenten, clerk at the argyle hotel, recognized schrank as the guest who signed his name as albert ross. "he came to the hotel about : sunday night and i assigned him to room no. ," he said. "he did not act unusual, and we talked as i showed him to his room. the room is right above the milwaukee river, so i told him he had better keep away from the window, if he didn't want to fall into the 'wabash.' that's the name we give to the river." this struck schrank as funny and he laughed again. the report of the alienists was filed with the court just before o'clock in the morning. it included fifty pages of typewritten matter, and its reading consumed nearly two hours. after the report was read, the alienists were placed on the stand and questioned by the district attorney. [illustration: judge august c. backus.] schrank listened to the reading of the report without the slightest sign of interest, until the clerk read the findings pronouncing him insane. schrank was taken to the northern hospital for the insane, oshkosh, by deputy sheriff richard muldenhauer and fred becker, bookkeeper in the sheriffs office, on the morning of november , at o'clock. the three left the sheriffs office in an automobile shortly before o'clock and arrived at the chicago & northwestern depot, milwaukee, a few minutes before train time. before leaving the jail schrank asked for the sheriff and thanked him for his kindness during his confinement in the county jail. he also shook hands with jailer adam roth and deputies who have been with him during the trial. schrank's duties at the northern hospital for the insane and are light and remain so until the physicians of the hospital have had ample time to observe him. chapter xi. shows repentance but once. although schrank's bail finally was fixed at $ , , bail would not have been accepted. this was announced by district attorney zabel. one of the several reasons for raising the bail was that motion picture men had planned to pay schrank's bail and secure his release long enough to once again go through the shooting for the purpose of making a motion picture film of the event. "i absolutely refused to sanction such a thing," said the district attorney. "it is bad enough to have it happen once without perpetuating the deed by enacting it once again for the motion picture men. "i do not begrudge the earning of the motion picture men. what i object to is the demoralizing effect such a picture film would have. it would tend to make a hero out of this man, and i don't propose that the young shall be allowed to worship him as a hero. "i understand, however, that a motion picture concern, when it found how we had frustrated its attempts to secure an actual picture of schrank actually reproduced a scene of taking schrank from the county jail to the city hall by palming off another man who resembles schrank. "in order to reproduce a scene of taking him from the jail, they picked out a building that resembled the jail, the ivanhoe temple. they reproduced schrank emerging from the 'jail' between two bogus deputy sheriffs. later some one told me the same performance was repeated at the city hall to convey the impression that the would-be slayer was being taken into the city hall and up to the courtrooms." during the time schrank was confined in jail he showed signs of repentance but once, that was on sunday, october , when religious services were conducted in the jail. the rev. mr. cavanam, a traveling evangelist, started the services shortly after o'clock. schrank, who a week before refused to attend services conducted by christian endeavorers, was one of the first to appear when a hymn was started. at the close of the sermon schrank turned away and walked to his cell with head bowed. he entered the cell and fell on his knees alongside his cot. several of the prisoners who had been walking up and down the corridor stopped in amazement on seeing schrank on his knees, but quietly walked away until he had finished. when miss alice evans, a soloist, sang a song, schrank reappeared, and the prisoners noticed a happy look on his face which had not been visible before during his imprisonment. after the religious people had left the jail schrank mingled more than had been his wont with the other prisoners, and seemed to be in high spirits. when gustave struber delivered an address to the prisoners in german schrank appeared to be one of the most attentive hearers, and shook hands with the speaker before he left the jail. there is nothing about schrank which portrays the human fiend. on the contrary, he is a very ordinary type. there are hundreds of thousands men of his very type, and who are peaceable citizens. the only way that schrank differs from other men is in mind. he undoubtedly is a degenerate possessing a depraved and diseased mind, but there is nothing in his physical make-up that would brand him as such. police chief john t. janssen, student of human nature, penetratingly studied and measured the man's features for hours during examinations, and arrived at the conclusion that the man was suffering from a condition of mind known as paranoia, pronounced the most dangerous form of insanity. this mental disease makes a man a monomaniac. he is perfectly sane, except upon one subject, which controls him and pushes him forward, even in some cases, to murder. in telling of his crime, there was nothing defiant about schrank. he displayed no bravado. he told everything in a frank tone of voice--too frank, almost, as it raised the suspicion that probably schrank was not a mad man. there is nothing about him that would cause any passer-by to glance at schrank twice. and his face is the most uninteresting part of him. his face is fat and round--moon-shaped. his eyes are placed wide apart, but this effect is lost through ptosis, a species of paralysis of the eyelids, which gives the eyes a half closed appearance, and is responsible for the sleepy look in his face. it affects one eye more than the other and is responsible for that squint which has been designated as "a murderous squint" by sensationalists. his nose is rather large and prominent. continued application of the handkerchief has caused it to turn almost sharply to the left. his weak mouth finishes off what would otherwise be a fairly good face. cover mouth and chin and one will say that he has the strong face of the ordinary american workingman. his lips, for the most part, are closed, but in an irregular line, giving the idea that his jaws are hanging loosely. altogether, he is not a repulsive looking man. merely a weak looking man. laughs and grins come readily during his conversations. the only remarkable feature about him is his knowledge of american history and politics. he is able to talk intelligently upon modern political questions, showing that he is a great reader along these lines. the more one looks at him and studies him, the more one wonders what it is that could have pressed him forward to commit such a deed. nothing explains his weak character more than his hesitancy to fire the shot at chattanooga. he had traveled miles to do it, and at the last minute his courage oozed out. the same thing happened in chicago. he stood at hotel la salle with murder in his heart, but hesitated until it was too late. and when he struck milwaukee, he acted just like a boy afraid to coast down a big hill, who, finally impelled by the taunts of his comrades, closes his eyes and starts. look down through history and you find that the most atrocious crimes were committed by weak persons of the same caliber as john flammang schrank. chapter xii. schrank before chief. john flammang schrank was taken to the central police station, milwaukee, immediately upon his arrest in front of the hotel gilpatrick. under direction of chief john t. janssen, of the milwaukee police department, the following examination of schrank was conducted: chief. what is your name? a. do i have to tell that tonight, sir? q. yes. a. i have to? q. yes. a. i have given the man below the promise i will do that tomorrow, tell him all i know. q. well, there is no reason for you to do that tomorrow, if you do it this evening it will facilitate matters. a. i suppose i will inconvenience someone by not telling. q. yes, you are helping a good deal by telling. a. well, i come from new york. q. what is your name? a. john schrank. q. when did you come here from new york? a. i left new york on the twenty-first of september and i left for charleston and i left my grip there in the hotel mosely; from charleston to augusta and from there to atlanta and from atlanta i think to birmingham and over to chattanooga, and from chattanooga i went to nashville and then to evansville, and then to louisville, and then to chicago, and from chicago here, and i arrived here sunday at one o'clock. q. why did you go to all those places? a. because i wanted to meet that man. q. what man? a. theodore roosevelt. q. how long have you lived in new york? a. about twenty-five years. q. what is your business? a. well, i am not doing anything now, i have been in the liquor business. q. where? a. in new york. q. what place? a. tenth street. q. give us the number please? a. three hundred seventy, east tenth street, between avenues b and c; i have been with my uncle; my uncle's name is flammang. q. are you a married man? a. no, sir. q. how long have you been in the liquor business? a. well, ever since i was a boy. my folks were in business the time i come over here and i was twelve years old then. q. how old are you now? a. thirty-six. q. well, what object did you have in following around and trying to meet theodore roosevelt? a. well, because i have been reading history and following up history and i have seen that this man roosevelt is trying to break one of the old established traditions of the country, calling it a third termer, which he has no right to; he can create a third party and create all the offices, but to nominate himself it was absolutely out of the way and i think today that it is absolutely unnecessary to establish now and have the third tradition to exist and not to be violated by anybody. q. well, what did you have in mind to do when you went around in these different places? a. i had in mind to meet him and he escaped me every time; he escaped me in atlanta and chattanooga. q. he escaped what? a. he has not come the way i expected, he did not come out the way i expected; if he goes in a hall today and speaks in a hall and he come in this way or that way he goes out a different way and the man got away. q. what did he escape from? a. from the places i wanted to meet him? q. why did you want to meet him? a. because i wanted to put him out of the way. a man that wants a third term has no right to live. q. that is, you wanted to kill him? a. i did. q. have you any other reason in wanting to kill him? a. i have. q. what is that? a. i had a dream several years ago that mr. mckinley appeared to me and he told me that mr. roosevelt is practically his real murderer and not this here czolgosz, or whatever his name was, mr. roosevelt is practically the man that has been the real murderer of president mckinley in order to get the presidency of the united states, because the way things were that time he was not supposed to be a president; all the leaders did not want him, that's the reason they give him the vice-presidency, which is political suicide; and that's what i am sore about, to think mr. mckinley appeared to me in a dream and said, "this is my murderer and nobody else." q. did you speak with anybody in new york about this before you left? a. no, sir. q. you made your mind up to this all yourself? a. yes, because i am alone, although i own property in new york. q. what property? a. i own property in four hundred thirty-three east eighty-first street. q. what does it consist of? a. it consists of an apartment house with ten tenants; it's estimated at twenty-five thousand dollars. q. did you attend any political meetings in new york before you left? a. i attended several, yes, sir; ever since i was coming across the country; i had political meetings in evansville, indiana, of the three political parties. q. who furnished you with the funds that you needed to travel around the country? a. i beg your pardon, i was just telling you i have property there and had the money. [illustration: winifred c. zabel, district attorney milwaukee county.] q. have you any money now? a. no, sir. q. when did you run out? a. i just took this three hundred dollars to go around and all i saved up is one hundred forty dollars. q. where did you leave that? a. i left that here. q. well, why did you come here; oh, this was yesterday? a. i came here sunday at one o'clock in order to find out in the city where he was going to speak and where i could meet him. q. you never were married? a. no, sir. q. you said a minute ago you weren't doing anything now; when did you go out of business? a. i am out of business going on two years, living off the income of the property. q. and that is sufficient to keep you? a. sufficient to keep me as long as i keep in my limits. q. how much is the property worth? a. well, it has been worth for twenty-five, supposed to be worth at twenty-five and taxed at twenty-five thousand. q. how much is the income you derive from it? a. around eight hundred dollars a year. q. and do you live with your brother when you are at home? a. i have no brother. i have been living for the past seven months in one hundred fifty-six canal street, new york, that's a hotel. q. what is the name of the hotel? a. white house they call it; the owner of the hotel is jost, gustav, gustav jost. q. how long you been living there? a. i think seven months. q. is there a bar connected with the place? a. oh, indeed. q. have you been drinking lately? a. no, sir; no, sir; that ain't my habit. q. what is your favorite drink when you do? a. beer. q. if you had your mind set upon shooting mr. roosevelt, how does it come that you had to follow him to so many places before you came here? a. as i have been telling you a minute ago, he escaped me many a time, he escaped me in chicago. q. by leaving the place where he spoke by some other door? a. by some other door and i was watching and he didn't come out that way and it was advertised by the papers he would come on the northwestern and instead he come on the st. paul. q. where did you buy the revolver? a. in new york. q. when? a. on saturday the twenty-first. q. and you bought it with the object in view of shooting mr. roosevelt? a. yes, sir; exactly. q. where did you buy it? a. i could not really tell you where i bought it, in broadway, i know it's below canal street, but i could not tell you the name. q. what's the make? a. colt; thirty-eight caliber; it's where you turn the barrel to the side way, it's none of those you open this way. q. what kind of place, a hardware store or gun shop? a. no, sir; nothing but guns; i paid fourteen dollars for it. q. did you ever discuss this matter with any other person of what you intended to do? a. no, sir; no, sir. q. you didn't speak to anyone? a. i discussed as far as the political discussion is concerned, but i never give anybody a hint that i was going to do this, that was all my own make-up. q. you didn't tell anybody why you bought the revolver? a. no, sir; nobody knew i bought a revolver. q. in this dream that you had, mckinley told you that it wasn't czolgosz that killed mckinley, but it was roosevelt? a. well, he says in this way, "this is my murderer." q. did you ever meet czolgosz or know him in his life-time? a. no, sir; no, sir; how could i. i have been all that time since i have been here in new york. q. did you know john most when he was alive? a. no, sir. q. did you ever hear him talk? a. no, sir. q. did you ever hear emma goldman? a. no, sir; i am not an anarchist or socialist or democrat or republican; i just took up the thing the way i thought it was best to do. q. you are not a member of any party? a. no, sir; i thought there should be an example of the third term if it should exist any longer; mr. grant was refused and he was satisfied; this man was refused and he is not satisfied; it's gone beyond limits; if he keeps on doing this after election, he can't possibly carry a solid western state; the next thing we will have is a civil war, because he will say the scoundrels and thieves and crooks stole my nomination and now they will steal my election, and they will take up arms in all the western states; we are facing a civil war just to keep him in a third term, in an illegitimate place. q. where did you get all this idea from? a. i have been reading history all the time. q. you don't find that anywhere in history that they stole his nomination and going to steal his election? a. i don't have to read that in history; you must know in the chicago convention it was in every paper, everybody could read it. q. you read it in the paper then? a. he says it every time he speaks. q. what paper do you read at home in new york? a. the world. q. is that the only paper you read? a. i read german papers and every paper i got, but the regular paper is the world. q. what country do you hail from? a. germany. q. what part of germany? a. bavaria. q. what is the name of the place? a. two hours from munich; munich is the capital of bavaria. q. what is the name of the place? a. erding. q. what schooling did you have? a. well, i have attended school in the old country and i attended night school in new york for about four winters; that's all the schooling i had. q. you haven't a very good education then? a. indeed i ain't. q. have you always enjoyed good health? a. yes, sir; i am a healthy, sane man, never been sick. q. never been sick? a. no, sir. q. ever been sick within the last year? a. no, sir. q. well, do you believe that that's a sane act that you committed this evening? a. i believe that is my duty as a citizen to do, it's the duty of every citizen to do so. q. well, how did you happen to get the idea that it was your duty among all the people that live in the united states? a. i don't know; i thought maybe somebody else might do it before i got there. q. and you spoke to no one about your intention on all the route you took concerning this, nobody? a. no, sir; nobody. q. are you familiar with the law in new york with reference to carrying concealed weapons? a. yes, sir. q. what is it? a. i know when i bought the gun the man told me, "i have to take that one screw out in order to make the trigger ineffective" and i told him not to do so because i was going to leave town the very same day, which i did. q. he didn't take it out? a. no, sir; he didn't do it; i showed him the ticket for the steamship that i was going south the very same day and he said as long as i was going out the law didn't fit that. q. where were you going to? a. to charleston. q. on the steamship to charleston? a. yes, sir; i wanted to go from new york to new orleans because i thought he was going to speak in new orleans and i thought i would be too long on the road and he would be gone before i got there and i thought i would go and get him at atlanta. q. what hotel did mr. roosevelt stop at in charleston? a. sir? q. what hotel? a. he hasn't been at charleston; i went to augusta and from augusta to atlanta. q. what hotel did he stop at at atlanta? a. i really could not tell you, i don't know; i think i left the memorandum downstairs where i stopped, but i don't think i could tell you where he stopped. q. what hotel did he stop at at chicago? a. at chicago, at chicago he stopped, stopped at la salle. q. where did you stop? a. i stopped at jackson, hotel jackson. q. where is he going to after he leaves here? a. the way i read in the paper this morning he is going back to chicago and from there to indianapolis and from there to louisville. q. what name did you register under at augusta? a. walter ross. q. what name at atlanta? a. all the way except charleston i give my real name; the only time i give the right name is in charleston where i left my grip; i saw it was a respectable house and i didn't have to stay away more than a week and now i have been away more than three weeks. q. have you a check for it? a. no, sir; i have no check; it is not a hotel, it is a boarding-house. q. what street is it on? a. it is i believe on meading street near main. q. what place did you stop at since you have been in this city? a. in this city i stopped here, let me see, what do they call that hotel again, right here on wabash, small hotel. q. blatz? a. no, sir. q. st. charles? a. no, sir; small place, argyle, that's on third street. q. did you have any baggage when you came here? a. no, sir; i left all the baggage at charleston. q. when you registered did they ask you whether you had any baggage? a. no, sir; nobody asked me. q. did you pay in advance? a. i generally never stayed any longer than one or two nights and for every night i pay a dollar for my room; nobody asked me about baggage. q. you paid that after you registered at the argyle? a. yes, sir. q. what room did you occupy? a. in the argyle i guess it was number one, right toward the wabash river. q. why do you call it the wabash river? a. because the man told me it was; he said, "the only room i have left is the one facing the wabash river." q. what is the name of this city? a. this city, it's supposed to be milwaukee; i feel very sorry that the trouble has happened in this city; i suppose i have made considerable trouble for you people and for the citizens of the town. q. have you any relatives living in this country? a. no, sir. q. any in germany? a. yes, sir; i think i have, i haven't been in correspondence for quite a while, i don't know if they are well. q. what relatives have you? a. i have a mother living there. q. mother? a. yes, brother and sister. q. at erding? a. no, they are at tyrol. q. switzerland? a. tyrol that is not switzerland, that is bavarian tyrol. q. have you ever been in trouble before? a. no, sir; not that i remember. q. ever been arrested for anything? a. not in my life. q. have you ever been committed to an institution of any kind? a. no, sir; never, i have always stayed out of trouble, i have never been in any trouble whatever, and this trouble i committed myself, now i am contented i did. q. you are not a bit sorry? a. no, sir. you may look up the records of all new york police headquarters, because i have never been there, i have never been arrested there. q. what did you say your name was? a. john schrank. q. did you tell anybody that you were going to leave your baggage there? a. i told them people i was going to stay away for about three days. q. did you make any arrangement for them to send it in case you wrote for it? a. no, sir; i stopped there two days and paid eight dollars in advance for a week's board, and i dressed up and went away and i told the people i might be back in three days and of course ever since then they didn't hear anything of me and i guess if they do hear and i can communicate they will give it over and all perhaps they will charge is the storage. q. why did you tell them you were going to be gone three days? a. i didn't think it would take longer than three days when i would be away. q. then you thought you would go back? a. i thought i would be arrested, i couldn't tell. q. what does your grip contain? a. nothing but a suit of clothes and underwear and i got a deed to my property and as i told you the box where the gun is in and that's about all there is in. q. are you a full citizen? a. sir? q. are you a full citizen? a. what does that mean? q. got your second papers? a. i never had my first, i come over here a minor; i got my papers when i was twenty-one, i think my paper reads july twenty-third, ninety-seven; i think that's what it reads. q. when did you first begin to think about this? a. i began to think of it after the chicago convention. q. what caused you to think of it? a. i thought on account of calling a new convention and starting the third party that makes anybody think; what's the use of being a citizen if you don't take any interest in the politics of our country? q. what did you read in the paper that directed your mind to mr. roosevelt? a. you read a lot of things in the papers and especially in the new york world; the new york world practically come out that the country is in danger if he has the chair again. q. did you read harper's weekly? a. harper's i don't read, no, sir. q. did they say anything in particular that centered your attention on this act? a. no, sir; not at all, perhaps a million people read it and didn't think anything and i just happened to read the matter over, i was interested from there. q. editorial page? a. editorial page. q. you remember any particular editorial? a. no, sir; i do not remember. i could not repeat it. q. well, did you read anything else in any other paper except the world that made any impression on you of mr. roosevelt? a. well, in fact i have been following up all papers of the political views and i have been taking out the world as the right thing, she is right the way she talks and one paper i read, the new york herald, and she never speaks about theodore roosevelt but the third termer and she don't mention his name, only the third termer. q. did you ever apply for any position in the united states government? a. no, sir. q. did you know mr. roosevelt when he was police commissioner? a. i did, indeed i did. in those days we was and my folks were in the liquor business and they closed us up like the other people and i didn't feel any sympathy with them. q. which particular place did he close up? a. what do you mean? q. you say he closed up some place of your people, which one? a. he closed up all places. q. were you in the liquor business? a. i was with my folks. q. with whom? a. my uncle. q. he closed your uncle? a. he closed everything and there was about two months there was nothing open and a policeman stationed at every door. q. that was after midnight and on sunday? a. it was not closed up on sunday but during the week, i am not talking about the sunday law. q. and you thought that was not right? a. anybody encroaches on your right you think it is not right. q. how long ago was that? a. eighty-six he ran for mayor against henry george, i think it was nine-three or ninety-four. q. did the fact of that act of his, of closing you up on sunday, have anything to do with what you done tonight? a. no, sir. [illustration: dr. joseph colt bloodgood, johns hopkins university.] q. you never felt kindly toward him? a. yes, sir; i did until he started a third party. q. you thought he was infringing on your right? a. well, on everybody's right, every citizen's right, he had no right to do that; he could start a party and nominate every officer in there, but not put himself on for a third term, that was no way to do. q. did you vote for him in nineteen hundred four or for parker? a. i voted democratic. q. parker? a. yes, sir. q. you a member of tammany? a. no, i am not a member, i am not a member of any political party; when they arrested me one man called me a socialist. q. did you oppose him in nineteen hundred four? a. i voted against him; i never expected the man to draw as big a majority as he did. q. did you make speeches against him? a. no, sir. q. talk against him? a. the same as anybody else. q. you thought he wasn't liberal? a. he was not liberal. q. you didn't like his attitude, you were against him? a. yes, sir. chapter xiii. witnesses of the shooting. the following statements of wheeler p. bloodgood, representing the progressive national committee; f. e. davidson, milwaukee county chairman of the progressive party, capt. a. o. girard and others set forth arrangements for col. roosevelt's speech in the auditorium on the night of october , , and present many facts concerning the shooting of col. roosevelt not before made public. these statements were made to district attorney w. c. zabel during the examination of schrank conducted by him on oct. . the purpose of this hearing was to ascertain if possible whether others were with schrank in the plot to kill the ex-president. while the examination developed a second man who was very anxious to get close to col. roosevelt during his stay in the gilpatrick, no other evidence concerning this second man's connection with the shooting was developed. * * * * * the following statement by attorney wheeler p. bloodgood was made on oct. to district attorney zabel: as the acting national committee man of the progressive party in wisconsin, i called a meeting of the executive committee in connection with the address to be made by col. roosevelt in milwaukee, oct. . by direction of the committee, f. e. davidson, county chairman of milwaukee county of the progressive party, was put in charge of arrangements for the meeting, and was directed to lease the main hall of the auditorium in milwaukee for the evening of oct. . after mr. davidson, who accompanied mr. norman l. baker, state chairman, in engaging the hall and making other arrangements, had made his report, i discussed with him the question of proper police protection for col. roosevelt and his party while they were in milwaukee, and mr. davidson informed me that he and mr. paul heyl, whom he had appointed sergeant-at-arms, had taken this matter up with the police department of milwaukee. i went to chicago on the morning of oct. th, accompanied by h. e. miles and others. col. roosevelt and his party came to milwaukee. on the train from chicago to milwaukee i advised colonel lyon, of texas, who was in charge of col. roosevelt's person, that we would be met at the depot in milwaukee by mr. davidson, who was in charge of the arrangements for the meeting, and by others, and that they would request that col. roosevelt have his supper, at least, at the hotel gilpatrick. i advised them that mr. davidson had made all of the arrangements in milwaukee for the meeting of the colonel, and his care, between the time of his reaching the city and the holding of the meeting at the auditorium. col. lyon and o. k. davis strongly objected to col. roosevelt leaving his car, and said it was there that he should have his dinner and go directly from the car to the auditorium. when the colonel's car reached racine, capt. girard got on the train and spoke to me in reference to his acting as the colonel's bodyguard while he was in milwaukee. my recollection is that the colonel was in the back part of the car when the captain got on board, and he at once recognized the captain and spoke to him as though he were greeting an old friend. then capt. girard had a talk with col. lyon and mr. o. k. davis, and it was understood that the captain would be with the colonel during the whole time he was in milwaukee, and it was understood that he was in charge of the colonel's person. when the train reached milwaukee, mr. davidson got on the rear platform and was introduced by me to col. roosevelt, and he at once said to col. roosevelt: "the boys are all anxious that you have your supper at the hotel gilpatrick, and we have made arrangements there so that you can rest. the hotel is not one of the best known hotels in milwaukee, but it is a quiet and good place. the owner has been a great friend of the county committee and it would please us all very much if you would come." the colonel said to mr. davidson and to me that he had planned to stay in the car and go directly from the car to the auditorium. as i recall it, col. lyon, o. k. davis, dr. s. l. terrell spoke up and said: "that is the arrangement, and that is what will have to be done." then the colonel turned to mr. davidson and wanted to know whether these arrangements had been made, and whether the boys would be disappointed if he did not do what had been expected. mr. davidson said: "we do not want to do anything that will inconvenience you, but i think they will be disappointed." whereupon the colonel saluted and said: "i am going." the doctor went back to get the colonel's overcoat, and as soon as he put on his overcoat the colonel, accompanied by mr. davidson, capt. girard upon one side and col. lyon on the other, went through the line of the marching club and got into the automobile. col. lyon requested of me that the party be made a small one and not have a great many automobiles. they went directly to the gilpatrick. at about twenty minutes to eight i went to the hotel with h. e. miles, frank m. hoyt, congressman h. a. cooper, of racine, prof. merriman, of chicago, and others. when i reached the lobby of the hotel i talked with capt. girard and told him that i had another machine there and that i found there was only one machine in front of the hotel; that mr. moss, mr. taylor and i thought that machine should be used, and that i, with the others who had accompanied me, would walk from the hotel to the auditorium, my understanding being that col. lyon did not want a large crowd to accompany col. roosevelt to the auditorium. capt. girard told me that he understood that the party would be down and ready to start promptly, to reach the auditorium at a few minutes after eight. mr. moss and mr. taylor were in the auto in which the colonel was to drive from the hotel to the auditorium. the machine that i had came through the crowd and got right close to mr. moss' and mr. taylor's auto. i went immediately to the auditorium and went in at the state street entrance and went on the platform. mr. miles, state treasurer of the party, had called together mr. heyl, mr. davidson and some of the sergeants-at-arms and was making arrangements to take up a collection from the audience. mr. miles had started to go on the platform to announce this collection and the sergeants-at-arms proceeded to their various places to get instructions, and i went to the stage door. col. roosevelt came and i knew nothing whatever of what had occurred; while i noticed the party accompanying him seemed excited. the colonel showed no excitement at all, and i said to him: "wait a few minutes back of the stage while mr. miles takes up the collection. mr. donald ferguson desires to have it." the colonel said: "mr. bloodgood, i have been shot and there is a bullet somewhere in my body; the important thing is that nothing should be said or done to cause a panic in the audience. i intend to deliver my address, or at least a part of it." col. roosevelt then went back of the stage and requested us to go to the front and prevent any one saying anything. he said: "it will only be a minute before i will be out." i also heard the colonel tell mr. cochems to say or do nothing that would frighten the people. the appearance of the colonel on the platform and the circumstances connected with it have been fully described. col. lyon, just before the address of col. roosevelt was made, suggested to me that it was very important that the crowd should not press around col. roosevelt and to make arrangements to prevent that. i went back and found three men who said they were detectives, and i asked them to come on the stage and to make arrangements so as to prevent the crowd from pressing around col. roosevelt. mr. cochems, in the mean time, had gone in front of col. roosevelt so as to catch him if he should fall, and had made all arrangements to prevent the crowd from rushing on the platform after the address was finished. col. roosevelt, after the address, walked through the aisle, which was kept open from the stage door, to the automobile; as he got into the automobile he shook my hand and said that he wanted it made emphatic that he blamed no one; that the city authorities were not to blame, nor was any blame to be attached to any one that had charge of this meeting; that it was an accident and could not have been prevented; that it might have happened anywhere; and repeated the importance of making that clear, and that that was his feeling. that was just before he left in the auto for the emergency hospital. * * * * * the following statement was made by capt. a. o. girard, who was in the automobile when col. roosevelt was shot. the statement was made in the office of the district attorney on oct. , . i was asked by the secretary of the progressive state central committee to go to racine and meet the colonel, having been with him in his department and been his body guard before, and take some papers down. the colonel requested that i stay with him for the evening and after we got at the hotel i stood in front of the door so he wouldn't be disturbed, and also at the dining room door. while sitting in the dining room door there was a slight, dark man who said he came there especially from new york to see the colonel, and was very persistent and wanted to open the dining room door and see him at the table. i finally forced him away. he was sallow complexioned, or years of age, i imagine, had a dark overcoat on, not so extra well dressed, smooth face. i noticed his eyes particularly--they were rather shifty--and he was very, very persistent in getting to the dining room. he was a man of about five feet ten; this happened at o'clock at the gilpatrick dining room. [illustration: dr. r. g. sayle, milwaukee.] i saw him after that after i had told him to go away; he got something to smoke at the cigar stand and then went out. i did not see him after that, things happened so rapidly. the colonel went upstairs and got his hat and coat on and came down. i cleared the way going out with sergeant murray, and i told the fellows on the other side of the automobile to get back; they were jammed up against the automobile; the colonel started to get into the automobile. just as i put my foot on the step of the car, i saw this man raise his gun, stick it between two fellows' heads at the full extent of his arm, and mr. taylor can tell you the rest. i started to get into the machine from the sidewalk, and mr. moss sat up on the seat to get out of my way, and mr. taylor laid back, as i remember it, to give him room; after he was laid back, i had my right foot on top of the car door. that is as far as i got into the machine. i saw this man extend his hand with this gun between two other men's heads. he reached as far as he could with it. the end of that gun was probably six feet raised to the level of his eye; he took a good aim. everybody was watching the colonel. the moment i saw that arm go up i remember distinctly the flourishing of the gun almost in my face, and at the same time somebody else jumped from the other end of the machine. we were all on the ground together and then sergeant murray came up and murray and i took the man over to the colonel's seat, murray having him by the arm and i by the throat. mr. martin had him by the other arm. the colonel said, "bring him to me, bring him here," and we bent his head back so the colonel could see him. then they began to shout, "lynch him, kill him." the colonel said, "do not hurt him." before that, on the ground, the fellow tried to kick me and made it more difficult for us to get the man, and as a result i got most of the kicks. after we took him to the colonel, sergeant murray and i had a difficult thing to get that man away. i shouted to murray: "into the kitchen." we fought our way through the dining room into the kitchen with two or three hundred fellows. murray left the man in my care until he called the patrol wagon. then i started for the auditorium. after we went to the kitchen i searched the man again for possible other weapons. i did not find anything. he said: "my gun is gone; your people took it away from me." i forced him down into a chair and held him down until the police got back. (mr. zabel)--you accompanied the colonel from the train to the hotel? (answer)--yes. (mr. zabel)--did you notice the police protection? (answer)--they did not have enough men to keep the crowd away from the side of the colonel. i think it was one of the ex-president's party who walked along side of the ex-president. when i got to the hotel i was of course pretty busy with the colonel, and sergeant murray was there. someone asked me to see if he could not get an officer to go with the carriage to the auditorium and walk on the side the ex-president was. i called the sergeant and he said he would find a man for me there. as to how many men were there, i do not remember. i know sergeant murray was there and i saw one other man. (mr. zabel)--any policeman assisting you and the sergeant in making the arrest of this fellow? (answer)--there was another officer there when we started to the hotel trying to keep the crowd back. * * * * * francis e. davidson, chairman of the milwaukee county progressive committee, made the following statements to district attorney zabel on oct. : mr. bloodgood called me over to his office and said that i was to take charge of the roosevelt meeting in the auditorium. among other duties, i was to inform the police department and ask for protection for col. roosevelt while he was in the city. i went to the office of the chief of police with paul heyl, sergeant-at-arms, two days before the meeting. the chief of police was not in, but i was sent to the inspector. we told him that we wanted police protection at the depot, on the streets and at the hotel gilpatrick for col. roosevelt, which was promised. in going away i did not think that he attached enough importance to what i told him, and i went back and asked him on account of conditions in the country i wanted extra police protection for the colonel, and was informed that he had taken care of col. roosevelt before. (mr. zabel)--when this car arrived in milwaukee, what police protection was visible to you? (answer)--i think there were two or three policemen down at the station in uniform. (mr. zabel)--were there any plain clothes men that you recognized? (answer)--not that i recognized. (mr. zabel)--are you familiar with them? (answer)--no. (mr. zabel)--where were they stationed? (answer)--one in front of the depot and one at the gate. (mr. zabel)--was the ex-president obliged to pass through the depot on his way out? (answer)--no, through the small gate. i told mr. bloodgood that we had made arrangements which would prevent any one calling on col. roosevelt at the hotel, having a private room and also police protection. (mr. zabel)--what protection did you notice when you came there? (answer)--i noticed a policeman at the door. there may have been plain clothes men. * * * * * the following statement was made to district attorney zabel on oct. , by thomas taylor, who was in the automobile with col. roosevelt: we had the honor of escorting the ex-president in our machine from the depot to the gilpatrick. we left him there and we kept the machine in front of the main part of the hotel door all the time. while mr. moss was away i remained with the machine, and when he came back i went into the hotel. as i came in, i asked where the colonel was. they said he was in the dining room, and i talked to two or three of the committeemen there. after i got to one side there was a man about twenty-eight or thirty years of age, smooth face, fairly well dressed, who asked me if i could get him a ticket to the auditorium. i said, "where are you from?" he said, "i am from new york." well, i told him the tickets were all given out, and there was no way for him to get in unless he wanted to go immediately over to the hall and take chances with the rest. the thing that struck me after that was that he did not go immediately over to the hall, but stood about talking. his appearance is just exactly as capt. girard described. he was a man that would weigh probably pounds, five feet nine, probably nine and a half, smooth face, no emblems that i could see, but was very anxious about getting into that hall. soon after that another man came to me with the same request and wanted to know if i knew of any way he could get in. i told him the same story. i said, "where are you from, are you a stranger here?" and he said: "i am from ohio," but i do not recall what place. i returned to the machine and had it all ready when the ex-president was seen coming down the stairs to the door. i turned on the power, opened the door and the colonel came right along; capt. girard was right near him. martin jumped into the machine first, and, turning his back, started to assist the ex-president. capt. girard stepped up, as he has described, and henry f. cochems had got in. just then, right to my side, i heard the very low report. i hunt a great deal and shoot, and the flash of a gun doesn't scare me but sets me instantly on my nerve. quick as a flash, i saw this man with his arm about so (indicating). i was knocked down by capt. girard, and when i sprang to my knees capt. girard and martin were on top of schrank. a dark man took schrank's arm; he looked like a laborer. he grabbed him and seemed to be struggling with him. the laborer got hold of schrank first; i think the captain was up as soon as any man. i turned to the colonel and he was just sitting in his seat. henry f. cochems put his arms around him. it was only for a second or two, and the colonel rose up and said: "do not kill him; bring him here; bring him here." he must have said that five or six times immediately after, and they brought the man back and bent his head back on the back of the machine. the ex-president looked into his eyes for a second or two and the ex-president shook his head, and then turned away. i turned to the ex-president and i said: "colonel, he hit you." he said: "he never touched me; he never touched me." i said: "you have a hole in your coat," and the colonel put his hand to his side and said: "he picked me; he picked me." this did not scare him. then he addressed the crowd and said: "we are going to the hall; we are going to the hall; start the machine; go ahead; go on." after we got up and turned on wells street, we turned up about a block and a half and the doctor and some friend opened the front of roosevelt's coat, and he turned then and saw the blood. then he turned pale. that is the first time i saw him turn pale was when he saw that blood. before we got to the auditorium he had recovered as far as the paleness was concerned. he was immediately taken into a side room there. (mr. zabel)--did you have charge of taking the tickets at the auditorium? (mr. taylor)--i was one of the committee the same as the rest of the people that were around there with badges on; i had given out some tickets. what strikes me as peculiar about this affair is that this man schrank, claiming not to be familiar with the use of firearms, should be able to select the kind of revolver that was used, a -caliber colt with a frame, one of the most deadly weapons made. i may explain that the frame being large enables the shooter to have a more deadly aim. the colonel also remarked the same thing in regard to this weapon, -caliber, a frame. col. cecil lyon held the gun up to us to look at, and it was an ugly looking weapon. * * * * * reference: it will be noted was made by members of the roosevelt party to a laboring man who struck schrank's arm as he fired, and who was one of the men who struggled with schrank immediately after the shot was fired. that man was frank buskowsky, seventh avenue, milwaukee. in an interview buskowsky said: "i was so excited when i realized that the man next to me had shot at roosevelt that i felt like killing him, and i cried out at the top of my voice as i held him, 'kill him, kill the d----n scoundrel.' [illustration: john t. janssen, chief of police.] "the police must have thought that i meant roosevelt, for when one of them came up to me he yelled, 'what in h----l is the matter with you?' and hustled me away. "as i cannot speak good english, i could not explain that i had meant schrank and not roosevelt. i was so excited when the police took me away that way that i went immediately home. "if i could have explained myself that patrolman would have heard something from me for the way he clubbed me on my head. my hat was smashed in. "i came home, disgusted with the treatment i had received by the police. the next morning i read all about martin capturing that man and it made me mad, for i was the first one to grab him and prevent him from shooting any more." buskowsky is a bohemian and has been in america seven years, during which period he has been an enthusiastic supporter of the bull moose leader. affidavits corroborating what is set forth in statements presented were made by donald ferguson, of goldfield, nev.; arthur w. newhall, state street, milwaukee; jacques r. thill, jackson street, milwaukee, and sergeant albert j. murray, milwaukee police department, and abraham cohen, north avenue, milwaukee. chapter xiv. a second examination. report of questions propounded by district attorney winifred c. zabel, of milwaukee county, and wheeler p. bloodgood, to, and answers given by, john flammang schrank, at the county jail, of the county of milwaukee, wis., in the presence of sheriff arnold, donald ferguson, francis e. davidson and others, commencing at : p.m. on the th day of october, . reported by alfred o. wilmot, court reporter, district court, milwaukee county. mr. zabel: while you were living in new york what newspapers did you read? a. i read the new york herald and i read the new york world, and the new york staats-zeitung, a german paper. q. that is a german publication? a. yes, sir. q. is that a morning paper? a. yes, sir; also evening edition. q. did you read any of the hearst publications? a. no, sir. q. the new york american? a. no, sir. q. new york journal? a. no, sir. q. what you read in the new york world and what is the other news---- a. herald. q. and new york herald did anything you read in those papers impress you in any way? a. well, it did in a way impress me, that means, i thought whatever i read in the paper was pretty much right, what the people were talking about this building of the new party and deserting the old party. you can read that in the newspapers and that is what i read and it must be right. mr. bloodgood: q. mr. schrank, you remember i examined you at some length on monday evening and you spoke of the new york herald and new york world and the headlines that appeared in those papers, and that you have been reading them constantly, is that correct? a. that is correct, yes, sir. mr. zabel: q. did you read those papers for the political items that were contained in them? a. well, in fact, not exactly for that. i read the papers the same as anybody else, and naturally things like those i took interest in every, and the items interested me in those articles. q. what headlines are still fresh in your recollection which you read? concerning political---- a. oh, i could not just recall anything. headlines doesn't amount to much. it is now and then perhaps, but it doesn't amount to much. it is just the item itself. q. was there anything you read in those papers that gave you any distinct impression to kill roosevelt? a. no, sir; not at all. i cannot blame the papers whatsoever. i have done what i done on my own convictions. q. well, were you not impressed by what you read in the new york papers as to the menace which mr. roosevelt would be to our nation? a. no, sir; not by the papers, hardly. i thought my own opinion about that. q. do you remember reading anything in those papers in which mr. roosevelt was described either as a tyrant or as a traitor? a. oh, no. q. or his ingratitude or words to that effect? a. no; there might have been a few criticisms that says i am it or me and i and that is about all, but that doesn't impress much on anybody. q. when you say that---- you started to say before that you were much opposed to mr. roosevelt deserting the old party and building up a new party---- what old party did you have in mind? a. the republican party. q. were you interested in the republican party? a. no, sir; i was not interested. q. ever vote the republican ticket? a. yes, sir; i have several times. q. on national elections? a. national elections. q. ever vote for mr. roosevelt? a. no. q. municipal elections were you---- a. a democrat. q. democrat for what particular reason? a. well, as long as we were in the liquor business there in new york it was almost natural that we should vote the tammany rule because every liquor dealer needs protection. q. on account of what? a. account sunday law, because we was selling sundays beer that we could not sell unless you belonged to that organization. you will have the police after you all the time. i suppose you know that as well---- q. did you ever contribute? a. well, we had to contribute at times--yes, sir. there would be a different way to contribute. q. did you ever give money to the organization? a. no, not to the organization. q. or to the police? a. there is a different way of doing that. if you didn't do it willingly of course there would be a way. they will be around one of those nice sundays and arrest you and naturally there will be two there and they will impress a charge against you in a manner that will get you out in case you paid them. i have been doing that several times, gave each one five dollar bill or ten dollar bill and they won't press the charge. q. this money was to be used for what purpose? a. that i could not tell. q. the men that came around on that mission were they police officers or politicians? a. well, regular officers, specials, what takes these sunday---- sheriff arnold: mr. zabel, did anybody here send for a man named moss? mr. bloodgood: yes. send him in. q. did you ever contribute anything to the republican campaign fund? a. no, sir; i had no reason. q. was ever any contribution solicited of you by tammany hall or by the police? a. no, sir. q. now isn't it a fact that a good deal of your feeling against roosevelt was created by what you read in the papers? a. it was not created, no, sir. q. well, was it to a large measure influential? a. i could not just deny that it had some influence but not to be decisive. q. not decisive. a. no, sir. q. didn't it make you feel angry and unfriendly? a. not any worse than what i was. q. didn't make you feel any worse or more unfriendly? a. no, sir. q. toward roosevelt? mr. bloodgood: q. how long have you been reading the new york herald? a. oh, i believe since i am able to read. q. and the world? a. also. q. now you said the other evening that papers you principally read were those two--was that correct? a. correct. q. now did you read them during august of this year. you were in new york then? a. yes, sir. q. and state what impressed you in particular--what you saw in the new york herald in august--at about that time of the formation of the new progressive party in chicago? a. well, in fact i cannot remember much. i could not be very much impressed by the new york herald because the herald is a very conservative paper. the herald is not what they call the yellow press and the only excuse the herald had is simply to say, well, the third termer, that is all. q. now what in the new york world impressed you during that time? a. from that time? q. during that time. a. well, as i have said before, there was no special impression nohow. it was only the same as anybody else could read, which was to be found in the editorials or the man was building up a new party and was deserting and he cries that he stole the nomination away from him, such as that; as anybody else would read. that didn't make any serious impression on me. q. now, when did you write out these statements that was in your pocket? a. on the th of september. q. wrote it all out on that day? a. yes, sir. q. every bit of it? a. yes, sir. q. from the beginning to the end? answer my question. a. yes, sir. q. yes, or no? a. yes, sir. q. and the very statements the police found in your pocket was written by you and all of it on the th day of september, ? a. yes, sir. q. now in your pocket was found a statement in regard to the various places that col. roosevelt was to speak. where did you get that from? a. oh, every day in the papers. just as i followed the towns. i generally bought a paper there the same day or the next morning and that would just about give me the information where i could meet him next. q. that was in your own handwriting, that statement? [illustration: mrs. theodore roosevelt. from "vanity fair"] a. yes, sir. q. the other night when you were examined with reference to that you said you hadn't written it out? a. which. written out? q. that statement they found in your pocket. a. that i hadn't wrote it out? well, who should have written it out? q. you said you hadn't written it out in your own handwriting or on the typewriter? a. on the typewriter. q. is that in your own hand? a. well, in the first place i cannot handle a typewriter and in the second place who else should furnish that or who else should write it? q. that was---- a. in fact i suppose if you compare the two of them there must be some likeness. i don't profess that i write the same all the time or every time, but i think that was written on one day. mr. zabel: you---- a. i think it is one and the same writing. q. how did you happen to compose those articles? a. because it was the th of september, the day mckinley died and the day i had that vision i completed my will-power that i was going to do that what i did. q. you made up your mind then? a. yes, sir. q. there wasn't anything you read in any papers that caused you to do that? a. no, sir. q. where was it you wrote those articles? a. in new york. q. in your room? a. yes, sir. q. ever read them to anyone? a. no, sir. q. ever mention the fact of having written them to anyone? a. no, sir. q. ever show them to anybody? a. no, sir. q. anybody help you compose those articles? a. no, sir. q. ever talk to anybody before that that you intended to do that? a. no, sir; no, sir. q. now, how was it you come here from chicago? a. chicago. to here? q. yes. who was it came with you here from chicago? a. nobody came here with me. q. wasn't you traveling with somebody? a. indeed not. q. didn't somebody keep you posted as to where he was going? a. no, not at all. my god i am years old and i am not crazy, the same as the papers has stated. i ought to be able to follow---- q. did you attempt to get tickets to get in the auditorium? a. no, sir; i didn't. i waited outside in front of the auditorium. yes, is that the auditorium in chicago---- no, that is the coliseum. q. is that---- i mean in milwaukee? a. no, i didn't intend to go there at all. q. did you go inside of the hotel gilpatrick? a. no, sir. q. ever talk to any of these gentlemen (referring to those present)? a. no, sir; to none of them, unless they have questioned me here monday, i don't know. i have never seen them before. mr. bloodgood: q. were you at the depot at about quarter of six on monday night? a. on what depot? q. in milwaukee, when mr. roosevelt came to milwaukee. a. no, sir; i was not. q. where were you at quarter to six? a. quarter to six. i was standing in front of the gilpatrick. q. did you go down to chicago and northwestern depot? a. chicago-lake shore depot--around four o'clock, but not later. q. and how long did you stay there? a. i didn't go to the depot--as far as that goes. i went to the last street and i walked around this way up to the hill and came back to the town. i didn't go into the depot. q. what time was that? a. four o'clock, i believe it was. q. on monday afternoon? a. yes, sir. q. now you left new york on what date? a. on the st. st of september. q. upon what railroad? a. i took the ship. q. what transportation company? a. i really don't know which it was. q. well, what dock did you leave from? a. i could not tell you, mister, what dock. i know the steamship's name was commache (commanse, so pronounced). q. where bound for? a. for charleston. no, it was bound in fact for florida, but it stopped at charleston. q. you got off at charleston? a. yes, sir. q. what day did you reach charleston? a. i reached that on monday--monday, i believe at five o'clock. q. in the afternoon? a. in the afternoon; yes, sir. q. did you expect col. roosevelt at charleston? a. no, i didn't. q. what was your purpose in going to charleston? a. well, my original intention was to go to new orleans, and reading the papers i found that he was changing his way of traveling and so this that before the steamship comes to new orleans why i wouldn't be following him there any more--he would be gone, so i thought i would take charleston and then get to atlanta, perhaps i can meet him at atlanta. q. where did you stay there? a. at a boarding house by the name of mosley house. q. do you know the street? a. i believe it is merlin street, near main. q. how long did you stay there? a. i stayed there monday and i stayed there tuesday, i think i did. i guess i left the next day. q. well, where did you go to from charleston? a. charleston i went to augusta. q. where did you stay at augusta? a. at augusta i stayed in the planters hotel. i have got it in that slip, if i make a mistake it ain't my fault, but i got it all down in every city where i stopped, so if i make a mistake---- q. you put that down on a slip from time to time? a. yes, sir. q. as you went along? a. yes, sir. i might make a mistake now, and you think i am making you a false statement. q. did you meet anyone at charleston whom you knew? a. no, no; i was a perfect stranger there. q. did you meet anyone at savannah, georgia? a. augusta. q. augusta? a. no, i was a stranger there. at every place. i didn't know anybody to go to. q. did you go to the hotel where col. roosevelt was staying at those places? a. no, i didn't. i could not tell where he was going to stop. i could not tell that every time. now the same as his coming from new orleans i took a trip down to birmingham i thought sure he was going to stop at birmingham. instead of that he changed his way and he went way to macon, georgia. that is the way he deceived me half a dozen times after it was advertised that i could meet him there and there. q. what day did you get to chicago? a. chicago. i arrived if i ain't mistaken, now i might not tell the truth but i guess it, i think it was friday. q. friday morning? a. friday dinner time, if i ain't mistaken. q. now what did you go over to the la salle hotel where col. roosevelt---- a. i was over to the la salle, but not in the hotel. q. you didn't go inside of the hotel? a. no, sir. q. where did you stand? a. on the street, the same as here, on the street. q. in front of the entrance? a. yes, sir. q. waiting to hear whether he was coming out? a. no, i didn't wait for him to come out because he got there in the morning--i think he did, in the morning, yes, at ten o'clock he got there. i seen him go in and i never seen him go out. q. you saw him go out or go in at ten o'clock saturday morning? a. yes, sir. q. where were you standing? a. on the street with the rest of the crowd. q. did you try to get your revolver there? a. no, sir. q. what prevented you from drawing? a. well, i thought it is his reception that might have a bad feeling on the city of chicago, giving him a reception like that; i thought i might have plenty of chance to get at him later on if it wouldn't be just at the reception. q. let me understand you what prevented you from drawing. a. i says because it was the reception---- there was so many people receiving him and i suppose the city of chicago would like to give him a decent respectable reception. it would look awful bad if at the reception he would have got shot down, i says to myself that wouldn't go, i might get a better chance. q. you knew there was a death penalty in illinois? a. no, sir; i never knew anything like that. q. how near were you to him when he passed you that morning at the la salle? a. how near? it was on the other side of the street. q. is that the nearest you got to him? a. yes. mr. zabel: did you carry your revolver at that time in your pocket? a. no. q. you had one that you---- a. in here (indicating hip pocket). q. where did you go--to the coliseum---- why did you go to the coliseum if you didn't intend to shoot him in chicago? a. indeed i did intend to. i am just telling you i didn't intend to do it that morning when he was being received there. i thought i would get a better chance. q. so it was a matter of chance or was it a matter of your wanting to kill him in front of the hotel? a. when he was being received? q. do you mean by that that you didn't want to kill him in front of the la salle but that you were perfectly willing to kill him when he was away? [illustration: f. c. studley, d. w. harrington, richard dewey, chairman, w. f. becker, william f. wegge--members of sanity commission.] a. i was willing to kill him, that is all, but i was i just wasn't willing to kill him at the reception. i told you that three times i didn't want the city of chicago to feel sore that a stranger comes along at the beginning---- q. just a matter of the time? a. yes, sir. q. now that he had---- that was saturday morning? a. yes, sir. q. now when you went---- did you go to the coliseum? a. yes, sir. q. where did you stand---- how near were you to him? a. well, as near as i could get in the crowd. as near as the crowd let me get there, mostly in the middle of the street. q. well, how near were you to the automobile? a. i could not see the automobile coming. they came in a different way. i was in the main entrance and they came on the side way. q. you were standing at the main entrance? a. yes, sir. q. where did you have the gun--here? a. here. in here. q. in your vest pocket? a. yes, sir. here is the hole (indicating exhibiting a hole in the lower left hand vest pocket). q. right through here? a. and down in the trousers. q. and you were waiting at the main entrance? a. yes, sir. q. what time did you get to that main entrance? a. i could not tell you now, sir. q. well, approximately. a. well, perhaps half an hour before he came. q. you were right by the portal or door? a. no, sir; i was in the middle of the street. q. you intended to shoot him right from the street? a. yes, sir. q. now then, when you found he came into the other entrance what did you do then? a. i went up. i could not do nothing. i had to wait until he comes out. q. did you wait until he came out? a. yes, sir. q. where did you wait? a. at the main entrance again. q. and you were there then when the speech was over? a. yes. q. did you get near him then? a. no, i didn't. he didn't come out the main entrance. q. you were all ready to shoot him then at the main entrance? a. well, i was there, i expected him to come there. q. now, after you found he didn't come out through the main entrance, where did you go? a. went home. q. went to the hotel. how long did you stay there at the main entrance? a. until he came out. q. well, how did you know which way he would come out? a. i could not know--that is why i was--i was at the main entrance, i expected him to come out there. q. where were you standing then, in the street? a. yes, sir. q. by the automobile? a. no. i was standing at the front entrance. i didn't know his automobile. automobile don't wait all the time, anyhow, i didn't see it or i forgot. q. now then, where did you learn that he was coming to milwaukee? from the papers? a. yes, sir. q. you came up to milwaukee at what hour? a. twelve o'clock, noon time. q. now, on monday night, did you go and inquire of the---- did you talk to mr. moss, who is in charge of one of those automobiles? a. never spoke to that gentleman. never spoke to anybody. q. did you go up and ask anyone whether mr. roosevelt was going to get in this car? a. no, sir; nothing like that. q. now there was a big car right back of this car in which the colonel was when you shot him--there were two automobiles, smaller cars in which the colonel got and a larger car right back of him. a. might be. q. well, did you speak to the chauffeur in the car back of the colonel's and ask him whether he was going to sit in that car? a. i didn't do anything of the kind. didn't ask anybody. i didn't speak to anybody. it was always my principle not to speak to anybody unless a man bids me the time then i answer him, but why should i speak in that way? q. now, what other place did you see the colonel besides in chicago, in front of the la salle other than on monday night? a. i saw him in chattanooga. q. chattanooga, tenn. was that the time the automobile was going so fast? a. yes, sir; that was the time. q. how near were you to him then? a. i was near enough when he came out but i could not stay within reach. q. you were standing in front of the entrance? a. in front of the entrance. q. with your revolver ready to shoot him then? a. yes, sir; i was always ready to shoot him. q. now, did you see him as he went in or came out that day at chattanooga? a. when he came out the entrance. q. after he finished his speech? a. no, i didn't go there to see him there. q. but you say you saw him at---- a. i saw him going out the chattanooga depot, out of the railroad station, going to his hotel. q. at the railroad station? a. yes, sir. q. you went there just as you went to the railroad station in milwaukee? a. no, i didn't go to milwaukee. q. well, you said you went down to the lake shore station at four o'clock? a. yes, at four o'clock, but i didn't go down there to see him coming in. q. now at chattanooga did you go down to the railroad station? a. no, i didn't have to go down. i just stopped at the other side in the hotel. q. how near were you at chattanooga? a. i was near enough to shoot him. q. why didn't you shoot him at chattanooga? a. well, i didn't shoot him at chattanooga because it was a new thing to me. i didn't just exactly have courage enough to do it and he started off so fast in his automobile and i thought maybe there is a better chance. q. how near were you to his automobile in chattanooga? a. why, from there to there, about ten feet. q. were you as near as you were the other night? a. yes, sir. q. were you standing in the street? a. yes, sir. q. did you start to draw your revolver then? a. no, sir. q. your courage left you then? a. for a moment it did. q. were there any policemen standing around you at chattanooga? a. yes, there was some, keeping the crowd back. q. and were you on the sidewalk or in the street? a. in the street, off of the entrance. q. did you get right next to his automobile? a. no, sir; i could not get next---- q. you were about ten feet away from him? a. yes, about half a dozen other people in front of me. q. and your courage had left you at that time? a. for a moment it did. q. when his automobile started off did you start to go after him? a. no, sir. q. did you see him again in chattanooga? a. no, sir. q. after that time. now, when did you see him next after chattanooga? a. that was the last time i saw him until in chicago. q. until in chicago. did you see him any time prior to the time you saw him at chattanooga? a. no, sir. q. so the only three times you were within reach of him was in front of the la salle hotel in chicago, saturday morning? a. yes, sir. q. and at the chattanooga depot? a. at the depot. q. and then in milwaukee monday night? is that correct? a. that is correct. q. and since the st of september up to the th of october the only times that you were within reach of or even saw the col. roosevelt were the three times you have mentioned? a. yes, sir. q. was he in any of the cities you were in at the time you were there excepting chicago, chattanooga and milwaukee? a. not at the time i was there. he was there either before or after me. q. so those were the only three---- a. that i had a possible chance to shoot him, yes. q. now state again, when he was at the la salle hotel, could you have shot him then? a. yes, sir. q. you were near enough to have shot him at the la salle? a. yes, sir. q. what prevented you from shooting him, was it that your courage gave way? a. no, sir; not my courage didn't give way. as i said i didn't want to do it because it is his coming-in reception--man is getting there--i didn't want to do it for that sake. i thought i'd get a better chance. q. was it because of the fact you desired a better chance or you didn't want to do it on that particular occasion? a. on that particular occasion. i didn't want to do it. yes, sir. q. and at chattanooga it was a matter of personal courage with you--your nerve failed you? a. just for a moment it failed me, yes, sir. q. have you been accustomed to using firearms? a. no. q. had you ever shot a revolver? a. i have shot a revolver several times during the th of july, that is about all, but i never handled it much. i don't know how to shoot. i didn't know whether i shot the man or not. q. how was it you got a frame for a -caliber gun? a. frame? q. for a -caliber gun? a. well, my dear man, you know more about a gun than i do. i don't know anything about that. i bought that in that place that is a gun shop and they got all new ware and he told me it was a -caliber and i paid $ . whatever the housing of it was i don't know. [illustration: hotel gilpatrick.] q. you speak of housing--you are familiar with revolvers? a. you are telling me a casing. q. that is what you call a housing? a. well, that is what i meant--that is what i understand--casing--unless you mean the box where it was laying in. q. no, i am talking about the housing--frame? a. i never knew they could use a on a larger casing, could they? how is it possible that they can have a cartridge in a , in a larger casing than that? q. well, that is what you did-- frame? a. you found a different revolver than mine. q. who did you discuss the question of the formation the character of revolver. who did you talk with over that? a. what? q. as to what sort of a revolver to buy? a. to nobody. i didn't have to talk to nobody. q. how did you happen to get the ? a. i asked for it. q. why didn't you ask for a ? a. i don't know. i tell you the other one i had home was a . q. oh, you had another one home? a. oh, not now, that is years ago. if i had that home i didn't have to buy it. i got the thing in storage. it is in the storage house if you want to get it. stored with the stuff. q. where is your stuff stored? a. in new york. q. whereabouts? a. th street, i guess, and third avenue. q. well, what warehouse? a. well, you got to wait now until my grip comes here from charleston. i got the whole thing. q. have you sent for your grip? a. i don't know. you gentlemen--told me that you are tending to that. q. can't you give us the name of the warehouse? a. i could not give it to you now. q. what have you stored there? a. five-room furniture from the old folks of mine. q. and your revolver? a. why, everything, of course, that belongs to the house. q. how long had you had that revolver? a. i don't know. i could not tell you. q. are you sure it is stored there? a. unless they stole it. i know i stored it there. q. did you have a receipt for the different articles you stored there? a. sure. i can show you that as soon as--but of course the revolver is not marked on that because the revolver is in one of the drawers, i suppose. q. you don't know when you got that revolver? a. i could not tell you. q. have you ever shot it? a. i shot it, i believe twice or three times during the th of july celebration out in the yard. q. had you ever shot this revolver? a. no, sir. q. you shot it the other night. where did you buy the bullets that went in that gun? a. the same place with the gun. q. how many cartridges did you have? a. did i have? well, i bought a box of them and paid cents for it. q. where are the rest of the cartridges? a. they are in the grip. q. oh, they are in your grip in charleston? a. as soon as it comes over you can see it all. q. you didn't bring extra cartridges with you? a. yes, sir; i had. i took some out. i had five in the gun and i had six with me in my pocket. q. did they find those? a. they have got it in the police station. q. they have got those cartridges in the police station. now, who hit your arm--did somebody hit your arm? a. i don't think so. q. when you were coming--who was the first man to get hold of you--that great big man? a. i could not say who it was. i simply shot and i don't know whether i hit the man or not or whom i hit, but i know the first thing i went down and a whole lot on top. q. when you aimed the revolver at roosevelt was there anybody standing on each side of you? a. yes. q. did you stick the gun between the heads of two people? a. yes. q. did you say any word? a. no, sir. q. when you fired? a. no, sir; i said nothing. q. talk---- did you try to pull the trigger again? a. no, sir. q. you were knocked down before you could pull it again? a. yes, sir; i was. q. you would have pulled it again? a. perhaps i would. i don't know. q. well, now in your grip have you any literature--any papers? a. i have a book in there, yes, a memorandum book. q. did you have any newspapers which you carried about--did you cut out clippings out of the newspapers? a. oh no, no. i didn't do it. q. did you have any record that col. roosevelt that you cut out of his acts when he was commissioner of police? a. oh no, no. you think i'd carry that here, if i wanted to carry that with me ever since when he was commissioner--you are crazy or i must have a whole book. q. well, did you keep any? a. no, sir; nothing at all. i didn't take that much interest. q. how do you mean, you didn't take that much interest? a. i didn't feel that way about him then when he was police commissioner. q. when did you first commence to feel that way? a. i felt it in chicago. q. that was the first time? a. the first time, yes, sir. q. when was that? a. in fact, the first time i felt against him was when i had that dream against him the time mckinley died and then i thought i really could not believe in dreams, i could not go to work and shoot a man down because all dreams don't come true. q. when was that? a. that was the same night or the evening that mr. mckinley died. q. how long did you feel that way about it? a. i felt about it. well, have at least two weeks. q. did you see col. roosevelt at that time? a. no, sir. q. did you go to washington? a. no, sir. q. did you follow him about at all? a. no, sir. q. had you ever seen him personally prior to the time---- a. no, sir. q. had you ever seen him when he was in new york? a. no, sir. q. when was the first time you ever saw col. roosevelt? a. at chicago. in chattanooga. q. at chattanooga. the first time you ever saw him? a. yes, sir. q. personally the first time you were ever near him? a. yes, sir. q. you mean to say all the time you were living in new york and the times he has been going back and forth from new york you have never seen him at all? a. no, sir. q. did you ever go out to oyster bay? a. no, sir. q. did you ever go over to the outlook office? a. i don't know where that is. q. well, that is a publication--mr. abbott's weekly publication in new york. a. i don't know where it is. i could not even find it. i know quite some streets in town, in the neighborhood. i have never been interested in that. i didn't know that roosevelt had anything to do with the outlook at all. q. well, you knew where his office was in new york? a. whose office? q. col. roosevelt. a. at the time he was police commissioner? q. no, since he was president--he has been going back and forth in new york---- a. since he has been on his third term here. q. i say he has been back and forth in new york? a. how could i know his office? q. while he was in new york after the meeting of the progressive party in chicago you knew that, didn't you? a. i don't think so. i thought he was to oyster bay. i don't think that i ever read of it that he was in new york city. q. he went to his office to the outlook office? a. i have never been looking for him then, sir. q. you weren't looking for him then? a. no, sir; i wouldn't know where to find his office. q. when you read of the formation of the party in chicago what papers did you read that in? a. the same papers. q. new york herald and the world? a. yes, sir. q. what you read about it then, did that rouse you up to anger at all? a. well, not exactly anger but i was getting more and more convinced that this man's ambitions is nothing else but a blow to mckinley's death and he wants to get a third term and he shouldn't have it, and that is all. q. when did you make up your mind to that--in august? a. i made up my mind pretty much in august and then i was corroborated during the vision i had on the th day of september. q. when you say you made your mind up pretty much in august after the meeting of the party, what do you mean by that, that you thought of killing him then? a. yes, sir, i thought of killing him then. q. in august. had you made any plans then to kill him? a. no, i had made none until the th. q. and you thought then of doing this same thing? a. i thought about it, yes, sir; although i was making up my mind as to how or whether i would do it and i thought about it. q. what time in august was that that you thought about it--just after you read in the papers? a. yes, sir. q. after the formation of the party? a. after the formation of the party--wasn't that the th of august? [illustration: schrank in county jail.] q. what particular thing in the accounts of the papers impressed you at that time that gave you or caused you to make up your mind? a. nothing particular but simply the fact that he built the new party; that he was going to take a third term presidentship. q. did you have any grip with you when you went to chicago? a. no, sir. q. you had no baggage when you went to that hotel? a. i never had any baggage since i left it in charleston. q. bought no underwear? a. yes, i bought underwear, certainly, and i threw the old underwear away. mr. zabel: i think that is all. chapter xv. report of the alienists. the report of the sanity commission follows: to the honorable a. c. backus, judge of the municipal court of milwaukee county: pursuant to your appointment of the undersigned on the th day of november, , as a commission to examine john schrank with reference to his present mental condition, we respectfully submit our report. this report consists of: first: the examination of john schrank with reference to his personal and family history, his present physical state, and his present mental state. second: inquiry by means of data furnished by the new york police department, the magistrate of erding, bavaria, reports furnished by the milwaukee police department and other officials brought in contact with him, and certain documents furnished by the defendant himself, and others found in his possession, some of which are herewith submitted as exhibits, duly numbered. third: summary and conclusions arrived at. personal and family history. age . single. born in erding, bavaria, march , . father born in bavaria, and mother born in bavaria. occupation, bar tender and saloonkeeper. no regular occupation in the last one and one-half years. education, common schools in bavaria from the seventh to the twelfth year; three or four years in night school in new york, in english. in early life a roman catholic; not a practical catholic for the past years. his father died at the age of of consumption; was a moderate drinker; the mother living at the age of or . one brother and one sister living, in good health. one brother and one sister died in infancy. a sister of mother insane, suffered from delusions of persecution; died of softening of the brain, so-called, in , in gabersee asylum, bavaria. certified by magistrate of erding, bavaria. patient states he was never seriously sick. knows of no serious accident or injury. never suffered from headaches. lived with grandparents from three to nine years of age; worked in a vegetable garden during that time, and then returned to parents. habits. denies excesses; no use of tobacco until two years ago, never more than five or six cigars a day, average two or three cigars. has generally taken about five pint bottles of beer in twenty-four hours, of late years. for two years, in - , drank no intoxicants at all. he states he drank to slight excess at most half a dozen times a year. never used drugs of any kind. denies all venereal diseases, and presents no physical evidence of them. his usual habit was to retire before o'clock at night. present physical state. height feet - / inches in stocking feet. weight, pounds, with clothing. is right-handed. head presents no scars or injuries or evidence of injuries or irregularities of cranial bones; normal in shape, except measurements over left parietal bone from ear to median line at vertex is . centimeters larger than the right. cephalic index . cranial capacity normal. external ears normal in shape. holds head slightly tilted to left. shape of hard palate, mouth and teeth normal. maxillary bones normal except lower jaw slightly prognathic. blonde hair. eyes, bluish gray. complexion fair. tongue, slight yellowish coating, edges clean. appetite and general nutrition good. stomach, digestion, bowels normal. sleep good. state of heart and arteries normal. blood pressure to systolic; to diastolic. pulse - . temperature nov. , , p.m., . . nov. , normal. no scars on genitals. urine practically a normal specimen. neurological. the eyes--light, accommodation and sympathetic reflex present, but somewhat slow. slight inequality of pupils, right distinctly larger than left. color sense normal. no contraction of visual field. slight horizontal nystagmus in both eyes on extreme outward rotation of the eyeballs. (pupils equal and normal nov. th, .) after above symptoms ascertained, . grain euphthalmine inserted, and examination of eye grounds showed no optic atrophy. the right eye ground (retina) was slightly higher in color than the left. hearing very acute, both sides. sense of taste and smell normal. tactile, pain, temperature and weight sense normal. deep reflexes--knee, reflex, right, irregularly present, regular on reinforcement; knee, left, absent; brought out by reinforcement irregularly. myotatic irritability of forearm, right markedly heightened; left slightly heightened. no ankle-clonus. superficial reflexes--abdominal reflex present. epigastric reflex absent. cremasteric reflex, active both sides. no oppenheim reflex. no babinski reflex. plantar reflex: right markedly heightened; left heightened. musculature--arm and leg showed slightly diminished power on right side. the left side stronger, though subject right-handed. dynamometer, right , (two tests); and left , (two tests). no romberg symptom, and no inco-ordination of upper and lower extremities. gait and station normal. slight tremor of fingers, noticeable under mental excitement. at times slight tremor of lips. examination of present mental state. tests for attention show normal conditions. tests for memory, general and special, show normal conditions. tests for association of ideas and words showed special bearing upon his delusional state. logical power good, except as limited by his delusions. judgment the same. has no "insight" as to his own mental condition. emotional tests show tone of feeling exalted. orientation correct as to time and place. delusions present, as subsequently set forth. chapter xvi. finding of the alienists. we find that john schrank came to new york at the age of , and lived with his uncle and aunt as foster parents, who kept a saloon at east tenth street, new york city. before coming to this country he had years of the public schools of his native village in bavaria, and after arrival in this country his only schooling was such as he could obtain at night schools in new york during or years. up to this time no peculiarity had been observed in him, from any evidence available. we note the fact that he was most especially interested in history and government, as illustrated by political writings and by the bible. he speaks frequently of his very great admiration for the character of george washington. at or years of age he became greatly interested in poetry. this perhaps corresponds to the period of development at which eccentricities are wont to appear. he represents that in the saloon in which he worked he was chiefly engaged in supplying beer to residents of neighboring tenements; that there was no gambling or other immoral conduct practiced or encouraged in this business place. he went on for over years as barkeeper. his uncle and aunt had during this time accumulated means for the purchase of a small tenement. at the death of the uncle and aunt in and the defendant came into possession of this property. in the last year and a half has not been in any regular business or employment, and spent his time in long walks about new york and brooklyn, during which he meditated upon poetical compositions, and political and historical questions, jotting down ideas upon loose slips of paper as they came to him, night or day, forming the basis of his poems. he spent his evenings in a saloon, retiring early. the average daily quantity of stimulants or beer taken by him was insufficient to produce intoxication. he also states that in and , for a period of nearly years, he drank no intoxicants at all. he states that in , between and o'clock in the morning of the day after president mckinley's death he experienced a vivid dream, in which he appeared to be in a room with many flowers and a casket, and saw a figure sit up in the casket, which he says was the form and figure of the assassinated president mckinley, who then pointed to a corner of the room, and said, "avenge my death." he then looked where the finger pointed and saw a form clad in a monkish garb, and recognized the form and face of this individual as the form and face of theodore roosevelt. at the time this made a strong impression, but was not dwelt upon especially except in the light of later events. prior to the nomination of colonel roosevelt for the presidency in the year , he had felt great interest in the political campaign, and had read articles expressing great bitterness toward the idea of a third term, and toward colonel roosevelt personally in the newspapers of new york, and after the period when the nomination of colonel roosevelt began to be actively agitated, meditated more deeply upon these matters. he had always studied with the greatest interest the questions of free government, as illustrated by the declaration of independence, and washington's farewell address. in this connection, the monroe doctrine also assumed great importance in his mind, and the converse thereof, the duty of this nation to refrain from war of conquest; and out of these meditations grew what he elaborated into his declaration as to the unwritten laws, or "the four pillars of our republic," namely ( ) the third term tradition, ( ) the monroe doctrine, ( ) that only a protestant by creed can become president, ( ) no wars of conquest. this document, hereunto annexed as exhibit , fully sets forth his views on these subjects. these "four unwritten laws" had assumed in his mind a character of sacredness. they were "sacred traditions" to be maintained at all hazards, and, as subsequently appeared, even the hazard of life. the following are some quotations from this document: "tradition is an unwritten law." "i would doubt the right of a court to have jurisdiction over a man who had defended tradition of his country against violation." "the oldest of these traditions is the 'third term tradition,' it has never been violated and is an effective safeguard against unscrupulous ambition, but never before has been established a test case of its inviolability as a warning to coming adventurers." "for the first time in american history we are confronted by a man to whom practically nothing is sacred, and he pretends to stand above tradition." "anybody who finances a third term movement should be expatriated and his wealth confiscated." "the dangers in this campaign are these, the third termer is sure that the nomination has been stolen, and that the country and the job belongs to him, therefore, if he gets honestly defeated in november he will again yell that the crooks of both parties have stolen the election and should he carry a solid west, he and the hungry office-seekers would not hesitate to take up arms to take by force what is denied him by the people, then we face a civil war, * * * * * * and that he who wilfully invites war deserves death. we would then be compelled to wash out the sin of violating the third term with the blood of our sons. yet this is not the gravest danger we are facing. we have allowed an adventurer to circumtravel the union with military escort with the torch of revolution in his hands to burn down the very house we live in." "have we learned no lesson about a one man's rule experienced in france with such disastrous results as the end of the reign of napoleon i and napoleon iii." "are we trying to establish here a system like our ancestors have done in europe, which all revolutions of a thousand years could not abolish." "are we overthrowing our republic, while the heroes of the french revolutions, and the martyrs of gladly gave their lives to establish republican institutions." "the abolition of the third term tradition is the abolition of the monroe doctrine also." "hardly any revolution has started without pretending that their movement was progressive." "the prudence of our forefathers has delivered to us an equally sacred unwritten law which reads that no president should embrace another creed than protestant, if possible, a sect of the english church. i am a roman catholic. i love my religion but i hate my church as long as the roman parish is not independent from rome, as long as catholic priests are prevented from getting married, as long as rome is still more engaged in politics and accumulation of money contrary to the teachings of the lord. the roman catholic church is not the religion for a president of the united states." "the fourth unwritten law, which is practically supplementary to the second, we find in george washington's farewell address, where he advises us to live in peace with your neighbor. we have no right to start a war of conquest." in his examination in this connection he stated as follows: "four-fifths of the united states would take up arms to defend the third term tradition. trying to get perpetual power and dictatorship would justify killing." he also said he would be justified to the same extent, that is, by killing, a man who would seek the presidency and was a roman catholic; and also for a man who would start a war for conquest; and he thought also of the possibility of foreign powers to help roosevelt possibly to annex the panama canal and break down the monroe doctrine. he said he believed the country would be facing a civil war if roosevelt went on as he had done. he gives as a reason for his present attack upon roosevelt, that he did not wish to give him (roosevelt) an opportunity to plead that no defense of the third term tradition had been made in should he aspire to another term in . asked as to how he reconciled his act with the commandment "thou shalt not kill," he replied that, "religion is the fundamental law of human order, but to kill to try and do a good thing, and to avenge mckinley's murder, justifies the killing." the proof of his position came to him in his dream and in his vision. "roosevelt's ambition and conduct proves to every man that he was back of mckinley's assassination in some way or other." the defendant says that he prayed god to find a leader among men who would take this responsibility, and he expected all along someone else would do this thing, but no one did it, and as he was a single man of , without a family, and thought the deed was a good deed, and it made no difference to him, he was willing to sacrifice his life for that end, even if he were torn to pieces by the mob. he therefore concluded that it was his mission, and desired to make of this a test case. [illustration: henry f. cochems. (who was in the automobile with col. roosevelt when the ex-president was shot.)] he thinks the election returns corroborate the fact that the people have been awakened to the idea of no third term. in the progress of the campaign, when the progressive movement had taken shape, and colonel roosevelt had been nominated as the head of a third party, and on august th, , the dream which had come to him in , as above related, began to assume more importance, and special significance in his mind. he felt extreme agitation on this subject continuously. on the morning of september th, , the anniversary of the date of his dream in , having retired as usual the night before with his manuscript by his bedside, he suddenly awakened between and a.m., with the completion of a poem entitled "be a man" uppermost in his mind. we insert the poem at this point: . be a man from early to late when you rise in the morning till you go to bed be a man. . is your country in danger and you are called to defend where the battle is hottest and death be the end face it and be a man. . when you fail in business and your honor is at stake when you bury all your dearest and your heart would break face it and be a man. . but when night draws near and you hear a knock and a voice should whisper your time is up; refuse to answer as long as you can then face it and be a man. he found his ideas were taking shape, and getting up he sat writing, when he suddenly became aware of a voice speaking in a low and sad tone, "let no murderer occupy the presidential chair for a third term. avenge my death!" he felt a light touch upon his left shoulder, and turning, saw the face of former president mckinley. it bore a ghostlike aspect. this experience had a decisive effect in fixing in his mind the iniquity of the third term, and from this time he questioned as to his duty in the matter, and he finally regarded this vision and its connection with the exact anniversary of the dream as a command to kill roosevelt, and as an inspiration. when asked by us whether he considered this as imagination or as inspiration and a command from god, while showing some reluctance to claim the vision as an inspiration, he finally answered decisively that he did. when asked whether a man had a right to take a weapon and hunt down a man who had violated tradition, he submitted his written statement in reply, which is hereto annexed as exhibit , some quotations from which are as follows: "i should say where self-sacrifice begins the power of law comes to an end, and if i knew that my death during my act would have this tradition more sacred i would be sorry that my life was spared so convinced am i of my right to act as i did that if i were ever a free man again i would at once create an order of tradition." "i presume you men would declare joan d'arc, the maid of orleans insane because the holy virgin appeared to her in a vision." "when we read that god had appeared to moses in the shape of a burning thorn bush, then again as a cloud, we will find many people who doubt the appearance of god to man in human or other shape." "why then in cases of dire national needs should not the god appear to one of us in vision." the defendant states that at no time and under no circumstances did he communicate to anyone his intention. in fact, he kept it as an inviolable secret and took measures to throw off the scent persons who might inquire about his leaving new york. the defendant stated in this connection that he did not wish to commit the act in new york, as it would then be claimed that he had been "hired by wall street" and in that way the real purpose of the act would be obscured. chapter xvii. schrank describes shooting. (before sanity commission.) on september , , he left new york city, having first borrowed $ , and purchased a -caliber revolver, for which he paid $ . his efforts from this time were continuous to come within shooting distance of colonel roosevelt. he missed him at chattanooga and at atlanta, and then went to evansville, where he remained seven days awaiting colonel roosevelt's return to the west. he then sought to come within range of colonel roosevelt in chicago, and states that he waited for him at the exit of the building, where he spoke, but found afterwards that he had left by a different exit. he then preceded him to milwaukee, arriving here at o'clock p.m. the day preceding the attack. on the evening of the shooting schrank arrived at the hotel, where he had learned colonel roosevelt would stay, in advance of the time he was expected to start for the place of meeting. when a crowd began to collect around the automobile awaiting colonel roosevelt at the curb, he went into the street, standing near the automobile in a line just behind the front seat on the left hand side opposite the chauffeur's seat. he says, "seeing him enter the automobile and just about to seat himself, i fired. i did not pick any particular spot on his body. the crowd was all around me and in front of me. the next minute i was knocked down, but was not rendered insensible, and the gun was knocked out of my hands." the defendant insists that he said nothing during his assault. he was then dragged to the sidewalk, and getting on his feet was hurried into the hotel, and the doors were locked. here he said nothing, and was taken by the police through the back door to police headquarters. from the examination at police headquarters, made at : p.m., october , , by the chief of police, john t. janssen, we find that he objected to telling his name, but did so when it was insisted upon. we also find that his statements made to the police concerning his following and attempting to gain access to colonel roosevelt, and his visits to various localities correspond, and his explanations of his acts agree with those made to us. some of his statements to the chief of police, are as follows, as extracted from document submitted herewith, marked exhibit . q. why did you want to meet him? a. because i wanted to put him out of the way. a man that wants a third term has no right to live. q. that is, you wanted to kill him? a. i did. q. have you any other reason in wanting to kill him? a. i have. q. what is that? a. i had a dream several years ago that mr. mckinley appeared to me and he told me that mr. roosevelt is practically his real murderer, and not this here czolgosz. * * * * * q. did you know johann most when he was alive? a. no, sir. q. did you ever hear him talk? a. no, sir. q. did you ever hear emma goldman? a. no, sir; i am not an anarchist or socialist or democrat or republican; i just took up the thing the way i thought it was best to do. (it seems worth while to note that the defendant differs from many assassins of rulers or prospective rulers in having no anarchistic ideas or connections, but rather that he intended to be an upholder of established government.) * * * * * "mr. grant was refused" (a third term) "and he was satisfied; this man was refused and he is not satisfied; it's gone beyond limits; if he keeps on doing this after election, he can't possibly carry a solid western state; the next thing we will have a civil war, because he will say the scoundrels and thieves and crooks stole my nomination, and now they will steal my election, and they will take up arms in all the western states; we are facing a civil war just to keep him in a third term." q. where did you get all this idea from? a. i have been reading history all the time. * * * * * q. what schooling did you have? a. well, i have attended school in the old country, and i attended night school in new york for about four winters; that's all the schooling i had. q. you haven't a very good education then? a. indeed i ain't. q. have you always enjoyed good health? a. yes, sir; i am a healthy sane man, never been sick. q. well, do you believe that that is a sane act that you committed this evening? a. i believe that is my duty as a citizen to do, it's the duty of every citizen to do so. q. well, how did you happen to get the idea that it was your duty among all the people that live in the united states? a. i don't know, i thought maybe somebody else might do it before i got there. q. and you spoke to no one about your intention on all the route you took concerning this, nobody? a. no, sir; nobody. while in jail the prisoner prepared a written defense, which we submit herewith as exhibit , and we extract certain sentences from the same, as follows: "gentlemen of the jury, i appeal to you as men of honor, i greet you americans and countrymen and fathers of sons and daughters. i wish to apologize to the community of milwaukee for having caused on october th last, great excitement, bitter feeling, and expenses." * * * * * "gentlemen of the jury: when on september th last i had a vision, i looked into the dying eyes of the late president mckinley, when a voice called me to avenge his death, i was convinced that my life was coming soon to an end, and i was at once happy to know that my real mission on this earth was to die for my country and the cause of republicanism." * * * * * "you see that i have appeared here today without assistance of a counsellor at law, without any assistance save that of god, the almighty, who is ever with him who is deserted, because i am not here to defend myself nor my actions." * * * * * "the law i have violated for which you will punish me is not in any statute book." * * * * * "the shot at milwaukee which created an echo in all parts of the world was not a shot fired at the citizen roosevelt, not a shot at an ex-president, not a shot at the candidate of a so-called prog. pty. (progressive party), not a shot to influence the pending election, not a shot to gain for me notoriety; no, it was simply to once and forever establish the fact that any man who hereafter aspires to a third presidential term will do so at the risk of his life." "if i do not defend tradition i cannot defend the country in case of war. you may as well send every patriot to prison." (as showing the erratic reasoning of the defendant, the following passage, intimating that the assassination of president mckinley was a part of a conspiracy to elevate colonel roosevelt to a permanent control of the destinies of the united states, we quote further:) "political murders have occurred quite often, committed by some power that works in the dark and only too frequently of late the assassin was classed as an anarchist, but the real instigators could never be brought to justice. whoever the direct murderer of president mckinley has been it could never be proven that he has ever been affiliated with any anarchistic or similar society, but we may well conclude that the man who in years after willingly violated the third unwritten law of the country whenever he thought it profitable to change his creed while president, perhaps to the mother of monarchies." (from the remarks of the prisoner in our examination of him, we find by "the mother of monarchies" that he refers to the roman catholic church.) we further quote: "such was his fear that his machine, built up in - / years will be destroyed over night, that he threatened not to leave the chair unless he were allowed to nominate his successor." "gentlemen of the jury: the t (third termer) 'never again will i run for pres.' (president) has a parallel in the history of rome. whoever read the history of julius caesar knows that this smart politician while elected dictator managed to become so popular with the people that they offered him the kingly crown, but j. caesar knew that he had to bide his time, that the rest of senators know of his ambition, and after refusing three times he knew they would offer it to him a fourth time, and when then he accepted it he was murdered for ambition's sake." "he" (colonel roosevelt) "was ambitiously waiting for the government at washington to start a military intervention in mexico, but the leaders of the republican party feared that the t (third termer) would muster an army of volunteer rough riders and return at election as the conquering hero." "the danger even more grave than civil war is the possibility of intervention of foreign powers, who may help the t (third termer) in order to keep the union disunited and separated." * * * * * * "we would at once realize that we are surrounded by a pack of hungry wolves ready to destroy this hated republic, ready to destroy monroe doctrine, ready to annex the panama canal and the great land of the brave and free, the home many millions free people, the dream of all heroes and martyrs for political freedom to would have ceased to be owing to the ambitions of one man, and one man's rule. i hope that the shot at milwaukee has awakened the patriotism of the american nation." "i have been accused of having selected a state where capital punishment is abolished. i would say that i did not know the laws of any state i travelled through. it would be ridiculous to fear death after the act as i expected to die during the act, and not live to tell the story, and if i knew that my death would have made the third term tradition more sacred, i am sorry i could not die for my country." * * * * * "now, honorable men of the jury, i wish to say no more, in the name of god go and do your duty, and only countries who ask admission by popular vote and accept the popular vote never wage a war of conquest murder for to steal abolishes opportunity for ambitious adv. (adventurers). "all political adventurers and military leaders have adopted the career of conquering heroes wholesale murder, wholesale robbers called national aggrandizement. prison for me is like martyrdom to me, like going to war. before me is the spirit of george washington, behind me, that of mckinley." (the last sentence the prisoner explained, was written hastily, and he expected to revise it.) chapter xviii. conclusion of commission. from the testimony of the jailor who had been in charge from the date of schrank's arrest to the present date, we learn that he was a quiet, pleasant man, well-behaved in all respects, and fastidious as to dress and food, uniformly cheerful and happy. it was noticeable that he showed much less concern or anxiety as to his fate than the average prisoner. this is also corroborated by the examination of a detective concerned in his arrest. the impression we have derived from the demeanor of the prisoner in our several examinations is that he is truthful in his statements and shows no desire to conceal anything. he undoubtedly has an elevated idea of his importance, but is free from bombast. in the course of his examination when the question of his views or opinions about himself came up he drew from his pocket the document herewith submitted as exhibit , which he says he prepared as a defense, saying: "perhaps i can help you, gentlemen." he has shown every disposition to assist us in arriving at facts. he shows a knowledge and command of the english language unusual in a foreigner who has only had very limited schooling. he is self-confident, profoundly self-satisfied; is dignified, fearless, courteous and kindly. he shows a sense of humor and is cheerful and calm under circumstances that severely test those qualities. beneath all of this is an air which is illustrated by his concluding sentence, that the spirit of george washington is before him, that of mckinley behind him. he gives the impression that he feels himself to be an instrument in the hands of god, and that he is one of the band of historic heroes paralleled by such characters as joan d'arc and other saviours of nations. he undoubtedly considers himself a man of heroic mold. at no time did he express or exhibit remorse for his act. summary. we have limited the scope of our investigations to the questions that we have been asked to determine and summarize briefly: john schrank, age years, single, barkeeper and saloon keeper, and of limited educational opportunities, with insane heredity (see exhibit ), was born in bavaria, on march , , and came to this country twelve years later. apparently he developed normally, but early in life showed a particular fondness for the study of the histories of this and other countries, and also for the composition of poetry. in the course of his studies of history, and especially of the constitution of the united states, and of washington's farewell address, he developed the belief that this republic is based upon the foundation of four unwritten laws, to which he also refers as the "four sacred traditions," as is more fully set forth in the preceding report. in he had a very vivid dream, which at that time he recognized as only a dream, the memory of which has frequently recurred to him ever since. in the course of a pre-convention campaign, the belief that the four unwritten laws or the "four sacred traditions" are in danger comes to him, and later, upon the nomination of a presidential candidate by the progressive party, he begins to attach particular significance to the dream he had in . he meditates deeply upon this and, in the course of a few weeks there appears to him a vision accompanied by a voice which, in effect, commands the killing of the man through whose acts and machinations he believes the sacred traditions to be endangered, and who, he also believes is, through a conspiracy, concerned in the assassination of a former president. he continues to ponder upon the subjects set forth, awaiting the appearance of a person who would carry out the act suggested by the vision, but shortly arrives at the conclusion that he, and not someone else, is the chosen instrument. he at once sets forth to accomplish his mission, following his victim until he finally comes up with him. during his examination as to his sanity, he conducts himself in perfect accord with his beliefs, and expresses a regret at not having died at the hands of the mob if such a result would have proven of benefit to his chosen country. chapter xix. schrank discusses visions. (by john flammang schrank.) has a man a right to take a weapon and hunt down a man who has violated tradition? in answer to this i would like to ask the gentleman the following question. how and by what means would you expect to withhold from a man that right. you know that according to the old roman law the atonement for the taking of a life has been the giving of a life, and to this day our power of state with the laws and instruments for punishment is limited to the taking of man's life there is no severer penalty than death sentence. now then when a man concludes to take a weapon and hunt down another man and he then willingly sacrifices his own life in defense we say of tradition, does such man then not willingly give what otherwise the law could take from him, is then not the right with him, i should say where self-sacrifice begins to power of law comes to an end and if i knew that my death during my act would have this tradition more sacred. i would be sorry that my life was spared, so convinced am i of my act to act as i did, that if i were ever a free man again i would at once create an order of tradition sole purpose to defend it. you gentlemen claim that you would think a man insane, that could have such things as a vision appear to him. there might be exceptions, but i disagree with you in making this the rule. then i presume you men would declare joan d'arc the maid of orleans insane because the holy virgin appeared her in a vision. france as a nation passed in those days through a grave trial, her very existence as a nation was at stake. to our shame we must admit that while we prosper and are far from danger we hardly ever give it a thought, that all our comfort is granted to us by god the almighty, and it is an old saying that when the danger is over the saints are mocked. but in days of hard stress, dire need and want, we at once knew that we are indebted to a power above us, we at once realize that we are sinners, we feel that our good spirit is a small particle to the holy spirit god that we are helpless children and related to the good father god. we then pray with innermost contrition that god may forgive, that god may enlighten one of us that god may find a leader among us. and such is the mercy of god that for the repentance of one man for the acknowledgement for one good deed, god will forgive the sins of a whole nation. when we read about the destruction of sodom gomorrha, when lot asked the lord, wouldst thou spare these cities if there were ten honorable and just men within its walls and god answered, if i could find one honorable and just man i would spare that people. we may conclude from these words that god had long before this forsaken them when a nation is confronted with grave trials it is then nearing the boundary line of god's patience, no doubt the people of sodom had arrived there and god had weighed their deeds and found them too light he would not enlighten one of them to be a leader and who would impress upon his people to come back to the safe avenue of god and leave the road of destruction. in our health and prosperity we are too easily over-confident and self-possessed when we read that god had appeared to moses in the shape of a burning thorn bush, then again as a cloud, we will find many people who doubt the appearance of god to man in human or other shape. when i see a tree growing out of rocks it appears to me as if god spoke to me that he wants all people to live a temperate life as it requires but little to live and proper as is shown in that tree. now then does god appear to us in our journey through this life. has he ever appeared to you. has there never been a time when you would say, o what a lucky dog i was that i did not do this or that. have you ever refused for some reason an invitation to a joy ride, a pleasure trip or others, and after you would find one or the other of your friends killed while you escaped. everyone of us is confronted at once in life with a grave trial which requires all the good in you to overcome temptation and find the right way out of it, is not this the secret assistance of god the almighty when you appeal to him and he weighs your deeds and either enlightens you or punishes science discoveries. when then in cases of dire national needs should not god appear to one of us in vision the greatest injustice. (schrank's copy is followed closely in all presented here from his pen.) alienists' conclusions. our conclusions are as follows: first--john schrank is suffering from insane delusions, grandiose in character, and of the systematized variety. second--in our opinion he is insane at the present time. third--on account of the connection existing between his delusions and the act with which he stands charged, we are of the opinion that he is unable to confer intelligently with counsel or to conduct his defense. dated, milwaukee, wisconsin, nov. nd, . respectfully submitted, richard dewey, m. d., _chairman_. w. f. becker, m. d. d. w. harrington, m. d. frank studley, m. d. wm. f. wegge, m. d. _commissioners._ chapter xx. schrank's defense. john flammang schrank expected to conduct his own defense before a jury, if tried for his assault upon ex-president roosevelt. this is demonstrated by the fact that he had prepared a defense to be read to the jury. in this defense he alluded to the fact that he "is not represented by counsel." this defense is remarkable in that it shows clearly the thought which overcame his mental strength. schrank's defense is presented as he wrote it, with the exception of two or three corrections to enable readers to realize what schrank is trying to say. the defense was prepared by schrank in the county jail. he was writing it when it was reported that he was writing verse. the defense follows: gentlemen of the jury: i appeal to you as men of honor. i greet you americans and countrymen and fathers of sons and daughters. i wish to apologize to the community of milwaukee for having caused on october last great excitement, most bitter feeling and expenses. i wish to apologize to you honorable men of the jury that i am causing to you this day unpleasantness in asking you to pass a verdict in a matter which should have better been tried by a higher than earthly court. gentlemen of the jury, when on september last during a vision i looked into the dying eyes of the late president mckinley, when a voice called me to avenge his death, i was convinced that my life was coming soon to an end, and i was at once happy to know that my real mission on this earth was to die for my country and the cause of republicanism. gentlemen of the jury, you see that i have appeared here today without the assistance of a counsellor at law, without any assistance save that of god the almighty, who is ever with him who is deserted, because i am not here to defend myself nor my actions. i am here today to defend the spirit of forefathers with words what i have defended with the weapon in my hand, that is the tradition of the four unwritten laws of this country. tradition is above written statute, amended and ineffective. tradition is sacred and inviolable, irrevocable. tradition makes us a distinct nation. order of tradition. the law i have violated for which you will punish me is not in any statute book. gentlemen of the jury, the shot at milwaukee, which created an echo in all parts of the world, was not a shot fired at the citizen roosevelt, not a shot at an ex-president, not a shot at the candidate of a so-called progressive party, not a shot to influence the pending election, not a shot to gain for me notoriety. no, it was simply to once and forever establish the fact that any man who hereafter aspires to a third presidential term, will do so at the risk of his life. if i cannot defend tradition i cannot defend the country in case of war. you may as well send every patriot to prison. it was to establish a precedent for the third term tradition, which for the first time in the history of the united states one man dared to challenge and to violate. gentlemen of the jury, the third term tradition is the most sacred, because it has been established by the greatest champion of liberty in all ages past and to come by our first president, george washington, when he modestly declined a third term nomination by saying that two terms are enough for the best of presidents. the two great american political parties have since guarded this tradition most jealously, have regarded it as a safeguard against the ambitions of probable adventurers. the great republican party, the party of an abe lincoln, the party of the new u. s., that party as a medium between government and the people, the party to which we are greatly indebted for our achievements and our greatness among the family of nations, it was that party that was destined to give birth to and to nurse the first offender of that tradition, who gradually proved to be the evil spirit of the country, and that great party which was born during a national crisis and which had bravely faced and overcome many a grave trial, nobly faced the coming storm and survived it with its honor unimpaired. gentlemen of the jury, when we inquire into the past of that man, we will find that his ambitious plans have all been filed and laid down long before he has been president. all doubt that these plans were towards establishing at the least a perpetual presidency in these united states have been removed during last summer, when a certain senator unearthed from within the library of the white house a written document deposited there during the third termer's presidency. this document was an order for repairing to be done in the white house, and this order closed with the following words: "these alterations should be done, to last during my lifetime." when the third termer was informed of the finding of this document, he admitted and absorbed the all-important matter by simply saying: "some people have no more brains than guinea pigs." gentlemen of the jury, his rough rider masquerade during the spanish-american war was his first important step towards his goal, it gained for him the governorship of the empire state and that important office made him an influential factor in the councils of the republican party. during his term as secretary of the navy he gained the popularity among the men in that branch of the mailed fist of the country by increasing the salaries of those men, who might some day be of vital benefit to his cause. the republican leaders of those days were soon aware of the dangerous ambitions of this man and also knew that this man would never be safe enough to fill the highest office of the nation, for this reason these men thought it wise to make him vice-presidential candidate on the same ticket with mckinley, for it must not be new to you that the office of a vice-president has always been regarded as the suicide to a man's political ambitions. but, gentlemen of the jury, now came the time when a man's ambitions blindfolded him to all reason. the desire to overcome the obstacle robbed him of his sane judgment, and in such a case the spoiler invites himself, political murders have occurred quite often, committed by some power that works in the dark and only too frequently of late the assassin was classed as an anarchist, but the real instigators could never be brought before justice. whoever the direct murderer of mckinley has been it could never be proven that he has ever been affiliated with any anarchistic or similar society, but we may well conclude that the man who in years after so willingly violated the first unwritten law, which is the third term tradition, may have readily promised to violate the third unwritten law of the country whenever he thought it profitable to change his creed while president, perhaps to the mother of monarchies. gentlemen of the jury, a man's first presidential term begins when he takes the oath of office and constitutes a full term if it will only last twenty-four hours after oath and a man's third term is his third when he seeks it or is given to him twenty years or more after his second. when roosevelt took the oath of office at mckinley's departure, he had ceased to be a republican. he at once began to build a political machine of his own. it was then in fact that his one man party so-called progressive party was born, parts of which we find later in the insurgents, handicapping mr. taft wherever they could. later in august at the convention of treason he took the material where and as he found we see him trying hard to bring the money power of the union into his service, we find him extorting large sums for his political campaigns from the so-called despisable trusts, since then we became accustomed to look upon every man of wealth and the great industrials corporations who have been and are today of incalculable value and benefit to our national welfare, as nothing more or less than contemptible criminals, whom he offended in the most profane language during his crusade against them, if they refused to become a part of his machine. at the decline of his second term the remainder of the republican party, those who had not been absorbed by "my policies" could no longer be in doubt as to the third termer's real intentions, and for the first time the third termer realized the magnitude and importance of the third term tradition and most men of influence in those used their power to scare him out of office at the same time comforting him with the fairy tale that if not succeeded by two consecutive terms another term would not be a third term but such was his fear that his machine built up in seven and a half years would be destroyed over night, that he threatened not to leave the chair unless he were allowed to nominate his successor. gentlemen of the jury, now comes the time when the third termer committed his second crime against friends, party, nation and republic. with his innermost conviction that his successor would be incompetent, incapable and that he would commit so many blunders while in office that at the expiration of his term the people would unanimously demand the renomination of the third termer, he thought to remove that obstacle of the third termer and to make it appear that he was not ambitious and that a renomination would have to be forced upon him, he solemnly declared, "never again will i run for president," but again ambition had blindfolded him and robbed him of his judgment of men in selecting william h. taft as his successor although his most intimate friend mr. taft was aware of his oath of office and his duties toward the nation, there never was a whiter man in the white house and no one ever more deserved a re-election as an honor for his services to the country against the revolutionary machine of the third termer in the house and senate than william h. taft. gentlemen of the jury, the third term, "never again will i run for president," has a parallel in the history of rome. whoever read the history of julius caesar, knows that this smart politician, while elected dictator, managed to become so popular with the people that they offered him the kingly crown, but julius caesar knew that he had to bide his time, that the rest of senators knew of his ambition, and after refusing three times, he knew they would offer it to him a fourth time, and when then he accepted it, he was murdered for ambition sake. never again will i run for president and under no circumstances, said this man, and four years later we find him eagerly seeking renomination at chicago, to his friends, who advise him to run, he didn't have the heart to tell that if he were not a man of word he could never be a man of honor, but what shame lies in between his never again and his profane declaration that the crooks, thieves, scoundrels and liars had stolen the nomination from him, although he knew that the party could not give him what they had a third term not to give for the great republican party determined to sooner go down to defeat than to violate the third term yet. gentlemen of the jury, the third termer had license to create a new party and be the power behind the throne and perhaps lead his party to victory. but having been deceived by the selection of his successor and having removed the mask he determined to insist on a third term. had we lived in a time of panic, general disorder, strikes with armies of unemployed, most likely the third termer would have an easy walkin. he was anxious waiting for the government at washington to start military intervention in mexico, but the leaders of the republican party feared that the third termer would muster an army of volunteer rough riders and return at election as the conquering hero. gentlemen of the jury, the danger of the third termer was less in his probable election than in his sure but close defeat. the man who cried of the theft at chicago would never submit to the verdict on november , however honest it may be; he would again yell robbery, and if he carried a solid west as was then expected, he would give way to his fighting nature and try to take the presidency on the battlefield and so invite civil war, yet, ab. lincoln said that war is hell, and that he who wilfully invites war deserves death. do we realize the horrors of civil war; are we willing to wash out the sin of violating the third term with the blood of our sons imagine torn from home, family and parents, from prosperity to dire want in order to place a man to the presidency he is legitimately not entitled to? yet, gentlemen of the jury, the united states may still be able to subdue the rebels the danger the more grave than even civil war is the possibility of intervention by foreign powers, who may help the third termer in order to keep the union disunited and separated for we must know that our strength is not in our army and navy, money power, our strength is in our union, we would at once realize that we are surrounded by a pack of hungry wolves ready to destroy this hated republic, ready to destroy monroe doctrine, ready to annex the panama canal and the great land of the brave and free, the home many millions free people, the dream of all heroes and martyrs for political freedom to would have ceased to be owing to the ambitions of one man and one man's rule. i hope that the shot at milwaukee has awakened the patriotism of the american nation, that it has opened their eyes to the real danger and shown them the only safe way out of it as is proven by election returns in the great democratic party the north, south, east and west is once more and more solidly united and proudly can we prove to the nations of the world that the spirit of is still alive and shall never die, and that self-government is an established fact and a success. i have been accused of having selected a state where capital punishment is abolished. i would say that i did not know the laws of any state i traveled through, it would be ridiculous for me to fear death after the act, as i expected to die during the act and not live to tell the story and if i knew that my death would have made the third term tradition more sacred, i am sorry i could not die for my country. now, honorable men of the jury, i wish to say no more, in the name of god, go and do your duty, and only countries who ask admission by popular vote and accept the popular vote never wage a war of conquest, murder for to steal abolishes opportunity for ambitious adventurers, for all political adventurers and military leaders have adopted the career of conquering heroes, wholesale murder, wholesale robbers called national aggrandizement. prison for me is like martyrdom to me, like going to war. before me is the spirit of george washington, behind me that of mckinley. chapter xxi. schrank's unwritten laws. the following are john flammang schrank's four unwritten laws, "the pillars of the republic," he calls them. they are presented exactly as written by schrank, and as incorporated in the report of the alienists. by john flammang schrank. when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have hitherto connected them with another, due respect to mankind requires that we should declare the cause of such action. in these modest lines our forefathers have at once laid out the roads on which we should travel, it demonstrates their willingness to consult the opinions of others, as well as it duly respects the rights and feelings of others. in these critical days it is more than necessary to call the attention of the nation to the three wonderful documents which have established our people as an independent nation and under their guidance laid down in these documents we have become the most powerful nation on earth. the declaration of independence; the constitution, and the farewell-address of george washington. the most sacred custom of all nations has ever been their reverence for their ancestors, the honor they pay to their dead, and the utmost respect to the good deeds who live after them, these customs observed hundreds of years handed down from one generation to another, we have come to call the traditions of a people. tradition is an unwritten law when it concerns a whole nation, it is above the written statute, i would doubt the right of a court to have jurisdiction over a man who has defended tradition of his country, against violation. as we are not an original nation or race, the founders of the republic were the sons of the nation whose language we speak, it is tradition with us especially that identified us as a nation. this nation has four unwritten laws, the oldest and most sacred, because established by geo. washington, is the third term tradition, it has never been violated and is an affective safe-guard against unscrupulous ambition, but never before has been established a test case of its inviolability as a warning to coming adventurers. in the present campaign for the first time in american history we are confronted by a man to whom practically nothing is sacred and pretends to stand above tradition. this man abused our constitution, he wants it amended until it is abolished. if our constitution is too old and in the way of progress after we have grown to be a rich nation with it, then the ten commandments so many thousand years old, must be a useless piece of junk. he has abused our highest courts, he has spoken in the profanest language of our legislators, he has abused our best and most venerable citizens, calling them liars and scoundrels, he has shamefully abused our president, thereby undermining the dignity of the office, how can we expect our foreign born citizens to respect our institutions when an ex-president circumtravels the union telling everybody that those honorable men at chicago were thieves and crooks. shall the people rule, is one of his demagogic phrases, yet he knows that in the very sense he wants this catchword to be understood is an impossibility, the people and herewith i mean the rich as well as the poor never rule in a republic, they cannot rule, they have no time to rule, therefore they elect a body of honorable men to do the ruling to the benefit of all, in other words they entrust a body of men with their government, that is why grover cleveland said that a public office is a public trust. and a political party is the medium between the people and the elected government, and any party that should nominate a man in violation of the third term tradition does no longer deserve to be a party entrusted by the people. this third termer could have been of more value to the country had he lent his advice and honest opinion to his party and our president who eagerly sought his advice, for a man's honest advice is his ideas and convictions but with man's ideas it is like digging a pan of sand from a river from the gold regions, the sand must be sifted and filtered, there might be one or more grains of gold found in it. a man's ideas must pass through the brains of other men, to be sifted and filtered and every grain of gold found will be appreciated, but a man who claims that he knows it all better, is equal to saying that his pan of sand is all gold. the third termer claims that it is not a third term, if not followed by two consecutive terms, then a second term would not be a second, if given to man years after his first, i wonder what to call such term, after a while he will tell us that a monarchy in this country is not a monarchy if the monarch is a native born; let it be established now and forever that it is a man's third term if he has twice been in office and if each time only twenty-four hours after taking oath and if third term is given to him or he seeks it twenty years after the second. if the third termer thought that the republican party whom he hailed from needed chastisement because she refused to violate tradition in his favor, he had the right to create a third party, nominate all officials for same and be the very soul and power behind the throne, but when it became evident that the whole party movement was only enacted to give him a third term, he had forfeited his citizenship and his life. anybody who finances a third term movement should be expatriated and his wealth confiscated. it is ridiculous to say that if he is defeated in november it is also a verdict of the people to uphold the third term tradition, as we may as well say it is the verdict of the people to abolish the third term if he wins in november, the third term tradition has never been before the people as an issue to vote and for this reason it should never be put before them. it is almost a certainty, that if voted upon last year, the people would have declared in favor of upholding the tradition, while it is dead sure that if we were living this year in a panic, a business depression, with hundreds of thousands out of work instead of a general prosperity, the third termer would walk in over the decision of the previous year. the dangers in this campaign are these, the third termer is sure that the nomination has been stolen and that the country and the job belong to him, therefore if he gets honestly defeated in november he will again yell that the crooks of both parties have stolen the election, and should he carry a solid west, he and the hungry office seekers would not hesitate to take up arms to take by force what is denied him by the people, then we face a civil war, and it was ab. lincoln who said that war is hell and that he who wilfully invited war deserves death. we would then be compelled to wash out the sin of violating the third term with the blood of our sons. yet, this is not the greatest danger we are facing. we have allowed an adventurer to circumtravel the union with military escort, with the torch of revolution in his hands to burn down the very house we live in while we should be aware that we are surrounded by a pack of wolves ever ready to jump on us. does anybody think that the european powers would sit idly while we are disunited, would a certain power hesitate to help the third termer and make good the gravest mistake that power has made in by not keeping this country disunited and separated while we are just getting ready to become their greatest competitor on the seas after the completion of the panama canal. our strength is not in our army or navy nor in our money power, our strength is in our union. in union alone can we uphold the monroe doctrine our second unwritten law so much hated and dreaded by all the world. the sister republic's transvaal and orange free state were not destroyed because it was the connecting link between egypt and the cape, not because gold was found, no, but because great brit. could not allow a second united states to establish a monroe doctrine on african soil. reciprocity would have profited both the union and canada but england fears a too close a relation between the two nations and premier leurier's sin was that he was first a canadian, second an american and third a britisher, he had to be replaced by a man who is in the first, second, and third place a britisher. the outcome of the present campaign interests the powers more than us, all actions of congress or cabinet are sooner known in the cabinets of europe than we hear about them. there is today a "cato" in the senate of every country and in the folds of his cloak he has concealed several figs of unusual size, everyone of these figs represent one of our great american trusts, and he concluded every speech with carthage must be destroyed. with our union destroyed we would cry with the israelites in the desert: lead us back to the meat pots of egypt, give us a thousand trusts sooner than one third termer. if we think that we need a one man's rule, whose place cannot be filled by another among millions intelligent citizens, then it were about time that we got a licking from somewhere. what are we about to do, do we want the great building we have helped to build tear down and give everybody a brick, the people which is only the present generation cannot do what they want, for what they have and what they are they are greatly in obligation to the past and earlier generations who also helped to build up, therefore this generation called the people cannot do as they please which is so ardently advocated by the third termer. have we learned no lesson about a one man's rule experienced in france with such disastrous results as the end of the reign of napoleon i and napoleon iii. we are trying to establish here a system like our ancestors have done in europe which all revolutions of a , years could not abolish, it would be useless to forcibly remove a third president because the system would then be established. are we under no obligation to the heroes of all wars for freedom and independence, are we overthrowing our republic while the heroes of the french revolutions and the martyrs of gladly gave their lives to establish republican institutions. may god enlighten the nation, may the spirit of still be alive, and when they tell us that there is a rome on the other side let them understand that u. s. a. is not carthage. in this campaign we may observe that prosperity is as dangerous to our institutions as hard times are, people are too busy making money, they gradually lose all interest in politics, unless a third termer tells them that government is only medium to enrich them still more, how else can we explain his remark that mr. perkins wants his children to live better in this country after his departure, a millionaire's children can only live better when the third term party doubles the millions of their father. in this critical time i find that men have more interest in the baseball results than to register, think and vote. but of course some people have no more sense than three guinea pigs. his movement is not progressive, they are insurgents, insurgents and revolutionary. hardly any revolution has started without pretending that their movement was progressive. the abolition of the third term tradition is the abolition of the monroe doctrine also. in this doctrine we are overtaking the guardianship over all republics on the american continent against foreign encroachments. naturally the third termer would prove too in that the fourth term is only his second, to do this he would have to become the conquering hero, we would commit the same faults france did years ago national aggrandisement, yet france no larger today than before napoleon i. the fourth termer could hardly gather laurels in a european or asiatic war the natural consequences would that south america would become the field of his actions. we have upheld the monroe doctrine without the consent of these countries so she could prevent those nations from inviting a european power to protect them by declaring that inasmuch as the third term tradition is abolished, the monroe doctrine is no longer binding, because they are more afraid of the third termer than they would be of any foreign prince. the prudence of our forefathers has delivered to us an equally sacred unwritten law which reads that no president should embrace another creed than protestant if possible a sect of the english church. i am a roman catholic. i love my religion but i hate my church, as long as the roman parish is not independent from rome, as long as catholic priests are prevented from getting married, as long as rome is still more engaged in politics and accumulation of money contrary to the teachings of the lord, the roman catholic church is not the religion for a president of the united states. the separation of state from church in france has sufficiently proved that rome and republic are enemies. the fourth unwritten law which is practically supplementary to the second we find in george washington's farewell address where he advises us to live in peace with your neighbor. we have no right to start a war of conquest with any nation and our relations to the south american republic can be improved if we remove their fear of a steady conquest by us by observing this law. does it not look ridiculous that established governments in this enlightened age sends thousands of unfortunates to prison as punishment for murdering, for to steal and rob, while these same nations are armed with all descriptable weapons like so many bandits ever ready to jump at each other's throat. what else is war but murder for to rob that which belongs to others. since men have learned to work they have no more right to war. the salvation of the human family must be worked out by international commercialism the sooner all industrial establishments of the world unite like in the days of the hansa can the social questions be solved. international commercialism must have individual legislation and jurisdiction, independent from national legislation, but must be acknowledged by all states and the united states is the only power ruled by commercialism without a mailed fiat and will be the first to recognize international commercialism for this alone will abolish and distribute wealth more fair and just, and work to a higher state of civilization. john schrank. chapter xxii. unusual court precedent. judge august c. backus' method of conducting the schrank case has established a precedent for such cases, and the action of the court in establishing a new form of procedure has met with favorable comment on the part of lawyers, alienists, court officials and editors all over the world. instructing the commission of five alienists in its duties judge backus said: gentlemen of the commission: "you have been appointed as an impartial commission to examine into the present mental condition of the defendant john schrank, who is charged with the crime of assault with intent to kill and murder theodore roosevelt, with a loaded revolver, on the th day of october, , in the city and county of milwaukee and state of wisconsin. "the court in this proceeding will finally determine the issue. i have decided to take this method of procedure instead of a jury trial, because as a rule in trials by jury the case resolves itself into a battle of medical experts, and in my experience i have never witnessed a case where the testimony of the experts on one side was not directly contradicted by the testimony of as many or more experts on the other side. where men especially trained in mental and nervous diseases disagree, how can it be expected that a jury of twelve laymen should agree? such testimony has been very unsatisfactory to the jury and to the court, and generally very expensive to the community. [illustration: james g. flanders, attorney for schrank.] "bear in mind, gentlemen, that your appointment has not been suggested by either counsel for the state or for the defendant, or by any other party or, source directly or indirectly interested in this inquisition. you are the court's commission, and you must enter upon your duties free from any bias or prejudice, if any there be. you should assume your duties, and i know you will, with the highest motives in seeking the truth, and then pronounce your judgment without regard to the effect it may have upon the state or upon the defendant; in other words, in your inquiry and deliberation you are placed on the same plane as the judge. "if any person seeks to influence you or talks to you as a commission, or to any member of the commission, who is not duly requested to appear before you, report him to the court so that an order to show cause why he should not be punished for contempt may issue. "if there be any witnesses you desire, the court will command their attendance. the court will grant you the services of a phonographic reporter so that everything that is said and done may appear of record. "this commission may now retire, select a moderator and proceed with the inquiry. "now, gentlemen, perform your duties fairly and impartially and render such findings to the court as your consciences and your judgments approve. "the question for your determination is, 'is the defendant john schrank sane or insane at the present time?'" * * * * * editorial comment from three newspapers is herewith presented as showing the general trend of comment on the course followed by judge backus: the milwaukee free press said: "the findings of the alienists appointed by judge backus to determine the mental condition of schrank were foreseen. there has been little doubt at any time of the derangement of that unfortunate man. this fact, however, does not detract from appreciation of the excellent and novel course pursued by judge backus in taking advantage of the statute that permitted him to submit the question of schrank's sanity to a body of alienists appointed by himself instead of leaving the question to a jury at the tender mercy of alienists employed alike by state and defense. "the judge justified his procedure in these words, when instructing the examining physicians: "'i have decided to take this method of procedure instead of a jury trial, because as a rule in trials by jury the case resolves itself into a battle of medical experts, and in my experience i have never witnessed a case where the testimony of the experts on one side was not directly contradicted by the testimony of as many or more experts on the other side. where men specially trained in mental and nervous diseases disagree, how can it be expected that a jury of twelve laymen should agree? such testimony has been very unsatisfactory to the jury and to the court, and generally very expensive to the community.'" "worse than that. it has been a scandal to the medical profession, a source of travesty to judicial procedure and all too often a means of defeating the ends of justice. "the very course pursued by judge backus was advocated by president gregory of the american bar association not very long ago, and the outcome in this instance at least is such as to recommend its adoption by the bench wherever the statutes permit." * * * * * the chicago record-herald said: "it is notorious that 'expert testimony' is too often confused and confusing testimony which jurors and judges feel themselves bound to disregard in favor of mere horse sense. the stated experts are matched or overmatched by the experts for the defense, and the conflict of 'scientific' testimony assumes in many cases the proportions of a public scandal. "hence the 'wisconsin idea' as applied by judge backus of milwaukee, who is presiding over the trial of john schrank, is an admirable one. under a statute of wisconsin a judge may summon a certain number of experts and make them officers of the court. they testify as such officers, and presumably the state pays them reasonable fees. under such a plan as this there is no temptation to strain science in the interest of a long purse, and impartial opinions is likely to be the rule. "statutes similar to that of wisconsin are needed in all other states. 'expert testimony' has long been a byword and reproach. of course, under anglo-saxon jurisprudence no defendant can be deprived of the right to call witnesses of his own choosing, and after all a medical expert is only a witness who gives opinions instead of facts. still, a law which authorizes the court to call truly impartial experts would not seem to be 'unconstitutional.' it is certainly not unfair or unreasonable from the lay point of view." * * * * * the saturday night of toronto, ont., said: "in the stress attending on matters of greater moment which have been occupying the attention of the daily press of late, the judicial wisdom of mr. a. c. backus, municipal judge of the city of milwaukee, charged with the task of trying john schrank, the man who attempted to slay col. roosevelt, has been overlooked. "nevertheless, he established a precedent with regard to the trial of prisoners where insanity is the only defense, that should be copied not only by every state of the american union, but by every province of canada. "it was not generally known that the laws of the state of wisconsin gave a presiding justice the plenary powers he has exercised, but every good judge who has presided over cases where alienists have been employed to furnish testimony must have yearned for similar authority. "in the schrank case judge backus decided to eliminate all direct testimony by alienists, and to constitute such experts into an auxiliary court who should co-operate with him in the final judgment of the case. "his auxiliary, consisting of five physicians, was directed to elect a moderator who would preside over their deliberations and decide the issues of sanity or insanity in case of a deadlock. "it would be difficult to say what objection could be taken to this system in any case where alienists are subpoenaed. it is even possible that by carefully protecting the rights of the prisoner the same system could be worked out in any case where medical testimony beyond the mere proving of the crime is required. in many murder cases physicians have been heard swearing to contrary positions until the jurors, disgusted with the confusion of the testimony, have simply thrown up their hands, neglected their duty to consider the reasonable facts of the case, and allowed murderers to go free. "judge backus has taken a forward step in the administration of justice on this continent, and it is to be trusted that the effects of it will be far-reaching." none none scanned images of public domain material from the internet archive. transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in extra large type (=large=). through the outlooking glass with theodore roosevelt sixth edition price ten cents through the outlooking glass _being the curious adventures of theodore the_ red knight _in his quest of the_ third cup, _of his faithful companion_ alice, _of the_ old lady _who lived in a shoe behind a high tariff wall, and divers quaint and lively persons, all comprising a veritable_ theodyssey _of incidents, set down in simple third terms_ by simeon strunsky reprinted from the evening post new york chapter i alice was half-way through her cereal when the red knight came in and picked out a place at the same table facing her. he flung his coat over two hooks on the wall upside down. he then took a piece of chalk from his pocket and drew a ring on the floor and threw his hat into it. "good morning, sir," said alice, who never forgot her manners under any circumstances. "good evening," said the red knight, as he opened his newspaper and began reading the last paragraph in the last column on the last page. "but it isn't evening," said alice. "why, i am just having my breakfast before going to school." "if you were a friend of mine, you'd know what i mean," said the red knight, and turned to the mad waiter, who was holding out the bill of fare for him to read. the mad waiter was a progressive waiter. he was so progressive that he would always be serving people with their supper before they had finished ordering lunch. "i'll begin with a third cup of coffee," said the red knight. "then you can bring me a second cup if it's not too cold. i am sure i don't want the first cup at all today." "thank you, sir," said the mad waiter. "the ham and eggs is very fine today." "that just suits me," said the red knight. "too bad," said the mad waiter. "perhaps you'll have a chop, with pickles and a boiled potato." "bully!" said the red knight. "why, then, there's the cold salmon as many people likes to have a taste of in the morning," said the waiter. "under no circumstances will i eat cold salmon," said the red knight, bringing his fist down on the table with such force that alice let her spoon fall to the floor. the mad waiter disappeared, and almost immediately returned with a plate of cold salmon, of which the red knight partook heartily, washing it down with two steaming cups of coffee. as alice was gathering up her books before setting out for school, the red knight turned to the waiter and said, "now bring me the first cup." "but you said you were sure you didn't want a first cup," cried alice, with some show of spirit. "that doesn't mean i can't have a first cup without sugar in it, does it?" said the red knight, as he picked up the sugar-bowl and threw it at the mad waiter. chapter ii soon they came to the top of the hill and alice saw a large, heavy man with a genial smile standing on the lawn of the white house. "that," said the red knight with a frown, "is a deceptive candidate for the presidency." "why do you call him deceptive?" said alice. "because he always says what he means," replied the red knight. "but that isn't deceiving at all," said alice. "yes, it is," said the red knight angrily. "a man like that deceives people's hopes for novelty and excitement. now _i_ am a receptive candidate." "i don't know what that means, either," said alice. "it means," said the red knight, "a candidate who receives his views and his principles as he moves along. i am also a perceptive candidate because i am as quick as lightning at perceiving which way the wind blows. furthermore, i am an inceptive candidate and a susceptive candidate, and an acceptive candidate. that big man you see over there is my friend. but he has queer notions about some things. for instance, he says he'd rather be white than be president." "aren't you going to say 'good morning' to him, if he is your friend?" said alice. "oh, no," said the red knight. "i never do things like other people. i treat my friends and my enemies alike. i give them all a square deal." "it seems to me, then," said alice, "that what you want to do is to walk over and shake hands and say 'i hope you are feeling quite well, and here is a square deal for you.'" "that would never do," said the red knight. "when i give a friend a square deal i give it to him between his shoulder blades, especially if he has broad shoulders like this man in front of us." "i don't see that the size of the man's shoulders has anything to do with it," said alice. "that is because you have forgotten your geometry," said the red knight. "if you hadn't you'd know that a square deal on the hypothenuse is equal to the sum of the square deals on the other two sides." chapter iii the red knight had been rowing for a long time and alice noticed that they were still in the same place. that was on account of the peculiar way in which the red knight handled the oars. he pulled at the right oar as hard as he could and pushed with the left oar as hard as he could and the boat went round and round in a circle. "we aren't getting any nearer the shore, are we?" he asked anxiously. "not a bit," said alice. "that's fine," said the red knight. "now you can see that i am neither a wild-eyed radical nor a moss-grown reactionary." but alice's conscience began to trouble her. "you know," she said. "i promised mamma that i would go out in a boat under no circumstances." "that's all right, then," said the red knight. "it's just what you are doing." "but i am _not_," said alice. "you are very stupid," said the red knight. "suppose you said. 'i will go out in the rain under no umbrella.' wouldn't that mean that you intended to go out without an umbrella?" "it _might_ mean that," said alice. "and suppose you said, 'i will go to bed under no blanket,' it would mean that you preferred to sleep without a blanket, wouldn't it?" "i suppose so," said alice. "now, were there any circumstances why you should have gone out with me in this boat?" asked the red knight. "no," said alice. "well, then, isn't it as plain as anything that you are going out in this boat under no circumstances?" but alice only began to whimper. "i promised mamma," she said, "that i should be home at five o'clock." "selfish!" said the red knight. "i am not selfish," cried alice. "i promised mamma i'd come and i want to keep my promise." "that's what i call selfish," said the red knight; "giving somebody your promise and wanting to keep it, too. i'd never be guilty of such conduct. it's like giving somebody your piece of plum pudding and wanting to keep it at the same time." "but a promise isn't plum pudding," said alice. "of course it isn't," said the red knight. "plum pudding is much harder to swallow." "oh, you know well enough what i mean," said alice, quite out of patience. "it isn't the _promise_ i want to keep; it's _what_ i promised about." "oh, in that case, we quite agree," said the red knight. "if you give people a promise and keep something else, it's all right." and he began to row harder than ever. chapter iv "sometimes," said the red knight, "a situation arises where mere words will not do at all. look at this paper, for instance." "it's a telegram, isn't it?" said alice. "a special night-letter," said the red knight. "it's from the prime minister of kansas. it says: 'when you take a third cup at breakfast, do you drink coffee like the plain people, or cocoa like the enemies of progress?' now, words alone could not express my views on the subject. the only way i can answer this highly important question is like this." and then, to alice's astonishment, the red knight descended from his horse and stood straight in the air on his hands, as alice had frequently seen her little brother do in the back yard at home. "on the one hand," said the red knight, lifting his right arm from the ground and tipping dangerously to the left. "i believe that the right of the common people to drink coffee in the morning is inalienable, and if the constitution is in the way it should be recalled. on the other hand," suiting his action to the word and tipping dangerously to the right, "if some people are put upon a cocoa diet by doctor's orders, they should be at liberty to drink cocoa even if they are rich. i think," concluded the red knight as he got to his feet quite breathless and very red in the face, "that the prime minister of kansas will henceforth know how i stand upon the subject." "i didn't know you were so clever at gymnastics," said alice with sincere admiration. "oh, i am," said the red knight, with an air of justified pride. "i am the only one in the country who can sit between two stools without touching either or falling to the ground." "i don't see how anybody can do that," said alice. "i do it by sitting on my record," said the red knight. chapter v alice was beginning to feel rather tired, when they turned another corner and saw the old woman who lived in a shoe. the landlord didn't like to have babies in the house, and the cost of living was dreadfully high, and so she didn't know what else to do. the red knight kissed every one of the children--there were just fifty-seven of them--and told them that under certain circumstances they might all be president some day. alice had been long away from home, and the sight of the little ones almost brought tears to her eyes. "the darlings!" she said. "i should just have to bathe them all and put them to bed. i wonder how you can keep count of them, ma'am." "it's very simple," said the woman. "i make them punch a clock, in the morning just before breakfast, and again before they go to bed. but it's the breakfast that worries me," she went on, turning to the red knight. "with fifty-seven mouths to feed, and each one demanding a bowl of cereal and an egg, and prices what they are." "but on the other hand," said the red knight, "see what you have done for your country and your race." "i know," said the old woman. "i heard people say that if the tariff were reduced, then groceries might come cheaper somehow; i am not clever at such things, but you know what i mean." the red knight smiled jovially. "i quite understand, madam," he said. "what you mean is that the presidential primary ought to be established in every state." "perhaps i did mean that," said the old woman, a little dazed. "they were also saying that if american sewing-machines were sold in this country at only twenty-five per cent. more than they are sold abroad, it would be a good thing for us housewives. perhaps i'm not quite clear." "i grasp your meaning perfectly," said the red knight. "you meant to imply that the greatest need of the moment is the recall of judicial decisions." "well, i suppose it's so," said the old woman. "but i did think that if we had reciprocity with canada, every one of the children might have an egg for breakfast. i wonder if it is really possible." "it is, madam," said the red knight; "as soon as we establish the initiative and referendum." "does that mean two separate things, or one?" asked alice, who had been reading the "rubaiyat" to the thirteen youngest children. "two, of course," said the red knight. "i supply the initiative, and perkins furnishes the referendum." he took off his helmet and from it drew forth two large paper boxes, at the sight of the contents of which all the fifty-seven children broke into a cheer. they were still cheering for the red knight as alice and her companion disappeared around the corner. "was it breakfast food you had in the boxes?" asked alice. "my dear alice," said the red knight, "when you grow up and go into society, you will learn that popular enthusiasm does not thrive on breakfast food. you know what children like. in one of the boxes there was fudge, and in the other box there was taffy." chapter vi "whichever way you look at it," said the red knight, "there is only one possible conclusion. i am the logical candidate at chicago." "what _is_ a logical candidate?" said alice. "a logical candidate," said the red knight, "is one who, when the necessity arises, can prove that 'i won't' means 'i will.'" "that should be a very difficult thing to do," said alice. "_i_ find it the easiest thing in the world," said the red knight. "let us look at it in this way: no one will deny that the president of the united states should be a man about fifty-four years old, about five feet ten inches tall, powerfully built, wear glasses, and live on the north shore of long island. that, i believe, is axiomatic." "that's another word i don't know the meaning of," said alice. "an axiom, my dear girl, is something which is so obviously true that the man who denies it must be a crook or an infamous liar. very well, then. in the second place, a candidate for the presidency should be a man of wide experience. he must have lived in the white house at least seven years, and before that he must have been a member of the legislature, a police commissioner, a cavalry colonel, and the author of a short but masterly treatise on the irish sagas." "is that axiomatic, also?" said alice. "naturally," said the red knight. "then it means you once more?" "exactly," said the red knight. "and in the last place he should be a descendant of the old dutch patroons, a native of new york, and his name should begin with an r and end with a t, and have at least two o's and a v between. now what does all that prove?" "axiomatically, you mean?" said alice. "of course," said the red knight. "it means you again," said alice. "you are a very bright child to see the point so quickly," said the red knight. "thus i am the logical candidate of the moment. but please observe that i am much more than that. i am also the physiological candidate, because i can speak faster and louder than any man in the country, and can slug a man harder through the ropes. then, i am the zoological candidate, because of my record in africa. and i am the entomological candidate, because i am the broadest-minded man in the world, and my views are absolutely insectarian." "i don't think that is a very good pun, do you?" said alice. "i think it's one of the best puns i ever heard," said the red knight, hastily, and went on. "the successful candidate must be one who knows how to make hay when the sun shines and how to get in out of the rain; therefore, i am the meteorological candidate. he should be the man brought forward by a vast national upheaval; that makes me the geological candidate. and, above all, he must not be too thin-skinned when accused of bad faith and personal motives; which makes me the dermatological candidate. so what does all this show?" "it shows," said alice, "that you _are_ the logical candidate." "it does," said the red knight, and, having divested himself of his armor, he thrust his hands into his pockets and whistled cheerfully. chapter vii "having rallied my troops," said the red knight, "i will now march to settle the trust problem at the head of my convincible army." "you mean _in_vincible, don't you?" said alice. "i mean _con_vincible," replied the red knight. "because we always march to battle convinced that we shall be robbed of the fruits of victory." "then why fight at all?" said alice. the red knight looked at her in astonishment. "if we don't fight, how can we cry fraud afterwards?" "but you don't absolutely have to cry fraud, do you?" said alice, timidly. for the first time since their acquaintance the red knight grew sarcastic. "if you can tell me any other way we can keep our spirits up, i'd be much obliged," he said. "your army doesn't seem to be a very large one," said alice. "yes, it is," said the red knight. "i have countless millions on my side. but they are of a rather retiring disposition. you'd never suspect they were there if i didn't tell you. these men you see are only my field marshals. i don't suppose you have ever met them before, have you?" "i never have," said alice. "i am only eight, you know, and mamma says i must be seventeen before i go out in mixed company." "then i must introduce you," said the red knight. "the small man in armor is george the harvester. we call him that because he thinks he can sow money and reap delegates. he just loves the people. and he is so modest that the people don't even suspect it. a good man, the harvester, and as true as united states steel." "i don't think i like him," said alice. "i didn't until he came out for me," said the red knight. "that showed how mistaken i was. the tall, thin man, next to him is gifford the forester, so-called because he is frequently up a tree. he is a nice fellow, but not practical enough. i sometimes wonder whether he belongs with the rest of my field-marshals. the one in sheepskin is ormsby the barrister. he got his title from his willingness to round up southern delegates for any candidate, bar none. he is the most unprejudiced man i know. the last man on the left, in a uniform of colored frontispieces is frank the publisher. he is always in high spirits because his circulation is so good. have you ever seen a more impressive lot of men?" alice couldn't honestly say that she had. so the red knight gave the signal and the convincible army started out. soon they came to two finger-posts pointing in the same direction. one finger-post said, "to the house of the good trust," and the other finger-post said, "to the house of the bad trust." alice thought that was very odd, but she was resolved she'd wait until they came to a fork in the road. but when they did the road on the left had no guide-posts at all, and the two fingers continued to point down the other road. "do good trust and bad trust both live in the same house?" asked alice. "i shouldn't be surprised," said the red knight, and they marched on till they came to new jersey; and there, sure enough--but what alice saw there will be told by the red knight in the preceding chapter. chapter viii yes, sure enough, just as alice and the red knight turned the corner they spied the good trust and the bad trust standing quite still, with their hands in each other's pockets. alice thought it very odd, because the day was quite warm. "they do that to keep in practice," said the red knight. to alice they looked like twins. they were dressed in suits of pittsburgh steel, with woollen caps in the form of schedule k. and boots made by the shoe-machine trust. "i am sure i could never tell them apart," said alice. "how do you manage to do it?" "there are several ways," said the red knight. "one way is to turn around and let one of them steal your purse. if he spends the money on yachts and old masters, it's the bad trust. but, if he spends the money on presidential campaign contributions, it's the good trust." "but what happens to my pocketbook?" asked alice. "i think you are very sordid," said the red knight. "however, you might try to shake hands with them. if he takes your hand and says, 'how do you do?' it's the good trust; but, if he takes your hand and then bites it, you'll know it's the bad trust." "i don't think i like that way either," said alice. "all i can see is that they look just alike, and behave in exactly the same way." "that simply shows you lack incrimination and discrimination," said the red knight. "incrimination to recognize the bad trust, and discrimination to recognize the good trust." "well, i wish you'd tell me how _you_ manage to tell one from the other," said alice. "usually i do it by instinct," said the red knight: "but when it's too dark to see well, i treat them with kindness." "but what good does that do?" asked alice. "i thought you knew that everybody responds to kindness," said the red knight. "only they respond in different ways. i get my _best_ results by tickling them." he walked up to the two trusts, and poked his finger into the ribs of the one on the left, saying at the same time: "what do you think of the sherman law?" "tee hee, tee hee," the trust giggled. "that," said the red knight, "is the bad trust. did you ever see such criminal indifference? now, watch me." and he proceeded to push his finger into the side of the other trust, repeating: "what do you think of the sherman law?" "t. r.! t. r.!" shouted the trust. "that is the good trust," said the red knight. "of course, it isn't a method that everybody would care to pursue. and that is why i am the only man in the country who can really tell the difference between the two." chapter ix it was the comic editor who suggested that they go uptown by the subway. it was the rush hour, so there was plenty of room for everybody. the red knight lay back in his seat and looked thoughtfully at alice. "now that i have got oklahoma and there is no doubt as to how the rest of the country is going, i feel the need of a little recreation--" he said. "wreckreation, you know," said the comic editor and nudged alice in the side as he spelled out the joke for her. "do you like puzzle pictures?" said the red knight. "i just love them," said alice. the red knight took out a large document printed on heavy parchment. at the top was an eagle with outstretched wings, and alice could read the first line. "we, the people of the united states, in order--" borrowing alice's scissors, he snipped the paper up in little bands and squares. these he first threw up in the air. then he ran them through his fingers. then he crumpled them up, threw them on the floor and jumped upon them. "change and exercise are good for the constitution, you know," said the comic editor. alice looked calmly at the comic editor and set to work arranging the fragments. but the task was quite beyond her. "i'm afraid you'll have to do it yourself," she said. "it's very simple," said the red knight. he took the pieces and deftly put them together, putting article xii first and article vii next, and so on. "now, here's a sample of the way it should look," he said, and alice noticed that the typography had changed very oddly. she read as follows: we, the people of the un=i=ted states, =i=n order to form a more perfect un=i=on, establ=i=sh just=i=ce, =i=nsure domest=i=c tranqu=i=l=i=ty, prov=i=de for the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the bless=i=ngs of l=i=berty to ourselves and our poster=i=ty, do orda=i=n and establ=i=sh th=i=s const=i=tut=i=on for the un=i=ted states of amer=i=ca. "it seems to be nothing but capital i's," said alice. "the rest you can hardly read." "that is the letter of the constitution," said the red knight. "i have always been faithful to it, and always will be." "but you can't make a constitution out of a single letter," insisted alice. "yes, you can," said the red knight, "provided the letter is big enough." but alice was firm. "i don't see how language can be made up of one letter. you need twenty-six at least." "i don't think so," said the red knight, "and, besides, where am i to get the other letters from?" "you might advertise," said the comic editor. "help wanted, mail, you know." all at once the red knight sat straight up, and his face grew bright. "why, of course, we need more letters. there is e for 'me' and o for 'our' and u for 'us' and a for 'am' and y for 'my.' my dear alice, that really was a bright idea of yours." "whatever is bright is constitutional, you know," said the comic editor. the red knight picked up the pieces of parchment. "with a little practice," he said, "you will be very good at taking a constitution apart and putting it together again. it helps to pass the time, and when you are tired of the game you can throw the mess out of the window." "interrupt it and constrew it, you know," said the comic editor. "oh, don't be a fool," said alice, quite losing her temper. she looked so angry that the comic editor burst out crying. he was still sobbing when they came to the door of the outlooking glass office. chapter x "if you promise to keep quite still," said the poet laureate. "i will read you my latest poem." "i should be delighted," said alice, whose manners never failed her. the poet laureate cleared his throat and read: the sun was shining in the sky, the time was a. m. (no stand-pat luminary, he progressived with a slam), and folks in bed were luncheoning exclusively on jam. "this doesn't seem to be quite clear," said alice. "of course it isn't," said the poet laureate. "this is just to create the proper atmosphere." and he went on: the colonel and the harvester had found a shady spot. they sorted issues by the piece, the dozen, and the lot. and most of them were highly spiced, and all were piping hot. "for seven years," the colonel said, "i walked the quarter deck, i smote the trusts, and in their gore i waded to the neck." "i know it," sobbed the harvester, and signed another check. "i haven't overdone the pathos, have i?" said the poet laureate. "not at all," said alice. "oh pledges, come and walk with us," the valiant colonel cried. "your numbers clearly show my stand upon race suicide. your countless faces fill my breast with pardonable pride." the elder pledges shook their heads and whimpered as he spoke; the elder pledges couldn't move because their backs was broke, but all the younger fry obeyed and waited for the joke. "i will now skip several stanzas because they are quite intelligible," said the poet laureate. "it seems to me that you can read them all the better then," said alice. "but if they are already intelligible, what use is there in reading them?" said the poet laureate, impatiently, and he went on: "the time has come," the colonel said, "to speak of many things, of presidents of sealing wax, and hats inside of rings, and why i feel so boiling hot, and whether truth has wings." "a brand new deal, oh pledges dear, is what we chiefly need. a double-acting memory is very good indeed; and if you're ready, harvester, we can begin to feed." "but not on us," the pledges cried-- "please," said alice, "please won't you skip what happened next? i have never been able to think about it without crying. it's too cruel." "very well," said the poet laureate, "i am rather tender-hearted myself. i'll pass on to the last verse: "'oh pledges dear,' the colonel said, 'is not this bully fun? i thank you for the harvester----' but answer there came none, and this was scarcely odd, because he'd swallowed every one." chapter xi "when i went to school," said the red knight, "i was particularly good at riddles, reverence and rithmetic." "i've studied arithmetic in school and played riddles _after_ school," said alice, "but i don't know what you mean by reverence." "i'm surprised," said the red knight. "reverence means doing honor to great men. for instance, when i look at myself and am reminded of abraham lincoln, george washington, napoleon, mark twain, admiral peary, and joan of arc, that means reverence. but perhaps you'd rather have me ask you riddles?" "i think i should," said alice. "very well. what's the difference between a southern postmaster in and a southern postmaster in ?" "i'm sure i don't know," said alice. "what is it?" "i give it up," said the red knight. "what a queer way of asking riddles!" said alice. "not at all," said the red knight. "what's the difference between taking a canal from colombia and taking candy from a child?" "i never did understand politics," said alice. "what is it?" "i give it up," said the red knight. "oh, pshaw," said alice. "please do be sensible." "i _am_ sensible," said the red knight. "why is george w. perkins like the voice of the people?" "well, why?" "i give it up," said the red knight. "but that's too absurd for anything," said alice. "if you like to tease people, please find some one else to tease." she walked away to one side, quite angry, and began to play with the daisies in her new spring hat. the red knight sat down on the river's edge and broke out crying. he wept so bitterly that alice felt sorry for him. she came back to where he sat and said: "i'm awfully sorry. i didn't mean to hurt your feelings." but the red knight only went on weeping. "please, do stop crying," said alice. "take out your handkerchief and wipe your eyes; come now." "i can't," said the red knight. "i had my handkerchief in my hat, and my hat is in the ring," and he sobbed as if his heart would break. so alice took out her own handkerchief and wiped his streaming eyes, but still he would not stop. then, to quiet him, she said: "but you said you were good at arithmetic." "oh, i am," said the red knight, and his face grew quite radiant. "have you ever figured out how many governors have come out for me?" "no," said alice. "well," said the red knight, "there's the governor of new hampshire, and the governor of west virginia, that makes two; and the governor of new hampshire, that makes--" "but you counted the governor of new hampshire," said alice. "only once," said the red knight. "people say that the governor of new hampshire is of two minds about me--that means twice, doesn't it?" "does it?" said alice. "of course it does," said the red knight. "then there is kansas, which makes five, and nebraska, which makes eleven, and california, which makes twenty-four, and new mexico, which makes thirty-seven out of a total of forty-eight governors." "i don't see how you figure that out at all," said alice. "i do it by long addition," said the red knight. chapter xii alice had been sprinkling water on his face and fanning him with her straw hat for several minutes, and still the red knight lay there quite motionless. he looked so wan and pale it made alice's heart ache. but just when she had decided that a doctor must be sent for, the red knight opened his eyes and sighed. "where are we?" he said. "we are still in north dakota," said alice. "and our opponents?" "they have gone somewhere else." "i knew it," said the red knight. "they have left the field to me. i knew it would be like that. i always win. did you see me charge?" "i did," said alice. "it made me so sad to see you go over your horse's head so many times." "i did that to disconcert them," said the red knight. "as long as i stayed in the saddle they would keep on fighting. but as soon as i fell off they would naturally be at a loss as to what to do next." "but you frightened me horribly," said alice. "every time you went over you landed on your head." "oh, that was all right," said the red knight. "my head has always been the strongest part of me. besides, i always think very well on my head. it stimulates me. some of the very best ideas i have had--like the recall of the judges, for instance--came to me in that position. the thing to do now is to follow up our victory." "you must not bother about that now," said alice. "you must really rest up. talking isn't very good for you." "it never hurts me to talk," said the red knight. "it is no strain whatever. i can do it without thinking." a tired look came into alice's face. "you are not discouraged, are you?" asked the red knight, a little wistfully. "you mustn't be, you know. if i gave up the fight who else would there be to carry it on?" "i'm sure i don't know," said alice. "there _is_ no one else," said the red knight. "i'll prove it to you." he reached into his back pocket and pulled out a collapsible foot-measure of the kind carpenters use in their business. he handed it to alice and asked her to open it out. "this is a very funny rule," said alice. "i thought all these pocket-measures ran up to six feet, but this one stops short at five feet ten inches." "exactly," said the red knight. "now would you mind taking my measure, just as i lie here." alice wondered, but complied. "why," she said, "it is just your height." "of course it is," said the red knight. "this, you see, is the rule of the people. i always carry it about with me. it is a very good rule, because it works only one way." chapter xiii at the sight of the dear old lady in a pannier gown, alice could not help uttering a little cry of delight. "do let me introduce you," she said to the red knight, and she ran forward, pulling his steed along by the rein. "the red knight, mrs. malaprop," she said, and beamed upon both of them. "not _the_ mrs. malaprop," said the red knight, holding out one hand and clinging to the saddle with the other. "the same," said the old lady; "may i facilitate you upon the results in illinois and pennsylvania?" "i thank you," said the red knight. "i have often heard you spoken of as one of our leading simplified spellers. if i am not mistaken, your grandfather was col. lapsus linguæ of faux pas." "he was," said the old lady. "and on my mother's side i am related to the bulls of ireland and the hiatuses of prattling common. if an old woman's good wishes count for anything--" "madam," said the red knight, "after california, i freely recognize the extraordinary mental and moral qualities of our women voters." "i have long wished to tell you," said the old woman, "how i admire the victorious career of one whom i regard as the most perkinacious of all our candidates." "pert, not perk," hinted alice, gently. "perk or pert, what difference does it make?" said the old lady. "we live not by the letter of the law, but by its spirituous consultation. i have known many candidates who have fought hard for their own ends, but none whose motives are so absolutely flinnathropic." "philanthropic," suggested alice, in a whisper. "please don't interrogate so much," said the old lady, but still without losing her temper. "when i meet a public man who is so ready to capitalize his own interests to those of his country--" "sacri--" alice started to say, but caught herself in time. "why, then," went on the old lady, "he ought to have as many terms as he likes. if two are not enough he should have a third term, if only by hannalogy. now i hope i got _that_ right," she said, turning defiantly to alice. but alice's feelings were hurt, and she said nothing. "and so," concluded the old lady, "i hope that you will succeed in keeping up your spontaneous consumption of public interest and that you won't let them take away your southern renegades--" "delega--" said alice before she could stop herself. but the old lady only glared at her and went on addressing the red knight: "and may all your enemies be like that english duke who was drowned in a barrel of munsey." "malmsey," shouted alice, no longer able to control herself. but the red knight turned to her and chided her gently: "the question, my dear alice, is who shall make the rules of language, the plain people or the bosses who write the dictionaries." chapter xiv "i will never go to chicago," said the red knight. alice looked up from her book. "what train won't you take?" she asked. "the : ," said the red knight. "and which would you rather not have, a lower berth or an upper one?" said alice. "by all means a lower berth," said the red knight. "it makes no difference to me, you know." and so the next morning they sat at breakfast in the dining-car. alice divided her attention between the grapefruit and the landscape, but the red knight was completely absorbed with his own thoughts. "it makes one dizzy to see the country flash by," said alice, half to herself. the gentleman in a bathing suit who sat at the next table eating olives with a spoon turned around with a reassuring smile. "i shouldn't worry if i were you," he said. "it keeps up all the way to chicago, you know." "what keeps up?" said alice. "the country, of course," said the gentleman. but at the word chicago, the red knight looked up suddenly. "my dear alice, do you happen to remember the name of the president who was nominated at chicago in ?" he said. "let me see," said alice, and she began to repeat to herself, first washington his country's pride, then sturdy adams true and tried, then jefferson---- "we shall be in chicago before you get to daniel webster," said the gentleman in the bathing suit. "it was lincoln, of course." "lincoln is right," said the red knight. "and now _i_ am going to chicago." "that's a very good sign," said the gentleman in the bathing suit. "what is?" said the red knight, blushing with delight. "that," said the other, pointing out of the window. "can you read it? 'use walnut oil and save your hair.' it sounds very convincing." but the red knight was once more lost in thought, and the gentleman in the bathing suit turned to alice. "i am an upholsterer by trade, you know," he said, "but in the summer i give lessons on the violin." "what an odd combination!" said alice. "do you play well?" "oh i make more or less of a respectable living out of it," he said. "it's more respectable than upholstering, but it's less of a living." here the red knight looked up again. "what are those famous words in lincoln's second inaugural, alice? you know what i mean. 'with-- with----' how does it go?" "_i_ know what you mean," said the gentleman in the bathing suit as he rolled his menu-card into a tube and began shooting olive-pits through it. "you mean, 'with alice towards none, with hilarity for all--'" "i think you are very stupid," said alice, "and i wish you wouldn't take liberties with other people's names." the man in the bathing suit immediately broke into tears. "i was only fooling," he sobbed. "but you can't fool all of the people all of the time. can you now?" he said, turning to the red knight. "you don't have to," said the red knight, to himself. "a good many progressives expect to be elected to the united states senate." chapter xv the train pulled into the station, and the red knight looked at his watch. "forty minutes late," he said; "another infamous trick." he seized a telegraph blank, and wrote: "congressman mckinley, taft headquarters--brigand! assassin! polygamist! collect." he turned to alice. "i feel much better now," he said. "let us go." opposite them in the car sat a young lady who was reading "thus spake zarathustra," and chewing gum. so they knew they were in chicago. they came to a hotel that was taller than any building alice had ever seen. it was so tall that millionaires living on the top floor were in the habit of swearing off their taxes, on the plea of non-residence in the state of illinois. they entered the elevator, and by and by they reached the floor on which their rooms were situated. as they opened the door, the first thing they saw was george the harvester and ormsby the barrister weeping in each other's arms, and wiping each other's eyes with bundles of rejected credentials. at the sight of the barrister the red knight showed no anger. he merely took off his helmet and threw it at the bellboy. then he pressed his forehead against the window-pane, and the glass cracked. then he turned to the barrister. "you must have had a very pleasant trip down south," he said, quietly gnashing his teeth. "i did," said the barrister, brightening up wonderfully. "how did it all happen?" said the red knight. "shall i tell the story by congressional districts or by states?" said the barrister. "by states," said the red knight. the barrister cleared his throat and began: i took a barrel into ga. ("'ga' being georgia, of course," he explained.) they jumped right up and yelled "hurrah." i took a trunkful into fla. they came to cheer from near and far. i spent two trunkfuls in ala. they danced and sang: "you bet we are!" i took a crateful into ark. they said, "your reasons hit the mark." "but this is all so very, very obscure," said alice. "it was intended to be," said the barrister, and went on: i sent to them and said "endorse," they stood right up and said "of course." i wrote to them and said "contest," they said, "cash up, we'll do the rest." i said to them "remember now," they said, "keep cool, we'll show you how." they voted once, they voted twice, they voted hard, to earn the price. "but who are 'they?'" asked alice. "are there really such people?" "of course there are," said the barrister. "i invented them myself," and he went on: they started for chicago, ill., to ratify the people's will, but---- "that's all there is," said the barrister, stopping abruptly. "yes, that is all there is," said the red knight, "and a nice mess you made of it." "mercy, sire," cried the barrister, falling on his knees. "failure deserves no pity," said the red knight sternly. "if it were not for the chance that you may do better in , i would make short work of you at once. as it is, you will, as a penalty, between today and the first of next year, read and briefly summarize every one of my past presidential messages." "including the paragraph about the tariff which joe cannon made you take out?" sobbed the barrister. "everything!" said the red knight. "come, alice. the trumpet calls to battle. it's now or never--unless the circumstances change." chapter xvi the two armies were now face to face, and the red knight gathered his staff about him for a few final words of exhortation. "remember, men," he said. "victory is assured. on our side are all the honest men. against us are all the thieves. we need only win forty of them over to our side and the battle is ours." alice thought that was rather strange tactics, but she said nothing. she gazed with admiration at the red knight. he was resplendent in a new suit of armour fashioned out of lithographed photographs of abraham lincoln. from his helmet fluttered a copy of the declaration of the rights of man. in his right hand he held a copy of magna charta, and with the left he waved aloft one of the harvester's fattest checkbooks. a mighty cheer broke from the multitude, but the red knight commanded silence. "as you go into battle," he went on, "ask yourself this: can the practitioners of theft and burglary triumph over the forces of righteousness?" "never!" shouted the publisher, like the hero in one of his own magazines. "don't be an ass, frank," said the red knight. "of course they always do, except when i am here to lead the forces of righteousness. that makes all the difference in the world." alice thought she had never seen him in such a logical frame of mind. the men about him felt exactly the same way. the red knight went on: "the principal thing when you take up arms is to know what you are fighting for. do all of you know what you are after?" "we do!" they cried in chorus. conviction was stamped on every face. "that is very good," said the red knight. "so do i. now we come to our plan of attack. it is very simple. i shall lead flanking parties against the enemy's right and left wing and head a furious charge against the centre. a small detachment of picked men under my personal command will go out in advance and feel out the enemy. as for the rear guard and train that shall be my own concern. between operations i shall write full account of the battle for several newspaper syndicates with which i have signed contracts. is there anything i have overlooked?" it was the forester who spoke up. "there's the band music for the triumphal return from chicago." the red knight smiled indulgently. "that is already composed and orchestrated. i may revise it a bit while i am dictating terms to the enemy. so that is all. you may go, gentlemen." "but how about me?" said alice, of whose presence the red knight had been quite oblivious. her feelings were hurt, and she was on the point of crying. "why, sure enough, there you are, alice," said the red knight. "i think you had better go to the rear till it's all over. the fight may last till ten o'clock, and that's no hour for one of your age to be out of bed." "i will never leave you!" cried alice. "under no circumstances. there's no one else like you in the whole world." the red knight smiled and stroked her hair. "very well, then. i'll tell you what we'll do. you don't ride a horse, do you?" "i never learned," she said. "it doesn't matter," said the red knight. "no horse could keep up with me, anyhow. we'll get you a taxicab and you can keep right by my side." but alice now had her qualms. "is it very dangerous?" she asked. "dangerous where i am?" laughed the red knight. "you'll be just as safe as in your own little bed. nobody ever stands up against me, alice. at the first sight of me they turn and run. that's what makes the present obstinate behavior of the enemy so peculiarly infamous." chapter xvii they were once more on the chicago flyer, this time on the way east, and alice looking out of the window, saw that within a few minutes they would be in new york. the red knight lay back in his chair, almost as worn and pale as after that terrible battle in north dakota, when he fell off so often on his head. "a drink of water, please, alice," said the red knight. they had mislaid their individual drinking-cups, so alice brought him some water in his helmet, and after he had drunk, she bathed his forehead with the rest. "well, it was a hard fight," said the red knight. "but we won." "do you think so?" said alice, greatly surprised. "we _must_ have won," said the red knight. "we couldn't help it. look at it yourself. my motives were of the very highest, my followers were the best men in the country, my strategy was absolutely faultless. there wasn't a mistake or an oversight. so, of course, i must have won." "but i am really afraid," said alice, "that the others think _they_ came out best." "that was part of my game," said the red knight. "let them sink in the quicksands of their own delusions. let them go on thinking they have nominated some one else. let them go ahead and elect him. let the fact be set down in the school histories. what does it all prove? nothing." the train came to a stop and alice and the red knight took a taxicab for the latter's place of business. the time had come to say good-by. they stood at the door of the outlooking glass office, just as the edition was being made up. from the pressrooms to the editorial rooms all was animation. the chief editor was shooting copy up the tubes as fast as the office boys could write it. the latest advertisements were coming in over the wire. the desk men were waiting for the editorial writers to finish their comments on the week's news before setting down the facts. alice turned to shake hands with the red knight. it had been an exciting time, and she was tired and very anxious to be at home with mamma. but she had grown fond of her comrade in the outlooking glass. when she was back again at her stupid lessons, studying that and makes , and that "yes" is affirmative and "no" is negative, and that black is black and white is white, oh, how she would miss the red knight. but she was very brave, and, stretching out her hand, she said, "good-by." the red knight pressed her hand affectionately. "i wish you would write something in my little pocket album," said alice, trying to keep back her tears. "gladly," said the red knight, and taking the book he wrote: never put off till to-morrow a thing you can get today. "thank you," said alice. "i don't suppose we shall ever meet again." "well, there's ," said the red knight. "shall we say four years from now on lincoln's birthday?" "but there would be no use trying," said alice. "you could help me a great deal, you know," said the red knight. "by that time women will be voting everywhere. on the one hand there will be woman's new privileges to discuss, and on the other hand there will be her new responsibilities. my hat is still good for something." "no, no, no," said alice. "i don't want you to go campaigning any more. the fact is, you are not as strong as you used to be." "suppose it _is_ a fact, what difference does it make?" said the red knight. but alice would not listen. "why must you always be fighting? why not leave that for younger people, and let everybody remember you at your best?" "a man must do _something_ exciting," said the red knight. "of course he must," said alice. "i hope, and i'm sure we all hope, you will go on contributing for years and years and years. good-by." her eyes were wet with tears as she sprang backwards through the outlooking glass. the red knight vanished. she was home again, home in the dear old room with the big reading lamp on the table, and mamma busy with the baby's things, and father asleep over a copy of the aldrich monetary report. "oh mamma," she cried. "what is it, alice?" said her mother. "i have _such_ a headache, mamma. i have been in politics." _by the same author_ * * * * * the patient observer light studies in everyday life * * * * * _reprinted from the evening post_ * * * * * the charming series of essays which have attracted many readers to the new york _evening post_, are here to be found in a bound volume. these witty and thoughtful lucubrations may henceforth be counted as a "permanent possession," and be stored on a book-shelf instead of wandering round as fugitive leaves. there is hardly an essayist of the present day in this country whose work seems better deserving of preservation.--the literary digest with the coming of "the patient observer" a new--and true--humorist enters the field of american literature.--new york times dodd, mead & co. _$ . net_ camping & tramping with roosevelt by john burroughs books by john burroughs #works.# vols., uniform, mo, with frontispiece, gilt top. wake-robin. winter sunshine. locusts and wild honey. fresh fields. indoor studies. birds and poets, with other papers. pepacton, and other sketches. signs and seasons. riverby. whitman: a study. the light of day. literary values. far and near. ways of nature. leaf and tendril. time and change. the summit of the years. the breath of life. under the apple-trees. field and study. #field and study.# _riverside edition._ #under the apple-trees.# _riverside edition._ #the breath of life.# _riverside edition._ #the summit of the years.# _riverside edition._ #time and change.# _riverside edition._ #leaf and tendril.# _riverside edition._ #ways of nature.# _riverside edition._ #far and near.# _riverside edition._ #literary values.# _riverside edition._ #the light of day.# _riverside edition._ #whitman: a study.# _riverside edition._ #a year in the fields.# selections appropriate to each season of the year, from the writings of john burroughs. illustrated from photographs by clifton johnson. #in the catskills.# illustrated from photographs by clifton johnson. #camping and tramping with roosevelt.# illustrated from photographs. #bird and bough.# poems. #winter sunshine.# _cambridge classics series._ #wake-robin.# _riverside aldine series._ #squirrels and other fur-bearers.# illustrated. #bird stories from burroughs.# illustrated. houghton mifflin company boston and new york [illustration: the president on glacier point, yosemite valley from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] camping & tramping with roosevelt by john burroughs _with illustrations_ [illustration] boston and new york houghton mifflin company #the riverside press cambridge# copyright by houghton, mifflin & co. copyright by the outlook company copyright by john burroughs _published october _ illustrations the president on glacier point, yosemite valley _frontispiece_ arrival at gardiner, montana the president, mr. burroughs and secretary loeb the president in the bear country mr. burroughs's favorite pastime sunrise in the yellowstone the president on a trail the president's home on sagamore hill, showing addition known as the trophy room a bit of woodland on the slope towards oyster bay a path in the woods leading to cold spring harbor a yearling in the apple orchard hallway, sagamore hill introduction this little volume really needs no introduction; the two sketches of which it is made explain and, i hope, justify themselves. but there is one phase of the president's many-sided character upon which i should like to lay especial emphasis, namely, his natural history bent and knowledge. amid all his absorbing interests and masterful activities in other fields, his interest and his authority in practical natural history are by no means the least. i long ago had very direct proof of this statement. in some of my english sketches, following a visit to that island in , i had, rather by implication than by positive statement, inclined to the opinion that the european forms of animal life were, as a rule, larger and more hardy and prolific than the corresponding forms in this country. roosevelt could not let this statement or suggestion go unchallenged, and the letter which i received from him in , touching these things, is of double interest at this time, as showing one phase of his radical americanism, while it exhibits him as a thoroughgoing naturalist. i am sure my readers will welcome the gist of this letter. after some preliminary remarks he says:-- "the point of which i am speaking is where you say that the old world forms of animal life are coarser, stronger, fiercer, and more fertile than those of the new world." (my statement was not quite so sweeping as this.) "now i don't think that this is so; at least, comparing the forms which are typical of north america and of northern asia and europe, which together form but one province of animal life. "many animals and birds which increase very fast in new countries, and which are commonly spoken of as european in their origin, are really as alien to europe as to their new homes. thus the rabbit, rat, and mouse are just as truly interlopers in england as in the united states and australia, having moved thither apparently within historic times, the rabbit from north africa, the others from southern asia; and one could no more generalize upon the comparative weakness of the american fauna from these cases of intruders than one could generalize from them upon the comparative weakness of the british, german, and french wild animals. our wood mouse or deer mouse retreats before the ordinary house mouse in exactly the same way that the european wood mouse does, and not a whit more. our big wood rat stands in the same relation to the house rat. casting aside these cases, it seems to me, looking at the mammals, that it would be quite impossible to generalize as to whether those of the old or the new world are more fecund, are the fiercest, the hardiest, or the strongest. a great many cases could be cited on both sides. our moose and caribou are, in certain of their varieties, rather larger than the old world forms of the same species. if there is any difference between the beavers of the two countries, it is in the same direction. so with the great family of the field mice. the largest true arvicola seems to be the yellow-cheeked mouse of hudson's bay, and the biggest representative of the family on either continent is the muskrat. in most of its varieties the wolf of north america seems to be inferior in strength and courage to that of northern europe and asia; but the direct reverse is true with the grizzly bear, which is merely a somewhat larger and fiercer variety of the common european brown bear. on the whole, the old world bison, or so-called aurochs, appears to be somewhat more formidable than its american brother; but the difference against the latter is not anything like as great as the difference in favor of the american wapiti, which is nothing but a giant representative of the comparatively puny european stag. so with the red fox. the fox of new york is about the size of that of france, and inferior in size to that of scotland; the latter in turn is inferior in size to the big fox of the upper missouri, while the largest of all comes from british america. there is no basis for the belief that the red fox was imported here from europe; its skin was a common article of trade with the canadian fur traders from the earliest times. on the other hand, the european lynx is much bigger than the american. the weasels afford cases in point, showing how hard it is to make a general law on the subject. the american badger is very much smaller than the european, and the american otter very much larger than the european otter. our pine marten, or sable, compared with that of europe, shows the very qualities of which you speak; that is, its skull is slenderer, the bones are somewhat lighter, the teeth less stout, the form showing more grace and less strength. but curiously enough this is reversed, with even greater emphasis, in the minks of the two continents, the american being much the largest and strongest, with stouter teeth, bigger bones, and a stronger animal in every way. the little weasel is on the whole smaller here, while the big weasel, or stoat, is, in some of its varieties at least, largest on this side; and, of the true weasels, the largest of all is the so-called fisher, a purely american beast, a fierce and hardy animal which habitually preys upon as hard fighting a creature as the raccoon, and which could eat all the asiatic and european varieties of weasels without an effort. "about birds i should be far less competent to advance arguments, and especially, my dear sir, to you; but it seems to me that two of the most self-asserting and hardiest of our families of birds are the tyrant flycatchers, of which the kingbird is chief, and the blackbirds, or grackles, with the meadow lark at their head, both characteristically american. "did you ever look over the medical statistics of the half million men drafted during the civil war? they include men of every race and color, and from every country of europe, and from every state in the union; and so many men were measured that the average of the measurements is probably pretty fair. from these it would appear that the physical type in the eastern states had undoubtedly degenerated. the man from new york or new england, unless he came from the lumbering districts, though as tall as the englishman or irishman, was distinctly lighter built, and especially was narrower across the chest; but the finest men physically of all were the kentuckians and tennesseeans. after them came the scandinavians, then the scotch, then the people from several of the western states, such as wisconsin and minnesota, then the irish, then the germans, then the english, etc. the decay of vitality, especially as shown in the decreasing fertility of the new england and, indeed, new york stock, is very alarming; but the most prolific peoples on this continent, whether of native or foreign origin, are the native whites of the southern alleghany region in kentucky and tennessee, the virginians, and the carolinians, and also the french of canada. "it will be difficult to frame a general law of fecundity in comparing the effects upon human life of long residence on the two continents when we see that the frenchman in canada is healthy and enormously fertile, while the old french stock is at the stationary point in france, the direct reverse being the case when the english of old and of new england are compared, and the decision being again reversed if we compare the english with the mountain whites of the southern states." camping with president roosevelt at the time i made the trip to yellowstone park with president roosevelt in the spring of , i promised some friends to write up my impressions of the president and of the park, but i have been slow in getting around to it. the president himself, having the absolute leisure and peace of the white house, wrote his account of the trip nearly two years ago! but with the stress and strain of my life at "slabsides,"--administering the affairs of so many of the wild creatures of the woods about me,--i have not till this blessed season (fall of ) found the time to put on record an account of the most interesting thing i saw in that wonderful land, which, of course, was the president himself. when i accepted his invitation i was well aware that during the journey i should be in a storm centre most of the time, which is not always a pleasant prospect to a man of my habits and disposition. the president himself is a good deal of a storm,--a man of such abounding energy and ceaseless activity that he sets everything in motion around him wherever he goes. but i knew he would be pretty well occupied on his way to the park in speaking to eager throngs and in receiving personal and political homage in the towns and cities we were to pass through. but when all this was over, and i found myself with him in the wilderness of the park, with only the superintendent and a few attendants to help take up his tremendous personal impact, how was it likely to fare with a non-strenuous person like myself? i asked. i had visions of snow six and seven feet deep, where traveling could be done only upon snow-shoes, and i had never had the things on my feet in my life. if the infernal fires beneath, that keep the pot boiling so furiously in the park, should melt the snows, i could see the party tearing along on horseback at a wolf-hunt pace over a rough country; and as i had not been on a horse's back since the president was born, how would it be likely to fare with me then? i had known the president several years before he became famous, and we had had some correspondence on subjects of natural history. his interest in such themes is always very fresh and keen, and the main motive of his visit to the park at this time was to see and study in its semi-domesticated condition the great game which he had so often hunted during his ranch days; and he was kind enough to think it would be an additional pleasure to see it with a nature-lover like myself. for my own part, i knew nothing about big game, but i knew there was no man in the country with whom i should so like to see it as roosevelt. some of our newspapers reported that the president intended to hunt in the park. a woman in vermont wrote me, to protest against the hunting, and hoped i would teach the president to love the animals as much as i did,--as if he did not love them much more, because his love is founded upon knowledge, and because they had been a part of his life. she did not know that i was then cherishing the secret hope that i might be allowed to shoot a cougar or bobcat; but this fun did not come to me. the president said, "i will not fire a gun in the park; then i shall have no explanations to make." yet once i did hear him say in the wilderness, "i feel as if i ought to keep the camp in meat. i always have." i regretted that he could not do so on this occasion. i have never been disturbed by the president's hunting trips. it is to such men as he that the big game legitimately belongs,--men who regard it from the point of view of the naturalist as well as from that of the sportsman, who are interested in its preservation, and who share with the world the delight they experience in the chase. such a hunter as roosevelt is as far removed from the game-butcher as day is from night; and as for his killing of the "varmints,"--bears, cougars, and bobcats,--the fewer of these there are, the better for the useful and beautiful game. the cougars, or mountain lions, in the park certainly needed killing. the superintendent reported that he had seen where they had slain nineteen elk, and we saw where they had killed a deer and dragged its body across the trail. of course, the president would not now on his hunting trips shoot an elk or a deer except to "keep the camp in meat," and for this purpose it is as legitimate as to slay a sheep or a steer for the table at home. we left washington on april , and strung several of the larger western cities on our thread of travel,--chicago, milwaukee, madison, st. paul, minneapolis,--as well as many lesser towns, in each of which the president made an address, sometimes brief, on a few occasions of an hour or more. he gave himself very freely and heartily to the people wherever he went. he could easily match their western cordiality and good-fellowship. wherever his train stopped, crowds soon gathered, or had already gathered, to welcome him. his advent made a holiday in each town he visited. at all the principal stops the usual programme was: first, his reception by the committee of citizens appointed to receive him,--they usually boarded his private car, and were one by one introduced to him; then a drive through the town with a concourse of carriages; then to the hall or open-air platform, where he spoke to the assembled throng; then to lunch or dinner; and then back to the train, and off for the next stop,--a round of hand-shaking, carriage-driving, speech-making each day. he usually spoke from eight to ten times every twenty-four hours, sometimes for only a few minutes from the rear platform of his private car, at others for an hour or more in some large hall. in chicago, milwaukee, and st. paul, elaborate banquets were given him and his party, and on each occasion he delivered a carefully prepared speech upon questions that involved the policy of his administration. the throng that greeted him in the vast auditorium in chicago--that rose and waved and waved again--was one of the grandest human spectacles i ever witnessed. in milwaukee the dense cloud of tobacco smoke that presently filled the large hall after the feasting was over was enough to choke any speaker, but it did not seem to choke the president, though he does not use tobacco in any form himself; nor was there anything foggy about his utterances on that occasion upon legislative control of the trusts. [illustration: arrival at gardiner, mont. (entrance to yellowstone national park.) from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] in st. paul the city was inundated with humanity,--a vast human tide that left the middle of the streets bare as our line of carriages moved slowly along, but that rose up in solid walls of town and prairie humanity on the sidewalks and city dooryards. how hearty and happy the myriad faces looked! at one point i spied in the throng on the curbstone a large silk banner that bore my own name as the title of some society. i presently saw that it was borne by half a dozen anxious and expectant-looking schoolgirls with braids down their backs. as my carriage drew near them, they pressed their way through the throng and threw a large bouquet of flowers into my lap. i think it would be hard to say who blushed the deeper, the girls or myself. it was the first time i had ever had flowers showered upon me in public; and then, maybe, i felt that on such an occasion i was only a minor side issue, and public recognition was not called for. but the incident pleased the president. "i saw that banner and those flowers," he said afterwards; "and i was delighted to see you honored that way." but i fear i have not to this day thanked the monroe school of st. paul for that pretty attention. the time of the passing of the presidential train seemed well known, even on the dakota prairies. at one point i remember a little brown schoolhouse stood not far off, and near the track the school-ma'am, with her flock, drawn up in line. we were at luncheon, but the president caught a glimpse ahead through the window, and quickly took in the situation. with napkin in hand, he rushed out on the platform and waved to them. "those children," he said, as he came back, "wanted to see the president of the united states, and i could not disappoint them. they may never have another chance. what a deep impression such things make when we are young!" at some point in the dakotas we picked up the former foreman of his ranch and another cowboy friend of the old days, and they rode with the president in his private car for several hours. he was as happy with them as a schoolboy ever was in meeting old chums. he beamed with delight all over. the life which those men represented, and of which he had himself once formed a part, meant so much to him; it had entered into the very marrow of his being, and i could see the joy of it all shining in his face as he sat and lived parts of it over again with those men that day. he bubbled with laughter continually. the men, i thought, seemed a little embarrassed by his open-handed cordiality and good-fellowship. he himself evidently wanted to forget the present, and to live only in the memory of those wonderful ranch days,--that free, hardy, adventurous life upon the plains. it all came back to him with a rush when he found himself alone with these heroes of the rope and the stirrup. how much more keen his appreciation was, and how much quicker his memory, than theirs! he was constantly recalling to their minds incidents which they had forgotten, and the names of horses and dogs which had escaped them. his subsequent life, instead of making dim the memory of his ranch days, seemed to have made it more vivid by contrast. when they had gone i said to him, "i think your affection for those men very beautiful." "how could i help it?" he said. "still, few men in your station could or would go back and renew such friendships." "then i pity them," he replied. he said afterwards that his ranch life had been the making of him. it had built him up and hardened him physically, and it had opened his eyes to the wealth of manly character among the plainsmen and cattlemen. had he not gone west, he said, he never would have raised the rough riders regiment; and had he not raised that regiment and gone to the cuban war, he would not have been made governor of new york; and had not this happened, the politicians would not unwittingly have made his rise to the presidency so inevitable. there is no doubt, i think, that he would have got there some day; but without the chain of events above outlined, his rise could not have been so rapid. our train entered the bad lands of north dakota in the early evening twilight, and the president stood on the rear platform of his car, gazing wistfully upon the scene. "i know all this country like a book," he said. "i have ridden over it, and hunted over it, and tramped over it, in all seasons and weather, and it looks like home to me. my old ranch is not far off. we shall soon reach medora, which was my station." it was plain to see that that strange, forbidding-looking landscape, hills and valleys to eastern eyes, utterly demoralized and gone to the bad,--flayed, fantastic, treeless, a riot of naked clay slopes, chimney-like buttes, and dry coulees,--was in his eyes a land of almost pathetic interest. there were streaks of good pasturage here and there where his cattle used to graze, and where the deer and the pronghorn used to linger. when we reached medora, where the train was scheduled to stop an hour, it was nearly dark, but the whole town and country round had turned out to welcome their old townsman. after much hand-shaking, the committee conducted us down to a little hall, where the president stood on a low platform, and made a short address to the standing crowd that filled the place. then some flashlight pictures were taken by the local photographer, after which the president stepped down, and, while the people filed past him, shook hands with every man, woman, and child of them, calling many of them by name, and greeting them all most cordially. i recall one grizzled old frontiersman whose hand he grasped, calling him by name, and saying, "how well i remember you! you once mended my gunlock for me,--put on a new hammer." "yes," said the delighted old fellow; "i'm the man, mr. president." he was among his old neighbors once more, and the pleasure of the meeting was very obvious on both sides. i heard one of the women tell him they were going to have a dance presently, and ask him if he would not stay and open it! the president laughingly excused himself, and said his train had to leave on schedule time, and his time was nearly up. i thought of the incident in his "ranch life," in which he says he once opened a cowboy ball with the wife of a minnesota man, who danced opposite, and who had recently shot a bullying scotchman. he says the scene reminded him of the ball where bret harte's heroine "went down the middle with the man that shot sandy magee." before reaching medora he had told me many anecdotes of "hell-roaring bill jones," and had said i should see him. but it turned out that hell-roaring bill had begun to celebrate the coming of the president too early in the day, and when we reached medora he was not in a presentable condition. i forget now how he had earned his name, but no doubt he had come honestly by it; it was a part of his history, as was that of "the pike," "cold-turkey bill," "hash-knife joe," and other classic heroes of the frontier. it is curious how certain things go to the bad in the far west, or a certain proportion of them,--bad lands, bad horses, and bad men. and it is a degree of badness that the east has no conception of,--land that looks as raw and unnatural as if time had never laid its shaping and softening hand upon it; horses that, when mounted, put their heads to the ground and their heels in the air, and, squealing defiantly, resort to the most diabolically ingenious tricks to shake off or to kill their riders; and men who amuse themselves in bar-rooms by shooting about the feet of a "tenderfoot" to make him dance, or who ride along the street and shoot at every one in sight. just as the old plutonic fires come to the surface out there in the rockies, and hint very strongly of the infernal regions, so a kind of satanic element in men and animals--an underlying devilishness--crops out, and we have the border ruffian and the bucking broncho. the president told of an englishman on a hunting trip in the west, who, being an expert horseman at home, scorned the idea that he could not ride any of their "grass-fed ponies." so they gave him a bucking broncho. he was soon lying on the ground, much stunned. when he could speak, he said, "i should not have minded him, you know, _but 'e 'ides 'is 'ead_." at one place in dakota the train stopped to take water while we were at lunch. a crowd soon gathered, and the president went out to greet them. we could hear his voice, and the cheers and laughter of the crowd. and then we heard him say, "well, good-by, i must go now." still he did not come. then we heard more talking and laughing, and another "good-by," and yet he did not come. then i went out to see what had happened. i found the president down on the ground shaking hands with the whole lot of them. some one had reached up to shake his hand as he was about withdrawing, and this had been followed by such eagerness on the part of the rest of the people to do likewise, that the president had instantly got down to gratify them. had the secret service men known it, they would have been in a pickle. we probably have never had a president who responded more freely and heartily to the popular liking for him than roosevelt. the crowd always seem to be in love with him the moment they see him and hear his voice. and it is not by reason of any arts of eloquence, or charm of address, but by reason of his inborn heartiness and sincerity, and his genuine manliness. the people feel his quality at once. in bermuda last winter i met a catholic priest who had sat on the platform at some place in new england very near the president while he was speaking, and who said, "the man had not spoken three minutes before i loved him, and had any one tried to molest him, i could have torn him to pieces." it is the quality in the man that instantly inspires such a liking as this in strangers that will, i am sure, safeguard him in all public places. i once heard him say that he did not like to be addressed as "his excellency;" he added laughingly, "they might just as well call me 'his transparency,' for all i care." it is this transparency, this direct out-and-out, unequivocal character of him that is one source of his popularity. the people do love transparency,--all of them but the politicians. a friend of his one day took him to task for some mistake he had made in one of his appointments. "my dear sir," replied the president, "where you know of one mistake i have made, i know of ten." how such candor must make the politicians shiver! i have said that i stood in dread of the necessity of snowshoeing in the park, and, in lieu of that, of horseback riding. yet when we reached gardiner, the entrance to the park, on that bright, crisp april morning, with no snow in sight save that on the mountain-tops, and found major pitcher and captain chittenden at the head of a squad of soldiers, with a fine saddle-horse for the president, and an ambulance drawn by two span of mules for me, i confess that i experienced just a slight shade of mortification. i thought they might have given me the option of the saddle or the ambulance. yet i entered the vehicle as if it was just what i had been expecting. the president and his escort, with a cloud of cowboys hovering in the rear, were soon off at a lively pace, and my ambulance followed close, and at a lively pace, too; so lively that i soon found myself gripping the seat with both hands. "well," i said to myself, "they are giving me a regular western send-off;" and i thought, as the ambulance swayed from side to side, that it would suit me just as well if my driver did not try to keep up with the presidential procession. the driver and his mules were shut off from me by a curtain, but, looking ahead out of the sides of the vehicle, i saw two good-sized logs lying across our course. surely, i thought (and barely had time to think), he will avoid these. but he did not, and as we passed over them i was nearly thrown through the top of the ambulance. "this _is_ a lively send-off," i said, rubbing my bruises with one hand, while i clung to the seat with the other. presently i saw the cowboys scrambling up the bank as if to get out of our way; then the president on his fine gray stallion scrambling up the bank with his escort, and looking ominously in my direction, as we thundered by. [illustration: the president with mr. burroughs and secretary loeb just before entering the park. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] "well," i said, "this is indeed a novel ride; for once in my life i have sidetracked the president of the united states! i am given the right of way over all." on we tore, along the smooth, hard road, and did not slacken our pace till, at the end of a mile or two, we began to mount the hill toward fort yellowstone. and not till we reached the fort did i learn that our mules had run away. they had been excited beyond control by the presidential cavalcade, and the driver, finding he could not hold them, had aimed only to keep them in the road, and we very soon had the road all to ourselves. fort yellowstone is at mammoth hot springs, where one gets his first view of the characteristic scenery of the park,--huge, boiling springs with their columns of vapor, and the first characteristic odors which suggest the traditional infernal regions quite as much as the boiling and steaming water does. one also gets a taste of a much more rarefied air than he has been used to, and finds himself panting for breath on a very slight exertion. the mammoth hot springs have built themselves up an enormous mound that stands there above the village on the side of the mountain, terraced and scalloped and fluted, and suggesting some vitreous formation, or rare carving of enormous, many-colored precious stones. it looks quite unearthly, and, though the devil's frying pan, and ink pot, and the stygian caves are not far off, the suggestion is of something celestial rather than of the nether regions,--a vision of jasper walls, and of amethyst battlements. with captain chittenden i climbed to the top, stepping over the rills and creeks of steaming hot water, and looked at the marvelously clear, cerulean, but boiling, pools on the summit. the water seemed as unearthly in its beauty and purity as the gigantic sculpturing that held it. the stygian caves are still farther up the mountain,--little pockets in the rocks, or well-holes in the ground at your feet, filled with deadly carbon dioxide. we saw birds' feathers and quills in all of them. the birds hop into them, probably in quest of food or seeking shelter, and they never come out. we saw the body of a martin on the bank of one hole. into one we sank a lighted torch, and it was extinguished as quickly as if we had dropped it into water. each cave or niche is a death valley on a small scale. near by we came upon a steaming pool, or lakelet, of an acre or more in extent. a pair of mallard ducks were swimming about in one end of it,--the cool end. when we approached, they swam slowly over into the warmer water. as they progressed, the water got hotter and hotter, and the ducks' discomfort was evident. presently they stopped, and turned towards us, half appealingly, as i thought. they could go no farther; would we please come no nearer? as i took another step or two, up they rose and disappeared over the hill. had they gone to the extreme end of the pool, we could have had boiled mallard for dinner. another novel spectacle was at night, or near sundown, when the deer came down from the hills into the streets and ate hay, a few yards from the officers' quarters, as unconcernedly as so many domestic sheep. this they had been doing all winter, and they kept it up till may, at times a score or more of them profiting thus on the government's bounty. when the sundown gun was fired a couple of hundred yards away, they gave a nervous start, but kept on with their feeding. the antelope and elk and mountain sheep had not yet grown bold enough to accept uncle sam's charity in that way. the president wanted all the freedom and solitude possible while in the park, so all newspaper men and other strangers were excluded. even the secret service men and his physician and private secretaries were left at gardiner. he craved once more to be alone with nature; he was evidently hungry for the wild and the aboriginal,--a hunger that seems to come upon him regularly at least once a year, and drives him forth on his hunting trips for big game in the west. we spent two weeks in the park, and had fair weather, bright, crisp days, and clear, freezing nights. the first week we occupied three camps that had been prepared, or partly prepared, for us in the northeast corner of the park, in the region drained by the gardiner river, where there was but little snow, and which we reached on horseback. the second week we visited the geyser region, which lies a thousand feet or more higher, and where the snow was still five or six feet deep. this part of the journey was made in big sleighs, each drawn by two span of horses. on the horseback excursion, which involved only about fifty miles of riding, we had a mule pack train, and sibley tents and stoves, with quite a retinue of camp laborers, a lieutenant and an orderly or two, and a guide, billy hofer. the first camp was in a wild, rocky, and picturesque gorge on the yellowstone, about ten miles from the fort. a slight indisposition, the result of luxurious living, with no wood to chop or to saw, and no hills to climb, as at home, prevented me from joining the party till the third day. then captain chittenden drove me eight miles in a buggy. about two miles from camp we came to a picket of two or three soldiers, where my big bay was in waiting for me. i mounted him confidently, and, guided by an orderly, took the narrow, winding trail toward camp. except for an hour's riding the day before with captain chittenden, i had not been on a horse's back for nearly fifty years, and i had not spent as much as a day in the saddle during my youth. that first sense of a live, spirited, powerful animal beneath you, at whose mercy you are,--you, a pedestrian all your days,--with gullies and rocks and logs to cross, and deep chasms opening close beside you, is not a little disturbing. but my big bay did his part well, and i did not lose my head or my nerve, as we cautiously made our way along the narrow path on the side of the steep gorge, with a foaming torrent rushing along at its foot, nor yet when we forded the rocky and rapid yellowstone. a misstep or a stumble on the part of my steed, and probably the first bubble of my confidence would have been shivered at once; but this did not happen, and in due time we reached the group of tents that formed the president's camp. the situation was delightful,--no snow, scattered pine trees, a secluded valley, rocky heights, and the clear, ample, trouty waters of the yellowstone. the president was not in camp. in the morning he had stated his wish to go alone into the wilderness. major pitcher very naturally did not quite like the idea, and wished to send an orderly with him. "no," said the president. "put me up a lunch, and let me go alone. i will surely come back." and back he surely came. it was about five o'clock when he came briskly down the path from the east to the camp. it came out that he had tramped about eighteen miles through a very rough country. the day before, he and the major had located a band of several hundred elk on a broad, treeless hillside, and his purpose was to find those elk, and creep up on them, and eat his lunch under their very noses. and this he did, spending an hour or more within fifty yards of them. he came back looking as fresh as when he started, and at night, sitting before the big camp fire, related his adventure, and talked with his usual emphasis and copiousness of many things. he told me of the birds he had seen or heard; among them he had heard one that was new to him. from his description i told him i thought it was townsend's solitaire, a bird i much wanted to see and hear. i had heard the west india solitaire,--one of the most impressive songsters i ever heard,--and i wished to compare our western form with it. the next morning we set out for our second camp, ten or a dozen miles away, and in reaching it passed over much of the ground the president had traversed the day before. as we came to a wild, rocky place above a deep chasm of the river, with a few scattered pine trees, the president said, "it was right here that i heard that strange bird song." we paused a moment. "and there it is now!" he exclaimed. sure enough, there was the solitaire singing from the top of a small cedar,--a bright, animated, eloquent song, but without the richness and magic of the song of the tropical species. we hitched our horses, and followed the bird up as it flew from tree to tree. the president was as eager to see and hear it as i was. it seemed very shy, and we only caught glimpses of it. in form and color it much resembles its west india cousin, and suggests our catbird. it ceased to sing when we pursued it. it is a bird found only in the wilder and higher parts of the rockies. my impression was that its song did not quite merit the encomiums that have been pronounced upon it. at this point, i saw amid the rocks my first and only rocky mountain woodchucks, and, soon after we had resumed our journey, our first blue grouse,--a number of them like larger partridges. occasionally we would come upon black-tailed deer, standing or lying down in the bushes, their large ears at attention being the first thing to catch the eye. they would often allow us to pass within a few rods of them without showing alarm. elk horns were scattered all over this part of the park, and we passed several old carcasses of dead elk that had probably died a natural death. in a grassy bottom at the foot of a steep hill, while the president and i were dismounted, and noting the pleasing picture which our pack train of fifteen or twenty mules made filing along the side of a steep grassy slope,--a picture which he has preserved in his late volume, "out-door pastimes of an american hunter,"--our attention was attracted by plaintive, musical, bird-like chirps that rose from the grass about us. i was almost certain it was made by a bird; the president was of like opinion; and we kicked about in the tufts of grass, hoping to flush the bird. now here, now there, arose this sharp, but bird-like note. finally, we found that it was made by a species of gopher, whose holes we soon discovered. what its specific name is i do not know, but it should be called the singing gopher. our destination this day was a camp on cottonwood creek, near "hell-roaring creek." as we made our way in the afternoon along a broad, open, grassy valley, i saw a horseman come galloping over the hill to our right, starting up a band of elk as he came; riding across the plain, he wheeled his horse, and, with the military salute, joined our party. he proved to be a government scout, called the "duke of hell roaring,"--an educated officer from the austrian army, who, for some unknown reason, had exiled himself here in this out-of-the-way part of the world. he was a man in his prime, of fine, military look and bearing. after conversing a few moments with the president and major pitcher, he rode rapidly away. our second camp, which we reached in mid-afternoon, was in the edge of the woods on the banks of a fine, large trout stream, where ice and snow still lingered in patches. i tried for trout in the head of a large, partly open pool, but did not get a rise; too much ice in the stream, i concluded. very soon my attention was attracted by a strange note, or call, in the spruce woods. the president had also noticed it, and, with me, wondered what made it. was it bird or beast? billy hofer said he thought it was an owl, but the sound in no way suggested an owl, and the sun was shining brightly. it was a sound such as a boy might make by blowing in the neck of an empty bottle. presently we heard it beyond us on the other side of the creek, which was pretty good proof that the creature had wings. [illustration: the president in the bear country from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] "let's go run that bird down," said the president to me. so off we started across a small, open, snow-streaked plain, toward the woods beyond it. we soon decided that the bird was on the top of one of a group of tall spruces. after much skipping about over logs and rocks, and much craning of our necks, we made him out on the peak of a spruce. i imitated his call, when he turned his head down toward us, but we could not make out what he was. "why did we not think to bring the glasses?" said the president. "i will run and get them," i replied. "no," said he, "you stay here and keep that bird treed, and i will fetch them." so off he went like a boy, and was very soon back with the glasses. we quickly made out that it was indeed an owl,--the pigmy owl, as it turned out,--not much larger than a bluebird. i think the president was as pleased as if we had bagged some big game. he had never seen the bird before. throughout the trip i found his interest in bird life very keen, and his eye and ear remarkably quick. he usually saw the bird or heard its note as quickly as i did,--and i had nothing else to think about, and had been teaching my eye and ear the trick of it for over fifty years. of course, his training as a big-game hunter stood him in good stead, but back of that were his naturalist's instincts, and his genuine love of all forms of wild life. i have been told that his ambition up to the time he went to harvard had been to be a naturalist, but that there they seem to have convinced him that all the out-of-door worlds of natural history had been conquered, and that the only worlds remaining were in the laboratory, and to be won with the microscope and the scalpel. but roosevelt was a man made for action in a wide field, and laboratory conquests could not satisfy him. his instincts as a naturalist, however, lie back of all his hunting expeditions, and, in a large measure, i think, prompt them. certain it is that his hunting records contain more live natural history than any similar records known to me, unless it be those of charles st. john, the scotch naturalist-sportsman. the canada jays, or camp-robbers, as they are often called, soon found out our camp that afternoon, and no sooner had the cook begun to throw out peelings and scraps and crusts than the jays began to carry them off, not to eat, as i observed, but to hide them in the thicker branches of the spruce trees. how tame they were, coming within three or four yards of one! why this species of jay should everywhere be so familiar, and all other kinds so wild, is a puzzle. in the morning, as we rode down the valley toward our next camping-place, at tower falls, a band of elk containing a hundred or more started along the side of the hill a few hundred yards away. i was some distance behind the rest of the party, as usual, when i saw the president wheel his horse off to the left, and, beckoning to me to follow, start at a tearing pace on the trail of the fleeing elk. he afterwards told me that he wanted me to get a good view of those elk at close range, and he was afraid that if he sent the major or hofer to lead me, i would not get it. i hurried along as fast as i could, which was not fast; the way was rough,--logs, rocks, spring runs, and a tenderfoot rider. now and then the president, looking back and seeing what slow progress i was making, would beckon to me impatiently, and i could fancy him saying, "if i had a rope around him, he would come faster than that!" once or twice i lost sight of both him and the elk; the altitude was great, and the horse was laboring like a steam engine on an upgrade. still i urged him on. presently, as i broke over a hill, i saw the president pressing the elk up the opposite slope. at the brow of the hill he stopped, and i soon joined him. there on the top, not fifty yards away, stood the elk in a mass, their heads toward us and their tongues hanging out. they could run no farther. the president laughed like a boy. the spectacle meant much more to him than it did to me. i had never seen a wild elk till on this trip, but they had been among the notable game that he had hunted. he had traveled hundreds of miles, and undergone great hardships, to get within rifle range of these creatures. now here stood scores of them with lolling tongues, begging for mercy. after gazing at them to our hearts' content, we turned away to look up our companions, who were nowhere within sight. we finally spied them a mile or more away, and, joining them, all made our way to an elevated plateau that commanded an open landscape three or four miles across. it was high noon, and the sun shone clear and warm. from this lookout we saw herds upon herds of elk scattered over the slopes and gentle valleys in front of us. some were grazing, some were standing or lying upon the ground, or upon the patches of snow. through our glasses we counted the separate bands, and then the numbers of some of the bands or groups, and estimated that three thousand elk were in full view in the landscape around us. it was a notable spectacle. afterward, in montana, i attended a council of indian chiefs at one of the indian agencies, and told them, through their interpreter, that i had been with the great chief in the park, and of the game we had seen. when i told them of these three thousand elk all in view at once, they grunted loudly, whether with satisfaction or with incredulity, i could not tell. in the midst of this great game amphitheatre we dismounted and enjoyed the prospect. and the president did an unusual thing, he loafed for nearly an hour,--stretched himself out in the sunshine upon a flat rock, as did the rest of us, and, i hope, got a few winks of sleep. i am sure i did. little, slender, striped chipmunks, about half the size of ours, were scurrying about; but i recall no other wild things save the elk. from here we rode down the valley to our third camp, at tower falls, stopping on the way to eat our luncheon on a washed boulder beside a creek. on this ride i saw my first and only badger; he stuck his striped head out of his hole in the ground only a few yards away from us as we passed. our camp at tower falls was amid the spruces above a cañon of the yellowstone, five or six hundred feet deep. it was a beautiful and impressive situation,--shelter, snugness, even cosiness, looking over the brink of the awful and the terrifying. with a run and a jump i think one might have landed in the river at the bottom of the great abyss, and in doing so might have scaled one of those natural obelisks or needles of rock that stand up out of the depths two or three hundred feet high. nature shows you what an enormous furrow her plough can open through the strata when moving horizontally, at the same time that she shows you what delicate and graceful columns her slower and gentler aerial forces can carve out of the piled strata. at the falls there were two or three of these columns, like the picket-pins of the elder gods. across the cañon in front of our camp, upon a grassy plateau which was faced by a wall of trap rock, apparently thirty or forty feet high, a band of mountain sheep soon attracted our attention. they were within long rifle range, but were not at all disturbed by our presence, nor had they been disturbed by the road-builders who, under captain chittenden, were constructing a government road along the brink of the cañon. we speculated as to whether or not the sheep could get down the almost perpendicular face of the chasm to the river to drink. it seemed to me impossible. would they try it while we were there to see? we all hoped so; and sure enough, late in the afternoon the word came to our tents that the sheep were coming down. the president, with coat off and a towel around his neck, was shaving. one side of his face was half shaved, and the other side lathered. hofer and i started for a point on the brink of the cañon where we could have a better view. "by jove," said the president, "i must see that. the shaving can wait, and the sheep won't." so on he came, accoutred as he was,--coatless, hatless, but not latherless, nor towelless. like the rest of us, his only thought was to see those sheep do their "stunt." with glasses in hand, we watched them descend those perilous heights, leaping from point to point, finding a foothold where none appeared to our eyes, loosening fragments of the crumbling rocks as they came, now poised upon some narrow shelf and preparing for the next leap, zig-zagging or plunging straight down till the bottom was reached, and not one accident or misstep amid all that insecure footing. i think the president was the most pleased of us all; he laughed with the delight of it, and quite forgot his need of a hat and coat till i sent for them. in the night we heard the sheep going back; we could tell by the noise of the falling stones. in the morning i confidently expected to see some of them lying dead at the foot of the cliffs, but there they all were at the top once more, apparently safe and sound. they do, however, occasionally meet with accidents in their perilous climbing, and their dead bodies have been found at the foot of the rocks. doubtless some point of rock to which they had trusted gave way, and crushed them in the descent, or fell upon those in the lead. the next day, while the rest of us went fishing for trout in the yellowstone, three or four miles above the camp, over the roughest trail that we had yet traversed on horseback, the president, who never fishes unless put to it for meat, went off alone again with his lunch in his pocket, to stalk those sheep as he had stalked the elk, and to feel the old sportsman's thrill without the use of firearms. to do this involved a tramp of eight or ten miles down the river to a bridge and up the opposite bank. this he did, and ate his lunch near the sheep, and was back in camp before we were. we took some large cut-throat trout, as they are called, from the yellow mark across their throats, and i saw at short range a black-tailed deer bounding along in that curious, stiff-legged, mechanical, yet springy manner, apparently all four legs in the air at once, and all four feet reaching the ground at once, affording a very singular spectacle. [illustration: mr. burroughs's favorite pastime. by kind permission of forest and stream.] we spent two nights in our tower falls camp, and on the morning of the third day set out on our return to fort yellowstone, pausing at yancey's on our way, and exchanging greetings with the old frontiersman, who died a few weeks later. while in camp we always had a big fire at night in the open near the tents, and around this we sat upon logs or camp-stools, and listened to the president's talk. what a stream of it he poured forth! and what a varied and picturesque stream!--anecdote, history, science, politics, adventure, literature; bits of his experience as a ranchman, hunter, rough rider, legislator, civil service commissioner, police commissioner, governor, president,--the frankest confessions, the most telling criticisms, happy characterizations of prominent political leaders, or foreign rulers, or members of his own cabinet; always surprising by his candor, astonishing by his memory, and diverting by his humor. his reading has been very wide, and he has that rare type of memory which retains details as well as mass and generalities. one night something started him off on ancient history, and one would have thought he was just fresh from his college course in history, the dates and names and events came so readily. another time he discussed palæontology, and rapidly gave the outlines of the science, and the main facts, as if he had been reading up on the subject that very day. he sees things as wholes, and hence the relation of the parts comes easy to him. at dinner, at the white house, the night before we started on the expedition, i heard him talking with a guest,--an officer of the british army, who was just back from india. and the extent and variety of his information about india and indian history and the relations of the british government to it were extraordinary. it put the british major on his mettle to keep pace with him. one night in camp he told us the story of one of his rough riders who had just written him from some place in arizona. the rough riders, wherever they are now, look to him in time of trouble. this one had come to grief in arizona. he was in jail. so he wrote the president, and his letter ran something like this:-- "dear colonel,--i am in trouble. i shot a lady in the eye, but i did not intend to hit the lady; i was shooting at my wife." and the presidential laughter rang out over the tree-tops. to another rough rider, who was in jail, accused of horse stealing, he had loaned two hundred dollars to pay counsel on his trial, and, to his surprise, in due time the money came back. the ex-rough wrote that his trial never came off. "_we elected our district attorney_;" and the laughter again sounded, and drowned the noise of the brook near by. on another occasion we asked the president if he was ever molested by any of the "bad men" of the frontier, with whom he had often come in contact. "only once," he said. the cowboys had always treated him with the utmost courtesy, both on the round-up and in camp; "and the few real desperadoes i have seen were also perfectly polite." once only was he maliciously shot at, and then not by a cowboy nor a _bona fide_ "bad man," but by a "broad-hatted ruffian of a cheap and common-place type." he had been compelled to pass the night at a little frontier hotel where the bar-room occupied the whole lower floor, and was, in consequence, the only place where the guests of the hotel, whether drunk or sober, could sit. as he entered the room, he saw that every man there was being terrorized by a half-drunken ruffian who stood in the middle of the floor with a revolver in each hand, compelling different ones to treat. "i went and sat down behind the stove," said the president, "as far from him as i could get; and hoped to escape his notice. the fact that i wore glasses, together with my evident desire to avoid a fight, apparently gave him the impression that i could be imposed upon with impunity. he very soon approached me, flourishing his two guns, and ordered me to treat. i made no reply for some moments, when the fellow became so threatening that i saw something had to be done. the crowd, mostly sheep-herders and small grangers, sat or stood back against the wall, afraid to move. i was unarmed, and thought rapidly. saying, 'well, if i must, i must,' i got up as if to walk around him to the bar, then, as i got opposite him, i wheeled and fetched him as heavy a blow on the chin-point as i could strike. he went down like a steer before the axe, firing both guns into the ceiling as he went. i jumped on him, and, with my knees on his chest, disarmed him in a hurry. the crowd was then ready enough to help me, and we hog-tied him and put him in an outhouse." the president alludes to this incident in his "ranch life," but does not give the details. it brings out his mettle very distinctly. he told us in an amused way of the attempts of his political opponents at albany, during his early career as a member of the assembly, to besmirch his character. his outspoken criticisms and denunciations had become intolerable to them, so they laid a trap for him, but he was not caught. his innate rectitude and instinct for the right course saved him, as it has saved him many times since. i do not think that in any emergency he has to debate with himself long as to the right course to be pursued; he divines it by a kind of infallible instinct. his motives are so simple and direct that he finds a straight and easy course where another man, whose eye is less single, would flounder and hesitate. one night he entertained us with reminiscences of the cuban war, of his efforts to get his men to the firing line when the fighting began, of his greenness and general ignorance of the whole business of war, which in his telling was very amusing. he has probably put it all in his book about the war, a work i have not yet read. he described the look of the slope of kettle hill when they were about to charge up it, how the grass was combed and rippled by the storm of rifle bullets that swept down it. he said, "i was conscious of being pale when i looked at it and knew that in a few moments we were going to charge there." the men of his regiment were all lying flat upon the ground, and it became his duty to walk along their front and encourage them and order them up on their feet. "get up, men, get up!" one big fellow did not rise. roosevelt stooped down and took hold of him and ordered him up. just at that moment a bullet struck the man and went the entire length of him. he never rose. on this or on another occasion when a charge was ordered, he found himself a hundred yards or more in advance of his regiment, with only the color bearer and one corporal with him. he said they planted the flag there, while he rushed back to fetch the men. he was evidently pretty hot. "can it be that you flinched when i led the way!" and then they came with a rush. on the summit of kettle hill he was again in advance of his men, and as he came up, three spaniards rose out of the trenches and deliberately fired at him at a distance of only a few paces, and then turned and fled. but a bullet from his revolver stopped one of them. he seems to have been as much exposed to bullets in this engagement as washington was at braddock's defeat, and to have escaped in the same marvelous manner. the president unites in himself powers and qualities that rarely go together. thus, he has both physical and moral courage in a degree rare in history. he can stand calm and unflinching in the path of a charging grizzly, and he can confront with equal coolness and determination the predaceous corporations and money powers of the country. he unites the qualities of the man of action with those of the scholar and writer,--another very rare combination. he unites the instincts and accomplishments of the best breeding and culture with the broadest democratic sympathies and affiliations. he is as happy with a frontiersman like seth bullock as with a fellow harvard man, and seth bullock is happy, too. he unites great austerity with great good nature. he unites great sensibility with great force and will power. he loves solitude, and he loves to be in the thick of the fight. his love of nature is equaled only by his love of the ways and marts of men. he is doubtless the most vital man on the continent, if not on the planet, to-day. he is many-sided, and every side throbs with his tremendous life and energy; the pressure is equal all around. his interests are as keen in natural history as in economics, in literature as in statecraft, in the young poet as in the old soldier, in preserving peace as in preparing for war. and he can turn all his great power into the new channel on the instant. his interest in the whole of life, and in the whole life of the nation, never flags for a moment. his activity is tireless. all the relaxation he needs or craves is a change of work. he is like the farmer's fields, that only need a rotation of crops. i once heard him say that all he cared about being president was just "the big work." during this tour through the west, lasting over two months, he made nearly three hundred speeches; and yet on his return mrs. roosevelt told me he looked as fresh and unworn as when he left home. we went up into the big geyser region with the big sleighs, each drawn by four horses. a big snow-bank had to be shoveled through for us before we got to the golden gate, two miles above mammoth hot springs. beyond that we were at an altitude of about eight thousand feet, on a fairly level course that led now through woods, and now through open country, with the snow of a uniform depth of four or five feet, except as we neared the "formations," where the subterranean warmth kept the ground bare. the roads had been broken and the snow packed for us by teams from the fort, otherwise the journey would have been impossible. the president always rode beside the driver. from his youth, he said, this seat had always been the most desirable one to him. when the sleigh would strike the bare ground, and begin to drag heavily, he would bound out nimbly and take to his heels, and then all three of us--major pitcher, mr. childs, and myself--would follow suit, sometimes reluctantly on my part. walking at that altitude is no fun, especially if you try to keep pace with such a walker as the president is. but he could not sit at his ease and let those horses drag him in a sleigh over bare ground. when snow was reached, we would again quickly resume our seats. as one nears the geyser region, he gets the impression from the columns of steam going up here and there in the distance--now from behind a piece of woods, now from out a hidden valley--that he is approaching a manufacturing centre, or a railroad terminus. and when he begins to hear the hoarse snoring of "roaring mountain," the illusion is still more complete. at norris's there is a big vent where the steam comes tearing out of a recent hole in the ground with terrific force. huge mounds of ice had formed from the congealed vapor all around it, some of them very striking. the novelty of the geyser region soon wears off. steam and hot water are steam and hot water the world over, and the exhibition of them here did not differ, except in volume, from what one sees by his own fireside. the "growler" is only a boiling tea-kettle on a large scale, and "old faithful" is as if the lid were to fly off, and the whole contents of the kettle should be thrown high into the air. to be sure, boiling lakes and steaming rivers are not common, but the new features seemed, somehow, out of place, and as if nature had made a mistake. one disliked to see so much good steam and hot water going to waste; whole towns might be warmed by them, and big wheels made to go round. i wondered that they had not piped them into the big hotels which they opened for us, and which were warmed by wood fires. [illustration: sunrise in yellowstone park. from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york.] at norris's the big room that the president and i occupied was on the ground floor, and was heated by a huge box stove. as we entered it to go to bed, the president said, "oom john, don't you think it is too hot here?" "i certainly do," i replied. "shall i open the window?" "that will just suit me." and he threw the sash, which came down to the floor, all the way up, making an opening like a doorway. the night was cold, but neither of us suffered from the abundance of fresh air. the caretaker of the building was a big swede called andy. in the morning andy said that beat him: "there was the president of the united states sleeping in that room, with the window open to the floor, and not so much as one soldier outside on guard." the president had counted much on seeing the bears that in summer board at the fountain hotel, but they were not yet out of their dens. we saw the track of only one, and he was not making for the hotel. at all the formations where the geysers are, the ground was bare over a large area. i even saw a wild flower--an early buttercup, not an inch high--in bloom. this seems to be the earliest wild flower in the rockies. it is the only fragrant buttercup i know. as we were riding along in our big sleigh toward the fountain hotel, the president suddenly jumped out, and, with his soft hat as a shield to his hand, captured a mouse that was running along over the ground near us. he wanted it for dr. merriam, on the chance that it might be a new species. while we all went fishing in the afternoon, the president skinned his mouse, and prepared the pelt to be sent to washington. it was done as neatly as a professed taxidermist would have done it. this was the only game the president killed in the park. in relating the incident to a reporter while i was in spokane, the thought occurred to me, suppose he changes that _u_ to an _o_, and makes the president capture a moose, what a pickle i shall be in! is it anything more than ordinary newspaper enterprise to turn a mouse into a moose? but, luckily for me, no such metamorphosis happened to that little mouse. it turned out not to be a new species, as it should have been, but a species new to the park. i caught trout that afternoon, on the edge of steaming pools in the madison river that seemed to my hand almost blood-warm. i suppose they found better feeding where the water was warm. on the table they did not compare with our eastern brook trout. i was pleased to be told at one of the hotels that they had kalsomined some of the rooms with material from one of the devil's paint-pots. it imparted a soft, delicate, pinkish tint, not at all suggestive of things satanic. one afternoon at norris's, the president and i took a walk to observe the birds. in the grove about the barns there was a great number, the most attractive to me being the mountain bluebird. these birds we saw in all parts of the park, and at norris's there was an unusual number of them. how blue they were,--breast and all! in voice and manner they were almost identical with our bluebird. the western purple finch was abundant here also, and juncos, and several kinds of sparrows, with an occasional western robin. a pair of wild geese were feeding in the low, marshy ground not over one hundred yards from us, but when we tried to approach nearer they took wing. a few geese and ducks seem to winter in the park. the second morning at norris's one of our teamsters, george marvin, suddenly dropped dead from some heart affection, just as he had finished caring for his team. it was a great shock to us all. i never saw a better man with a team than he was. i had ridden on the seat beside him all the day previous. on one of the "formations" our teams had got mired in the soft, putty-like mud, and at one time it looked as if they could never extricate themselves, and i doubt if they could have, had it not been for the skill with which marvin managed them. we started for the grand cañon up the yellowstone that morning, and, in order to give myself a walk over the crisp snow in the clear, frosty air, i set out a little while in advance of the teams. as i did so, i saw the president, accompanied by one of the teamsters, walking hurriedly toward the barn to pay his last respects to the body of marvin. after we had returned to mammoth hot springs, he made inquiries for the young woman to whom he had been told that marvin was engaged to be married. he looked her up, and sat a long time with her in her home, offering his sympathy, and speaking words of consolation. the act shows the depth and breadth of his humanity. at the cañon hotel the snow was very deep, and had become so soft from the warmth of the earth beneath, as well as from the sun above, that we could only reach the brink of the cañon on skis. the president and major pitcher had used skis before, but i had not, and, starting out without the customary pole, i soon came to grief. the snow gave way beneath me, and i was soon in an awkward predicament. the more i struggled, the lower my head and shoulders went, till only my heels, strapped to those long timbers, protruded above the snow. to reverse my position was impossible till some one came and reached me the end of a pole, and pulled me upright. but i very soon got the hang of the things, and the president and i quickly left the superintendent behind. i think i could have passed the president, but my manners forbade. he was heavier than i was, and broke in more. when one of his feet would go down half a yard or more, i noted with admiration the skilled diplomacy he displayed in extricating it. the tendency of my skis was all the time to diverge, and each to go off at an acute angle to my main course, and i had constantly to be on the alert to check this tendency. paths had been shoveled for us along the brink of the cañon, so that we got the usual views from the different points. the cañon was nearly free from snow, and was a grand spectacle, by far the grandest to be seen in the park. the president told us that once, when pressed for meat, while returning through here from one of his hunting trips, he had made his way down to the river that we saw rushing along beneath us, and had caught some trout for dinner. necessity alone could induce him to fish. across the head of the falls there was a bridge of snow and ice, upon which we were told that the coyotes passed. as the season progressed, there would come a day when the bridge would not be safe. it would be interesting to know if the coyotes knew when this time arrived. the only live thing we saw in the cañon was an osprey perched upon a rock opposite us. [illustration: the president on a trail from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] near the falls of the yellowstone, as at other places we had visited, a squad of soldiers had their winter quarters. the president called on them, as he had called upon the others, looked over the books they had to read, examined their housekeeping arrangements, and conversed freely with them. in front of the hotel were some low hills separated by gentle valleys. at the president's suggestion, he and i raced on our skis down those inclines. we had only to stand up straight, and let gravity do the rest. as we were going swiftly down the side of one of the hills, i saw out of the corner of my eye the president taking a header into the snow. the snow had given way beneath him, and nothing could save him from taking the plunge. i don't know whether i called out, or only thought, something about the downfall of the administration. at any rate, the administration was down, and pretty well buried, but it was quickly on its feet again, shaking off the snow with a boy's laughter. i kept straight on, and very soon the laugh was on me, for the treacherous snow sank beneath me, and i took a header, too. "who is laughing now, oom john?" called out the president. the spirit of the boy was in the air that day about the cañon of the yellowstone, and the biggest boy of us all was president roosevelt. the snow was getting so soft in the middle of the day that our return to the mammoth hot springs could no longer be delayed. accordingly, we were up in the morning, and ready to start on the home journey, a distance of twenty miles, by four o'clock. the snow bore up the horses well till mid-forenoon, when it began to give way beneath them. but by very careful management we pulled through without serious delay, and were back again at the house of major pitcher in time for luncheon, being the only outsiders who had ever made the tour of the park so early in the season. a few days later i bade good-by to the president, who went on his way to california, while i made a loop of travel to spokane, and around through idaho and montana, and had glimpses of the great, optimistic, sunshiny west that i shall not soon forget. president roosevelt as a nature-lover and observer president roosevelt as a nature-lover and observer our many-sided president has a side to his nature of which the public has heard but little, and which, in view of his recent criticism of what he calls the nature fakirs, is of especial interest and importance. i refer to his keenness and enthusiasm as a student of animal life, and his extraordinary powers of observation. the charge recently made against him that he is only a sportsman and has only a sportsman's interest in nature is very wide of the mark. why, i cannot now recall that i have ever met a man with a keener and more comprehensive interest in the wild life about us--an interest that is at once scientific and thoroughly human. and by human i do not mean anything akin to the sentimentalism that sicklies o'er so much of our more recent natural history writing, and that inspires the founding of hospitals for sick cats; but i mean his robust, manly love for all open-air life, and his sympathetic insight into it. when i first read his "wilderness hunter," many years ago, i was impressed by his rare combination of the sportsman and the naturalist. when i accompanied him on his trip to the yellowstone park in april, , i got a fresh impression of the extent of his natural history knowledge and of his trained powers of observation. nothing escaped him, from bears to mice, from wild geese to chickadees, from elk to red squirrels; he took it all in, and he took it in as only an alert, vigorous mind can take it in. on that occasion i was able to help him identify only one new bird, as i have related in the foregoing chapter. all the other birds he recognized as quickly as i did. during a recent half-day spent with the president at sagamore hill i got a still more vivid impression of his keenness and quickness in all natural history matters. the one passion of his life seemed natural history, and the appearance of a new warbler in his woods--new in the breeding season on long island--seemed an event that threw the affairs of state and of the presidential succession quite into the background. indeed, he fairly bubbled over with delight at the thought of his new birds and at the prospect of showing them to his visitors. he said to my friend who accompanied me, john lewis childs, of floral park, a former state senator, that he could not talk politics then, he wanted to talk and to hunt birds. and it was not long before he was as hot on the trail of that new warbler as he had recently been on the trail of some of the great trusts. fancy a president of the united states stalking rapidly across bushy fields to the woods, eager as a boy and filled with the one idea of showing to his visitors the black-throated green warbler! we were presently in the edge of the woods and standing under a locust tree, where the president had several times seen and heard his rare visitant. "that's his note now," he said, and we all three recognized it at the same instant. it came from across a little valley fifty yards farther in the woods. we were soon standing under the tree in which the bird was singing, and presently had our glasses upon him. [illustration: the president's home on sagamore hill, showing addition known as the trophy room from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] "there is no mistake about it, mr. president," we both said; "it is surely the black-throated green," and he laughed in glee. "i knew it could be no other; there is no mistaking that song and those markings. 'trees, trees, murmuring trees!' some one reports him as saying. now if we could only find the nest;" but we did not, though it was doubtless not far off. our warblers, both in color and in song, are bewildering even to the experienced ornithologist, but the president had mastered most of them. not long before he had written me from washington that he had just come in from walking with mrs. roosevelt about the white house grounds looking up arriving warblers. "most of the warblers were up in the tops of the trees, and i could not get a good glimpse of them; but there was one with chestnut cheeks, with bright yellow behind the cheeks, and a yellow breast thickly streaked with black, which has puzzled me. doubtless it is a very common kind which has for the moment slipped my memory. i saw the blackburnian, the summer yellowbird, and the black-throated green." the next day he wrote me that he had identified the puzzling warbler; it was the cape may. there is a tradition among newspaper men in washington that a cape may warbler once broke up a cabinet meeting; maybe this was that identical bird. at luncheon he told us of some of his ornithological excursions in the white house grounds, how people would stare at him as he stood gazing up into the trees like one demented. "no doubt they thought me insane." "yes," said mrs. roosevelt, "and as i was always with him, they no doubt thought i was the nurse that had him in charge." in his "pastimes of an american hunter" he tells of the owls that in june sometimes came after nightfall about the white house. "sometimes they flew noiselessly to and fro, and seemingly caught big insects on the wing. at other times they would perch on the iron awning bars directly overhead. once one of them perched over one of the windows and sat motionless, looking exactly like an owl of pallas athene." he knew the vireos also, and had seen and heard the white-eyed at his virginia place, "pine knot," and he described its peculiar, emphatic song. as i moved along with the thought of this bird in mind and its snappy, incisive song, as i used to hear it in the old days near washington, i fancied i caught its note in a dense bushy place below us. we paused to listen. "a catbird," said the president, and so we all agreed. we saw and heard a chewink. "out west the chewink calls like a catbird," he observed. continuing our walk, we skirted the edge of an orchard. here the president called our attention to a high-hole's nest in a cavity of an old apple tree. he rapped on the trunk of the tree that we might hear the smothered cry for food of the young inside. a few days before he had found one of the half-fledged young on the ground under the tree, and had managed to reach up and drop it back into the nest. "what a boiling there was in there," he said, "when the youngster dropped in!" a cuckoo called in a tree overhead, the first i had heard this season. i feared the cold spring had cut them off. "the yellow-billed, undoubtedly," the president observed, and was confirmed by mr. childs. i was not certain that i knew the call of the yellow-billed from that of the black-billed. "we have them both," said the president, "but the yellow-billed is the more common." we continued our walk along a path that led down through a most delightful wood to the bay. everywhere the marks of the president's axe were visible, as he had with his own hand thinned out and cleared up a large section of the wood. a few days previous he had seen some birds in a group of tulip-trees near the edge of the woods facing the water; he thought they were rose-breasted grosbeaks, but could not quite make them out. he had hoped to find them there now, and we looked and listened for some moments, but no birds appeared. then he led us to a little pond in the midst of the forest where the night heron sometimes nested. a pair of them had nested there in a big water maple the year before, but the crows had broken them up. as we reached the spot the cry of the heron was heard over the tree-tops. "that is its alarm note," said the president. i remarked that it was much like the cry of the little green heron. "yes, it is, but if we wait here till the heron returns, and we are not discovered, you would hear his other more characteristic call, a hoarse quawk." presently we moved on along another path through the woods toward the house. a large, wide-spreading oak attracted my attention--a superb tree. "you see by the branching of that oak," said the president, "that when it grew up this wood was an open field and maybe under the plough; it is only in fields that oaks take that form." i knew it was true, but my mind did not take in the fact when i first saw the tree. his mind acts with wonderful swiftness and completeness, as i had abundant proof that day. [illustration: a bit of woodland on the slope towards oyster bay from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] as we walked along we discussed many questions, all bearing directly or indirectly upon natural history. the conversation was perpetually interrupted by some bird-note in the trees about us which we would pause to identify--the president's ear, i thought, being the most alert of the three. continuing the talk, he dwelt upon the inaccuracy of most persons' seeing, and upon the unreliability as natural history of most of the stories told by guides and hunters. sometimes writers of repute were to be read with caution. he mentioned that excellent hunting book of colonel dodge's, in which are described two species of the puma, one in the west called the "mountain lion," very fierce and dangerous; the other called in the east the "panther,"--a harmless and cowardly animal. "both the same species," said the president, "and almost identical in disposition." nothing is harder than to convince a person that he has seen wrongly. the other day a doctor accosted me in the street of one of our inland towns to tell me of a strange bird he had seen; the bird was blood-red all over and was in some low bushes by the roadside. of course i thought of our scarlet tanager, which was then just arriving. no, he knew that bird with black wings and tail; this bird had no black upon it, but every quill and feather was vivid scarlet. the doctor was very positive, so i had to tell him we had no such bird in our state. there was the summer redbird common in the southern states, but this place is much beyond its northern limit, and, besides, this bird is not scarlet, but is of a dull red. of course he had seen a tanager, but in the shade of the bushes the black of the wings and tail had escaped him. this was simply a case of mis-seeing in an educated man; but in the untrained minds of trappers and woodsmen generally there is an element of the superstitious, and a love for the marvelous, which often prevents them from seeing the wild life about them just as it is. they possess the mythopoeic faculty, and they unconsciously give play to it. thus our talk wandered as we wandered along the woods and field paths. the president brought us back by the corner of a clover meadow where he was sure a pair of red-shouldered starlings had a nest. he knew it was an unlikely place for starlings to nest, as they breed in marshes and along streams and in the low bushes on lake borders, but this pair had always shown great uneasiness when he had approached this plot of tall clover. as we drew near, the male starling appeared and uttered his alarm note. the president struck out to look for the nest, and for a time the administration was indeed in clover, with the alarmed black-bird circling above it and showing great agitation. for my part, i hesitated on the edge of the clover patch, having a farmer's dread of seeing fine grass trampled down. i suggested to the president that he was injuring his hay crop; that the nest was undoubtedly there or near there; so he came out of the tall grass, and, after looking into the old tumbled-down barn--a regular early settler's barn, with huge timbers hewn from forest trees--that stood near by, and which the president said he preserved for its picturesqueness and its savor of old times, as well as for a place to romp in with his dogs and children, we made our way to the house. the purple finch nested in the trees about the house, and the president was greatly pleased that he was able to show us this bird also. [illustration: a path in the woods leading to cold spring harbor from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] a few days previous to our visit the children had found a bird's nest on the ground, in the grass, a few yards below the front of the house. there were young birds in it, and as the president had seen the grasshopper sparrow about there, he concluded the nest belonged to it. we went down to investigate it, and found the young gone and two addled eggs in the nest. when the president saw those eggs, he said: "that is not the nest of the grasshopper sparrow, after all; those are the eggs of the song sparrow, though the nest is more like that of the vesper sparrow. the eggs of the grasshopper sparrow are much lighter in color--almost white, with brown specks." for my part, i had quite forgotten for the moment how the eggs of the little sparrow looked or differed in color from those of the song sparrow. but the president has so little to remember that he forgets none of these minor things! his bird-lore and wood-lore seem as fresh as if just learned. i asked him if he ever heard that rare piece of bird music, the flight song of the oven-bird. "yes," he replied, "we frequently hear it of an evening, while we are sitting on the porch, right down there at the corner of the woods." now, this flight song of the oven-bird was unknown to the older ornithologists, and thoreau, with all his years of patient and tireless watching of birds and plants, never identified it; but the president had caught it quickly and easily, sitting on his porch at sagamore hill. i believe i may take the credit of being the first to identify and describe this song--back in the old "wake robin" days. in an inscription in a book the president had just given me he had referred to himself as my pupil. now i was to be his pupil. in dealing with the birds i could keep pace with him pretty easily, and, maybe, occasionally lead him; but when we came to consider big game and the animal life of the globe, i was nowhere. his experience with the big game has been very extensive, and his acquaintance with the literature of the subject is far beyond my own; and he forgets nothing, while my memory is a sieve. in his study he set before me a small bronze elephant in action, made by the famous french sculptor barye. he asked me if i saw anything wrong with it. i looked it over carefully, and was obliged to confess that, so far as i could see, it was all right. then he placed before me another, by a japanese artist. instantly i saw what was wrong with the frenchman's elephant. its action was like that of a horse or a cow, or any trotting animal--a hind and a front foot on opposite sides moving together. the japanese had caught the real movement of the animal, which is that of a pacer--both legs on the same side at a time. what different effects the two actions gave the statuettes! the free swing of the japanese elephant you at once recognize as the real thing. the president laughed, and said he had never seen any criticism of barye's elephant on this ground, or any allusion to his mistake; it was his own discovery. i was fairly beaten at my own game of observation. he then took down a copy of his "ranch life and the hunting trail," and pointed out to me the mistakes the artist had made in some of his drawings of big western game. "do you see anything wrong in the head of the pronghorn?" he asked, referring to the animal which the hunter is bringing in on the saddle behind him. again i had to confess that i could not. then he showed me the mounted head of a pronghorn over the mantel in one of his rooms, and called my attention to the fact that the eye was close under the root of the horn, whereas in the picture the artist had placed it about two inches too low. and in the artist's picture of the pronghorn, which heads chapter ix, he had made the tail much too long, as he had the tail of the elk on the opposite page. i had heard of mr. roosevelt's attending a fair in orange county, while he was governor, where a group of mounted deer were exhibited. it seems the group had had rough usage, and one of the deer had lost its tail and a new one had been supplied. no one had noticed anything wrong with it till mr. roosevelt came along. "but the minute he clapped his eyes on that group," says the exhibitor, "he called out, 'here, gunther, what do you mean by putting a white-tail deer's tail on a black-tail deer?" such closeness and accuracy of observation even few naturalists can lay claim to. i mentioned the incident to him, and he recalled it laughingly. he then took down a volume on the deer family which he had himself had a share in writing, and pointed out two mistakes in the naming of the pictures which had been overlooked. the picture of the "white-tail in flight" was the black-tail of colorado, and the picture of the black-tail of colorado showed the black-tail of columbia--the difference this time being seen in the branching of the horns. the president took us through his house and showed us his trophies of the chase--bearskins of all sorts and sizes on the floors, panther and lynx skins on the chairs, and elk heads and deer heads on the walls, and one very large skin of the gray timber wolf. we examined the teeth of the wolf, barely more than an inch long, and we all laughed at the idea of its reaching the heart of a caribou through the breast by a snap, or any number of snaps, as it has been reported to do. i doubt if it could have reached the heart of a gobbler turkey in that way at a single snap. [illustration: a yearling in the apple orchard from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] the president's interest in birds, and in natural history generally, dates from his youth. while yet in his teens he published a list of the birds of franklin county, new york. he showed me a bird journal which he kept in egypt when he was a lad of fourteen, and a case of three african plovers which he had set up at that time; and they were well done. evidently one of his chief sources of pleasure at sagamore hill is the companionship of the birds. he missed the bobolink, the seaside finch, and the marsh wren, but his woods and grounds abounded in other species. he knew and enjoyed not only all the more common birds, but many rarer and shyer ones that few country people ever take note of--such as the maryland yellow-throat, the black and white creeper, the yellow-breasted chat, the oven-bird, the prairie warbler, the great crested flycatcher, the wood pewee, and the sharp-tailed finch. he enjoyed the little owls, too. "it is a pity the little-eared owl is called a screech owl. its tremulous, quavering cry is not a screech at all, and has an attraction of its own. these little owls come up to the house after dark, and are fond of sitting on the elk's antlers over the gable. when the moon is up, by choosing one's position, the little owl appears in sharp outline against the bright disk, seated on his many-tined perch." a few days after my visit he wrote me that he had identified the yellow-throated or dominican warbler in his woods, the first he had ever seen. i had to confess to him that i had never seen the bird. it is very rare north of maryland. the same letter records several interesting little incidents in the wild life about him: "the other night i took out the boys in rowboats for a camping-out expedition. we camped on the beach under a low bluff near the grove where a few years ago on a similar expedition we saw a red fox. this time two young foxes, evidently this year's cubs, came around the camp half a dozen times during the night, coming up within ten yards of the fire to pick up scraps and seeming to be very little bothered by our presence. yesterday on the tennis ground i found a mole shrew. he was near the side lines first. i picked him up in my handkerchief, for he bit my hand, and after we had all looked at him i let him go; but in a few minutes he came back and deliberately crossed the tennis grounds by the net. as he ran over the level floor of the court, his motion reminded all of us of the motion of those mechanical mice that run around on wheels when wound up. a chipmunk that lives near the tennis court continually crosses it when the game is in progress. he has done it two or three times this year, and either he or his predecessor has had the same habit for several years. i am really puzzled to know why he should go across this perfectly bare surface, with the players jumping about on it, when he is not frightened and has no reason that i can see for going. apparently he grows accustomed to the players and moves about among them as he would move about, for instance, among a herd of cattle." the president is a born nature-lover, and he has what does not always go with this passion--remarkable powers of observation. he sees quickly and surely, not less so with the corporeal eye than with the mental. his exceptional vitality, his awareness all around, gives the clue to his powers of seeing. the chief qualification of a born observer is an alert, sensitive, objective type of mind, and this roosevelt has in a preëminent degree. you may know the true observer, not by the big things he sees, but by the little things; and then not by the things he sees with effort and premeditation, but by his effortless, unpremeditated seeing--the quick, spontaneous action of his mind in the presence of natural objects. everybody sees the big things, and anybody can go out with note-book and opera-glass and make a dead set at the birds, or can go into the northern forests and interview guides and trappers and indians, and stare in at the door of the "school of the woods." none of these things evince powers of observation; they only evince industry and intention. in fact, born observers are about as rare as born poets. plenty of men can see straight and report straight what they see; but the men who see what others miss, who see quickly and surely, who have the detective eye, like sherlock holmes, who "get the drop," so to speak, on every object, who see minutely and who see whole, are rare indeed. president roosevelt comes as near fulfilling this ideal as any man i have known. his mind moves with wonderful celerity, and yet as an observer he is very cautious, jumps to no hasty conclusions. he had written me, toward the end of may, that while at pine knot in virginia he had seen a small flock of passenger pigeons. as i had been following up the reports of wild pigeons from various parts of our own state during the past two or three years, this statement of the president's made me prick up my ears. in my reply i said, "i hope you are sure about those pigeons," and i told him of my interest in the subject, and also how all reports of pigeons in the east had been discredited by a man in michigan who was writing a book on the subject. this made him prick up his ears, and he replied that while he felt very certain he had seen a small band of the old wild pigeons, yet he might have been deceived; the eye sometimes plays one tricks. he said that in his old ranch days he and a cowboy companion thought one day that they had discovered a colony of _black_ prairie dogs, thanks entirely to the peculiar angle at which the light struck them. he said that while he was president he did not want to make any statement, even about pigeons, for the truth of which he did not have good evidence. he would have the matter looked into by a friend at pine knot upon whom he could depend. he did so, and convinced himself and me also that he had really seen wild pigeons. i had the pleasure of telling him that in the same mail with his letter came the news to me of a large flock of wild pigeons having been seen near the beaverkill in sullivan county, new york. while he was verifying his observation i was in sullivan county verifying this report. i saw and questioned persons who had seen the pigeons, and i came away fully convinced that a flock of probably a thousand birds had been seen there late in the afternoon of may . "you need have no doubt about it," said the most competent witness, an old farmer. "i lived here when the pigeons nested here in countless numbers forty years ago. i know pigeons as i know folks, and these were pigeons." [illustration: hallway, sagamore hill from stereograph, copyright , by underwood & underwood, new york] i mention this incident of the pigeons because i know that the fact that they have been lately seen in considerable numbers will be good news to a large number of readers. the president's nature-love is deep and abiding. not every bird student succeeds in making the birds a part of his life. not till you have long and sympathetic intercourse with them, in fact, not till you have loved them for their own sake, do they enter into and become a part of your life. i could quote many passages from president roosevelt's books which show how he has felt and loved the birds, and how discriminating his ear is with regard to their songs. here is one:-- "the meadow-lark is a singer of a higher order [than the plains skylark], deserving to rank with the best. its song has length, variety, power, and rich melody, and there is in it sometimes a cadence of wild sadness inexpressibly touching. yet i cannot say that either song would appeal to others as it appeals to me; for to me it comes forever laden with a hundred memories and associations--with the sight of dim hills reddening in the dawn, with the breath of cool morning winds blowing across lonely plains, with the scent of flowers on the sunlit prairie, with the motion of fiery horses, with all the strong thrill of eager and buoyant life. i doubt if any man can judge dispassionately the bird-songs of his own country; he cannot disassociate them from the sights and sounds of the land that is so dear to him." here is another, touching upon some european song-birds as compared with some of our own: "no one can help liking the lark; it is such a brave, honest, cheery bird, and moreover its song is uttered in the air, and is very long-sustained. but it is by no means a musician of the first rank. the nightingale is a performer of a very different and far higher order; yet though it is indeed a notable and admirable singer, it is an exaggeration to call it unequaled. in melody, and above all in that finer, higher melody where the chords vibrate with the touch of eternal sorrow, it cannot rank with such singers as the wood-thrush and the hermit-thrush. the serene ethereal beauty of the hermit's song, rising and falling through the still evening, under the archways of hoary mountain forests that have endured from time everlasting; the golden, leisurely chiming of the wood-thrush, sounding on june afternoons, stanza by stanza, through the sun-flecked groves of tall hickories, oaks, and chestnuts; with these there is nothing in the nightingale's song to compare. but in volume and continuity, in tuneful, voluble, rapid outpouring and ardor, above all in skillful and intricate variation of theme, its song far surpasses that of either of the thrushes. in all these respects it is more just to compare it with the mocking-bird's, which, as a rule, likewise falls short precisely on those points where the songs of the two thrushes excel." in his "pastimes of an american hunter" he says: "it is an incalculable added pleasure to any one's sense of happiness if he or she grows to know, even slightly and imperfectly, how to read and enjoy the wonder-book of nature. all hunters should be nature-lovers. it is to be hoped that the days of mere wasteful, boastful slaughter are past, and that from now on the hunter will stand foremost in working for the preservation and perpetuation of the wild life, whether big or little." surely this man is the rarest kind of a sportsman. university, alev akman, and dianne bean theodore roosevelt and his times, a chronicle of the progressive movement by harold howland contents i. the young fighter ii. in the new york assembly iii. the champion of civil service reform iv. haroun al roosevelt v. fighting and breakfasting with platt vi. roosevelt becomes president vii. the square deal for business viii. the square deal for labor ix. reclamation and conservation x. being wise in time xi. rights, duties, and revolutions xii. the taft administration xiii. the progressive party xiv. the glorious failure xv. the fighting edge xvi. the last four years bibliographical note theodore roosevelt and his times chapter i. the young fighter there is a line of browning's that should stand as epitaph for theodore roosevelt: "i was ever a fighter." that was the essence of the man, that the keynote of his career. he met everything in life with a challenge. if it was righteous, he fought for it; if it was evil, he hurled the full weight of his finality against it. he never capitulated, never sidestepped, never fought foul. he carried the fight to the enemy. his first fight was for health and bodily vigor. it began at the age of nine. physically he was a weakling, his thin and ill-developed body racked with asthma. but it was only the physical power that was wanting, never the intellectual or the spiritual. he owed to his father, the first theodore, the wise counsel that launched him on his determined contest against ill health. on the third floor of the house on east twentieth street in new york where he was born, october , , his father had constructed an outdoor gymnasium, fitted with all the usual paraphernalia. it was an impressive moment, roosevelt used to say in later years, when his father first led him into that gymnasium and said to him, "theodore, you have the brains, but brains are of comparatively little use without the body; you have got to make your body, and it lies with you to make it. it's dull, hard work, but you can do it." the boy knew that his father was right; and he set those white, powerful teeth of his and took up the drudgery of daily, monotonous exercise with bars and rings and weights. "i can see him now," says his sister, "faithfully going through various exercises, at different times of the day, to broaden the chest narrowed by this terrible shortness of breath, to make the limbs and back strong, and able to bear the weight of what was coming to him later in life." all through his boyhood the young theodore roosevelt kept up his fight for strength. he was too delicate to attend school, and was taught by private tutors. he spent many of his summers, and sometimes some of the winter months, in the woods of maine. these outings he thoroughly enjoyed, but it is certain that the main motive which sent him into the rough life of the woods to hunt and tramp, to paddle and row and swing an axe, was the obstinate determination to make himself physically fit. his fight for bodily power went on through his college course at harvard and during the years that he spent in ranch life in the west. he was always intensely interested in boxing, although he was never of anything like championship caliber in the ring. his first impulse to learn to defend himself with his hands had a characteristic birth. during one of his periodical attacks of asthma he was sent alone to moosehead lake in maine. on the stagecoach that took him the last stage of the journey he met two boys of about his own age. they quickly found, he says, in his "autobiography", that he was "a foreordained and predestined victim" for their rough teasing, and they "industriously proceeded to make life miserable" for their fellow traveler. at last young roosevelt could endure their persecutions no loner, and tried to fight. great was his discomfiture when he discovered that either of them alone could handle him "with easy contempt." they hurt him little, but, what was doubtless far more humiliating, they prevented him from doing any damage whatever in return. the experience taught the boy, better than any good advice could have done, that he must learn to defend himself. since he had little natural prowess, he realized that he must supply its place by training. he secured his father's approval for a course of boxing lessons, upon which he entered at once. he has described himself as a "painfully slow and awkward pupil," who worked for two or three years before he made any perceptible progress. in college roosevelt kept at boxing practice. even in those days no antagonist, no matter how much his superior, ever made him "quit." in his ranching days, that training with his fists stood him in good stead. those were still primitive days out in the dakotas, though now, as roosevelt has said, that land of the west has "'gone, gone with the lost atlantis,' gone to the isle of ghosts and of strange dead memories." a man needed to be able to take care of himself in that wild west then. roosevelt had many stirring experiences but only one that he called "serious trouble." he was out after lost horses and came to a primitive little hotel, consisting of a bar-room, a dining-room, a lean-to kitchen, and above a loft with fifteen or twenty beds in it. when he entered the bar-room late in the evening--it was a cold night and there was nowhere else to go--a would-be "bad man," with a cocked revolver in each hand, was striding up and down the floor, talking with crude profanity. there were several bullet holes in the clock face, at which he had evidently been shooting. this bully greeted the newcomer as "four eyes," in reference to his spectacles, and announced, "four eyes is going to treat." roosevelt joined in the laugh that followed and sat down behind the stove, thinking to escape notice. but the "bad man" followed him, and in spite of roosevelt's attempt to pass the matter over as a joke, stood over him, with a gun in each hand and using the foulest language. "he was foolish," said roosevelt, in describing the incident, "to stand so near, and moreover, his heels were closer together, so that his position was unstable." when he repeated his demand that four eyes should treat, roosevelt rose as if to comply. as he rose he struck quick and hard with his right fist just to the left side of the point of the jaw, and, as he straightened up hit with his left, and again with his right. the bully's guns went off, whether intentionally or involuntarily no one ever knew. his head struck the corner of the bar as he fell, and he lay senseless. "when my assailant came to," said roosevelt, "he went down to the station and left on a freight." it was eminently characteristic of roosevelt that he tried his best to avoid trouble, but that, when he could not avoid it honorably, he took care to make it "serious trouble" for the other fellow. even after he became president, roosevelt liked to box, until an accident, of which for many years only his intimate friends were aware, convinced him of the unwisdom of the game for a man of his age and optical disabilities. a young artillery captain, with whom he was boxing in the white house, cross-countered him on the left eye, and the blow broke the little blood-vessels. ever afterward, the sight of that eye was dim; and, as he said, "if it had been the right eye i should have been entirely unable to shoot." to "a mighty hunter before the lord" like theodore roosevelt, such a result would have been a cardinal calamity. by the time his experiences in the west were over, roosevelt's fight for health had achieved its purpose. bill sewall, the woodsman who had introduced the young roosevelt to the life of the out-of-doors in maine, and who afterward went out west with him to take up the cattle business, offers this testimony: "he went to dakota a frail young man, suffering from asthma and stomach trouble. when he got back into the world again, he was as husky as almost any man i have ever seen who wasn't dependent on his arms for his livelihood. he weighed one hundred and fifty pounds, and was clear bone, muscle, and grit." this battle won by the force of sheer determination, the young roosevelt never ceased fighting. he knew that the man who neglects exercise and training, no matter how perfect his physical trim, is certain to "go back." one day many years afterward on twenty-third street, on the way back from an outlook editorial luncheon, i ran against his shoulder, as one often will with a companion on crowded city streets, and felt as if it were a massive oak tree into which i had bumped. roosevelt the grown man of hardened physique was certainly a transformation from that "reed shaken with the wind" of his boyhood days. when theodore roosevelt left harvard in , he plunged promptly into a new fight--in the political arena. he had no need to earn his living; his father had left him enough money to take care of that. but he had no intention or desire to live a life of leisure. he always believed that the first duty of a man was to "pull his own weight in the boat"; and his irrepressible energy demanded an outlet in hard, constructive work. so he took to politics, and as a good republican ("at that day" he said, "a young man of my bringing up and convictions, could only join the republican party") he knocked at the door of the twenty-first district republican association in the city of new york. his friends among the new yorkers of cultivated taste and comfortable life disapproved of his desire to enter this new environment. they told him that politics were "low"; that the political organizations were not run by "gentlemen," and that he would find there saloonkeepers, horse-car conductors, and similar persons, whose methods he would find rough and coarse and unpleasant. roosevelt merely replied that, if this were the case, it was those men and not his "silk-stocking" friends who constituted the governing class--and that he intended to be one of the governing class himself. if he could not hold his own with those who were really in practical politics, he supposed he would have to quit; but he did not intend to quit without making the experiment. at every step in his career theodore roosevelt made friends. he made them not "unadvisedly or lightly" but with the directness, the warmth, and the permanence that were inseparable from the roosevelt character. one such friend he acquired at this stage of his progress. in that district association, from which his friends had warned him away, he found a young irishman who had been a gang leader in the rough-and-tumble politics of the east side. driven by the winter wind of man's ingratitude from tammany hall into the ranks of the opposite party, joe murray was at this time one of the lesser captains in "the twenty-first." roosevelt soon came to like him. he was "by nature as straight a man, as fearless, and as staunchly loyal," said roosevelt, "as any one whom i have ever met, a man to be trusted in any position demanding courage, integrity, and good faith." the liking was returned by the eager and belligerent young irishman, though he has confessed that he was first led to consider roosevelt as a political ally from the point of view of his advantages as a vote-getter. the year after roosevelt joined "the governing class" in morton hall, "a large barn-like room over a saloon," with furniture "of the canonical kind; dingy benches, spittoons, a dais at one end with a table and chair, and a stout pitcher for iced water, and on the walls pictures of general grant, and of levi p. morton," joe murray was engaged in a conflict with "the boss" and wanted a candidate of his own for the assembly. he picked out roosevelt, because he thought that with him he would be most likely to win. win they did; the nomination was snatched away from the boss's man, and election followed. the defeated boss good-humoredly turned in to help elect the young silk-stocking who had been the instrument of his discomfiture. chapter ii. in the new york assembly roosevelt was twice reelected to the assembly, the second time in , a year when a republican success was an outstanding exception to the general course of events in the state. his career at albany was marked by a series of fights for decency and honesty. each new contest showed him a fearless antagonist, a hard hitter, and a man of practical common sense and growing political wisdom. those were the days of the famous "black horse cavalry" in the new york legislature--a group of men whose votes could always be counted on by the special interests and those corporations whose managers proceeded on the theory that the way to get the legislation they wanted, or to block the legislation they did not want, was to buy the necessary votes. perhaps one-third of the members of the legislature, according to roosevelt's estimate, were purchasable. others were timid. others again were either stupid or honestly so convinced of the importance of "business" to the general welfare that they were blind to corporate faults. but theodore roosevelt was neither purchasable, nor timid, nor unable to distinguish between the legitimate requirements of business and its unjustifiable demands. he developed as a natural leader of the honest opposition to the "black horse cavalry." the situation was complicated by what were known as "strike bills." these were bills which, if passed, might or might not have been in the public interest, but would certainly have been highly embarrassing to the private interests involved. the purpose of their introduction was, of course, to compel the corporations to pay bribes to ensure their defeat. roosevelt had one interesting and illuminating experience with the "black horse cavalry." he was chairman of the committee on cities. the representatives of one of the great railways brought to him a bill to permit the extension of its terminal facilities in one of the big cities of the state, and asked him to take charge of it. roosevelt looked into the proposed bill and found that it was a measure that ought to be passed quite as much in the public interest as is the interest of the railroad. he agreed to stand sponsor for the bill, provided he were assured that no money would be used to push it. the assurance was given. when the bill came before his committee for consideration, roosevelt found that he could not get it reported out either favorably or unfavorably. so he decided to force matters. in accordance with his life-long practice, he went into the decisive committee meeting perfectly sure what he was going to do, and otherwise fully prepared. there was a broken chair in the room, and when he took his seat a leg of that chair was unobtrusively ready to his hand. he moved that the bill be reported favorably. the gang, without debate, voted "no." he moved that it be reported unfavorably. again the gang voted "no." then he put the bill in his pocket and announced that he proposed to report it anyhow. there was almost a riot. he was warned that his conduct would be exposed on the floor of the assembly. he replied that in that case he would explain publicly in the assembly the reasons which made him believe that the rest of the committee were trying, from motives of blackmail, to prevent any report of the bill. the bill was reported without further protest, and the threatened riot did not come off, partly, said roosevelt, "because of the opportune production of the chair-leg." but the young fighter found that he was no farther along: the bill slumbered soundly on the calendar, and nothing that he could do availed to secure consideration of it. at last the representative of the railroad suggested that some older and more experienced leader might be able to get the bill passed where he had failed. roosevelt could do nothing but assent. the bill was put in charge of an "old parliamentary hand," and after a decent lapse of time, went through without opposition. the complete change of heart on the part of the black horsemen under the new leadership was vastly significant. nothing could be proved; but much could be surmised. another incident of roosevelt's legislative career reveals the bull-dog tenacity of the man. evidence had been procured that a state judge had been guilty of improper, if not of corrupt, relations with certain corporate interests. this judge had held court in a room of one of the "big business" leaders of that time. he had written in a letter to this financier, "i am willing to go to the very verge of judicial discretion to serve your vast interests." there was strong evidence that he had not stopped at the verge. the blood of the young roosevelt boiled at the thought of this stain on the judicial ermine. his party elders sought patronizingly to reassure him; but he would have none of it. he rose in the assembly and demanded the impeachment of the unworthy judge. with perfect candor and the naked vigor that in the years to come was to become known the world around he said precisely what he meant. under the genial sardonic advice of the veteran republican leader, who "wished to give young mr. roosevelt time to think about the wisdom of his course," the assembly voted not to take up his "loose charges." it looked like ignominious defeat. but the next day the young firebrand was back to the attack again, and the next day, and the next. for eight days he kept up the fight; each day the reputation of this contest for a forlorn hope grew and spread throughout the state. on the eighth day he demanded that the resolution be voted on again, and the opposition collapsed. only six votes were cast against his motion. it is true that the investigation ended in a coat of whitewash. but the evidence was so strong that no one could be in doubt that it was whitewash. the young legislator, whose party mentors had seen before him nothing but a ruined career, had won a smashing moral victory. roosevelt was not only a fighter from his first day in public life to the last, but he was a fighter always against the same evils. two incidents more than a quarter of a century apart illustrate this fact. a bill was introduced in the assembly in those earlier days to prohibit the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses in new york city. it was proposed by the cigar-makers' union. roosevelt was appointed one of a committee of three to investigate the subject. of the other two members, one did not believe in the bill but confessed privately that he must support it because the labor unions were strong in his district. the other, with equal frankness, confessed that he had to oppose the bill because certain interests who had a strong hold upon him disapproved it, but declared his belief that if roosevelt would look into the matter he would find that the proposed legislation was good. politics, and politicians, were like that in those days--as perhaps they still are in these. the young aristocrat, who was fast becoming a stalwart and aggressive democrat, expected to find himself against the bill; for, as he has said, the "respectable people" and the "business men" whom he knew did not believe in such intrusions upon the right even of workingmen to do what they would with their own. the laissez faire doctrine of economic life was good form in those days. but the only member of that committee that approached the question with an open mind found that his first impressions were wrong. he went down into the tenement houses to see for himself. he found cigars being made under conditions that were appalling. for example, he discovered an apartment of one room in which three men, two women, and several children--the members of two families and a male boarder--ate, slept, lived, and made cigars. "the tobacco was stowed about everywhere, alongside the foul bedding, and in a corner where there were scraps of food." these conditions were not exceptional; they were only a little worse than was usual. roosevelt did not oppose the bill; he fought for it and it passed. then he appeared before governor cleveland to argue for it on behalf of the cigar-makers' union. the governor hesitated, but finally signed it. the court of appeals declared it unconstitutional, in a smug and well-fed decision, which spoke unctuously of the "hallowed" influences of the "home." it was a wicked decision, because it was purely academic, and was removed as far as the fixed stars from the actual facts of life. but it had one good result. it began the making of theodore roosevelt into a champion of social justice, for, as he himself said, it was this case which first waked him "to a dim and partial understanding of the fact that the courts were not necessarily the best judges of what should be done to better social and industrial conditions." when, a quarter of a century later, roosevelt left the presidency and became contributing editor of the outlook, almost his first contribution to that journal was entitled "a judicial experience." it told the story of this law and its annulment by the court. mr. william travers jerome wrote a letter to the outlook, taking roosevelt sharply to task for his criticism of the court. it fell to the happy lot of the writer as a cub editor to reply editorially to mr. jerome. i did so with gusto and with particularity. as mr. roosevelt left the office on his way to the steamer that was to take him to africa to hunt non-political big game, he said to me, who had seen him only once before: "that was bully. you have done just what my cabinet members used to do for me in washington. when a question rose that demanded action, i used to act. then i would tell root or taft to find out and tell me why what i had done was legal and justified. well done, coworker." is it any wonder that theodore roosevelt had made in that moment another ardent supporter? those first years in the political arena were not only a fighting time, they were a formative time. the young roosevelt had to discover a philosophy of political action which would satisfy him. he speedily found one that suited his temperament and his keen sense of reality. he found no reason to depart from it to the day of his death. long afterward he told his good friend jacob riis how he arrived at it. this was the way of it: "i suppose that my head was swelled. it would not be strange if it was. i stood out for my own opinion, alone. i took the best mugwump stand: my own conscience, my own judgment, were to decide in all things. i would listen to no argument, no advice. i took the isolated peak on every issue, and my people left me. when i looked around, before the session was well under way, i found myself alone. i was absolutely deserted. the people didn't understand. the men from erie, from suffolk, from anywhere, would not work with me. 'he won't listen to anybody,' they said, and i would not. my isolated peak had become a valley; every bit of influence i had was gone. the things i wanted to do i was powerless to accomplish. what did i do? i looked the ground over and made up my mind that there were several other excellent people there, with honest opinions of the right, even though they differed from me. i turned in to help them, and they turned to and gave me a hand. and so we were able to get things done. we did not agree in all things, but we did in some, and those we pulled at together. that was my first lesson in real politics. it is just this: if you are cast on a desert island with only a screw-driver, a hatchet, and a chisel to make a boat with, why, go make the best one you can. it would be better if you had a saw, but you haven't. so with men. here is my friend in congress who is a good man, a strong man, but cannot be made to believe in some things which i trust. it is too bad that he doesn't look at it as i do, but he does not, and we have to work together as we can. there is a point, of course, where a man must take the isolated peak and break with it all for clear principle, but until it comes he must work, if he would be of use, with men as they are. as long as the good in them overbalances the evil, let him work with that for the best that can be got." from the moment that he had learned this valuable lesson--and roosevelt never needed to learn a lesson twice--he had his course in public life marked out before him. he believed ardently in getting things done. he was no theoretical reformer. he would never take the wrong road; but, if he could not go as far as he wanted to along the right road, he would go as far as he could, and bide his time for the rest. he would not compromise a hair's breadth on a principle; he would compromise cheerfully on a method which did not mean surrender of the principle. he perceived that there were in political life many bad men who were thoroughly efficient and many good men who would have liked to accomplish high results but who were thoroughly inefficient. he realized that if he wished to accomplish anything for the country his business was to combine decency and efficiency; to be a thoroughly practical man of high ideals who did his best to reduce those ideals to actual practice. this was the choice that he made in those first days, the companionable road of practical idealism rather than the isolated peak of idealistic ineffectiveness. a hard test of his political philosophy came in just after he had left the legislature. he was selected as one of the four delegates at large from new york to the republican national convention. there he advocated vigorously the nomination of senator george f. edmunds for the presidency. but the more popular candidate with the delegates was james g. blaine. roosevelt did not believe in blaine, who was a politician of the professional type and who had a reputation that was not immaculate. the better element among the delegates fought hard against blaine's nomination, with roosevelt wherever the blows were shrewdest. but their efforts were of no avail. too many party hacks had come to the convention, determined to nominate blaine, and they put the slate through with a whoop. then, every republican in active politics who was anything but a rubber stamp politician had a difficult problem to face. should he support blaine, in whom he could have no confidence and for whom he could have no respect, or should he "bolt"? a large group decided to bolt. they organized the mugwump party--the epithet was flung at them with no friendly intent by charles a. dana of the new york sun, but they made of it an honorable title--under the leadership of george william curtis and carl schurz. their announced purpose was to defeat the republicans, from whose ranks they had seceded, and in this attempt they were successful. roosevelt, however, made the opposite decision. indeed, he had made the decision before he entered the convention. it was characteristic of him not to wait until the choice was upon him but to look ahead and make up his mind just which course he would take if and when a certain contingency arose. i remember that once in the later days at oyster bay he said to me, "they say i am impulsive. it isn't true. the fact is that on all the important things that may come up for decision in my life, i have thought the thing out in advance and know what i will do. so when the moment comes, i don't have to stop to work it out then. my decision is already made. i have only to put it into action. it looks like impulsiveness. it is nothing of the sort." so, in , when roosevelt met his first problem in national politics, he already knew what he would do. he would support blaine, for he was a party man. the decision wounded many of his friends. but it was the natural result of his political philosophy. he believed in political parties as instruments for securing the translation into action of the popular will. he perceived that the party system, as distinguished from the group system of the continental peoples, was the anglo-saxon, the american way of doing things. he wanted to get things done. there was only one thing that he valued more than achievement and that was the right. therefore, until it became a clean issue between right and wrong, he would stick to the instrument which seemed to him the most efficient for getting things done. so he stuck to his party, in spite of his distaste for its candidate, and saw it go down in defeat. roosevelt never changed his mind about this important matter. he was a party man to the end. in he left his old party on what he believed to be--and what was--a naked moral issue. but he did not become an independent. he created a new party. chapter iii. the champion of civil service reform the four years after the cleveland-blaine campaign were divided into two parts for roosevelt by another political experience, which also resulted in defeat. he was nominated by the republicans and a group of independents for mayor of new york. his two opponents were abram s. hewitt, a business man of standing who had been inveigled, no one knows how, into lending respectability to the tammany ticket in a critical moment, and henry george, the father of the single tax doctrine, who had been nominated by a conference of some one hundred and seventy-five labor organizations. roosevelt fought his best on a personal platform of "no class or caste" but "honest and economical government on behalf of the general wellbeing." but the inevitable happened. tammany slipped in between its divided enemies and made off with the victory. the rest of the four years he spent partly in ranch life out in the dakotas, partly in writing history and biography at home and in travel. the life on the ranch and in the hunting camps finished the business, so resolutely begun in the outdoor gymnasium on twentieth street, of developing a physical equipment adequate for any call he could make upon it. this sojourn on the plains gave him, too, an intimate knowledge of the frontier type of american. theodore roosevelt loved his fellow men. what is more, he was always interested in them, not abstractly and in the mass, but concretely and in the individual. he believed in them. he knew their strength and their virtues, and he rejoiced in them. he realized their weaknesses and their softnesses and fought them hard. it was all this that made him the thoroughgoing democrat that he was. "the average american," i have heard him say a hundred times to all kinds of audiences, "is a pretty good fellow, and his wife is a still better fellow." he not only enjoyed those years in the west to the full, but he profited by them as well. they broadened and deepened his knowledge of what the american people were and meant. they made vivid to him the value of the simple, robust virtues of self-reliance, courage, self-denial, tolerance, and justice. the influence of those hard-riding years was with him as a great asset to the end of his life. in the presidential campaign of , roosevelt was on the firing line again, fighting for the republican candidate, benjamin harrison. when mr. harrison was elected, he would have liked to put the young campaigner into the state department. but mr. blaine, who became secretary of state, did not care to have his plain-spoken opponent and critic under him. so the president offered roosevelt the post of civil service commissioner. the spoils system had become habitual and traditional in american public life by sixty years of practice. it had received its first high sanction in the cynical words of a new york politician, "to the victor belong the spoils." politicians looked upon it as a normal accompaniment of their activities. the public looked upon it with indifference. but finally a group of irrepressible reformers succeeded in getting the camel's nose under the flap of the tent. a law was passed establishing a commission which was to introduce the merit system. but even then neither the politicians nor the public, nor the commission itself, took the matter very seriously. the commission was in the habit of carrying on its functions perfunctorily and unobtrusively. but nothing could be perfunctory where roosevelt was. he would never permit things to be done--or left undone unobtrusively, when what was needed was to obtrude the matter forcibly on the public mind. he was a profound believer in the value of publicity. when roosevelt became commissioner things began swiftly to happen. he had two firm convictions: that laws were made to be enforced, in the letter and in the spirit; and that the only thing worth while in the world was to get things done. he believed with a hot conviction in decency, honesty, and efficiency in public as in private life. for six years he fought and infused his fellow commissioners with some of his fighting spirit. they were good men but easy-going until the right leadership came along. the first effort of the commission under the new leadership was to secure the genuine enforcement of the law. the backbone of the merit system was the competitive examination. this was not because such examinations are the infallible way to get good public servants, but because they are the best way that has yet been devised to keep out bad public servants, selected for private reasons having nothing to do with the public welfare. the effort to make these examinations and the subsequent appointments of real service to the nation rather than to the politicians naturally brought the commission into conflict with many men of low ideals, both in congress and without. roosevelt found a number of men in congress--like senator lodge, senator davis of minnesota, senator platt of connecticut, and congressman (afterward president) mckinley--who were sincerely and vigorously opposed to the spoils system. but there were numbers of other senators and congressmen who hated the whole reform--everything connected with it and everybody who championed it. "sometimes," roosevelt said of these men, "to use a legal phrase, their hatred was for cause, and sometimes it was peremptory--that is, sometimes the commission interfered with their most efficient, and incidentally most corrupt and unscrupulous supporters, and at other times, where there was no such interference, a man nevertheless had an innate dislike of anything that tended to decency in government." conflict with these men was inevitable. sometimes their opposition took the form of trying to cut down the appropriation for the commission. then the commission, on roosevelt's suggestion, would try the effect of holding no examinations in the districts of the senators or congressmen who had voted against the appropriation. the response from the districts was instantaneous. frantic appeals came to the commission from aspirants for office. the reply would be suave and courteous. one can imagine roosevelt dictating it with a glint in his eye and a snap of the jaw, and when it was typed, inserting a sting in the tail in the form of an interpolated sentence in his own vigorous and rugged script. those added sentences, without which any typewritten roosevelt letter might almost be declared to be a forgery, so uniformly did the impulse to add them seize him, were always the most interesting feature of a communication from him. the letter would inform the protesting one that unfortunately the appropriation had been cut, so that examinations could not be held in every district, and that obviously the commission could not neglect the districts of those congressmen who believed in the reform and therefore in the examinations. the logical next step for the hungry aspirant was to transfer the attack to his congressman or senator. in the long run, by this simple device of backfiring, which may well have been a reminiscence of prairie fire days in the west, the commission obtained enough money to carry on. there were other forms of attack tried by the spoils-loving legislators. one was investigation by a congressional committee. but the appearance of roosevelt before such an investigating body invariably resulted in a "bully time" for him and a peculiarly disconcerting time for his opponents. one of the republican floor leaders in the house in those days was congressman grosvenor from ohio. in an unwary moment mr. grosvenor attacked the commission on the floor of the house in picturesque fashion. roosevelt promptly asked that mr. grosvenor be invited to meet him before a congressional committee which was at that moment investigating the activities of the commission. the congressman did not accept the invitation until he heard that roosevelt was leaving washington for his ranch in the west. then he notified the committee that he would be glad to meet commissioner roosevelt at one of its sessions. roosevelt immediately postponed his journey and met him. mr. grosvenor, says roosevelt in his autobiography, "proved to be a person of happily treacherous memory, so that the simple expedient of arranging his statements in pairs was sufficient to reduce him to confusion." he declared to the committee, for instance, that he did not want to repeal the civil service law and had never said so. roosevelt produced one of mr. grosvenor's speeches in which he had said, "i will not only vote to strike out this provision, but i will vote to repeal the whole law." grosvenor declared that there was no inconsistency between these two statements. at another point in his testimony, he asserted that a certain applicant for office, who had, as he put it, been fraudulently credited to his congressional district, had never lived in that district or in ohio, so far as he knew. roosevelt brought forth a letter in which the congressman himself had categorically stated that the man in question was not only a legal resident of his district but was actually living there then. he explained, says roosevelt, "first, that he had not written the letter; second, that he had forgotten he had written the letter; and, third, that he was grossly deceived when he wrote it." grosvenor at length accused roosevelt of a lack of humor in not appreciating that his statements were made "in a jesting way," and declared that "a congressman making a speech on the floor of the house of representatives was perhaps in a little different position from a witness on the witness stand." finally he rose with dignity and, asserting his constitutional right not to be questioned elsewhere as to what he said on the floor of the house, withdrew, leaving roosevelt and the committee equally delighted with the opera bouffe in which he had played the leading part. in the roosevelt days the commission carried on its work, as of course it should, without thought of party. it can be imagined how it made the "good" republicans rage when one of the results of the impartial application system was to put into office from the southern states a hundred or two democrats. the critics of the commission were equally non-partisan; there was no politics in spoilsmanship. the case of mr. grosvenor was matched by that of senator gorman of maryland, the democratic leader in the senate. mr. gorman told upon the floor of the senate the affecting story of "a bright young man from baltimore," a sunday school scholar, well recommended by his pastor, who aspired to be a letter carrier. he appeared before the commission for examination, and, according to mr. gorman, he was first asked to describe the shortest route from baltimore to china. the "bright young man" replied brightly, according to mr. gorman, that he didn't want to go from baltimore to china, and therefore had never concerned himself about the choice of routes. he was then asked, according to mr. gorman, all about the steamship lines from america to europe; then came questions in geology, and finally in chemistry. the commission thereupon turned the bright young applicant down. the senator's speech was masterly. it must have made the spoilsmen chuckle and the friends of civil service reform squirm. it had neither of these effects on roosevelt. it merely exploded him into action like a finger on a hair-trigger. first of all, he set about hunting down the facts. facts were his favorite ammunition in a fight. they have such a powerful punch. a careful investigation of all the examination papers which the commission had set revealed not a single question like those from which the "bright young man," according to mr. gorman, had suffered. so roosevelt wrote to the senator asking for the name of the "bright young man." there was no response. he also asked, in case mr. gorman did not care to reveal his identity, the date of the examination. still no reply. roosevelt offered to give to any representative whom mr. gorman would send to the commission's offices all the aid he could in discovering in the files any such questions. the offer was ignored. but the senator expressed himself as so shocked at this doubting of the word of his brilliant protege that he was unable to answer the letter at all. roosevelt thereupon announced publicly that no such questions had ever been asked. mr. gorman was gravely injured by the whole incident. later he declared in the senate that he had received a "very impudent letter" from the young commissioner, and that he had been "cruelly" called to account because he had tried to right a "great wrong" which the commission had committed. roosevelt's retort was to tell the whole story publicly, closing with this delightful passage: "high-minded, sensitive mr. gorman. clinging, trustful mr. gorman. nothing could shake his belief in the "bright young man." apparently he did not even try to find out his name--if he had a name; in fact, his name like everything else about him, remains to this day wrapped in the stygian mantle of an abysmal mystery. still less has mr. gorman tried to verify the statements made to him. it is enough for him that they were made. no harsh suspicion, no stern demand for evidence or proof, appeals to his artless and unspoiled soul. he believes whatever he is told, even when he has forgotten the name of the teller, or never knew it. it would indeed be difficult to find an instance of a more abiding confidence in human nature--even in anonymous human nature. and this is the end of the tale of the arcadian mr. gorman and his elusive friend, the bright young man without a name." even so near the beginning of his career, roosevelt showed himself perfectly fearless in attack. he would as soon enter the lists against a senator as a congressman, as soon challenge a cabinet member as either. he did not even hesitate to make it uncomfortable for the president to whom he owed his continuance in office. his only concern was for the honor of the public service which he was in office to defend. one day he appeared at a meeting of the executive committee of the civil service reform association. george william curtis was presiding, and roosevelt's old friend, george haven putnam, who tells the story, was also present. roosevelt began by hurling a solemn but hearty imprecation at the head of the postmaster general. he went on to explain that his explosive wrath was due to the fact that that particular gentleman was the most pernicious of all the enemies of the merit system. it was one of the functions of the civil service commission, as roosevelt saw it, to put a stop to improper political activities by federal employees. such activities were among the things that the civil service law was intended to prevent. they strengthened the hands of the political machines and the bosses, and at the same time weakened the efficiency of the service. roosevelt had from time to time reported to the postmaster general what some of the post office employees were doing in political ways to the detriment of the service. his account of what happened was this: "i placed before the postmaster-general sworn statements in regard to these political activities and the only reply i could secure was, 'this is all second-hand evidence.' then i went up to baltimore at the invitation of our good friend, a member of the national committee, charles j. bonaparte. bonaparte said that he could bring me into direct touch with some of the matters complained about. he took me to the primary meetings with some associate who knew by name the carriers and the customs officials. i was able to see going on the work of political assessments, and i heard the instructions given to the carriers and others in regard to the moneys that they were to collect. i got the names of some of these men recorded in my memorandum book. i then went back to washington, swore myself in as a witness before myself as commissioner, and sent the sworn statement to the postmaster-general with the word, 'this at least is firsthand evidence.' i still got no reply, and after waiting a few days, i put the whole material before the president with a report. this report has been pigeonholed by the president, and i have now come to new york to see what can be done to get the evidence before the public. you will understand that the head of a department, having made a report to the president, can do nothing further with the material until the president permits." roosevelt went back to washington with the sage advice to ask the civil service committee of the house to call upon him to give evidence in regard to the working of the civil service act. he could then get into the record his first-hand evidence as well as a general statement of the bad practices which were going on. this evidence, when printed as a report of the congressional committee, could be circulated by the association. roosevelt bettered the advice by asking to have the postmaster general called before the committee at the same time as himself. this was done, but that timid politician replied to the chairman of the committee that "he would hold himself at the service of the committee for any date on which mr. roosevelt was not to be present." the politicians with uneasy consciences were getting a little wary about face-to-face encounters with the young fighter. nevertheless roosevelt's testimony was given and circulated broadcast, as major putnam writes, "much to the dissatisfaction of the postmaster general and probably of the president." the six years which roosevelt spent on the civil service commission were for him years of splendid training in the methods and practices of political life. what he learned then stood him in good stead when he came to the presidency. those years of roosevelt's gave an impetus to the cause of civil reform which far surpassed anything it had received until his time. indeed, it is probably not unfair to say that it has received no greater impulse since. chapter iv. haroun al roosevelt in , at the age of thirty-six, roosevelt was asked by mayor strong of new york city, who had just been elected on an anti-tammany ticket, to become a member of his administration. mayor strong wanted him for street cleaning commissioner. roosevelt definitely refused that office, on the ground that he had no special fitness for it, but accepted readily the mayor's subsequent proposal that he should become president of the police commission, knowing that there was a job that he could do. there was plenty of work to be done in the police department. the conditions under which it must be done were dishearteningly unfavorable. in the first place, the whole scheme of things was wrong. the police department was governed by one of those bi-partisan commissions which well-meaning theorists are wont sometimes to set up when they think that the important thing in government is to have things arranged so that nobody can do anything harmful. the result often is that nobody can do anything at all. there were four commissioners, two supposed to belong to one party and two to the other. there was also a chief of police, appointed by the commission, who could not be removed without a trial subject to review by the courts. the scheme put a premium on intriguing and obstruction. it was far inferior to the present plan of a single commissioner with full power, subject only to the mayor who appoints him. but there is an interesting lesson to be learned from a comparison between the new york police department as it is today and as it was twenty-five years ago. then the scheme of organization was thoroughly bad--and the department was at its high-water mark of honest and effective activity. now the scheme of organization is excellent--but the less said about the way it works the better. the answer to the riddle is this: today the new york police force is headed by tammany; the name of the particular tammany man who is commissioner does not matter. in those days the head was roosevelt. there were many good men on the force then as now. what roosevelt said of the men of his time is as true today: "there are no better men anywhere than the men of the new york police force; and when they go bad it is because the system is wrong, and because they are not given the chance to do the good work they can do and would rather do." the first fight that roosevelt found on his hands was to keep politics and every kind of favoritism absolutely out of the force. during his six years as civil service commissioner he had learned much about the way to get good men into the public service. he was now able to put his own theories into practice. his method was utterly simple and incontestably right. "as far as was humanly possible, the appointments and promotions were made without regard to any question except the fitness of the man and the needs of the service." that was all. "we paid," he said, "not the slightest attention to a man's politics or creed, or where he was born, so long as he was an american citizen." but it was not easy to convince either the politicians or the public that the commission really meant what it said. in view of the long record of unblushing corruption in connection with every activity in the police department, and of the existence, which was a matter of common knowledge, of a regular tariff for appointments and promotions, it is little wonder that the news that every one on, or desiring to get on, the force would have a square deal was received with scepticism. but such was the fact. roosevelt brought the whole situation out into the open, gave the widest possible publicity to what the commission was doing, and went hotly after any intimation of corruption. one secret of his success here as everywhere else was that he did things himself. he knew things of his own knowledge. one evening he went down to the bowery to speak at a branch of the young men's christian association. there he met a young jew, named raphael, who had recently displayed unusual courage and physical prowess in rescuing women and children from a burning building. roosevelt suggested that he try the examination for entrance to the force. young raphael did so, was successful, and became a policeman of the best type. he and his family, said roosevelt, "have been close friends of mine ever since." another comment which he added is delicious and illuminating: "to show our community of feeling and our grasp of the facts of life, i may mention that we were almost the only men in the police department who picked fitzsimmons as a winner against corbett." there is doubtless much in this little incident shocking to the susceptibilities of many who would consider themselves among the "best" people. but roosevelt would care little for that. he was a real democrat; and to his great soul there was nothing either incongruous or undesirable in having--and in admitting that he had--close friends in an east side jewish family just over from russia. he believed, too, in "the strenuous life," in boxing and in prize fighting when it was clean. he could meet a subordinate as man to man on the basis of such a personal matter as their respective judgment of two prize fighters, without relaxing in the slightest degree their official relations. he was a man of realities, who knew how to preserve the real distinctions of life without insisting on the artificial ones. one of the best allies that roosevelt had was jacob a. riis, that extraordinary man with the heart of a child, the courage of a lion, and the spirit of a crusader, who came from denmark as an immigrant, tramped the streets of new york and the country roads without a place to lay his head, became one of the best police reporters new york ever knew, and grew to be a flaming force for righteousness in the city of his adoption. his book, "how the other half lives", did more to clean up the worst slums of the city than any other single thing. when the book appeared, roosevelt went to mr. riis's office, found him out, and left a card which said simply, "i have read your book. i have come down to help." when roosevelt became police commissioner, riis was in the tribune police bureau in mulberry street, opposite police headquarters, already a well valued friend. roosevelt took him for guide, and together they tramped about the dark spots of the city in the night hours when the underworld slips its mask and bares its arm to strike. roosevelt had to know for himself. he considered that he had two duties as police commissioner: one to make the police force an honest and effective public servant; the other to use his position "to help in making the city a better place in which to live and work for those to whom the conditions of life and labor were hardest." these night wanderings of "haroun al roosevelt," as some one successfully ticketed him in allusion to the great caliph's similar expeditions, were powerful aids to the tightening up of discipline and to the encouragement of good work by patrolmen and roundsmen. the unfaithful or the easy-going man on the beat, who allowed himself to be beguiled by the warmth and cheer of a saloon back-room, or to wander away from his duty for his own purposes, was likely to be confronted by the black slouch hat and the gleaming spectacles of a tough-set figure that he knew as the embodiment of relentless justice. but the faithful knew no less surely that he was their best friend and champion. in the old days of "the system," not only appointment to the force and promotion, but recognition of exceptional achievement went by favor. the policeman who risked his life in the pursuit of duty and accomplished some big thing against great odds could not be sure of the reward to which he was entitled unless he had political pull. it was even the rule in the department that the officer who spoiled his uniform in rescuing man, woman, or child from the waters of the river must get a new one at his own expense. "the system" knew neither justice nor fair play. it knew nothing but the cynical phrase of richard croker, tammany hall's famous boss, "my own pocket all the time." but roosevelt changed all that. he had not been in mulberry street a month before that despicable rule about the uniform was blotted out. his whole term of office on the police board was marked by acts of recognition of bravery and faithful service. many times he had to dig the facts out for himself or ran upon them by accident. there was no practice in the department of recording the good work done by the men on the force so that whoever would might read. roosevelt enjoyed this part of his task heartily. he believed vigorously in courage, hardihood, and daring. what is more, he believed with his whole soul in men. it filled him with pure joy when he discovered a man of the true stalwart breed who held his own life as nothing when his duty was at stake. during his two years' service, he and his fellow commissioners singled out more than a hundred men for special mention because of some feat of heroism. two cases which he describes in his "autobiography" are typical of the rest. one was that of an old fellow, a veteran of the civil war, who was a roundsman. roosevelt noticed one day that he had saved a woman from drowning and called him before him to investigate the matter. the veteran officer was not a little nervous and agitated as he produced his record. he had grown gray in the service and had performed feat after feat of heroism; but his complete lack of political backing had kept him from further promotion. in twenty-two years on the force he had saved some twenty-five persons from drowning, to say nothing of rescuing several from burning buildings. twice congress had passed special acts to permit the secretary of the treasury to give him a medal for distinguished gallantry in saving life. he had received other medals from the life saving society and from the police department itself. the one thing that he could not achieve was adequate promotion, although his record was spotless. when roosevelt's attention was attracted to him, he received his promotion then and there. "it may be worth mentioning," says roosevelt, "that he kept on saving life after he was given his sergeantcy." the other case was that of a patrolman who seemed to have fallen into the habit of catching burglars. roosevelt noticed that he caught two in successive weeks, the second time under unusual conditions. the policeman saw the burglar emerging from a house soon after midnight and gave chase. the fugitive ran toward park avenue. the new york central railroad runs under that avenue, and there is a succession of openings in the top of the tunnel. the burglar took a desperate chance by dropping through one of the openings, at the imminent risk of breaking his neck. "now the burglar," says roosevelt, "was running for his liberty, and it was the part of wisdom for him to imperil life and limb; but the policeman was merely doing his duty, and nobody could have blamed him for not taking the jump. however, he jumped; and in this particular case the hand of the lord was heavy upon the unrighteous. the burglar had the breath knocked out of him, and the 'cop' didn't. when his victim could walk, the officer trotted him around to the station house." when roosevelt had discovered that the patrolman's record showed him to be sober, trustworthy, and strictly attentive to duty, he secured his promotion at once. so the police commission, during those two years, under the driving force of roosevelt's example and spirit, went about the regeneration of the force whose former proud title of "the finest" had been besmirched by those who should have been its champions and defenders. politics, favoritism, and corruption were knocked out of the department with all the thoroughness that the absurd bipartisan scheme of administration would permit. the most spectacular fight of all was against the illegal operations of the saloons. the excise law forbade the sale of liquor on sunday. but the police, under orders from "higher up," enforced the law with discretion. the saloons which paid blackmail, or which enjoyed the protection of some powerful tammany chieftain, sold liquor on sunday with impunity. only those whose owners were recalcitrant or without influence were compelled to obey the law. now a goodly proportion of the population of new york, as of any great city, objects strenuously to having its personal habits interfered with by the community. this is just as true now in the days of prohibition as it was then in the days of "sunday closing." so when roosevelt came into office with the simple, straightforward conviction that laws on the statute books were intended to be enforced and proceeded to close all the saloons on sunday, the result was inevitable. the professional politicians foamed at the mouth. the yellow press shrieked and lied. the saloon-keepers and the sharers of their illicit profits wriggled and squirmed. but the saloons were closed. the law was enforced without fear or favor. the sunday sale of liquor disappeared from the city, until a complaisant judge, ruling upon the provision of the law which permitted drink to be sold with a meal, decreed that one pretzel, even when accompanied by seventeen beers, made a "meal." no amount of honesty and fearlessness in the enforcement of the law could prevail against such judicial aid and comfort to the cause of nullification. the main purpose of roosevelt's fight for sunday closing, the stopping of blackmail, was, however, achieved. a standard of law enforcement was set which shows what can be done even with an unpopular law, and in new york city itself, if the will to deal honestly and without cowardice is there. so the young man who was "ever a fighter" went on his way, fighting evil to the death wherever he found it, achieving results, making friends eagerly and enemies blithely, learning, broadening, growing. already he had made a distinct impression upon his times. chapter v. fighting and breakfasting with platt from the new york police department roosevelt was called by president mckinley to washington in , to become assistant secretary of the navy. after a year there--the story of which belongs elsewhere in this volume--he resigned to go to cuba as lieutenant-colonel of the rough riders. he was just as prominent in that war for liberty and justice as the dimensions of the conflict permitted. he was accustomed in after years to say with deprecating humor, when talking to veterans of the civil war, "it wasn't much of a war, but it was all the war we had." it made him governor of new york. when he landed with his regiment at montauk point from cuba, he was met by two delegations. one consisted of friends from his own state who were political independents; the other came from the head of the republican political machine. both wanted him as a candidate for governor. the independents were anxious to have him make a campaign against the old guard of both the standard parties, fighting richard croker, the cynical tammany boss, on the one side, and thomas c. platt, the "easy boss" of the republicans, on the other. tom platt did not want him at all. but he did want to win the election, and he knew that he must have something superlatively fine to offer, if he was to have any hope of carrying the discredited republican party to victory. so he swallowed whatever antipathy he may have had and offered the nomination to roosevelt. this was before the days when the direct primary gave the plain voters an opportunity to upset the calculations of a political boss. senator platt's emissary, lemuel ely quigg, in a two hours' conversation in the tent at montauk, asked some straight-from-the-shoulder questions. the answers he received were just as unequivocal. mr. quigg wanted a plain statement as to whether or not roosevelt wanted the nomination. he wanted to know what roosevelt's attitude would be toward the organization in the event of his election, whether or not he would "make war" on mr. platt and his friends, or whether he would confer with them and give fair consideration to their point of view as to party policy and public interest. in short, he wanted a frank definition of roosevelt's attitude towards existing party conditions. he got precisely that. here it is, in roosevelt's own words: "i replied that i should like to be nominated, and if nominated would promise to throw myself into the campaign with all possible energy. i said that i should not make war on mr. platt or anybody else if war could be avoided; that what i wanted was to be governor and not a faction leader; that i certainly would confer with the organization men, as with everybody else who seemed to me to have knowledge of and interest in public affairs, and that as to mr. platt and the organization leaders, i would do so in the sincere hope that there might always result harmony of opinion and purpose; but that while i would try to get on well with the organization, the organization must with equal sincerity strive to do what i regarded as essential for the public good; and that in every case, after full consideration of what everybody had to say who might possess real knowledge of the matter, i should have to act finally as my own judgment and conscience dictated and administer the state government as i thought it ought to be administered.... i told him to tell the senator that while i would talk freely with him, and had no intention of becoming a factional leader with a personal organization, yet i must have direct personal relations with everybody, and get their views at first hand whenever i so desired, because i could not have one man speaking for all." * *autobiography (scribner), pp. - . this was straight roosevelt talk. it was probably the first time that the "easy boss" had received such a response to his overtures. history does not record how he liked it; but at least he accepted it. subsequent events suggest that he was either unwilling to believe or incapable of understanding that the colonel of the rough riders meant precisely what he said. but platt found out his mistake. he was not the first or the last politician to have that experience. so roosevelt was nominated, made a gruelling campaign, was elected by a small but sufficient majority, in a year when any other republican candidate would probably have been "snowed under," and became governor seventeen years after he entered public life. he was now forty years old. the governorship of theodore roosevelt was marked by a deal of fine constructive legislation and administration. but it was even more notable for the new standard which it set for the relationship in which the executive of a great state should stand to his office, to the public welfare, to private interests, and to the leaders of his party. before roosevelt's election there was need for a revision of the standard. in those days it was accepted as a matter of course, at least in practice, that the party boss was the overlord of the constitutional representatives of the people. appointments were made primarily for the good of the party and only incidentally in the public interest. the welfare of the party was closely bound up with the profit of special interests, such as public service corporations and insurance companies. the prevalent condition of affairs was shrewdly summed up in a satiric paraphrase of lincoln's conception of the american ideal: "government of the people, by the bosses, for the special interests." the interests naturally repaid this zealous care for their well-being by contributions to the party funds. platt was one of the most nearly absolute party bosses that the american system of machine politics has produced. in spite of the fair warning which he had already received, both directly from roosevelt's own words, and indirectly from his whole previous career, he was apparently surprised and unquestionably annoyed when he found that he was not to be the new governor's master. the trouble began before roosevelt took office. at a conference one day platt asked roosevelt if there were any members of the assembly whom he would like to have assigned to special committees. roosevelt was surprised at the question, as he had not known that the speaker of the assembly, who appoints the committees, had yet been agreed upon by the assemblymen-elect. he expressed his surprise. but mr. platt enlightened him, saying, "of course, whoever we choose as speaker will agree beforehand to make the appointments we wish." roosevelt has recorded the mental note which he thereupon made, that if they tried the same process with the governor-elect they would find themselves mistaken. in a few days they did try it--and discovered their mistake. platt asked roosevelt to come to see him. the senator being an old and physically feeble man, roosevelt went. platt handed him a telegram from a certain man, accepting with pleasure his appointment as superintendent of public works. this was one of the most important appointive offices in the state administration. it was especially so at this time in view of the scandals which had arisen under the previous administration over the erie canal, the most important responsibility of this department. now, the man whom the boss had picked out was an excellent fellow, whom roosevelt liked and whom, incidentally, he later appointed to an office which he filled in admirable fashion. but roosevelt had no intention of having any one but himself select the members of his administration. he said so frankly and simply. the senator raged. he was unaccustomed to such independence of spirit. roosevelt was courteous but firm. the irresistible force had met the immovable obstacle--and the force capitulated. the telegraphic acceptance was not accepted. the appointment was not made. mr. platt was a wise man, even if he was arrogant. he knew when he had met one whom he could not drive. so he did not break with the new governor. roosevelt was wise, too, although he was honest. so he did not break with the "easy boss." his failure to do so was a disappointment to his impractical friends and supporters, who were more concerned with theoretical goodness than with achievement. roosevelt worked with platt and the party machine whenever he could. he fought only when he must. when he fought, he won. in senator platt's "autobiography", the old boss paid this tribute to the young fighter whom he had made governor: "roosevelt had from the first agreed that he would consult me on all questions of appointments, legislature or party policy. he religiously fulfilled this pledge, although he frequently did just what he pleased." one of the things that particularly grieved the theoretical idealists and the chronic objectors was the fact that roosevelt used on occasion to take breakfast with senator platt. they did not seem to think it possible that a governor could accept the hospitality of a boss without taking orders from him. but mr. platt knew better, if they did not. he was never under any illusions as to the extent of his influence with roosevelt. it vanished precisely at the point where the selfish interests of the party and the wishes of the boss collided with the public welfare. the facts about the famous breakfasts are plain enough. the governor was in albany, the senator in washington. both found it easy to get to new york on saturday. it was natural that they should from time to time have matters to discuss for both were leaders in their party. mr. platt was a feeble man, who found it difficult to get about. roosevelt was a chivalrous man, who believed that courtesy and consideration were due to age and weakness. in addition, he liked to make every minute count. so he used to go, frankly and openly, to the senator's hotel for breakfast. he was not one of that class which he has described as composed of "solemn reformers of the tom-fool variety, who, according to their custom, paid attention to the name and not the thing." he cared only for the reality; the appearance mattered little to him. the tom-fool reformers who criticized roosevelt for meeting platt at breakfast were not even good observers. if they had been, they would have realized that when roosevelt breakfasted with platt, it generally meant that he was trying to reconcile the senator to something he was going to do which the worthy boss did not like. for instance, roosevelt once wrote to platt, who was trying to get him to promote a certain judge over the head of another judge: "there is a strong feeling among the judges and the leading members of the bar that judge y ought not to have judge x jumped over his head, and i do not see my way clear to doing it. i am inclined to think that the solution i mentioned to you is the solution i shall have to adopt. remember the breakfast at douglas robinson's at : ." it is probable that the governor enjoyed that breakfast more than did the senator. so it usually was with the famous breakfasts. "a series of breakfasts was always the prelude to some active warfare." for roosevelt and platt still had their pitched battles. the most epic of them all was fought over the reappointment of the state superintendent of insurance. the incumbent was louis f. payn, a veteran petty boss from a country district and one of platt's right-hand men. roosevelt discovered that payn had been involved in compromising relations with certain financiers in new york with whom he "did not deem it expedient that the superintendent of insurance, while such, should have any intimate and money-making relations." the governor therefore decided not to reappoint him. platt issued an ultimatum that payn must be reappointed or he would fight. he pointed out that in case of a fight payn would stay in anyway, since the consent of the state senate was necessary not only to appoint a man to office but to remove him from office. the governor replied cheerfully that he had made up his mind and that payn would not be retained. if he could not get his successor confirmed, he would make the appointment as soon as the legislature adjourned, and the appointment would stand at least until the legislature met again. platt declared in turn that payn would be reinstated as soon as the legislature reconvened. roosevelt admitted the possibility, but assured his opponent that the process would be repeated as soon as that session came to an end. he added his conviction that, while he might have an uncomfortable time himself, he would guarantee that his opponents would be made more uncomfortable still. thus the matter stood in the weeks before final action could be taken. platt was sure that roosevelt must yield. but once more he did not know his man. it is curious how long it takes feudal overlords to get the measure of a fearless free man. the political power which the boss wielded was reinforced by pressure from big business interests in new york. officials of the large insurance companies adopted resolutions asking for payn's reappointment. but some of them privately and hastily assured the governor that these resolutions were for public consumption only, and that they would be delighted to have payn superseded. roosevelt strove to make it clear again and again that he was not fighting the organization as such, and announced his readiness to appoint any one of several men who were good organization men--only he would not retain lou payn nor appoint any man of his type. the matter moved along to the final scene, which took place at the union league club in new york. mr. platt's chief lieutenant asked for a meeting with the governor. the request was granted. the emissary went over the ground thoroughly. he declared that platt would never yield. he explained that he was certain to win the fight, and that he wished to save roosevelt from such a lamentable disaster as the end of his political career. roosevelt again explained at length his position. after half an hour he rose to go. the "subsequent proceedings" he described as follows: "my visitor repeated that i had this last chance, and that ruin was ahead of me if i refused it; whereas, if i accepted, everything would be made easy. i shook my head and answered, 'there is nothing to add to what i have already said.' he responded, 'you have made up your mind?' and i said, 'i have." he then said, 'you know it means your ruin?' and i answered, 'well, we will see about that,' and walked toward the door. he said, 'you understand, the fight will begin tomorrow and will be carried on to the bitter end.' i said, 'yes,' and added, as i reached the door, 'good night.' then, as the door opened my opponent, or visitor, whichever one chooses to call him, whose face was as impassive and as inscrutable as that of mr. john hamlin in a poker game, said: 'hold on! we accept. send in so-and-so (the man i had named). the senator is very sorry, but he will make no further opposition!' i never saw a bluff carried more resolutely through to the final limit." * * autobiography (scribner), pp. - . one other homeric fight with the machine was roosevelt's portion during his governorship. this time it was not directly with the boss himself but with the boss's liegemen in the legislature. but the kernel of the whole matter was the same--the selfish interests of big corporations against the public good. in those days corporations were by common practice privileged creatures. they were accustomed to special treatment from legislatures and administrations. but when roosevelt was elected governor, he was determined that no corporation should get a valuable privilege from the state without paying for it. before long he had become convinced that they ought also to pay for those which they already had, free gifts of the state in those purblind days when corporations were young and coddled. he proposed that public service corporations doing business on franchises granted by the state and by municipalities should be taxed upon the value of the privileges they enjoyed. the corporations naturally enough did not like the proposal. but it was made in no spirit or tone of antagonism to business or of demagogic outcry against those who were prosperous. all that the governor demanded was a square deal. in his message to the legislature, he wrote as follows: "there is evident injustice in the light taxation of corporations. i have not the slightest sympathy with the outcry against corporations as such, or against prosperous men of business. most of the great material works by which the entire country benefits have been due to the action of individual men, or of aggregates of men, who made money for themselves by doing that which was in the interest of the people as a whole. from an armor plant to a street railway, no work which is really beneficial to the public can be performed to the best advantage of the public save by men of such business capacity that they will not do the work unless they themselves receive ample reward for doing it. the effort to deprive them of an ample reward merely means that they will turn their energies in some other direction; and the public will be just so much the loser.... but while i freely admit all this, it yet remains true that a corporation which derives its powers from the state should pay to the state a just percentage of its earnings as a return for the privileges it enjoys." this was quietly reasonable and uninflammatory doctrine. but the corporations would have none of it. the republican machine, which had a majority in the legislature, promptly repudiated it as well. the campaign contributions from the corporations were too precious to be jeopardized by legislation which the corporations did not want. the governor argued, pleasantly and cheerfully. the organization balked sullenly. the corporations grinned knowingly. they had plenty of money with which to kill the bill, but they did not need to use it. the machine was working smoothly in their behalf. the bill was introduced and referred to a committee, and there it lay. no amount of argument and persuasion that the governor could bring to bear availed to bring the bill out of hiding. so he sent in a special message, on almost the last day of the session. according to the rules of the new york assembly, when the governor sends in a special message on a given measure, the bill must be reported out and given consideration. but the machine was dazzled with its own arrogance. the speaker would not have the message read. some one actually tore it up. this was more than a crime--it was a blunder. the wise ones in the organization realized it. they had no desire to have the governor appeal to the people with his torn message in his hand. roosevelt saw the error too, and laughed happily. he wrote another message and sent it over with the curt statement that, if it were not read forthwith, he would come over and read it himself. they knew that he would! so the speaker read the message, and the bill was reported and hastily passed on the last day of the session. then the complacent corporations woke up. they had trusted the machine too far. what was more, they had underestimated the governor's striking power. now they came to him, hat in hand, and suggested some fault in the bill. he agreed with them. they asked if he would not call a special session to amend the bill. again he agreed. the session was called, and the amendments were proposed. in addition, however, certain amendments that would have frustrated the whole purpose of the bill were suggested. the organization, still at its old tricks, tried to get back into its possession the bill already passed. but the governor was not easily caught napping. he knew as well as they did that possession of the bill gave him the whip hand. he served notice that the second bill would contain precisely the amendments agreed upon and no others. otherwise he would sign the first bill and let it become law, with all its imperfections on its head. once more the organization and the corporations emulated davy crockett's coon and begged him not to shoot, for they would come down. the amended bill was passed and became law. but there was an epilogue to this little drama. the corporations proceeded to attack the constitutionality of the law on the ground of the very amendment for which they had so clamorously pleaded. but they failed. the supreme court of the united states, after roosevelt had become president, affirmed the constitutionality of the law. the spectacular events of roosevelt's governorship were incidents in this conflict between two political philosophies, the one held by platt and his tribe, the other by roosevelt. extracts from two letters exchanged by the senator and the governor bring the contrast between these philosophies into clear relief. platt wrote as follows: "when the subject of your nomination was under consideration, there was one matter that gave me real anxiety.... i had heard from a good many sources that you were a little loose on the relations of capital and labor, on trusts and combinations, and, indeed, on those numerous questions which have recently arisen in politics affecting the security of earnings and the right of a man to run his business in his own way, with due respect, of course, to the ten commandments and the penal code. or, to get at it even more clearly, i understood from a number of business men, and among them many of your own personal friends, that you entertained various altruistic ideas, all very well in their way, but which before they could safely be put into law needed very profound consideration." * * roosevelt, "autobiography" (scribner), p. . roosevelt replied that he had known very well that the senator had just these feelings about him, and then proceeded to set forth his own view of the matter. with his usual almost uncanny wisdom in human relations, he based his argument on party expediency, which he knew platt would comprehend, rather than on abstract considerations of right and wrong, in which realm the boss would be sure to feel rather at sea. he wrote thus: "i know that when parties divide on such issues [as bryanism] the tendency is to force everybody into one of two camps, and to throw out entirely men like myself, who are as strongly opposed to populism in every stage as the greatest representative of corporate wealth but who also feel strongly that many of these representatives of enormous corporate wealth have themselves been responsible for a portion of the conditions against which bryanism is in ignorant revolt. i do not believe that it is wise or safe for us as a party to take refuge in mere negation and to say that there are no evils to be corrected. it seems to me that our attitude should be one of correcting the evils and thereby showing that whereas the populists, socialists, and others do not correct the evils at all, or else do so at the expense of producing others in aggravated form, on the contrary we republicans hold the just balance and set ourselves as resolutely against improper corporate influence on the one hand as against demagogy and mob rule on the other."* *roosevelt, autobiography (scribner), p. . this was the fight that roosevelt was waging in every hour of his political career. it was a middle-of-the-road fight, not because of any timidity or slack-fibered thinking which prevented a committal to one extreme or the other, but because of a stern conviction that in the golden middle course was to be found truth and the right. it was an inevitable consequence that first one side and then the other--and sometimes both at once--should attack him as a champion of the other. it became a commonplace of his experience to be inveighed against by reformers as a reactionary and to be assailed by conservatives as a radical. but this paradoxical experience did not disturb him at all. he was concerned only to have the testimony of his own mind and conscience that he was right. the contests which he had as governor were spectacular and exhilarating; but they did not fill all the hours of his working days. a tremendous amount of spade work was actually accomplished. for example, he brought about the reenactment of the civil service law, which under his predecessor had been repealed, and put through a mass of labor legislation for the betterment of conditions under which the workers carried on their daily lives. this legislation included laws to increase the number of factory inspectors, to create a tenement-house commission, to regulate sweatshop labor, to make the eight-hour and prevailing rate of wages law effective, to compel railways to equip freight trains with air brakes, to regulate the working hours of women, to protect women and children from dangerous machinery, to enforce good scaffolding provisions for workmen on buildings, to provide seats for the use of waitresses in hotels and restaurants, to reduce the hours of labor for drug-store clerks, to provide for the registration of laborers for municipal employment. he worked hard to secure an employers' liability law, but the time for this was not yet come. many of these reforms are now matters of course that no employer would think of attempting to eliminate. but they were new ideas then; and it took vision and courage to fight for them. roosevelt would have been glad to be elected governor for a second term. but destiny, working through curious instruments, would not have it so. he left behind him in the empire state, not only a splendid record of concrete achievement but something more than that. jacob riis has told how, some time after, an old state official at albany, who had seen many governors come and go, revealed this intangible something. mr. riis had said to him that he did not care much for albany since roosevelt had gone, and his friend replied: "yes, we think so, many of us. the place seemed dreary when he was gone. but i know now that he left something behind that was worth our losing him to get. this past winter, for the first time, i heard the question spring up spontaneously, as it seemed, when a measure was up in the legislature 'is it right?' not 'is it expedient?' not 'how is it going to help me?' not 'what is it worth to the party?' not any of these, but 'is it right?' that is roosevelt's legacy to albany. and it was worth his coming and his going to have that." chapter vi. roosevelt becomes president there was chance in theodore roosevelt's coming into the presidency as he did, but there was irony as well. an evil chance dropped william mckinley before an assassin's bullet; but there was a fitting irony in the fact that the man who must step into his place had been put where he was in large measure by the very men who would least like to see him become president. the republican convention of was a singularly unanimous body. president mckinley was renominated without a murmur of dissent. but there was no vice-president to renominate, as mr. hobart had died in office. there was no logical candidate for the second place on the ticket. senator platt, however, had a man whom he wanted to get rid of, since governor roosevelt had made himself persona non grata alike to the machine politicians of his state and to the corporations allied with them. the governor, however, did not propose to be disposed of so easily. his reasons were characteristic. he wrote thus to senator platt about the matter: "i can't help feeling more and more that the vice-presidency is not an office in which i could do anything and not an office in which a man who is still vigorous and not past middle life has much chance of doing anything.... now, i should like to be governor for another term, especially if we are able to take hold of the canals in serious shape. but, as vice-president, i don't see there is anything i can do. i would be simply a presiding officer, and that i should find a bore." now mr. platt knew that nothing but "sidetracking" could stop another nomination of roosevelt for the governorship, and this rough rider was a thorn in his flesh. so he went on his subterranean way to have him nominated for the most innocuous political berth in the gift of the american people. he secured the cooperation of senator quay of pennsylvania and another boss or two of the same indelible stripe; but all their political strength would not have accomplished the desired result without assistance from quite a different source. roosevelt had already achieved great popularity in the middle and the far west for the very reasons which made mr. platt want him out of the way. so, while the new york boss and his acquiescent delegates were stopped from presenting his name to the convention by roosevelt's assurance that he would fight a l'outrance any movement from his own state to nominate him, other delegates took matters into their own hands and the nomination was finally made unanimously. roosevelt gave great strength to the republican ticket in the campaign which followed. william jennings bryan was again the democratic candidate, but the "paramount issue" of his campaign had changed since four years before from free silver to anti-imperialism. president mckinley, according to his custom, made no active campaign; but bryan and roosevelt competed with each other in whirlwind speaking tours from one end of the country to the other. the war-cry of the republicans was the "full dinner pail"; the keynote of bryan's bid for popular support was opposition to the republican policy of expansion and criticism of republican tendencies toward plutocratic control. the success of the republican ticket was overwhelming; mckinley and roosevelt received nearly twice as many electoral votes as bryan and stevenson. when president mckinley was shot at buffalo six months after his second term began, it looked for a time as though he would recover. so roosevelt, after an immediate visit to buffalo, went to join his family in the adirondacks. the news of the president's impending death found him out in the wilderness on the top of mount tahawus, not far from the tiny lake tear-of-the-clouds, the source of the hudson river. a ten-mile dash down the mountain trail, in the course of which he outstripped all his companions but one; a wild forty-mile drive through the night to the railroad, the new president and his single companion changing the horses two or three times with their own hands; a fast journey by special train across the state--and on the evening of september , , theodore roosevelt took the oath of office as the twenty-sixth president of the united states. before taking the oath, roosevelt announced that it would be his aim "to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of president mckinley for the peace, prosperity, and honor of our beloved country." he immediately asked every member of the late president's cabinet to continue in office. the cabinet was an excellent one, and mr. roosevelt found it necessary to make no other changes than those that came in the ordinary course of events. the policies were not altered in broad general outline, for roosevelt was as stalwart a republican as mckinley himself, and was as firmly convinced of the soundness of the fundamentals of the republican doctrine. but the fears of some of his friends that roosevelt would seem, if he carried out his purpose of continuity, "a pale copy of mckinley" were not justified in the event. they should have known better. a copy of any one roosevelt could neither be nor seem, and "pale" was the last epithet to be applied to him with justice. it could not be long before the difference in the two administrations would appear in unmistakable terms. the one which had just passed was first of all a party administration and secondly a mckinley administration. the one which followed was first, last, and all the time a roosevelt administration. "where macgregor sits, there is the head of the table." not because roosevelt consciously willed it so, but because the force and power and magnetism of his vigorous mind and personality inevitably made it so. mckinley had been a great harmonizer. "he oiled the machinery of government with loving and imperturbable patience," said an observer of his time, "and the wheels ran with an ease unknown since washington's first term of office." it had been a constant reproach of the critics of the former president that "his ear was always to the ground." but he kept it there because it was his sincere conviction that it belonged there, ready to apprize him of the vibrations of the popular will. roosevelt was the born leader with an innate instinct of command. he did not scorn or flout the popular will; he had too confirmed a conviction of the sovereign right of the people to rule for that. but he did not wait pusillanimously for the popular mind to make itself up; he had too high a conception of the duty of leadership for that. he esteemed it his peculiar function as the man entrusted by a great people with the headship of their common affairs--to lead the popular mind, to educate it, to inspire it, sometimes to run before it in action, serene in the confidence that tardy popular judgment would confirm the rightness of the deed. by the end of roosevelt's first administration two of the three groups that had taken a hand in choosing him for the vice-presidency were thoroughly sick of their bargain. the machine politicians and the great corporations found that their cunning plan to stifle with the wet blanket of that depressing office the fires of his moral earnestness and pugnacious honesty had overreached itself. fate had freed him and, once freed, he was neither to hold nor to bind. it was less than two years before wall street was convinced that he was "unsafe," and sadly shook its head over his "impetuosity." when wall street stamps a man "unsafe," the last word in condemnation has been said. it was an even shorter time before the politicians found him unsatisfactory. "the breach between mr. roosevelt and the politicians was, however, inevitable. his rigid insistence upon the maintenance and the extension of the merit system alone assured the discontent which precedes dislike," wrote another observer. "the era of patronage mongering in the petty offices ceased suddenly, and the spoilsmen had the right to say that in this respect the policy of mckinley had not been followed." it was true. when roosevelt became president the civil service was thoroughly demoralized. senators and congressmen, by tacit agreement with the executive, used the appointing power for the payment of political debts, the reward of party services, the strengthening of their personal "fences." but within three months it was possible to say with absolute truth that "a marvelous change has already been wrought in the morale of the civil service." at the end of roosevelt's first term an unusually acute and informed foreign journalist was moved to write, "no president has so persistently eliminated politics from his nominations, none has been more unbending in making efficiency his sole test." there was the kernel of the whole matter: the president's insistence upon efficiency. roosevelt, however, did not snatch rudely away from the congressmen and senators the appointing power which his predecessors had allowed them gradually to usurp. he continued to consult each member of the congress upon appointments in that member's state or district and merely demanded that the men recommended for office should be honest, capable, and fitted for the places they were to fill. president roosevelt was not only ready and glad to consult with senators but he sought and often took the advice of party leaders outside of congress, and even took into consideration the opinions of bosses. in new york, for instance, the two republican leaders, governor odell and senator platt, were sometimes in accord and sometimes in disagreement, but each was always desirous of being consulted. a letter written by roosevelt in the middle of his first term to a friendly congressman well illustrates his theory and practice in such cases: "i want to work with platt. i want to work with odell. i want to support both and take the advice of both. but, of course, ultimately i must be the judge as to acting on the advice given. when, as in the case of the judgeship, i am convinced that the advice of both is wrong, i shall act as i did when i appointed holt. when i can find a friend of odell's like cooley, who is thoroughly fit for the position i desire to fill, it gives me the greatest pleasure to appoint him. when platt proposes to me a man like hamilton fish, it is equally a pleasure to appoint him." this high-minded and common-sense course did not, however, seem to please the politicians, for dyed-in-the-wool politicians are curious persons to whom half a loaf is no consolation whatever, even when the other half of the loaf is to go to the people--without whom there would be no policies at all. strangely enough, roosevelt's policy was equally displeasing to those of the doctrinaire reformer type, to whom there is no word in the language more distasteful than "politician," unless it be the word "practical." but there was one class to whom the results of this common-sense brand of political action were eminently satisfactory, and this class made up the third group that had a part in the selection of theodore roosevelt for the vice-presidency. the plain people, especially in the more westerly portions of the country, were increasingly delighted with the honesty, the virility, and the effectiveness of the roosevelt administration. just before the convention which was to nominate roosevelt for the presidency to succeed himself, an editorial writer expressed the fact thus: "the people at large are not oblivious of the fact that, while others are talking and carping, mr. roosevelt is carrying on in the white house a persistent and never-ending moral struggle with every powerful selfish and exploiting interest in the country." oblivious of it? they were acutely conscious of it. they approved of it with heartiness. they liked it so well that, when the time came to nominate and elect another president, they swept aside with a mighty rush not only the scruples and antagonisms of the republican politicians and the "special interests" but party lines as well, and chose roosevelt with a unanimous voice in the convention and a majority of two and a half million votes at the polls. as president, theodore roosevelt achieved many concrete results. but his greatest contribution to the forward movement of the times was in the rousing of the public conscience, the strengthening of the nation's moral purpose, and the erecting of a new standard of public service in the management of the nation's affairs. it was no little thing that when roosevelt was ready to hand over to another the responsibilities of his high office, james bryce, america's best friend and keenest student from across the seas, was able to say that in a long life, during which he had studied intimately the government of many different countries, he had never in any country seen a more eager, high-minded, and efficient set of public servants, men more useful and more creditable to their country, than the men then doing the work of the american government in washington and in the field. chapter vii. the square deal for business during the times of roosevelt, the american people were profoundly concerned with the trust problem. so was roosevelt himself. in this important field of the relations between "big business" and the people he had a perfectly definite point of view, though he did not have a cut and dried programme. he was always more interested in a point of view than in a programme, for he realized that the one is lasting, the other shifting. he knew that if you stand on sound footing and look at a subject from the true angle, you may safely modify your plan of action as often and as rapidly as may be necessary to fit changing conditions. but if your footing is insecure or your angle of vision distorted, the most attractive programme in the world may come to ignominious disaster. there were, broadly speaking, three attitudes toward the trust problem which were strongly held by different groups in the united states. at one extreme was the threatening growl of big business, "let us alone!" at the other pole was the shrill outcry of william jennings bryan and his fellow exhorters, "smash the trusts!" in the golden middle ground was the vigorous demand of roosevelt for a "square deal." in his first message to congress, the president set forth his point of view with frankness and clarity. his comprehensive discussion of the matter may be summarized thus: the tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with great rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century produced serious social problems. the old laws and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, these regulations are no longer sufficient. the process of the creation of great corporate fortunes has aroused much antagonism; but much of this antagonism has been without warrant. there have been, it is true, abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet no fortune can be accumulated in legitimate business except by conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. the men who have driven the great railways across the continent, who have built up commerce and developed manufactures, have on the whole done great good to the people at large. without such men the material development of which americans are so justly proud never could have taken place. they should therefore recognize the immense importance of this material development by leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong men upon whom the success of business inevitably rests. it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. the fundamental rule in american national life is that, on the whole and in the long run, we shall all go up or down together. many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations appeal especially to the primitive instincts of hatred and fear. these are precisely the two emotions which unfit men for cool and steady judgment. the whole history of the world shows that legislation, in facing new industrial conditions, will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless it is undertaken only after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. this is one side of the picture as it was presented by the president in his message to congress. it was characteristic that this aspect should be put first, for roosevelt always insisted upon doing justice to the other side before he demanded justice for his own. but he then proceeded to set forth the other side with equal vigor: there is a widespread conviction in the minds of the american people that the great corporations are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. it is true that real and grave evils have arisen, one of the chief of them being overcapitalization, with its many baleful consequences. this state of affairs demands that combination and concentration in business should be, not prohibited, but supervised and controlled. corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. the first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts. this is to be obtained only through publicity, which is the one sure remedy we can now invoke before it can be determined what further remedies are needed. corporations should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public at regular intervals. the nation should assume powers of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. this is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. the federal government should regulate the activities of corporations doing an interstate business, just as it regulates the activities of national banks, and, through the interstate commerce commission, the operations of the railroads. roosevelt was destined, however, not to achieve the full measure of national control of corporations that he desired. the elements opposed to his view were too powerful. there was a fortuitous involuntary partnership though it was not admitted and was even violently denied between the advocates of "let us alone!" and of "smash the trusts!" against the champion of the middle way. in his "autobiography" roosevelt has described this situation: "one of the main troubles was the fact that the men who saw the evils and who tried to remedy them attempted to work in two wholly different ways, and the great majority of them in a way that offered little promise of real betterment. they tried (by the sherman law method) to bolster up an individualism already proved to be both futile and mischievous; to remedy by more individualism the concentration that was the inevitable result of the already existing individualism. they saw the evil done by the big combinations, and sought to remedy it by destroying them and restoring the country to the economic conditions of the middle of the nineteenth century. this was a hopeless effort, and those who went into it, although they regarded themselves as radical progressives, really represented a form of sincere rural toryism. they confounded monopolies with big business combinations, and in the effort to prohibit both alike, instead of where possible prohibiting one and drastically controlling the other, they succeeded merely in preventing any effective control of either. "on the other hand, a few men recognized that corporations and combinations had become indispensable in the business world, that it was folly to try to prohibit them, but that it was also folly to leave them without thoroughgoing control. these men realized that the doctrine of the old laissez faire economists, of the believers in unlimited competition, unlimited individualism, were, in the actual state of affairs, false and mischievous. they realized that the government must now interfere to protect labor, to subordinate the big corporation to the public welfare, and to shackle cunning and fraud exactly as centuries before it had interfered to shackle the physical force which does wrong by violence. the big reactionaries of the business world and their allies and instruments among politicians and newspaper editors took advantage of this division of opinion, and especially of the fact that most of their opponents were on the wrong path; and fought to keep matters absolutely unchanged. these men demanded for themselves an immunity from government control which, if granted, would have been as wicked and as foolish as immunity to the barons of the twelfth century. many of them were evil men. many others were just as good men as were some of these same barons; but they were as utterly unable as any medieval castle-owner to understand what the public interest really was. there have been aristocracies which have played a great and beneficent part at stages in the growth of mankind; but we had come to a stage where for our people what was needed was a real democracy; and of all forms of tyranny the least attractive and the most vulgar is the tyranny of mere wealth, the tyranny of a plutocracy." * * autobiography (scribner), pp. - . when roosevelt became president, there were three directions in which energy needed to be applied to the solution of the trust problem: in the more vigorous enforcement of the laws already on the statute books; in the enactment of necessary new laws on various phases of the subject; and in the arousing of an intelligent and militant public opinion in relation to the whole question. to each of these purposes the new president applied himself with characteristic vigor. the sherman anti-trust law, which had already been on the federal statute books for eleven years, forbade "combinations in restraint of trade" in the field of interstate commerce. during three administrations, eighteen actions had been brought by the government for its enforcement. at the opening of the twentieth century it was a grave question whether the sherman law was of any real efficacy in preventing the evils that arose from unregulated combination in business. a decision of the united states supreme court, rendered in in the so-called knight case, against the american sugar refining company, had, in the general belief, taken the teeth out of the sherman law. in the words of mr. taft, "the effect of the decision in the knight case upon the popular mind, and indeed upon congress as well, was to discourage hope that the statute could be used to accomplish its manifest purpose and curb the great industrial trusts which, by the acquisition of all or a large percentage of the plants engaged in the manufacture of a commodity, by the dismantling of some and regulating the output of others, were making every effort to restrict production, control prices, and monopolize the business." it was obviously necessary that the sherman act, unless it were to pass into innocuous desuetude, should have the original vigor intended by congress restored to it by a new interpretation of the law on the part of the supreme court. fortunately an opportunity for such a change presented itself with promptness. a small group of powerful financiers had arranged to take control of practically the entire system of railways in the northwest, "possibly," roosevelt has said, "as the first step toward controlling the entire railway system of the country." they had brought this about by organizing the northern securities company to hold the majority of the stock of two competing railways, the great northern and the northern pacific. at the direction of president roosevelt, suit was brought by the government to prevent the merger. the defendants relied for protection upon the immunity afforded by the decision in the knight case. but the supreme court now took more advanced ground, decreed that the northern securities company was an illegal combination, and ordered its dissolution. by the successful prosecution of this case the sherman act was made once more a potentially valuable instrument for the prevention of the more flagrant evils that flow from "combinations in restraint of trade." during the remaining years of the roosevelt administrations, this legal instrument was used with aggressive force for the purpose for which it was intended. in seven years and a half, forty-four prosecutions were brought under it by the government, as compared with eighteen in the preceding eleven years. the two most famous trust cases, next to the northern securities case and even surpassing it in popular interest, because of the stupendous size of the corporations involved, were those against the standard oil company and the american tobacco company. these companion cases were not finally decided in the supreme court until the administration of president taft; but their prosecution was begun while roosevelt was in office and by his direction. they were therefore a definite part of his campaign for the solution of the vexed trust problem. both cases were decided, by every court through which they passed, in favor of the government. the supreme court finally in decreed that both the standard oil and the tobacco trusts were in violation of the sherman act and ordered their dissolution. there could now no longer be any question that the government could in fact exercise its sovereign will over even the greatest and the most powerful of modern business organizations. the two cases had one other deep significance which at first blush looked like a weakening of the force of the anti-trust law but which was in reality a strengthening of it. there had been long and ardent debate whether the sherman act should be held to apply to all restraints of trade or only to such as were unreasonable. it was held by some that it applied to all restraints and therefore should be amended to cover only unreasonable restraints. it was held by others that it applied to all restraints and properly so. it was held by still others that it applied only to unreasonable restraints. but the matter had never been decided by competent authority. the decision of the supreme court in these two outstanding cases, however, put an end to the previous uncertainty. chief justice white, in his two opinions, laid it down with definiteness that in construing and applying the law recourse must be had to the "rule of reason." he made clear the conviction of the court that it was "undue" restraints of trade which the law forbade and not incidental or inconsiderable ones. this definitive interpretation of the law, while it caused considerable criticism at the moment, in ultimate effect so cleared the air about the sherman act as effectually to dispose of the demands for its amendment in the direction of greater leniency or severity. but the proving of the anti-trust law as an effective weapon against the flagrantly offending trusts, according to roosevelt's conviction, was only a part of the battle. as he said, "monopolies can, although in rather cumbrous fashion, be broken up by lawsuits. great business combinations, however, cannot possibly be made useful instead of noxious industrial agencies merely by lawsuits, and especially by lawsuits supposed to be carried on for their destruction and not for their control and regulation." he took, as usual, the constructive point of view. he saw both sides of the trust question--the inevitability and the beneficence of combination in modern business, and the danger to the public good that lay in the unregulated and uncontrolled wielding of great power by private individuals. he believed that the thing to do with great power was not to destroy it but to use it, not to forbid its acquisition but to direct its application. so he set himself to the task of securing fresh legislation regarding the regulation of corporate activities. such legislation was not easy to get; for the forces of reaction were strong in congress. but several significant steps in this direction were taken before roosevelt went out of office. the new federal department of commerce and labor was created, and its head became a member of the cabinet. the bureau of corporations was established in the same department. these new executive agencies were given no regulatory powers, but they did perform excellent service in that field of publicity on the value of which roosevelt laid so much stress. in the year the passing of the hepburn railway rate bill for the first time gave the interstate commerce commission a measure of real control over the railways, by granting to the commission the power to fix maximum rates for the transportation of freight in interstate commerce. the commission had in previous years, under the authority of the act which created it and which permitted the commission to decide in particular cases whether rates were just and reasonable, attempted to exercise this power to fix in these specific cases maximum rates. but the courts had decided that the commission did not possess this right. the hepburn act also extended the authority of the commission over express companies, sleeping-car companies, pipe lines, private car lines, and private terminal and connecting lines. it prohibited railways from transporting in interstate commerce any commodities produced or owned by themselves. it abolished free passes and transportation except for railway employees and certain other small classes of persons, including the poor and unfortunate classes and those engaged in religious and charitable work. under the old law, the commission was compelled to apply to a federal court on its own initiative for the enforcement of any order which it might issue. under the hepburn act the order went into effect at once; the railroad must begin to obey the order within thirty days; it must itself appeal to the court for the suspension and revocation of the order, or it must suffer a penalty of $ a day during the time that the order was disobeyed. the act further gave the commission the power to prescribe accounting methods which must be followed by the railways, in order to make more difficult the concealment of illegal rates and improper favors to individual shippers. this extension and strengthening of the authority of the interstate commerce commission was an extremely valuable forward step, not only as concerned the relations of the public and the railways, but in connection with the development of predatory corporations of the standard oil type. miss ida tarbell, in her frankly revealing "history of the standard oil company", which had been published in , had shown in striking fashion how secret concessions from the railways had helped to build up that great structure of business monopoly. in miss tarbell's words, "mr. rockefeller's great purpose had been made possible by his remarkable manipulation of the railroads. it was the rebate which had made the standard oil trust, the rebate, amplified, systematized, glorified into a power never equalled before or since by any business of the country." the rebate was the device by which favored shippers--favored by the railways either voluntarily or under the compulsion of the threats of retaliation which the powerful shippers were able to make--paid openly the established freight rates on their products and then received back from the railways a substantial proportion of the charges. the advantage to the favored shipper is obvious. there were other more adroit ways in which the favoritism could be accomplished; but the general principle was the same. it was one important purpose--and effect--of the hepburn act to close the door to this form of discrimination. one more step was necessary in order to eradicate completely this mischievous condition and to "keep the highway of commerce open to all on equal terms." it was imperative that the law relative to these abuses should be enforced. on this point roosevelt's own words are significant: "although under the decision of the courts the national government had power over the railways, i found, when i became president, that this power was either not exercised at all or exercised with utter inefficiency. the law against rebates was a dead letter. all the unscrupulous railway men had been allowed to violate it with impunity; and because of this, as was inevitable, the scrupulous and decent railway men had been forced to violate it themselves, under penalty of being beaten by their less scrupulous rivals. it was not the fault of these decent railway men. it was the fault of the government." roosevelt did not propose that this condition should continue to be the fault of the government while he was at its head, and he inaugurated a vigorous campaign against railways that had given rebates and against corporations that had accepted--or extorted-them. the campaign reached a spectacular peak in a prosecution of the standard oil company, in which fines aggregating over $ , , were imposed by judge kenesaw m. landis of the united states district court at chicago for the offense of accepting rebates. the circuit court of appeals ultimately determined that the fine was improperly large, since it had been based on the untenable theory that each shipment on which a rebate was paid constituted a separate offense. at the second trial the presiding judge ordered an acquittal. in spite, however, of the failure of this particular case, with its spectacular features, the net result of the rebate prosecutions was that the rebate evil was eliminated for good and all from american railway and commercial life. when roosevelt demanded the "square deal" between business and the people, he meant precisely what he said. he had no intention of permitting justice to be required from the great corporations without insisting that justice be done to them in turn. the most interesting case in point was that of the tennessee coal and iron company. to this day the action which roosevelt took in the matter is looked upon, by many of those extremists who can see nothing good in "big business," as a proof of his undue sympathy with the capitalist. but thirteen years later the united states supreme court in deciding the case against the united states steel corporation in favor of the corporation, added an obiter dictum which completely justified roosevelt's action. in the fall of the united states was in the grip of a financial panic. much damage was done, and much more was threatened. one great new york trust company was compelled to close its doors, and others were on the verge of disaster. one evening in the midst of this most trying time, the president was informed that two representatives of the united states steel corporation wished to call upon him the next morning. as he was at breakfast the next day word came to him that judge gary and mr. frick were waiting in the executive office. the president went over at once, sending word to elihu root, then secretary of state, to join him. judge gary and mr. frick informed the president that a certain great firm in the new york financial district was upon the point of failure. this firm held a large quantity of the stock of the tennessee coal and iron company. the steel corporation had been urged to purchase this stock in order to avert the failure. the heads of the steel corporation asserted that they did not wish to purchase this stock from the point of view of a business transaction, as the value which the property might be to the corporation would be more than offset by the criticism to which they would be subjected. they said that they were sure to be charged with trying to secure a monopoly and to stifle competition. they told the president that it had been the consistent policy of the steel corporation to have in its control no more than sixty per cent of the steel properties of the country; that their proportion of those properties was in fact somewhat less than sixty per cent; and that the acquisition of the holdings of the tennessee company would raise it only a little above that point. they felt, however, that it would be extremely desirable for them to make the suggested purchase in order to prevent the damage which would result from the failure of the firm in question. they were willing to buy the stocks offered because in the best judgment of many of the strongest bankers in new york the transaction would be an influential factor in preventing a further extension of the panic. judge gary and mr. frick declared that they were ready to make the purchase with this end in view but that they would not act without the president's approval of their action. immediate action was imperative. it was important that the purchase, if it were to be made, should be announced at the opening of the new york stock exchange at ten o'clock that morning. fortunately roosevelt never shilly-shallied when a crisis confronted him. his decision was instantaneous. he assured his callers that while, of course, he could not advise them to take the action, proposed, he felt that he had no public duty to interpose any objection. this assurance was quite sufficient. the pure chase was made and announced, the firm in question did not fail, and the panic was arrested. the immediate reaction of practically the whole country was one of relief. it was only later, when the danger was past, that critics began to make themselves heard. any one who had taken the trouble to ascertain the facts would have known beyond question that the acquisition of the tennessee properties was not sufficient to change the status of the steel corporation under the anti-trust law. but the critics did not want to know the facts. they wanted--most of them, at least--to have a stick with which to beat roosevelt. besides, many of them did not hold roosevelt's views about the square deal. their belief was that whatever big business did was ipso facto evil and that it was the duty of public officials to find out what big business wanted to do and then prevent its accomplishment. under a later administration, roosevelt was invited to come before a congressional investigating committee to explain what he did in this famous case. there he told the complete story of the occurrence simply, frankly, and emphatically, and ended with this statement: "if i were on a sailboat, i should not ordinarily meddle with any of the gear; but if a sudden squall struck us, and the main sheet jammed, so that the boat threatened to capsize, i would unhesitatingly cut the main sheet, even though i were sure that the owner, no matter how grateful to me at the moment for having saved his life, would a few weeks later, when he had forgotten his danger and his fear, decide to sue me for the value of the cut rope. but i would feel a hearty contempt for the owner who so acted." two laws passed during the second roosevelt administration had an important bearing on the conduct of american business, though in a different way from those which have already been considered. they were the pure food law, and the meat inspection act. both were measures for the protection of the public health; but both were at the same time measures for the control of private business. the pure food law did three things: it prohibited the sale of foods or drugs which were not pure and unadulterated; it prohibited the sale of drugs which contained opium, cocaine, alcohol, and other narcotics unless the exact proportion of them in the preparation were stated on the package; and it prohibited the sale of foods and drugs as anything else than what they actually were. the meat inspection law required rigid inspection by government officials of all slaughterhouses and packing concerns preparing meat food products for distribution in interstate commerce. the imperative need for the passage of this law was brought forcibly and vividly to the popular attention through a novel, "the jungle", written by upton sinclair, in which the disgraceful conditions of uncleanliness and revolting carelessness in the chicago packing houses were described with vitriolic intensity. an official investigation ordered by the president confirmed the truth of these timely revelations. these achievements on the part of the roosevelt administrations were of high value. but, after all roosevelt performed an even greater service in arousing the public mind to a realization of facts of national significance and stimulating the public conscience to a desire to deal with them vigorously and justly. from the very beginning of his presidential career he realized the gravity of the problems created by the rise of big business; and he began forthwith to impress upon the people with hammer blows the conditions as he saw them, the need for definite corrective action, and the absolute necessity for such treatment of the case as would constitute the "square deal." an interesting example of his method and of the response which it received is to be found in the report of an address which he made in . it runs thus: "from the standpoint of our material prosperity there is only one other thing as important as the discouragement of a spirit of envy and hostility toward business men, toward honest men of means; this is the discouragement of dishonest business men. [great applause.] "wait a moment; i don't want you to applaud this part unless you are willing to applaud also the part i read first, to which you listened in silence. [laughter and applause.] i want you to understand that i will stand just as straight for the rights of the honest man who wins his fortune by honest methods as i will stand against the dishonest man who wins a fortune by dishonest methods. and i challenge the right to your support in one attitude just as much as in the other. i am glad you applauded when you did, but i want you to go back now and applaud the other statement. i will read a little of it over again. 'every manifestation of ignorant envy and hostility toward honest men who acquire wealth by honest means should be crushed at the outset by the weight of a sensible public opinion.' [tremendous applause.] thank you. now i'll go on." roosevelt's incessant emphasis was placed upon conduct as the proper standard by which to judge the actions of men. "we are," he once said, "no respecters of persons. if a labor union does wrong, we oppose it as firmly as we oppose a corporation which does wrong; and we stand equally stoutly for the rights of the man of wealth and for the rights of the wage-worker. we seek to protect the property of every man who acts honestly, of every corporation that represents wealth honestly accumulated and honestly used. we seek to stop wrongdoing, and we desire to punish the wrongdoer only so far as is necessary to achieve this end." at another time he sounded the same note--sounded it indeed with a "damnable iteration" that only proved how deeply it was imbedded in his conviction. "let us strive steadily to secure justice as between man and man without regard to the man's position, social or otherwise. let us remember that justice can never be justice unless it is equal. do justice to the rich man and exact justice from him; do justice to the poor man and exact justice from him--justice to the capitalist and justice to the wage-worker.... i have an equally hearty aversion for the reactionary and the demagogue; but i am not going to be driven out of fealty to my principles because certain of them are championed by the reactionary and certain others by the demagogue. the reactionary is always strongly for the rights of property; so am i.... i will not be driven away from championship of the rights of property upon which all our civilization rests because they happen to be championed by people who champion furthermore the abuses of wealth.... most demagogues advocate some excellent popular principles, and nothing could be more foolish than for decent men to permit themselves to be put into an attitude of ignorant and perverse opposition to all reforms demanded in the name of the people because it happens that some of them are demanded by demagogues." such an attitude on the part of a man like roosevelt could not fail to be misunderstood, misinterpreted, and assailed. toward the end of his presidential career, when he was attacking with peculiar vigor the "malefactors of great wealth" whom the government had found it necessary to punish for their predatory acts in corporate guise, it was gently intimated by certain defenders of privilege that he was insane. at other times, when he was insisting upon justice even to men who had achieved material success, he was placed by the more rabid of the radical opponents of privilege in the hierarchy of the worshipers of the golden calf. his course along the middle of the onward way exposed him peculiarly to the missiles of invective and scorn from the partisans on either side. but neither could drive him into the arms of the other. the best evidence of the soundness of the strategy with which he assailed the enemies of the common good, with whirling war-club but with scrupulous observance of the demands of justice and fair play, is to be found in the measure of what he actually achieved. he did arouse the popular mind and sting the popular conscience broad awake. he did enforce the law without fear or favor. he did leave upon the statute-book and in the machinery of government new means and methods for the control of business and for the protection of the general welfare against predatory wealth. chapter viii. the square deal for labor it should go without saying that roosevelt was vigorously and deeply concerned with the relations between capital and labor, for he was interested in everything that concerned the men and women of america, everything that had to do with human relations. from the very beginning of his public life he had been a champion of the workingman when the workingman needed defense against exploitation and injustice. but his advocacy of the workers' rights was never demagogic nor partial. in industrial relations, as in the relations between business and the community, he believed in the square deal. the rights of labor and the rights of capital must, he firmly held, be respected each by the other--and the rights of the public by both. roosevelt believed thoroughly in trade unions. he realized that one of the striking accompaniments of the gigantic developments in business and industry of the past few generations was a gross inequality in the bargaining relation between the employer and the individual employee standing alone. speaking of the great coal strike which occurred while he was president, he developed the idea in this way: "the great coal-mining and coal-carrying companies, which employed their tens of thousands, could easily dispense with the services of any particular miner. the miner, on the other hand, however expert, could not dispense with the companies. he needed a job; his wife and children would starve if he did not get one. what the miner had to sell--his labor--was a perishable commodity; the labor of today--if not sold today was lost forever. moreover, his labor was not like most commodities--a mere thing; it was a part of a living, human being. the workman saw, and all citizens who gave earnest thought to the matter saw that the labor problem was not only an economic, but also a moral, a human problem. individually the miners were impotent when they sought to enter a wage contract with the great companies; they could make fair terms only by uniting into trade unions to bargain collectively. the men were forced to cooperate to secure not only their economic, but their simple human rights. they, like other workmen, were compelled by the very conditions under which they lived to unite in unions of their industry or trade, and those unions were bound to grow in size, in strength, and in power for good and evil as the industries in which the men were employed grew larger and larger." * * autobiography (scribner), pp. - . he was fond of quoting three statements of lincoln's as expressing precisely what he himself believed about capital and labor. the first of these sayings was this: "labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration." this statement, roosevelt used to say, would have made him, if it had been original with him, even more strongly denounced as a communist agitator than he already was! then he would turn from this, which the capitalist ought to hear, to another saying of lincoln's which the workingman ought to hear: "capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights.. .. nor should this lead to a war upon the owners of property. property is the fruit of labor;... property is desirable; it is a positive good in the world." then would come the final word from lincoln, driven home by roosevelt with all his usual vigor and fire: "let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when built." in these three sayings, roosevelt declared, lincoln "showed the proper sense of proportion in his relative estimates of capital and labor, of human rights and property rights." roosevelt's own most famous statement of the matter was made in an address which he delivered before the sorbonne in paris, on his way back from africa: "in every civilized society property rights must be carefully safeguarded. ordinarily, and in the great majority of cases, human rights and property rights are fundamentally and in the long run identical; but when it clearly appears that there is a real conflict between them, human rights must have the upper hand, for property belongs to man and not man to property." several times it happened to roosevelt to be confronted with the necessity of meeting with force the threat of violence on the part of striking workers. he never refused the challenge, and his firmness never lost him the respect of any but the worthless among the workingmen. when he was police commissioner, strikers in new york were coming into continual conflict with the police. roosevelt asked the strike leaders to meet him in order to talk things over. these leaders did not know the man with whom they were dealing; they tried to bully him. they truculently announced the things that they would do if the police were not compliant to their wishes. but they did not get far in that direction. roosevelt called a halt with a snap of his jaws. "gentlemen!" he said, "we want to understand one another. that was my object in coming here. remember, please, that he who counsels violence does the cause of labor the poorest service. also, he loses his case. understand distinctly that order will be kept. the police will keep it. now, gentlemen!" there was surprised silence for a moment, and then smashing applause. they had learned suddenly what kind of a man roosevelt was. all their respect was his. it was after he became president that his greatest opportunity occurred to put into effect his convictions about the industrial problem. in there was a strike which brought about a complete stoppage of work for several months in the anthracite coal regions. both operators and workers were determined to make no concession. the coal famine became a national menace as the winter approached. "the big coal operators had banded together," so roosevelt has described the situation, "and positively refused to take any steps looking toward an accommodation. they knew that the suffering among the miners was great; they were confident that if order was kept, and nothing further done by the government, they would win; and they refused to consider that the public had any rights in the matter." as the situation grew more and more dangerous, the president directed the head of the federal labor bureau to make an investigation of the whole matter. from this investigation it appeared that the most feasible solution of the problem was to prevail upon both sides to agree to a commission of arbitration and promise to accept its findings. to this proposal the miners agreed; the mine owners insolently declined it. nevertheless, roosevelt persisted, and ultimately the operators yielded on condition that the commission, which was to be named by the president, should contain no representative of labor. they insisted that it should be composed of ( ) an officer of the engineer corps of the army or navy, ( ) a man with experience in mining, ( ) a "man of prominence, eminent as a sociologist," ( ) a federal judge of the eastern district of pennsylvania, and ( ) a mining engineer. in the course of a long and grueling conference it looked as though a deadlock could be the only outcome, since the mine owners would have no representative of labor on any terms. but it suddenly dawned on roosevelt that the owners were objecting not to the thing but to the name. he discovered that they would not object to the appointment of any man, labor man or not, so long as he was not appointed as a labor man or as a representative of labor. "i shall never forget," he says in his "autobiography", "the mixture of relief and amusement i felt when i thoroughly grasped the fact that while they would heroically submit to anarchy rather than have tweedledum, yet if i would call it tweedledee they would accept with rapture." all that he needed to do was to "commit a technical and nominal absurdity with a solemn face." when he realized that this was the case, roosevelt announced that he was glad to accept the terms laid down, and proceeded to appoint to the third position on the commission the labor man whom he had wanted from the first to appoint, mr. e. e. clark, the head of the brotherhood of railway conductors. he called him, however, an "eminent sociologist," adding in his announcement of the appointment this explanation: "for the purposes of such a commission, the term sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on social questions and has practically applied his knowledge." the commission as finally constituted was an admirable one. its report, which removed every menace to peace in the coal industry, was an outstanding event in the history of the relations of labor and capital in the united states. but the most interesting and significant part of roosevelt's relation to the great coal strike concerned something that did not happen. it illustrates his habit of seeing clearly through a situation to the end and knowing far in advance just what action he was prepared to take in any contingency that might possibly arise. he was determined that work should be resumed in the mines and that the country should have coal. he did not propose to allow the operators to maintain the deadlock by sheer refusal to make any compromise. in case he could not succeed in making them reconsider their position, he had prepared a definite and drastic course of action. the facts in regard to this plan did not become public until many years after the strike was settled, and then only when roosevelt described it in his "autobiography". the method of action which roosevelt had determined upon in the last resort was to get the governor of pennsylvania to appeal to him as president to restore order. he had then determined to put federal troops into the coal fields under the command of some first-rate general, with instructions not only to preserve order but to dispossess the mine operators and to run the mines as a receiver, until such time as the commission should make its report and the president should issue further orders in view of that report. roosevelt found an army officer with the requisite good sense, judgment, and nerve to act in such a crisis in the person of major general schofield. roosevelt sent for the general and explained the seriousness of the crisis. "he was a fine fellow," says roosevelt in his "autobiography", "a most respectable-looking old boy, with side whiskers and a black skull-cap, without any of the outward aspect of the conventional military dictator; but in both nerve and judgment he was all right." schofield quietly assured the president that if the order was given he would take possession of the mines, and would guarantee to open them and run them without permitting any interference either by the owners or by the strikers or by any one else, so long as the president told him to stay. fortunately roosevelt's efforts to bring about arbitration were ultimately successful and recourse to the novel expedient of having the army operate the coal mines proved unnecessary. no one was more pleased than roosevelt himself at the harmonious adjustment of the trouble, for, as he said, "it is never well to take drastic action if the result can be achieved with equal efficiency in less drastic fashion." but there can be no question that the drastic action would have followed if the coal operators had not seen the light when they did. in other phases of national life roosevelt made his influence equally felt. as president he found that there was little which the federal government could do directly for the practical betterment of living and working conditions among the mass of the people compared with what the state governments could do. he determined, however, to strive to make the national government an ideal employer. he hoped to make the federal employee feel, just as much as did the cabinet officer, that he was one of the partners engaged in the service of the public, proud of his work, eager to do it efficiently, and confident of just treatment. the federal government could act in relation to laboring conditions only in the territories, in the district of columbia, and in connection with interstate commerce. but in those fields it accomplished much. the eight-hour law for workers in the executive departments had become a mere farce and was continually violated by officials who made their subordinates work longer hours than the law stipulated. this condition the president remedied by executive action, at the same time seeing to it that the shirk and the dawdler received no mercy. a good law protecting the lives and health of miners in the territories was passed; and laws were enacted for the district of columbia, providing for the supervision of employment agencies, for safeguarding workers against accidents, and for the restriction of child labor. a workmen's compensation law for government employees, inadequate but at least a beginning, was put on the statute books. a similar law for workers on interstate railways was declared unconstitutional by the courts; but a second law was passed and stood the test. it was chiefly in the field of executive action, however, that roosevelt was able to put his theories into practice. there he did not have to deal with recalcitrant, stupid, or medieval-minded politicians, as he so often did in matters of legislation. one case which confronted him found him on the side against the labor unions, but, being sure that he was right, he did not let that fact disturb him. a printer in the government printing office, named miller, had been discharged because he was a non-union man. the president immediately ordered him reinstated. samuel gompers, president of the american federation of labor, with several members of its executive council, called upon him to protest. the president was courteous but inflexible. he answered their protest by declaring that, in the employment and dismissal of men in the government service, he could no more recognize the fact that a man did or did not belong to a union as being for or against him, than he could recognize the fact that he was a protestant or a catholic, a jew or a gentile, as being for or against him. he declared his belief in trade unions and said that if he were a worker himself he would unquestionably join a union. he always preferred to see a union shop. but he could not allow his personal preferences to control his public actions. the government was bound to treat union and non-union men exactly alike. his action in causing miller to be reinstated was final. another instance which illustrated roosevelt's skill in handling a difficult situation occurred in when the louisville and nashville railroad and certain other lines announced a reduction in wages. the heads of that particular road laid the necessity for the reduction at the door of "the drastic laws inimical to the interests of the railroads that have in the past year or two been enacted." a general strike, with all the attendant discomfort and disorder, was threatened in retaliation. the president wrote a letter to the interstate commerce commission, in which he said: "these reductions in wages may be justified or they may not. as to this the public, which is a vitally interested party, can form no judgment without a more complete knowledge of the essential facts and real merits of the case than it now has or than it can possibly obtain from the special pleadings, certain to be put forth by each side in case their dispute should bring about serious interruption to traffic. if the reduction in wages is due to natural causes, the loss of business being such that the burden should be, and is, equitably distributed, between capitalist and wageworker, the public should know it. if it is caused by legislation, the public and congress should know it; and if it is caused by misconduct in the past financial or other operations of any railroad, then everybody should know it, especially if the excuse of unfriendly legislation is advanced as a method of covering up past business misconduct by the railroad managers, or as a justification for failure to treat fairly the wage-earning employees of the company." the letter closed with a request to the commission to investigate the whole matter with these points in view. but the investigation proved unnecessary; the letter was enough. the proposed reduction of wages was never heard of again. the strength of the president's position in a case of this sort was that he was cheerfully prepared to accept whatever an investigation should show to be right. if the reduction should prove to be required by natural causes, very well--let the reduction be made. if it was the result of unfair and unwise legislation, very well--repeal the legislation. if it was caused by misconduct on the part of railroad managers, very well--let them be punished. it was hard to get the better of a man who wanted only the truth, and was ready to act upon it, no matter which way it cut. in , after his return from africa, a speaking trip happened to take him to columbus, ohio, which had for months been in the grasp of a street railway strike. there had been much violence, many policemen had refused to do their duty, and many officials had failed in theirs. it was an uncomfortable time for an outsider to come and make a speech. but roosevelt did not dodge. he spoke, and straight to the point. his speech had been announced as on law and order. when he rose to speak, however, he declared that he would speak on law, order, and justice. here are some of the incisive things that he said: "now, the first requisite is to establish order; and the first duty of every official, in state and city alike, high and low, is to see that order obtains and that violence is definitely stopped .... i have the greatest regard for the policeman who does his duty. i put him high among the props of the state, but the policeman who mutinies, or refuses to perform his duty, stands on a lower level than that of the professional lawbreaker.... i ask, then, not only that civic officials perform their duties, but that you, the people, insist upon their performing them... . i ask this particularly of the wage-workers, and employees, and men on strike.... i ask them, not merely passively, but actively, to aid in restoring order. i ask them to clear their skirts of all suspicion of sympathizing with disorder, and, above all, the suspicion of sympathizing with those who commit brutal and cowardly assaults.... what i have said of the laboring men applies just as much to the capitalists and the capitalists' representatives.... the wage-workers and the representatives of the companies should make it evident that they wish the law absolutely obeyed; that there is no chance of saying that either the labor organization or the corporation favors lawbreakers or lawbreaking. but let your public servants trust, not in the good will of either side, but in the might of the civil arm, and see that law rules, that order obtains, and that every miscreant, every scoundrel who seeks brutally to assault any other man--whatever that man's status--is punished with the utmost severity.... when you have obtained law and order, remember that it is useless to have obtained them unless upon them you build a superstructure of justice. after finding out the facts, see that justice is done; see that injustice that has been perpetrated in the past is remedied, and see that the chance of doing injustice in the future is minimized." now, any one might in his closet write an essay on law, order, and justice, which would contain every idea that is here expressed. the essayist might even feel somewhat ashamed of his production on the ground that all the ideas that it contained were platitudes. but it is one thing to write an essay far from the madding crowd, and it was quite another to face an audience every member of which was probably a partisan of either the workers, the employers, or the officials, and give them straight from the shoulder simple platitudinous truths of this sort applicable to the situation in which they found themselves. any one of them would have been delighted to hear these things said about his opponents; it was when they were addressed to himself and his associates that they stung. the best part of it, however, was the fact that those things were precisely what the situation needed. they were the truth; and roosevelt knew it. his sword had a double edge, and he habitually used it with a sweep that cut both ways. as a result he was generally hated or feared by the extremists on both sides. but the average citizen heartily approved the impartiality of his strokes. in the year the governor of idaho was killed by a bomb as he was leaving his house. a former miner, who had been driven from the state six years before by united states troops engaged in putting down industrial disorder, was arrested and confessed the crime. in his confession he implicated three officers of the western federation of miners, moyer, haywood, and pettibone. these three men were brought from colorado into idaho by a method that closely resembled kidnaping, though it subsequently received the sanction of the united states supreme court. while these prominent labor leaders were awaiting trial, colorado, idaho, and nevada seethed and burst into eruption. parts of the mining districts were transformed into two hostile armed camps. violence was common. at this time roosevelt coupled the name of a giant among american railroad financiers, with those of moyer and haywood, and described them all as "undesirable citizens." the outbursts of resentment from both sides were instantaneous and vicious. there was little to choose between them. finally the president took advantage of a letter of criticism from a supporter of the accused labor leaders to reply to both groups of critics. he referred to the fact that certain representatives of the great capitalists had protested, because he had included a prominent financier with moyer and haywood, while certain representatives of labor had protested on precisely the opposite grounds. then roosevelt went on to say: "i am as profoundly indifferent to the condemnation in one case as in the other. i challenge as a right the support of all good americans, whether wage-workers or capitalists, whatever their occupation or creed, or in whatever portion of the country they live, when i condemn both the types of bad citizenship which i have held up to reprobation.... you ask for a 'square deal' for messrs. moyer and haywood. so do i. when i say 'square deal', i mean a square deal to every one; it is equally a violation of the policy of the square deal for a capitalist to protest against denunciation of a capitalist who is guilty of wrongdoing and for a labor leader to protest against the denunciation of a labor leader who has been guilty of wrongdoing. i stand for equal justice to both; and so far as in my power lies i shall uphold justice, whether the man accused of guilt has behind him the wealthiest corporation, the greatest aggregations of riches in the country, or whether he has behind him the most influential labor organizations in the country." it should be recorded for the sake of avoiding misapprehension that roosevelt's denunciation of moyer and haywood was not based on the assumption that they were guilty of the death of the murdered governor, but was predicated on their general attitude and conduct in the industrial conflicts in the mining fields. the criticisms of roosevelt because of his actions in the complex relations of capital and labor were often puerile. for instance, he was sternly taken to task on one or two occasions because he had labor leaders lunch with him at the white house. he replied to one of his critics with this statement of his position: "while i am president i wish the labor man to feel that he has the same right of access to me that the capitalist has; that the doors swing open as easily to the wageworker as to the head of a big corporation--and no easier." chapter ix. reclamation and conservation the first message of president roosevelt to congress contained these words: "the forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the united states." at that moment, on december , , the impulse was given that was to add to the american vocabulary two new words, "reclamation" and "conservation," that was to create two great constructive movements for the preservation, the increase, and the utilization of natural resources, and that was to establish a new relationship on the part of the federal government to the nation's natural wealth. reclamation and conservation had this in common: the purpose of both was the intelligent and efficient utilization of the natural resources of the country for the benefit of the people of the country. but they differed in one respect, and with conspicuous practical effects. reclamation, which meant the spending of public moneys to render fertile and usable arid lands hitherto deemed worthless, trod on no one's toes. it took from no one anything that he had; it interfered with no one's enjoyment of benefits which it was not in the public interest that he should continue to enjoy unchecked. it was therefore popular from the first, and the new policy went through congress as though on well-oiled wheels. only six months passed between its first statement in the presidential message and its enactment into law. conservation, on the other hand, had to begin by withholding the natural resources from exploitation and extravagant use. it had, first of all, to establish in the national mind the principle that the forests and mines of the nation are not an inexhaustible grab-bag into which whosoever will may thrust greedy and wasteful hands, and by this new understanding to stop the squandering of vast national resources until they could be economically developed and intelligently used. so it was inevitable that conservation should prove unpopular, while reclamation gained an easy popularity, and that those who had been feeding fat off the country's stores of forest and mineral wealth should oppose, with tooth and nail, the very suggestion of conservation. it was on the first sunday after he reached washington as president, before he had moved into the white house, that roosevelt discussed with two men, gifford pinchot and f. h. newell, the twin policies that were to become two of the finest contributions to american progress of the roosevelt administrations. both men were already in the government service, both were men of broad vision and high constructive ability; with both roosevelt had already worked when he was governor of new york. the name of newell, who became chief engineer of the reclamation service, ought to be better known popularly than it is in connection with the wonderful work that has been accomplished in making the desert lands of western america blossom and produce abundantly. the name of pinchot, by a more fortunate combination of events, has become synonymous in the popular mind with the conservation movement. on the very day that the first roosevelt message was read to the congress, a committee of western senators and congressmen was organized, under the leadership of senator francis g. newlands of nevada, to prepare a reclamation bill. the only obstacle to the prompt enactment of the bill was the undue insistence upon state rights by certain congressmen, "who consistently fought for local and private interests as against the interests of the people as a whole." in spite of this shortsighted opposition, the bill became law on june , , and the work of reclamation began without an instant's delay. the reclamation act set aside the proceeds of the sale of public lands for the purpose of reclaiming the waste areas of the arid west. lands otherwise worthless were to be irrigated and in those new regions of agricultural productivity homes were to be established. the money so expended was to be repaid in due course by the settlers on the land and the sums repaid were to be used as a revolving fund for the continuous prosecution of the reclamation work. nearly five million dollars was made immediately available for the work. within four years, twenty-six "projects" had been approved by the secretary of the interior and work was well under way on practically all of them. they were situated in fourteen states--arizona, colorado, idaho, kansas, montana, nebraska, washington, utah, wyoming, new mexico, north dakota, oregon, california, south dakota. the individual projects were intended to irrigate areas of from eight thousand to two hundred thousand acres each; and the grand total of arid lands to which water was thus to be brought by canals, tunnels, aqueducts, and ditches was more than a million and a half acres. the work had to be carried out under the most difficult and adventurous conditions. the men of the reclamation service were in the truest sense pioneers, building great engineering works far from the railroads, where the very problem of living for the great numbers of workers required was no simple one. on the shoshone in wyoming these men built the highest dam in the world, feet from base to crest. they pierced a mountain range in colorado and carried the waters of the gunnison river nearly six miles to the uncompahgre valley through a tunnel in the solid rock. the great roosevelt dam on the salt river in arizona with its gigantic curved wall of masonry feet high, created a lake with a capacity of fifty-six billion cubic feet, and watered in an area of , acres. the work of these bold pioneers was made possible by the fearless backing which they received from the administration at washington. the president demanded of them certain definite results and gave them unquestioning support. in roosevelt's own words, "the men in charge were given to understand that they must get into the water if they would learn to swim; and, furthermore, they learned to know that if they acted honestly, and boldly and fearlessly accepted responsibility, i would stand by them to the limit. in this, as in every other case, in the end the boldness of the action fully justified itself." the work of reclamation was first prosecuted under the united states geological survey; but in the spring of the united states reclamation service was established to carry it on, under the direction of mr. newell, to whom the inception of the plan was due. roosevelt paid a fine and well-deserved tribute to the man who originated and carried through this great national achievement when he said that "newell's single-minded devotion to this great task, the constructive imagination which enabled him to conceive it, and the executive power and high character through which he and his assistant, arthur p. davis, built up a model service--all these made him a model servant. the final proof of his merit is supplied by the character and records of the men who later assailed him." the assault to which roosevelt thus refers was the inevitable aftermath of great accomplishment. reclamation was popular, when it was proposed, while it was being carried out, and when the water began to flow in the ditches, making new lands of fertile abundance for settlers and farmers. but the reaction of unpopularity came the minute the beneficiaries had to begin to pay for the benefits received. then arose a concerted movement for the repudiation of the obligation of the settlers to repay the government for what had been spent to reclaim the land. the baser part of human nature always seeks a scapegoat; and it might naturally be expected that the repudiators and their supporters should concentrate their attacks upon the head of the reclamation service, to whose outstanding ability and continuous labor they owed that for which they were now unwilling to pay. but no attack, not even the adverse report of an ill-humored congressional committee, can alter the fact of the tremendous service that newell and his loyal associates in the reclamation service did for the nation and the people of the united states. by reclamation had added to the arable land of the country a million and a quarter acres, of which nearly eight hundred thousand acres were already "under water," and largely under tillage, producing yearly more than eighteen million dollars' worth of crops. when roosevelt became president there was a bureau of forestry in the department of agriculture, but it was a body entrusted with merely the study of forestry problems and principles. it contained all the trained foresters in the employ of the government; but it had no public forest lands whatever to which the knowledge and skill of these men could be applied. all the forest reserves of that day were in the charge of the public land office in the department of the interior. this was managed by clerks who knew nothing of forestry, and most, if not all, of whom had never seen a stick of the timber or an acre of the woodlands for which they were responsible. the mapping and description of the timber lay with the geological survey. so the national forests had no foresters and the government foresters no forests. it was a characteristic arrangement of the old days. more than that, it was a characteristic expression of the old attitude of thought and action on the part of the american people toward their natural resources. dazzled and intoxicated by the inexhaustible riches of their bountiful land, they had concerned themselves only with the agreeable task of utilizing and consuming them. to their shortsighted vision there seemed always plenty more beyond. with the beginning of the twentieth century a prophet arose in the land to warn the people that the supply was not inexhaustible. he declared not only that the "plenty more beyond" had an end, but that the end was already in sight. this prophet was gifford pinchot. his warning went forth reinforced by all the authority of the presidential office and all the conviction and driving power of the personality of roosevelt himself. pinchot's warning cry was startling: "the growth of our forests is but one-third of the annual cut; and we have in store timber enough for only twenty or thirty years at our present rate of use.... our coal supplies are so far from being inexhaustible that if the increasing rate of consumption shown by the figures of the last seventy-five years continues to prevail, our supplies of anthracite coal will last but fifty years and of bituminous coal less than two hundred years.... many oil and gas fields, as in pennsylvania, west virginia, and the mississippi valley, have already failed, yet vast quantities of gas continue to be poured into the air and great quantities of oil into the streams. cases are known in which great volumes of oil were systematically burned in order to get rid of it.... in , professor shaler, than whom no one has spoken with greater authority on this subject, estimated that in the upland regions of the states south of pennsylvania, three thousand square miles of soil have been destroyed as the result of forest denudation, and that destruction was then proceeding at the rate of one hundred square miles of fertile soil per year.. .. the mississippi river alone is estimated to transport yearly four hundred million tons of sediment, or about twice the amount of material to be excavated from the panama canal. this material is the most fertile portion of the richest fields, transformed from a blessing to a curse by unrestricted erosion.... the destruction of forage plants by overgrazing has resulted, in the opinion of men most capable of judging, in reducing the grazing value of the public lands by one-half." here, then, was a problem of national significance, and it was one which the president attacked with his usual promptness and vigor. his first message to congress called for the unification of the care of the forest lands of the public domain in a single body under the department of agriculture. he asked that legal authority be granted to the president to transfer to the department of agriculture lands for use as forest reserves. he declared that "the forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few." he supplemented this declaration with an explanation of the meaning and purpose of the forest policy which he urged should be adopted: "wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. the fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. forest protection is not an end in itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. the preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. we have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our wellbeing." nevertheless it was four years before congress could be brought to the common-sense policy of administering the forest lands still belonging to the government. pinchot and his associates in the bureau of forestry spent the interval profitably, however, in investigating and studying the whole problem of national forest resources and in drawing up enlightened and effective plans for their protection and development. accordingly, when the act transferring the national forests to the charge of the newly created united states forest service in the department of agriculture was passed early in , they were ready for the responsibility. the principles which they had formulated and which they now began to apply had been summed up by roosevelt in the statement "that the rights of the public to the natural resources outweigh private rights and must be given the first consideration." until the establishment of the forest service, private rights had almost always been allowed to overbalance public rights in matters that concerned not only the national forests, but the public lands generally. it was the necessity of having this new principle recognized and adopted that made the way of the newly created forest service and of the whole conservation movement so thorny. those who had been used to making personal profit from free and unrestricted exploitation of the nation's natural resources would look only with antagonism on a movement which put a consideration of the general welfare first. the forest service nevertheless put these principles immediately into practical application. the national forests were opened to a regulated use of all their resources. a law was passed throwing open to settlement all land in the national forests which was found to be chiefly valuable for agriculture. hitherto all such land had been closed to the settler. regulations were established and enforced which favored the settler rather than the large stockowner. it was provided that, when conditions required the reduction in the number of head of stock grazed in any national forest, the vast herds of the wealthy owner should be affected before the few head of the small man, upon which the living of his family depended. the principle which excited the bitterest antagonism of all was the rule that any one, except a bona fide settler on the land, who took public property for private profit should pay for what he got. this was a new and most unpalatable idea to the big stock and sheep raisers, who had been accustomed to graze their animals at will on the richest lands of the public forests, with no one but themselves a penny the better off thereby. but the attorney-general of the united states declared it legal to make the men who pastured their cattle and sheep in the national forests pay for this privilege; and in the summer of such charges were for the first time made and collected. the trained foresters of the service were put in charge of the national forests. as a result, improvement began to manifest itself in other ways. within two years the fire prevention work alone had completely justified the new policy of forest regulation. eighty-six per cent of the fires that did occur in the national forests were held down to an area of five acres or less. the new service not only made rapid progress in saving the timber, but it began to make money for the nation by selling the timber. in the sales of timber brought in $ , ; three years later the return was $ , . the national forests were trebled in size during the two roosevelt administrations with the result that there were , , acres of publicly owned and administered forest lands when roosevelt went out of office. the inclusion of these lands in the national forests, where they were safe from the selfish exploitation of greedy private interests, was not accomplished without the bitterest opposition. the wisdom of the serpent sometimes had to be called into play to circumvent the adroit maneuvering of these interests and their servants in congress. in , for example, senator charles w. fulton of oregon obtained an amendment to the agricultural appropriation bill forbidding the president to set aside any additional national forests in six northwestern states. but the president and the forest service were ready for this bold attempt to deprive the public of some , , acres for the benefit of land grabbers and special interests. they knew exactly what lands ought to be set aside in those states. so the president first unostentatiously signed the necessary proclamations to erect those lands into national forests, and then quietly approved the agricultural bill. "the opponents of the forest service," said roosevelt, "turned handsprings in their wrath; and dire were their threats against the executive; but the threats could not be carried out, and were really only a tribute to the efficiency of our action." the development of a sound and enlightened forest policy naturally led to the consideration of a similar policy for dealing with the water power of the country which had hitherto gone to waste or was in the hands of private interests. it had been the immemorial custom that the water powers on the navigable streams, on the public domain, and in the national forests should be given away for nothing, and practically without question, to the first comer. this ancient custom ran right athwart the newly enunciated principle that public property should not pass into private possession without being paid for, and that permanent grants, except for home-making, should not be made. the forest service now began to apply this principle to the water powers in the national forests, granting permission for the development and use of such power for limited periods only and requiring payment for the privilege. this was the beginning of a general water power policy which, in the course of time, commended itself to public approval; but it was long before it ceased to be opposed by the private interests that wanted these rich resources for their own undisputed use. out of the forest movement grew the conservation movement in its broader sense. in the fall of roosevelt made a trip down the mississippi river with the definite purpose of drawing general attention to the subject of the development of the national inland waterways. seven months before, he had established the inland waterways commission and had directed it to "consider the relations of the streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and their conservation for the making and maintenance of permanent homes." during the trip a letter was prepared by a group of men interested in the conservation movement and was presented to him, asking him to summon a conference on the conservation of natural resources. at a great meeting held at memphis, tennessee, roosevelt publicly announced his intention of calling such a conference. in may of the following year the conference was held in the east room of the white house. there were assembled there the president, the vice-president, seven cabinet members, the supreme court justices, the governors of thirty-four states and representatives of the other twelve, the governors of all the territories, including alaska, hawaii, and porto rico, the president of the board of commissioners of the district of columbia, representatives of sixty-eight national societies, four special guests, william jennings bryan, james j. hill, andrew carnegie, and john mitchell, forty-eight general guests, and the members of the inland waterways commission. the object of the conference was stated by the president in these words: "it seems to me time for the country to take account of its natural resources, and to inquire how long they are likely to last. we are prosperous now; we should not forget that it will be just as important to our descendants to be prosperous in their time." at the conclusion of the conference a declaration prepared by the governors of louisiana, new jersey, wisconsin, utah, and south carolina, was unanimously adopted. this magna charta of the conservation movement declared "that the great natural resources supply the material basis upon which our civilization must continue to depend and upon which the perpetuity of the nation itself rests," that "this material basis is threatened with exhaustion," and that "this conservation of our natural resources is a subject of transcendent importance, which should engage unremittingly the attention of the nation, the states, and the people in earnest cooperation." it set forth the practical implications of conservation in these words: "we agree that the land should be so used that erosion and soil wash shall cease; and that there should be reclamation of arid and semi-arid regions by means of irrigation, and of swamp and overflowed regions by means of drainage; that the waters should be so conserved and used as to promote navigation, to enable the arid regions to be reclaimed by irrigation, and to develop power in the interests of the people; that the forests which regulate our rivers, support our industries, and promote the fertility and productiveness of the soil should be preserved and perpetuated; that the minerals found so abundantly beneath the surface should be so used as to prolong their utility; that the beauty, healthfulness, and habitability of our country should be preserved and increased; that sources of national wealth exist for the benefit of the people, and that monopoly thereof should not be tolerated." the conference urged the continuation and extension of the forest policies already established; the immediate adoption of a wise, active, and thorough waterway policy for the prompt improvement of the streams, and the conservation of water resources for irrigation, water supply, power, and navigation; and the enactment of laws for the prevention of waste in the mining and extraction of coal, oil, gas, and other minerals with a view to their wise conservation for the use of the people. the declaration closed with the timely adjuration, "let us conserve the foundations of our prosperity." as a result of the conference president roosevelt created the national conservation commission, consisting of forty-nine men of prominence, about one-third of whom were engaged in politics, one-third in various industries, and one-third in scientific work. gifford pinchot was appointed chairman. the commission proceeded to make an inventory of the natural resources of the united states. this inventory contains the only authentic statement as to the amounts of the national resources of the country, the degree to which they have already been exhausted, and their probable duration. but with this inventory there came to an end the activity of the conservation commission, for congress not only refused any appropriation for its use but decreed by law that no bureau of the government should do any work for any commission or similar body appointed by the president, without reference to the question whether such work was appropriate or not for such a bureau to undertake. inasmuch as the invaluable inventory already made had been almost entirely the work of scientific bureaus of the government instructed by the president to cooperate with the commission, the purpose and animus of this legislation were easily apparent. congress had once more shown its friendship for the special interests and its indifference to the general welfare. in february, , on the invitation of president roosevelt, a north american conservation conference, attended by representatives of the united states, canada, and mexico, was held at the white house. a declaration of principles was drawn up and the suggestion made that all the nations of the world should be invited to meet in a world conservation conference. the president forthwith addressed to forty-five nations a letter inviting them to assemble at the hague for such a conference; but, as he has laconically expressed it, "when i left the white house the project lapsed." chapter x. being wise in time perhaps the most famous of roosevelt's epigrammatic sayings is, "speak softly and carry a big stick." the public, with its instinctive preference for the dramatic over the significant, promptly seized upon the "big stick" half of the aphorism and ignored the other half. but a study of the various acts of roosevelt when he was president readily shows that in his mind the "big stick" was purely subordinate. it was merely the ultima ratio, the possession of which would enable a nation to "speak softly" and walk safely along the road of peace and justice and fair play. the secret of roosevelt's success in foreign affairs is to be found in another of his favorite sayings: "nine-tenths of wisdom is to be wise in time." he has himself declared that his whole foreign policy "was based on the exercise of intelligent foresight and of decisive action sufficiently far in advance of any likely crisis to make it improbable that we would run into serious trouble." when roosevelt became president, a perplexing controversy with great britain over the boundary line between alaska and canada was in full swing. the problem, which had become acute with the discovery of gold in the klondike in , had already been considered, together with eleven other subjects of dispute between canada and the united states, by a joint commission which had been able to reach no agreement. the essence of the controversy was this: the treaty of between great britain and russia had declared that the boundary, dividing british and russian america on that five-hundred-mile strip of land which depends from the alaskan elephant's head like a dangling halter rope, should be drawn "parallel to the windings of the coast" at a distance inland of thirty miles. the united states took the plain and literal interpretation of these words in the treaty. the canadian contention was that within the meaning of the treaty the fiords or inlets which here break into the land were not part of the sea, and that the line, instead of following, at the correct distance inland, the indentations made by these arms of the sea, should leap boldly across them, at the agreed distance from the points of the headlands. this would give canada the heads of several great inlets and direct access to the sea far north of the point where the canadian coast had always been assumed to end. canada and the united states were equally resolute in upholding their claims. it looked as if the matter would end in a deadlock. john hay, who had been secretary of state in mckinley's cabinet, as he now was in roosevelt's, had done his best to bring the matter to a settlement, but had been unwilling to have the dispute arbitrated, for the very good reason that, as he said, "although our claim is as clear as the sun in heaven, we know enough of arbitration to foresee the fatal tendency of all arbitrators to compromise." roosevelt believed that the "claim of the canadians for access to deep water along any part of the alaskan coast is just exactly as indefensible as if they should now claim the island of nantucket." he was willing, however, to refer the question unconfused by other issues to a second joint commission of six. the commission was duly constituted. there was no odd neutral member of this body, as in an arbitration, but merely three representatives from each side. of the british representatives two were canadians and the third was the lord chief justice of england, lord alverstone. but before the commission met, the president took pains to have conveyed to the british cabinet, in an informal but diplomatically correct way, his views and his intentions in the event of a disagreement. "i wish to make one last effort," he said, "to bring about an agreement through the commission which will enable the people of both countries to say that the result represents the feeling of the representatives of both countries. but if there is a disagreement, i wish it distinctly understood, not only that there will be no arbitration of the matter, but that in my message to congress i shall take a position which will prevent any possibility of arbitration hereafter." if this should seem to any one too vigorous flourishing of the "big stick," let him remember that it was all done through confidential diplomatic channels, and that the judgment of the lord chief justice of england, when the final decision was made, fully upheld roosevelt's position. the decision of the commission was, with slight immaterial modifications, in favor of the united states. lord alverstone voted against his canadian colleagues. it was a just decision, as most well-informed canadians knew at the time. the troublesome question was settled; the time-honored friendship of two great peoples had suffered no interruption; and roosevelt had secured for his country its just due, without public parade or bluster, by merely being wise--and inflexible--in time. during the same early period of his presidency, roosevelt found himself confronted with a situation in south america, which threatened a serious violation of the monroe doctrine. venezuela was repudiating certain debts which the venezuelan government had guaranteed to european capitalists. german capital was chiefly involved, and germany proposed to collect the debts by force. great britain and italy were also concerned in the matter, but germany was the ringleader and the active partner in the undertaking. throughout the year a pacific blockade of the venezuelan coast was maintained and in december of that year an ultimatum demanding the immediate payment of the debts was presented. when its terms were not complied with, diplomatic relations were broken off and the venezuelan fleet was seized. at this point the united states entered upon the scene, but with no blare of trumpets. in fact, what really happened was not generally known until several years later. in his message of december, , president roosevelt had made two significant statements. speaking of the monroe doctrine, he said, "we do not guarantee any state against punishment, if it misconducts itself." this was very satisfactory to germany. but he added--"provided the punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-american power." this did not suit the german book so well. for a year the matter was discussed. germany disclaimed any intention to make "permanent" acquisitions in venezuela but contended for its right to make "temporary" ones. now the world had already seen "temporary" acquisitions made in china, and it was a matter of common knowledge that this convenient word was often to be interpreted in a pickwickian sense. when the "pacific blockade" passed into the stage of active hostilities, the patience of roosevelt snapped. the german ambassador, von holleben, was summoned to the white house. the president proposed to him that germany should arbitrate its differences with venezuela. von holleben assured him that his "imperial master" would not hear of such a course. the president persisted that there must be no taking possession, even temporarily, of venezuelan territory. he informed the ambassador that admiral dewey was at that moment maneuvering in caribbean waters, and that if satisfactory assurances did not come from berlin in ten days, he would be ordered to proceed to venezuela to see that no territory was seized by german forces. the ambassador was firm in his conviction that no assurances would be forthcoming. a week later von holleben appeared at the white house to talk of another matter and was about to leave without mentioning venezuela. the president stopped him with a question. no, said the ambassador, no word had come from berlin. then, roosevelt explained, it would not be necessary for him to wait the remaining three days. dewey would be instructed to sail a day earlier than originally planned. he added that not a word of all this had been put upon paper, and that if the german emperor would consent to arbitrate, the president would praise him publicly for his broadmindedness. the ambassador was still convinced that no arbitration was conceivable. but just twelve hours later he appeared at the white house, his face wreathed in smiles. on behalf of his imperial master he had the honor to request the president of the united states to act as arbitrator between germany and venezuela. the orders to dewey were never sent, the president publicly congratulated the kaiser on his loyalty to the principle of arbitration, and, at roosevelt's suggestion, the case went to the hague. not an intimation of the real occurrences came out till long after, not a public word or act marred the perfect friendliness of the two nations. the monroe doctrine was just as unequivocally invoked and just as inflexibly upheld as it had been by grover cleveland eight years before in another venezuelan case. but the quiet private warning had been substituted for the loud public threat. the question of the admission of japanese immigrants to the united states and of their treatment had long disturbed american international relations. it became acute in the latter part of , when the city of san francisco determined to exclude all japanese pupils from the public schools and to segregate them in a school of their own. this action seemed to the japanese a manifest violation of the rights guaranteed by treaty. diplomatic protests were instantly forthcoming at washington; and popular demonstrations against the united states boiled up in tokyo. for the third time there appeared splendid material for a serious conflict with a great power which might conceivably lead to active hostilities. from such beginnings wars have come before now. the president was convinced that the californians were utterly wrong in what they had done, but perfectly right in the underlying conviction from which their action sprang. he saw that justice and good faith demanded that the japanese in california be protected in their treaty rights, and that the californians be protected from the immigration of japanese laborers in mass. with characteristic promptness and vigor he set forth these two considerations and took action to make them effective. in his message to congress in december he declared: "in the matter now before me, affecting the japanese, everything that is in my power to do will be done and all of the forces, military and civil, of the united states which i may lawfully employ will be so employed ... to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties." here was reassurance for the japanese. but he also added: "the japanese would themselves not tolerate the intrusion into their country of a mass of americans who would displace japanese in the business of the land. the people of california are right in insisting that the japanese shall not come thither in mass." here was reassurance for the californians. the words were promptly followed by acts. the garrison of federal troops at san francisco was reinforced and public notice was given that violence against japanese would be put down. suits were brought both in the california state courts and in the federal courts there to uphold the treaty rights of japan. mr. victor h. metcalf, the secretary of commerce and labor, himself a californian, was sent to san francisco to make a study of the whole situation. it was made abundantly clear to the people of san francisco and the coast that the provision of the federal constitution making treaties a part of the supreme law of the land, with which the constitution and laws of no state can interfere, would be strictly enforced. the report of secretary metcalf showed that the school authorities of san francisco had done not only an illegal thing but an unnecessary and a stupid thing. meanwhile roosevelt had been working with equal vigor upon the other side of the problem. he esteemed it precisely as important to protect the californians from the japanese as to protect the japanese from the californians. as in the alaskan and venezuelan cases, he proceeded without beat of drum or clash of cymbal. the matter was worked out in unobtrusive conferences between the president and the state department and the japanese representatives in washington. it was all friendly, informal, conciliatory--but the japanese did not fail to recognize the inflexible determination behind this courteous friendliness. out of these conferences came an informal agreement on the part of the japanese government that no passports would be issued to japanese workingmen permitting them to leave japan for ports of the united states. it was further only necessary to prevent japanese coolies from coming into the united states through canada and mexico. this was done by executive order just two days after the school authorities of san francisco had rescinded their discriminatory school decree. the incident is eminently typical of roosevelt's principles and practice: to accord full measure of justice while demanding full measure in return; to be content with the fact without care for the formality; to see quickly, to look far, and to act boldly. it had a sequel which rounded out the story. the president's ready willingness to compel california to do justice to the japanese was misinterpreted in japan as timidity. certain chauvinistic elements in japan began to have thoughts which were in danger of becoming inimical to the best interests of the united states. it seemed to president roosevelt an opportune moment, for many reasons, to send the american battle fleet on a voyage around the world. the project was frowned on in this country and viewed with doubt in other parts of the world. many said the thing could not be done, for no navy in the world had yet done it; but roosevelt knew that it could. european observers believed that it would lead to war with japan; but roosevelt's conviction was precisely the opposite. in his own words, "i did not expect it;... i believed that japan would feel as friendly in the matter as we did; but... if my expectations had proved mistaken, it would have been proof positive that we were going to be attacked anyhow, and... in such event it would have been an enormous gain to have had the three months' preliminary preparation which enabled the fleet to start perfectly equipped. in a personal interview before they left, i had explained to the officers in command that i believed the trip would be one of absolute peace, but that they were to take exactly the same precautions against sudden attack of any kind as if we were at war with all the nations of the earth; and that no excuse of any kind would be accepted if there were a sudden attack of any kind and we were taken unawares." prominent inhabitants and newspapers of the atlantic coast were deeply concerned over the taking away of the fleet from the atlantic to the pacific. the head of the senate committee on naval affairs, who hailed from the state of maine, declared that the fleet should not and could not go because congress would refuse to appropriate the money; roosevelt announced in response that he had enough money to take the fleet around into the pacific anyhow, that it would certainly go, and that if congress did not choose to appropriate enough money to bring the fleet back, it could stay there. there was no further difficulty about the money. the voyage was at once a hard training trip and a triumphant progress. everywhere the ships, their officers, and their men were received with hearty cordiality and deep admiration, and nowhere more so than in japan. the nations of the world were profoundly impressed by the achievement. the people of the united states were thoroughly aroused to a new pride in their navy and an interest in its adequacy and efficiency. it was definitely established in the minds of americans and foreigners that the united states navy is rightfully as much at home in the pacific as in the atlantic. any cloud the size of a man's hand that may have been gathering above the japanese horizon was forthwith swept away. roosevelt's plan was a novel and bold use of the instruments of war on behalf of peace which was positively justified in the event. chapter xi. rights, duties, and revolutions it was a favorite conviction of theodore roosevelt that neither an individual nor a nation can possess rights which do not carry with them duties. not long after the venezuelan incident--in which the right of the united states, as set forth in the monroe doctrine, to prevent european powers from occupying territory in the western hemisphere was successfully upheld--an occasion arose nearer home not only to insist upon rights but to assume the duties involved. in a message to the senate in february, , roosevelt thus outlined his conception of the dual nature of the monroe doctrine: "it has for some time been obvious that those who profit by the monroe doctrine must accept certain responsibilities along with the rights which it confers, and that the same statement applies to those who uphold the doctrine.... an aggrieved nation can, without interfering with the monroe doctrine, take what action it sees fit in the adjustment of its disputes with american states, provided that action does not take the shape of interference with their form of government or of the despoilment of their territory under any disguise. but short of this, when the question is one of a money claim, the only way which remains finally to collect it is a blockade or bombardment or seizure of the custom houses, and this means... what is in effect a possession, even though only a temporary possession, of territory. the united states then becomes a party in interest, because under the monroe doctrine it cannot see any european power seize and permanently occupy the territory of one of these republics; and yet such seizure of territory, disguised or undisguised, may eventually offer the only way in which the power in question can collect its debts, unless there is interference on the part of the united states." roosevelt had already found such interference necessary in the case of germany and venezuela. but it had been interference in a purely negative sense. he had merely insisted that the european power should not occupy american territory even temporarily. in the later case of the dominican republic he supplemented this negative interference with positive action based upon his conviction of the inseparable nature of rights and obligations. santo domingo was in its usual state of chronic revolution. the stakes for which the rival forces were continually fighting were the custom houses, for they were the only certain sources of revenue and their receipts were the only reliable security which could be offered to foreign capitalists in support of loans. so thoroughgoing was the demoralization of the republic's affairs that at one time there were two rival "governments" in the island and a revolution going on against each. one of these governments was once to be found at sea in a small gunboat but still insisting that, as the only legitimate government, it was entitled to declare war or peace or, more particularly, to make loans. the national debt of the republic had mounted to $ , , of which some $ , , was owed to european creditors. the interest due on it in the year was two and a half million dollars. the whole situation was ripe for intervention by one or more european governments. such action president roosevelt could not permit. but he could not ignore the validity of the debts which the republic had contracted or the justice of the demand for the payment of at least the interest. "it cannot in the long run prove possible," he said, "for the united states to protect delinquent american nations from punishment for the non-performance of their duties unless she undertakes to make them perform their duties." so he invented a plan, which, by reason of its success in the dominican case and its subsequent application and extension by later administrations, has come to be a thoroughly accepted part of the foreign policy of the united states. it ought to be known as the roosevelt plan, just as the amplification of the monroe doctrine already outlined might well be known as the roosevelt doctrine. a naval commander in dominican waters was instructed to see that no revolutionary fighting was permitted to endanger the custom houses. these instructions were carried out explicitly but without any actual use of force or shedding of blood. on one occasion two rival forces had planned a battle in a custom-house town. the american commander informed them courteously but firmly that they would not be permitted to fight there, for a battle might endanger the custom house. he had no objection, however, to their fighting. in fact he had picked out a nice spot for them outside the town where they might have their battle undisturbed. the winner could have the town. would they kindly step outside for their fight. they would; they did. the american commander gravely welcomed the victorious faction as the rightful rulers of the town. so much for keeping the custom houses intact. but the roosevelt plan went much further. an agreement was entered into with those governmental authorities "who for the moment seemed best able to speak for the country" by means of which the custom houses were placed under american control. united states forces were to keep order and to protect the custom houses; united states officials were to collect the customs dues; forty-five per cent of the revenue was to be turned over to the dominican government, and fifty-five per cent put into a sinking fund in new york for the benefit of the creditors. the plan succeeded famously. the dominicans got more out of their forty-five per cent than they had been wont to get when presumably the entire revenue was theirs. the creditors thoroughly approved, and their governments had no possible pretext left for interference. although the plan concerned itself not at all with the internal affairs of the republic, its indirect influence was strong for good and the island enjoyed a degree of peace and prosperity such as it had not known before for at least a century. there was, however, strong opposition in the united states senate to the ratification of the treaty with the dominican republic. the democrats, with one or two exceptions, voted against ratification. a number of the more reactionary republican senators, also, who were violently hostile to president roosevelt because of his attitude toward great corporations, lent their opposition. the roosevelt plan was further attacked by certain sections of the press, already antagonistic on other grounds, and by some of those whom roosevelt called the "professional interventional philanthropists." it was two years before the senate was ready to ratify the treaty, but meanwhile roosevelt continued to carry it out "as a simple agreement on the part of the executive which could be converted into a treaty whenever the senate was ready to act." the treaty as finally ratified differed in some particulars from the protocol. in the protocol the united states agreed "to respect the complete territorial integrity of the dominican republic." this covenant was omitted in the final document in deference to roosevelt's opponents who could see no difference between "respecting" the integrity of territory and "guaranteeing" it. another clause pledging the assistance of the united states in the internal affairs of the republic, whenever the judgment of the american government deemed it to be wise, was also omitted. the provision of the protocol making it the duty of the united states to deal with the various creditors of the dominican republic in order to determine the amount which each was to receive in settlement of its claims was modified so that this responsibility remained with the government of the republic. in roosevelt's opinion, these modifications in the protocol detracted nothing from the original plan. he ascribed the delay in the ratification of the treaty to partisanship and bitterness against himself; and it is certainly true that most of the treaty's opponents were his consistent critics on other grounds. a considerable portion of roosevelt's success as a diplomat was the fruit of personality, as must be the case with any diplomat who makes more than a routine achievement. he disarmed suspicion by transparent honesty, and he impelled respect for his words by always promising or giving warning of not a hairsbreadth more than he was perfectly willing and thoroughly prepared to perform. he was always cheerfully ready to let the other fellow "save his face." he set no store by public triumphs. he was as exigent that his country should do justly as he was insistent that it should be done justly by. phrases had no lure for him, appearances no glamour. it was inevitable that so commanding a personality should have an influence beyond the normal sphere of his official activities. only a man who had earned the confidence and the respect of the statesmen of other nations could have performed such a service as he did in in bringing about peace between russia and japan in the conflict then raging in the far east. it was high time that the war should end, in the interest of both contestants. the russians had been consistently defeated on land and had lost their entire fleet at the battle of tsushima. the japanese were apparently on the highroad to victory. but in reality, japan's success had been bought at an exorbitant price. intelligent observers in the diplomatic world who were in a position to realize the truth knew that neither nation could afford to go on. on june , , president roosevelt sent to both governments an identical note in which he urged them, "not only for their own sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotiations for peace with each other." this was the first that the world heard of the proposal. but the president had already conducted, with the utmost secrecy, confidential negotiations with tokyo and with st. petersburg to induce both belligerents to consent to a face to face discussion of peace. in russia he had found it necessary to go directly to the czar himself, through the american ambassador, george von lengerke meyer. each government was assured that no breath of the matter would be made public until both nations had signified their willingness to treat. neither nation was to know anything of the other's readiness until both had committed themselves. these advances appear to have been made following a suggestion from japan that roosevelt should attempt to secure peace. he used to say, in discussing the matter, that, while it was not generally known or even suspected, japan was actually "bled white" by the herculean efforts she had made. but japan's position was the stronger, and peace was more important for russia than for her antagonist. the japanese were more clear-sighted than the selfish russian bureaucracy; and they realized that they had gained so much already that there was nothing to be won by further fighting. when the public invitation to peace negotiations was extended, the conference had already been arranged and the confidential consent of both governments needed only to be made formal. russia wished the meeting of plenipotentiaries to take place at paris, japan preferred chifu, in china. neither liked the other's suggestion, and roosevelt's invitation to come to washington, with the privilege of adjourning to some place in new england if the weather was too hot, was finally accepted. the formal meeting between the plenipotentiaries took place at oyster bay on the th of august on board the presidential yacht, the mayflower. roosevelt received his guests in the cabin and proposed a toast in these words: "gentlemen, i propose a toast to which there will be no answer and which i ask you to drink in silence, standing. i drink to the welfare and prosperity of the sovereigns and the peoples of the two great nations whose representatives have met one another on this ship. it is my earnest hope and prayer, in the interest not only of these two great powers, but of all civilized mankind, that a just and lasting peace may speedily be concluded between them." the two groups of plenipotentiaries were carried, each on an american naval vessel, to portsmouth, new hampshire, and there at the navy yard began their conference. two-thirds of the terms proposed by japan were promptly accepted by the russian envoys. but an irretrievable split on the remainder seemed inevitable. japan demanded a money indemnity and the cession of the southern half of the island of saghalien, which japanese forces had already occupied. these demands the russians refused. then roosevelt took a hand in the proceedings. he urged the japanese delegates, through the japanese ambassador, to give up their demand for an indemnity. he pointed out that, when it came to "a question of rubles," the russian government and the russian people were firmly resolved not to yield. to baron rosen, one of the russian delegates, he recommended yielding in the matter of saghalien, since the japanese were already in possession and there were racial and historical grounds for considering the southern half of the island logically japanese territory. the envoys met again, and the japanese renewed their demands. the russians refused. then the japanese offered to waive the indemnity if the russians would yield on saghalien. the offer was accepted, and the peace was made. immediately roosevelt was acclaimed by the world, including the russians and the japanese, as a great peacemaker. the nobel peace prize of a medal and $ , was awarded to him. but it was not long before both in russia and japan public opinion veered to the point of asserting that he had caused peace to be made too soon and to the detriment of the interests of the nation in question. that was just what he expected. he knew human nature thoroughly; and from long experience he had learned to be humorously philosophical about such manifestations of man's ingratitude. in the next year the influence of roosevelt's personality was again felt in affairs outside the traditional realm of american international interests. germany was attempting to intrude in morocco, where france by common consent had been the dominant foreign influence. the rattling of the potsdam saber was threatening the tranquillity of the status quo. a conference of eleven european powers and the united states was held at algeciras to readjust the treaty provisions for the protection of foreigners in the decadent moroccan empire. in the words of a historian of america's foreign relations, "although the united states was of all perhaps the least directly interested in the subject matter of dispute, and might appropriately have held aloof from the meeting altogether, its representatives were among the most influential of all, and it was largely owing to their sane and irenic influence that in the end a treaty was amicably made and signed." * but there was something behind all this. a quiet conference had taken place one day in the remote city of washington. the president of the united states and the french ambassador had discussed the approaching meeting at algeciras. there was a single danger-point in the impending negotiations. the french must find a way around it. the ambassador had come to the right man. he went out with a few words scratched on a card in the ragged roosevelt handwriting containing a proposal for a solution. ** the proposal went to paris, then to morocco. the solution was adopted by the conference, and the hohenzollern menace to the peace of the world was averted for the moment. once more roosevelt had shown how being wise in time was the sure way to peace. * willie fletcher johnson, "america's foreign relations", vol. ii, p. . ** the author had this story direct from mr. roosevelt himself. roosevelt's most important single achievement as president of the united states was the building of the panama canal. the preliminary steps which he took in order to make its building possible have been, of all his executive acts, the most consistently and vigorously criticized. it is not our purpose here to follow at length the history of american diplomatic relations with colombia and panama. we are primarily concerned with the part which roosevelt played in certain international occurrences, of which the panama incident was not the least interesting and significant. in after years roosevelt said laconically, "i took panama." in fact he did nothing of the sort. but it was like him to brush aside all technical defenses of any act of his and to meet his critics on their own ground. it was as though he said to them, "you roundly denounce me for what i did at the time of the revolution which established the republic of panama. you declare that my acts were contrary to international law and international morals. i have a splendid technical defense on the legal side; but i care little about technicalities when compared with reality. let us admit that i did what you charge me with. i will prove to you that i was justified in so doing. i took panama; but the taking was a righteous act." fourteen years after that event, in a speech which he made in washington, roosevelt expressed his dissatisfaction with the way in which president wilson was conducting the great war. he reverted to what he had done in relation to panama and contrasted his action with the failure of the wilson administration to take prompt possession of two hundred locomotives which had been built in this country for the late russian government. this is what he said: "what i think, of course, in my view of the proper governmental policy, should have been done was to take the two hundred locomotives and then discuss. that was the course that i followed, and to which i have ever since looked back with impenitent satisfaction, in reference to the panama canal. if you remember, panama declared itself independent and wanted to complete the panama canal and opened negotiations with us. i had two courses open. i might have taken the matter under advisement and put it before the senate, in which case we should have had a number of most able speeches on the subject. we would have had a number of very profound arguments, and they would have been going on now, and the panama canal would be in the dim future yet. we would have had half a century of discussion, and perhaps the panama canal. i preferred that we should have the panama canal first and the half century of discussion afterward. and now instead of discussing the canal before it was built, which would have been harmful, they merely discuss me--a discussion which i regard with benign interest." the facts of the case are simple and in the main undisputed. shortly after the inauguration of roosevelt as president, a treaty was negotiated with colombia for the building of a canal at panama. it provided for the lease to the united states of a strip six miles wide across the isthmus, and for the payment to colombia of $ , , down and $ , a year, beginning nine years later. the treaty was promptly ratified by the united states senate. a special session of the colombian senate spent the summer marking time and adjourned after rejecting the treaty by a unanimous vote. the dominant motive for the rejection was greed. an attempt was first made by the dictatorial government that held the colombian congress in its mailed hand to extort a large payment from the french canal company, whose rights and property on the isthmus were to be bought by the united states for $ , , . then $ , , instead of $ , , was demanded from the united states. finally an adroit and conscienceless scheme was invented by which the entire rights of the french canal company were to be stolen by the colombian government. this last plot, however, would involve a delay of a year or so. the treaty was therefore rejected in order to provide the necessary delay. but the people of panama wanted the canal. they were tired of serving as the milch cow for the fattening of the government at bogota. so they quietly organized a revolution. it was a matter of common knowledge that it was coming. roosevelt, as well as the rest of the world, knew it and, believing in the virtue of being wise in time, prepared for it. several warships were dispatched to the isthmus. the revolution came off promptly as expected. it was bloodless, for the american naval forces, fulfilling the treaty obligations of the united states, prevented the colombian troops on one side of the isthmus from using the panama railroad to cross to the other side where the revolutionists were. so the revolutionists were undisturbed. a republic was immediately declared and immediately recognized by the united states. a treaty with the new republic, which guaranteed its independence and secured the cession of a zone ten miles wide across the isthmus, was drawn up inside of two weeks and ratified by both senates within three months. six weeks later an american commission was on the ground to plan the work of construction. the canal was built. the "half century of discussion" which roosevelt foresaw is now more than a third over, and the discussion shows no sign of lagging. but the panama canal is in use. was the president of the united states justified in preventing the colombian government from fighting on the isthmus to put down the unanimous revolution of the people of panama? that is precisely all that he did. he merely gave orders to the american admiral on the spot to "prevent the disembarkation of colombian troops with hostile intent within the limits of the state of panama." but that action was enough, for the isthmus is separated from colombia on the one hand by three hundred miles of sea, and on the other by leagues of pathless jungle. roosevelt himself has summed up the action of the united states in this way: "from the beginning to the end our course was straightforward and in absolute accord with the highest of standards of international morality.... to have acted otherwise than i did would have been on my part betrayal of the interests of the united states, indifference to the interests of panama, and recreancy to the interests of the world at large. colombia had forfeited every claim to consideration; indeed, this is not stating the case strongly enough: she had so acted that yielding to her would have meant on our part that culpable form of weakness which stands on a level with wickedness.... we gave to the people of panama, self-government, and freed them from subjection to alien oppressors. we did our best to get colombia to let us treat her with more than generous justice; we exercised patience to beyond the verge of proper forbearance.... i deeply regretted, and now deeply regret, the fact that the colombian government rendered it imperative for me to take the action i took; but i had no alternative, consistent with the full performance of my duty to my own people, and to the nations of mankind." the final verdict will be given only in another generation by the historian and by the world at large. but no portrait of theodore roosevelt, and no picture of his times, can be complete without the bold, firm outlines of his panama policy set as near as may be in their proper perspective. chapter xii. the taft administration in the evening of that election day in which saw roosevelt made president in his own right, after three years of the presidency given him by fate, he issued a brief statement, in which he said: "the wise custom which limits the president to two terms regards the substance and not the form, and under no circumstances will i be a candidate for or accept another nomination." from this determination, which in his mind related to a third consecutive term, and to nothing else, he never wavered. four years later, in spite of a widespread demand that he should be a candidate to succeed himself, he used the great influence and prestige of his position as president and leader of his party to bring about the nomination of his friend and close associate, william howard taft. the choice received general approval from the republican party and from the country at large, although up to the very moment of the nomination in the convention at chicago there was no certainty that a successful effort to stampede the convention for roosevelt would not be made by his more irreconcilable supporters. taft was elected by a huge popular plurality. his opponent was william jennings bryan, who was then making his third unsuccessful campaign for the presidency. taft's election, like his nomination, was assured by the unreserved and dynamic support accorded him by president roosevelt. taft, of course, was already an experienced statesman, high in the esteem of the nation for his public record as federal judge, as the first civil governor of the philippines, and as secretary of war in the roosevelt cabinet. there was every reason to predict for him a successful and effective administration. his occupancy of the white house began under smiling skies. he had behind him a united party and a satisfied public opinion. even his political opponents conceded that the country would be safe in his hands. it was expected that he would be conservatively progressive and progressively conservative. everybody believed in him. yet within a year of the day of his inauguration the president's popularity was sharply on the wane. two years after his election the voters repudiated the party which he led. by the end of his presidential term the career which had begun with such happy auguries had become a political tragedy. there were then those who recalled the words of the roman historian, "all would have believed him capable of governing if only he had not come to govern." it was not that the taft administration was barren of achievement. on the contrary, its record of accomplishment was substantial. of two amendments to the federal constitution proposed by congress, one was ratified by the requisite number of states before taft went out of office, and the other was finally ratified less than a month after the close of his term. these were the amendment authorizing the imposition of a federal income tax and that providing for the direct election of united states senators. two states were admitted to the union during taft's term of office, new mexico and arizona, the last territories of the united states on the continent, except alaska. other achievements of importance during taft's administration were the establishment of the parcels post and the postal savings banks; the requirement of publicity, through sworn statements of the candidates, for campaign contributions for the election of senators and representatives; the extension of the authority of the interstate commerce commission over telephone, telegraph, and cable lines; an act authorizing the president to withdraw public lands from entry for the purpose of conserving the natural resources which they may contain--something which roosevelt had already done without specific statutory authorization; the establishment of a commerce court to hear appeals from decisions of the interstate commerce commission; the appointment of a commission, headed by president hadley of yale, to investigate the subject of railway stock and bond issues, and to propose a law for the federal supervision of such railway securities; the mann "white slave" act, dealing with the transfer of women from one state to another for immoral purposes; the establishment of the children's bureau in the department of commerce and labor; the empowering of the interstate commerce commission to investigate all railway accidents; the creation of forest reserves in the white mountains and in the southern appalachians. taft's administration was further marked, by economy in expenditure, by a considerable extension of the civil service law to cover positions in the executive departments hitherto free plunder for the spoilsmen, and by efforts on the part of the president to increase the efficiency and the economical administration of the public service. but this good record of things achieved was not enough to gain for mr. taft popular approval. items on the other side of the ledger were pointed out. of these the three most conspicuous were the payne-aldrich tariff, the ballinger-pinchot controversy, and the insurgent movement in congress. the republican party was returned to power in , committed to a revision of the tariff. though the party platform did not so state, this was generally interpreted as a pledge of revision downward. taft made it clear during his campaign that such was his own reading of the party pledge. he said, for instance, "it is my judgment that there are many schedules of the tariff in which the rates are excessive, and there are a few in which the rates are not sufficient to fill the measure of conservative protection. it is my judgment that a revision of the tariff in accordance with the pledge of the platform, will be, on the whole, a substantial revision downward, though there probably will be a few exceptions in this regard." five months after taft's inauguration the payne-aldrich bill became law with his signature. in signing it the president said, "the bill is not a perfect bill or a complete compliance with the promises made, strictly interpreted"; but he further declared that he signed it because he believed it to be "the result of a sincere effort on the part of the republican party to make downward revision." this view was not shared by even all republicans. twenty of them in the house voted against the bill on its final passage, and seven of them in the senate. they represented the middle west and the new element and spirit in the republican party. their dissatisfaction with the performance of their party associates in congress and in the white house was shared by their constituents and by many other republicans throughout the country. a month after the signing of the tariff law, taft made a speech at winona, minnesota, in support of congressman james a. tawney, the one republican representative from minnesota who had not voted against the bill. in the course of that speech he said; "this is the best tariff bill that the republican party has ever passed, and, therefore, the best tariff bill that has been passed at all." he justified mr. tawney's action in voting for the bill and his own in signing it on the ground that "the interests of the country, the interests of the party" required the sacrifice of the accomplishment of certain things in the revision of the tariff which had been hoped for, "in order to maintain party solidity," which he believed to be much more important than the reduction of rates in one or two schedules of the tariff. a second disaster to the taft administration came in the famous ballinger-pinchot controversy. louis r. glavis, who had served as a special agent of the general land office to investigate alleged frauds in certain claims to coal lands in alaska, accused richard ballinger, the secretary of the interior, of favoritism toward those who were attempting to get public lands fraudulently. the charges were vigorously supported by mr. pinchot, who broadened the accusation to cover a general indifference on the part of the secretary of the interior to the whole conservation movement. president taft, however, completely exonerated secretary ballinger from blame and removed glavis for "filing a disingenuous statement unjustly impeaching the official integrity of his superior officer." later pinchot was also dismissed from the service. the charges against secretary ballinger were investigated by a joint committee of congress, a majority of which exonerated the accused cabinet officer. nevertheless the whole controversy, which raged with virulence for many months, convinced many ardent supporters of the conservation movement, and especially many admirers of mr. pinchot and of roosevelt, that the taft administration at the best was possessed of little enthusiasm for conservation. there was a widespread belief, as well, that the president had handled the whole matter maladroitly and that in permitting himself to be driven to a point where he had to deprive the country of the services of gifford pinchot, the originator of the conservation movement, he had displayed unsound judgment and deplorable lack of administrative ability. the first half of mr. taft's term was further marked by acute dissensions in the republican ranks in congress. joseph g. cannon was speaker of the house, as he had been in three preceding congresses. he was a reactionary republican of the most pronounced type. under his leadership the system of autocratic party control of legislation in the house had been developed to a high point of effectiveness. the speaker's authority had become in practice almost unrestricted. in the congressional session of - a strong movement of insurgency arose within the republican party in congress against the control of the little band of leaders dominated by the speaker. in march, , the republican insurgents, forty in number, united with the democratic minority to overrule a formal decision of the speaker. a four days' parliamentary battle resulted, culminating in a reorganization of the all-powerful rules committee, with the speaker no longer a member of it. the right of the speaker to appoint this committee was also taken away. when the democrats came into control of the house in , they completed the dethronement of the speaker by depriving him of the appointment of all committees. the old system had not been without its advantages, when the power of the speaker and his small group of associate party leaders was not abused. it at least concentrated responsibility in a few prominent members of the majority party. but it made it possible for these few men to perpetuate a machine and to ignore the desires of the rest of the party representatives and of the voters of the party throughout the country. the defeat of cannonism put an end to the autocratic power of the speaker and relegated him to the position of a mere presiding officer. it had also a wider significance, for it portended the division in the old republican party out of which was to come the new progressive party. when the mid-point of the taft administration was reached, a practical test was given of the measure of popular approval which the president and his party associates had achieved. the congressional elections went decidedly against the republicans. the republican majority of forty-seven in the house was changed to a democratic majority of fifty-four. the republican majority in the senate was cut down from twenty-eight to ten. not only were the democrats successful in this substantial degree, but many of the western states elected progressive republicans instead of republicans of the old type. during the last two years of his term, the president was consequently obliged to work with a democratic house and with a senate in which democrats and insurgent republicans predominated over the old-line republicans. the second half of taft's presidency was productive of little but discord and dissatisfaction. the democrats in power in the house were quite ready to harass the republican president, especially in view of the approaching presidential election. the insurgents in house and senate were not entirely unwilling to take a hand in the same game. besides, they found themselves more and more in sincere disagreement with the president on matters of fundamental policy, though not one of them could fairly question his integrity of purpose, impugn his purity of character, or deny his charm of personality. three weeks after taft's inauguration, roosevelt sailed for africa, to be gone for a year hunting big game. he went with a warm feeling of friendship and admiration for the man whom he had done so much to make president. he had high confidence that taft would be successful in his great office. he had no reason to believe that any change would come in the friendship between them, which had been peculiarly intimate. from the steamer on which he sailed for africa, he sent a long telegram of cordial and hearty good wishes to his successor in washington. the next year roosevelt came back to the united states, after a triumphal tour of the capitals of europe, to find his party disrupted and the progressive movement in danger of shipwreck. he had no intention of entering politics again. but he had no intention, either, of ceasing to champion the things in which he believed. this he made obvious, in his first speech after his return, to the cheering thousands who welcomed him at the battery. he said: "i have thoroughly enjoyed myself; and now i am more glad than i can say to get home, to be back in my own country, back among people i love. and i am ready and eager to do my part so far as i am able, in helping solve problems which must be solved, if we of this, the greatest democratic republic upon which the sun has ever shone, are to see its destinies rise to the high level of our hopes and its opportunities. this is the duty of every citizen, but is peculiarly my duty; for any man who has ever been honored by being made president of the united states is thereby forever rendered the debtor of the american people and is bound throughout his life to remember this, his prime obligation." the welcome over, roosevelt tried to take up the life of a private citizen. he had become contributing editor of the outlook and had planned to give his energies largely to writing. but he was not to be let alone. the people who loved him demanded that they be permitted to see and to hear him. those who were in the thick of the political fight on behalf of progress and righteousness called loudly to him for aid. only a few days after roosevelt had landed from europe, governor hughes of new york met him at the commencement exercises at harvard and urged him to help in the fight which the governor was then making for a direct primary law. roosevelt did not wish to enter the lists again until he had had more time for orientation; but he always found it difficult to refuse a plea for help on behalf of a good cause. he therefore sent a vigorous telegram to the republican legislators at albany urging them to support governor hughes and to vote for the primary bill. but the appeal went in vain: the legislature was too thoroughly boss-ridden. this telegram, however, sounded a warning to the usurpers in the house of the republican penelope that the fingers of the returned odysseus had not lost their prowess with the heroic bow. during the summer of , roosevelt made a trip to the west and in a speech at ossawattomie, kansas, set forth what came to be described as the new nationalism. it was his draft of a platform, not for himself, but for the nation. a few fragments from that speech will suggest what roosevelt was thinking about in those days when the progressive party was stirring in the womb. "at many stages in the advance of humanity, this conflict between the men who possess more than they have earned and the men who have earned more than they possess is the central condition of progress. in our day it appears as the struggle of free men to gain and hold the right of self-government as against the special interests, who twist the methods of free government into machinery for defeating the popular will. at every stage, and under all circumstances, the essence of the struggle is to equalize opportunity, destroy privilege, and give to the life and citizenship of every individual the highest possible value both to himself and to the commonwealth. "every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled to a vote in congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in any public office. the constitution guarantees protection to property, and we must make that promise good. but it does not give the right of suffrage to any corporation. "the absence of effective state and, especially, national restraint upon unfair money getting has tended to create a small class of enormously wealthy and economically powerful men, whose chief object is to hold and increase their power. the prime need is to change the conditions which enable these men to accumulate power which it is not for the general welfare that they should hold or exercise. "we are face to face with new conceptions of the relations of property to human welfare, chiefly because certain advocates of the rights of property as against the rights of men have been pushing their claims too far. "the state must be made efficient for the work which concerns only the people of the state; and the nation for that which concerns all the people. there must remain no neutral ground to serve as a refuge for lawbreakers, and especially for lawbreakers of great wealth, who can hire the vulpine legal cunning which will teach them how to avoid both jurisdictions. "i do not ask for overcentralization; but i do ask that we work in a spirit of broad and far-reaching nationalism when we work for what concerns our people as a whole. "we must have the right kind of character--character that makes a man, first of all, a good man in the home, a good father, a good husband--that makes a man a good neighbor.... the prime problem of our nation is to get the right kind of good citizenship, and to get it, we must have progress, and our public men must be genuinely progressive. "i stand for the square deal. but when i say that i am for the square deal i mean not merely that i stand for fair play under the present rules of the game, but that i stand for having those rules changed so as to work for a more substantial equality of opportunity and of reward for equally good service." these generalizations roosevelt accompanied by specific recommendations. they included proposals for publicity of corporate affairs; prohibition of the use of corporate funds for political purposes; governmental supervision of the capitalization of all corporations doing an interstate business; control and supervision of corporations and combinations controlling necessaries of life; holding the officers and directors of corporations personally liable when any corporation breaks the law; an expert tariff commission and revision of the tariff schedule by schedule; a graduated income tax and a graduated inheritance tax, increasing rapidly in amount with the size of the estate; conservation of natural resources and their use for the benefit of all rather than their monopolization for the benefit of the few; public accounting for all campaign funds before election; comprehensive workmen's compensation acts, state and national laws to regulate child labor and work for women, the enforcement of sanitary conditions for workers and the compulsory use of safety appliances in industry. there was nothing in all these proposals that should have seemed revolutionary or extreme. but there was much that disturbed the reactionaries who were thinking primarily in terms of property and only belatedly or not at all of human rights. the bourbons in the republican party and their supporters among the special interests "viewed with alarm" this frank attack upon their intrenched privileges. the progressives, however, welcomed with eagerness this robust leadership. the breach in the republican party was widening with steadily accelerating speed. in the fall of a new demand arose that roosevelt should enter actively into politics. though it came from his own state, he resisted it with energy and determination. nevertheless the pressure from his close political associates in new york finally became too much for him, and he yielded. they wanted him to go as a delegate to the republican state convention at saratoga and to be a candidate for temporary chairman of the convention--the officer whose opening speech is traditionally presumed to sound the keynote of the campaign. roosevelt went and, after a bitter fight with the reactionists in the party, led by william barnes of albany, was elected temporary chairman over vice-president james s. sherman. the keynote was sounded in no uncertain tones, while mr. barnes and his associates fidgeted and suffered. then came a homeric conflict, with a dramatic climax. the reactionary gang did not know that it was beaten. its members resisted stridently an attempt to write a direct primary plank into the party platform. they wished to rebuke governor hughes, who was as little to their liking as roosevelt himself, and they did not want the direct primary. after speeches by young james wadsworth, later united states senator, job hedges, and barnes himself, in which they bewailed the impending demise of representative government and the coming of mob rule, it was clear that the primary plank was defeated. then rose roosevelt. in a speech that lashed and flayed the forces of reaction and obscurantism, he demanded that the party stand by the right of the people to rule. single-handed he drove a majority of the delegates into line. the plank was adopted. thenceforward the convention was his. it selected, as candidate for governor, henry w. stimson, who had been a federal attorney in new york under roosevelt and secretary of war in taft's cabinet. when this victory had been won, roosevelt threw himself into the campaign with his usual abandon and toured the state, making fighting speeches in scores of cities and towns. but in spite of roosevelt's best efforts, stimson was defeated. all this active participation in local political conflicts seriously distressed many of roosevelt's friends and associates. they felt that he was too big to fritter himself away on small matters from which he--and the cause whose great champion he was--had so little to gain and so much to lose. they wanted him to wait patiently for the moment of destiny which they felt sure would come. but it was never easy for roosevelt to wait. it was the hardest thing in the world for him to decline an invitation to enter a fight--when the cause was a righteous one. so the year passed by, with the taft administration steadily losing prestige, and the revolt of the progressives within the republican party continually gathering momentum. then came , the year of the glorious failure. chapter xiii. the progressive party the progressive party and the progressive movement were two things. the one was born on a day, lived a stirring, strenuous span of life, suffered its fatal wound, lingered on for a few more years, and received its coup de grace. the other sprang like a great river system from a multitude of sources, flowed onward by a hundred channels, always converging and uniting, until a single mighty stream emerged to water and enrich and serve a broad country and a great people. the one was ephemeral, abortive--a failure. the other was permanent, creative--a triumph. the two were inseparable, each indispensable to the other. just as the party would never have existed if there had been no movement, so the movement would not have attained such a surpassing measure of achievement so swiftly without the party. the progressive party came into full being at the convention held in chicago on august , under dramatic circumstances. every drama must have a beginning and this one had opened for the public when, on the th of february in the same year, the republican governors of west virginia, nebraska, new hampshire, wyoming, michigan, kansas, and missouri addressed a letter to roosevelt, in which they declared that, in considering what would best insure the continuation of the republican party as a useful agency of good government, they had reached the conclusion that a large majority of the republican voters of the country favored roosevelt's nomination, and a large majority of the people favored his election as the next president. they asserted their belief that, in view of this public demand, he should soon declare whether, if the nomination came to him unsolicited and unsought, he would accept it. they concluded their request with this paragraph: "in submitting this request we are not considering your personal interests. we do not regard it as proper to consider either the interest or the preference of any man as regards the nomination for the presidency. we are expressing our sincere belief and best judgment as to what is demanded of you in the interests of the people as a whole. and we feel that you would be unresponsive to a plain public duty if you should decline to accept the nomination, coming as the voluntary expression of the wishes of a majority of the republican voters of the united states, through the action of their delegates in the next national convention." the sincerity and whole-heartedness of the convictions here expressed are in no wise vitiated by the fact that the letter was not written until the seven governors were assured what the answer to it would be. for the very beginning of our drama, then, we must go back a little farther to that day in late january of when theodore roosevelt himself came face to face with a momentous decision. on that day he definitely determined that his duty to the things in which he profoundly believed--and no less to the friends and associates who shared his beliefs--constrained him once more to enter the arena of political conflict and lead the fight. roosevelt had come to this conclusion with extreme reluctance. he had no illusions as to the probable effect upon his personal fortunes. twice he had been president once by the hand of fate, once by a great popular vote. to be president again could add nothing to his prestige or fame; it could only subject him for four years to the dangerous vagaries of the unstable popular mood. he had nothing to gain for himself by entering the ring of political conflict again; the chances for personal loss were great. his enemies, his critics, and his political adversaries would have it that he was eaten up with ambition, that he came back from his african and european trip eager to thrust himself again into the limelight of national political life and to demand for himself again a great political prize. but his friends, his associates, and those who, knowing him at close range, understood him, realized that this was no picture of the truth. he accepted what hundreds of progressive leaders and followers throughout the country--for the man in the ranks had as ready access to him as the most prominent leader, and received as warm consideration--asserted was his clear duty and obligation. a letter which he had written two days before christmas, , shows unmistakably how his mind was working in those days of prologue to the great decision. the letter was entirely private, and was addressed to my father who was a publisher and a friend and not a politician. there is, therefore, no reason whatever why the letter should not be accepted as an accurate picture of mr. roosevelt's mind at that time: "now for the message harold gave me, that i should write you a little concerning political conditions. they are very, very mixed. curiously enough, my article on the trusts was generally accepted as bringing me forward for the presidential nomination. evidently what really happened was that there had been a strong undercurrent of feeling about me, and that the talk concerning the article enabled this feeling to come to the surface. i do not think it amounts to anything. it merely means that a great many people do not get the leadership they are looking for from any of the prominent men in public life, and that under the circumstances they grasp at any one; and as my article on the mcnamaras possessed at least the merit of being entirely clearcut and of showing that i knew my own mind and had definite views, a good many plain people turned longingly to me as a leader. taft is very weak, but la follette has not developed real strength east of the mississippi river, excepting of course in wisconsin. west of the river he has a large following, although there is a good deal of opposition to him even in states like kansas, washington, and california. east of the mississippi, i believe he can only pick up a few delegates here and there. taft will have most of the southern delegates, he will have the officeholders, and also the tepid and acquiescent, rather than active, support of the ordinary people who do not feel very strongly one way or the other, and who think it is the usual thing to renominate a president. if there were a strong candidate against him, he would i believe be beaten, but there are plenty of men, many of the leaders not only here but in texas, for instance, in ohio, in new hampshire and illinois, who are against him, but who are even more against la follette, and who regard themselves as limited to the alternative between the two. there is, of course, always the danger that there may be a movement for me, the danger coming partly because the men who may be candidates are very anxious that the ticket shall be strengthened and care nothing for the fate of the man who strengthens it, and partly because there is a good deal of honest feeling for me among plain simple people who wish leadership, but who will not accept leadership unless they believe it to be sincere, fearless, and intelligent. i most emphatically do not wish the nomination. personally i should regard it as a calamity to be nominated. in the first place, i might very possibly be beaten, and in the next place, even if elected i should be confronted with almost impossible conditions out of which to make good results. in the tariff, for instance, i would have to face the fact that men would keep comparing what i did, not with what the democrats would or could have done but with an ideal, or rather with a multitude of entirely separate and really incompatible ideals. i am not a candidate, i will never be a candidate; but i have to tell the la follette men and the taft men that while i am absolutely sincere in saying that i am not a candidate and do not wish the nomination, yet that i do not feel it would be right or proper for me to say that under no circumstances would i accept it if it came; because, while wildly improbable, it is yet possible that there might be a public demand which would present the matter to me in the light of a duty which i could not shirk. in other words, while i emphatically do not want office, and have not the slightest idea that any demand for me will come, yet if there were a real public demand that in the public interest i should do a given job, it might be that i would not feel like flinching from the task. however, this is all in the air, and i do not for one moment believe that it will be necessary for me even to consider the matter. as for the democrats, they have their troubles too. wilson, although still the strongest man the democrats could nominate, is much weaker than he was. he has given a good many people a feeling that he is very ambitious and not entirely sincere, and his demand for the carnegie pension created an unpleasant impression. harmon is a good old solid democrat, with the standards of political and commercial morality of twenty years ago, who would be eagerly welcomed by all the conservative crowd. champ clark is a good fellow, but impossible as president. "i think a good deal will depend upon what this congress does. taft may redeem himself. he was fairly strong at the end of the last session, but went off lamentably on account of his wavering and shillyshallying on so many matters during his speaking trip. his speeches generally hurt him, and rarely benefit him. but it is possible that the democrats in congress may play the fool, and give him the chance to appear as the strong leader, the man who must be accepted to oppose them." this was what roosevelt at the end, of december sincerely believed would be the situation as time went on. but he underestimated the strength and the volume of the tide that was rising. the crucial decision was made on the th of january. i was in the closest possible touch with roosevelt in those pregnant days, and i know, as well as any but the man himself could know, how his mind was working. an entry in my diary on that date shows the origin of the letter of the seven governors: "senator beveridge called on t. r. to urge him to make a public statement soon. t. r. impressed by his arguments and by letters just received from three governors, hadley, glasscock, and bass. practically determined to ask these governors, and stubbs and osborne, to send him a joint letter asking him to make a public statement to the effect that if there is a genuine popular demand for his nomination he will not refuse-in other words to say to him in a joint letter for publication just what they have each said to him in private letters. such joint action would give him a proper reason--or occasion--for making a public declaration. t. r. telegraphed frank knox, republican state chairman of michigan and former member of his regiment, to come down, with intention of asking him to see the various governors. h. h., at ernest abbott's suggestion, asked him not to make final decision till he has had conference--already arranged--with editorial staff. t. r. agrees, but the inevitableness of the matter is evident." after that day, things moved rapidly. two days later the diary contains this record: "everett colby, william fellowes morgan, and mark sullivan call on t. r. all inclined to agree that time for statement is practically here. t. r.--the time to use a man is when the people want to use him." m. s.--"the time to set a hen is when the hen wants to set." frank knox comes in response to telegram. nat wright also present at interview where knox is informed of the job proposed for him. gifford pinchot also present at beginning of interview while t. r. tells how he views the situation, but leaves (at t. r.'s suggestion) before real business of conference begins. plan outlined to knox, who likes it, and subsequently, in h. h.'s office, draws up letter for governors. draft shown to t. r., who suggests a couple of added sentences emphasizing that the nomination must come as a real popular demand, and declaring that the governors are taking their action not for his sake, but for the sake of the country. knox takes copy of letter and starts for home, to go out to see governors as soon as possible. on the d of january the conference with the outlook editorial staff took place and is thus described in my diary: "t. r. had long conference with entire staff. all except r. d. t. [mr. townsend, managing editor of the outlook] and h. h. inclined to deprecate a public statement now. t. r.--'i have had all the honor the american public can give me. if i should be elected i would go back not so young as i once was, with all the first fine flavor gone, and take up the horrible task of going in and out, in and out, of the same hole over and over again. but i cannot decline the call. too many of those who have fought with me the good fight for the things we believe in together, declare that at this critical moment i am the instrument that ought to be used to make it possible for me to refuse. i believe i shall be broken in the using. but i cannot refuse to permit myself to be used. i am not going to get those good fellows out on the end of a limb and then saw off the limb.' r. d. t. suggested that it be said frankly that the governors wrote the joint letter at t. r.'s request. t. r. accepted like a shot. went into h. h.'s room, dictated two or three sentences to that effect, which h. h. later incorporated in letter. [this plan was later given up, i believe on the urging of some or all of the governors involved.] t. r.--'i can't go on telling my friends in private letters what my position is, but asking them not to make it public, without seeming furtive.' in afternoon h. h. suggests that t. r. write first draft of his letter of reply soon as possible to give all possible time for consideration and revision. t. r. has two inspirations--to propose presidential primaries in order to be sure of popular demand, and to use statement made at battery when he returned home from europe." the next day's entry reads as follows: "sent revised letter to knox. t. r. said, "not to make a public statement soon would be to violate my cardinal principle--never hit if you can help it, but when you have to, hit hard. never hit soft. you'll never get any thanks for hitting soft." mcharg called with three men from st. louis. t. r. said exactly the same thing as usual--he would never accept the nomination if it came as the result of an intrigue, only if it came as the result of a genuine and widespread popular demand. the thing he wants to be sure of is that there is this widespread popular demand that he "do a job," and that the demand is genuine." meanwhile frank knox was consulting the seven governors, each one of whom was delighted to have an opportunity to say to roosevelt in this formal, public way just what they had each said to him privately and forcefully. the letter was signed and delivered to t. r. on the th of february roosevelt replied to the letter of the seven governors in unequivocal terms, "i will accept the nomination for president if it is tendered to me, and i will adhere to this decision until--the convention has expressed its preference." he added the hope that so far as possible the people might be given the chance, through direct primaries, to record their wish as to who should be the nominee. a month later, in a great address at carnegie hall in new york, he gave voice publicly to the same thought that he had expressed to his friends in that editorial conference: "the leader for the time being, whoever he may be, is but an instrument, to be used until broken and then cast aside; and if he is worth his salt he will care no more when he is broken than a soldier cares when he is sent where his life is forfeit that the victory may be won. in the long fight for righteousness the watchword for all is, 'spend and be spent.' it is of little matter whether any one man fails or succeeds; but the cause shall not fail, for it is the cause of mankind." the decision once made, roosevelt threw himself into the contest for delegates to the nominating convention with his unparalleled vigor and forcefulness. his main opponent was, of course, the man who had been his friend and associate and whom he had done more than any other single force to make president as his successor. william howard taft had the undivided support of the national party organization; but the progressive republicans the country over thronged to roosevelt's support with wild enthusiasm. the campaign for the nomination quickly developed two aspects, one of which delighted every progressive in the republican party, the other of which grieved every one of roosevelt's levelheaded friends. it became a clean-cut conflict between progress and reaction, between the interests of the people, both as rulers and as governed, and the special interests, political and business. but it also became a bitter conflict of personalities between the erstwhile friends. the breach between the two men was afterwards healed, but it was several years after the reek of the battle had drifted away before even formal relations were restored between them. a complicating factor in the campaign was the candidacy of senator la follette of wisconsin. in july, , la follette had begun, at the earnest solicitation of many progressive leaders in congress and out, an active campaign for the republican nomination. progressive organizations were perfected in numerous states and "in less than three months," as la follette has written in his autobiography, his candidacy "had taken on proportions which compelled recognition." four months later a conference of some three hundred progressives from thirty states, meeting in chicago, declared that la follette was, because of his record, the logical candidate for the presidency. following this conference he continued to campaign with increasing vigor, but concurrently the enthusiasm of some of his leading supporters began to cool and their support of his candidacy to weaken. senator la follette ascribes this effect to the surreptitious maneuvering of roosevelt, whom he credits with an overwhelming appetite for another presidential term, kept in check only by his fear that he could not be nominated or elected. but there is no evidence of any value whatever that roosevelt was conducting underground operations or that he desired to be president again. the true explanation of the change in those progressives who had favored the candidacy of la follette and yet had gradually ceased to support him, is to be found in their growing conviction that taft and the reactionary forces in the republican party which he represented could be defeated only by one man--and that not the senator from wisconsin. in any event the la follette candidacy rapidly declined until it ceased to be a serious element in the situation. although the senator, with characteristic consistency and pertinacity, stayed in the fight till the end, he entered the convention with the delegates of but two states, his own wisconsin and north dakota, pledged to support him. the pre-convention campaign was made unusually dramatic by the fact that, for the first time in the history of presidential elections, the voters of thirteen states were privileged not only to select the delegates to the convention by direct primary vote but to instruct them in the same way as to the candidate for whom they should cast their ballots. there were such popularly instructed delegates from california, georgia, illinois, maryland, massachusetts, nebraska, new jersey, north dakota, ohio, oregon, pennsylvania, south dakota, and wisconsin. it was naturally in these states that the two candidates concentrated their campaigning efforts. the result of the selection of delegates and of the preferential vote in these states was the best possible evidence of the desire of the rank and file of the party as to the presidential candidate. of these delegates, senator la follette secured ; president taft -- in georgia, in illinois, in massachusetts, in ohio, and in pennsylvania; and roosevelt -- in california, in illinois, in maryland, in massachusetts, in nebraska, in new jersey, in ohio, in oregon, in pennsylvania, and in south dakota. roosevelt therefore, in those states where the voters could actually declare at primary elections which candidate they preferred, was the expressed choice of more than five times as many voters as taft. when the republican convention met in chicago an interesting and peculiar situation presented itself. there were seats in the convention. of the delegates elected to those seats taft had committed to him the vast majority of the delegates from the states which have never cast an electoral vote for a republican candidate for president since there was a republican party. roosevelt had in support of him the great majority of the delegates from the states which are normally republican and which must be relied upon at election time if a republican president is to be chosen. of the seats more than were contested. aside from these contested seats, neither candidate had a majority of the delegates. the problem that confronted each side was to secure the filling of a sufficient number of the disputed seats with its retainers to insure a majority for its candidate. in the solution of this problem the taft forces had one insuperable advantage. the temporary roll of a nominating convention is made up by the national committee of the party. the republican national committee had been selected at the close of the last national convention four years before. it accordingly represented the party as it had then stood, regardless of the significant changes that three and a quarter years of taft's presidency had wrought in party opinion. in the national committee the taft forces had a strength of more than two to one; and all but an insignificant number of the contests were decided out of hand in favor of mr. taft. the temporary roll of the convention therefore showed a distinct majority against roosevelt. from the fall of the gavel, the roosevelt forces fought with vigor and determination for what they described as the "purging of the roll" of those taft delegates whose names they declared had been placed upon it by fraud. but at every turn the force of numbers was against them; and the taft majority which the national committee had constituted in the convention remained intact, an impregnable defense against the progressive attack. these preliminary engagements concerned with the determination of the final membership of the convention had occupied several days. meanwhile the temper of the roosevelt delegates had burned hotter and hotter. roosevelt was present, leading the fight in person--not, of course, on the floor of the convention, to which he was not a delegate, but at headquarters in the congress hotel. there were not wanting in the progressive forces counsels of moderation and compromise. it was suggested by those of less fiery mettle that harmony might be arrived at on the basis of the elimination of both roosevelt and taft and the selection of a candidate not unsatisfactory to either side. but roosevelt, backed by the majority of the progressive delegates, stood firm and immovable on the ground that the "roll must be purged" and that he would consent to no traffic with a convention whose make-up contained delegates holding their seats by virtue of fraud. "let them purge the roll," he declared again and again, "and i will accept any candidate the convention may name." but the organization leaders knew that a yielding to this demand for a reconstitution of the personnel of the convention would result in but one thing--the nomination for roosevelt--and this was the one thing they were resolved not to permit. as the hours of conflict and turmoil passed, there grew steadily and surely in the roosevelt ranks a demand for a severance of relations with the fraudulent convention and the formation of a new party devoted, without equivocation or compromise, to progressive principles. a typical incident of these days of confusion and uncertainty was the drawing up of a declaration of purpose by a progressive alternate from new jersey, disgusted with the progress of the machine steam roller and disappointed at the delayed appearance of a positive progressive programme of action. circulated privately, with the knowledge and approval of roosevelt, it was promptly signed by dozens of progressive delegates. it read as follows: "we, the undersigned, in the event that the republican national convention as at present constituted refuses to purge its roll of the delegates fraudulently placed upon it by the action of the majority of the republican national committee, pledge ourselves, as american citizens devoted to the progressive principles of genuine popular rule and social justice, to join in the organization of a new party founded upon those principles, under the leadership of theodore roosevelt." the first signer of the declaration was governor hiram w. johnson of california, the second, governor robert s. vessey of south dakota, the third, governor joseph m. carey of wyoming, and farther down the list were the names of gifford and amos pinchot, james r. garfield, ex-governor john franklin fort of new jersey, with everett colby and george l. record of the same state, matthew hale of massachusetts, "jack" greenway of arizona, judge ben b. lindsey of colorado, medill mccormick of illinois, george rublee of new hampshire, and elon huntington hooker, of new york, who was to become the national treasurer of the new party. the document was, of course, a purely informal assertion of purpose; but it was the first substantial straw to predict the whirlwind which the masters of the convention were to reap. when at last it had become unmistakably clear that the taft forces were and would remain to the end in control of the convention, the progressive delegates, with a few exceptions, united in dramatic action. speaking for them with passion and intensity henry j. allen of kansas announced their intention to participate no longer in the actions of a convention vitiated by fraud. the progressive delegates would, he declared, remain in their places but they would neither vote nor take any part whatever in the proceedings. he then read, by permission of the convention, a statement from roosevelt, in which he pronounced the following indictment: "the convention has now declined to purge the roll of the fraudulent delegates placed thereon by the defunct national committee, and the majority which has thus indorsed the fraud was made a majority only because it included the fraudulent delegates themselves who all sat as judges on one another's cases.... the convention as now composed has no claim to represent the voters of the republican party.... any man nominated by the convention as now constituted would merely be the beneficiary of this successful fraud; it would be deeply discreditable for any man to accept the convention's nomination under these circumstances; and any man thus accepting it would have no claim to the support of any republican on party grounds and would have forfeited the right to ask the support of any honest man of any party on moral grounds." so while most of the roosevelt delegates sat in ominous quiet and refused to vote, the convention proceeded to nominate taft for president by the following vote: taft -- votes more than a majority; roosevelt ; la follette ; cummins ; hughes ; absent ; present and not voting . then the taft delegates went home to meditate on the fight which they had won and the more portentous fight which they must wage in the coming months on a broader field. the roosevelt delegates, on the other hand, went out to orchestra hall, and in an exalted mood of passionate devotion to their cause and their beloved leader proceeded to nominate theodore roosevelt for the presidency and hiram johnson for the vice-presidency. a committee was sent to notify roosevelt of the nomination and when he appeared in the hall all precedents of spontaneous enthusiasm were broken. this was no conventional--if the double entendre may be permitted--demonstration. it had rather the quality of religious exaltation. roosevelt made a short speech, in which he adjured his hearers to go to their several homes "to find out the sentiment of the people at home and then again come together, i suggest by mass convention, to nominate for the presidency a progressive on a progressive platform that will enable us to appeal to northerner and southerner, easterner and westerner, republican and democrat alike, in the name of our common american citizenship. if you wish me to make the fight i will make it, even if only one state should support me." thus ended the first act in the drama. the second opened with the gathering of some two thousand men and women at chicago on august , . it was a unique gathering. many of the delegates were women; one of the "keynote" speeches was delivered by miss jane addams of hull house. the whole tone and atmosphere of the occasion seemed religious rather than political. the old-timers among the delegates, who found themselves in the new party for diverse reasons, selfish, sincere, or mixed, must have felt astonishment at themselves as they stood and shouted out onward christian soldiers as the battle-hymn of their new allegiance. the long address which roosevelt made to the convention he denominated his "confession of faith." the platform which the gathering adopted was entitled "a contract with the people." the sessions of the convention seethed with enthusiasm and burned hot with earnest devotion to high purpose. there could be no doubt in the mind of any but the most cynical of political reactionaries that here was the manifestation of a new and revivifying force to be reckoned with in the future development of american political life. the platform adopted by the progressive convention was no less a novelty. its very title--even the fact that it had a title marked it off from the pompous and shopworn documents emanating from the usual nominating convention--declared a reversal of the time-honored view of a platform as, like that of a street-car, "something to get in on, not something to stand on." the delegates to that convention were perfectly ready to have their party sued before the bar of public opinion for breach of contract if their candidates when elected did not do everything in their power to carry out the pledges of the platform. the planks of the platform grouped themselves into three main sections: political reforms, control of trusts and combinations, and measures of "social and industrial justice." in the first section were included direct primaries, nation-wide preferential primaries for the selection of candidates for the presidency, direct popular election of united states senators, the short ballot, the initiative, referendum and recall, an easier method of amending the federal constitution, woman suffrage, and the recall of judicial decisions in the form of a popular review of any decision annulling a law passed under the police power of the state. the platform in the second place opposed vigorously the indiscriminate dissolution of trusts and combinations, on the ground that combination in the business field was not only inevitable but necessary and desirable for the promotion of national and international efficiency. it condemned the evils of inflated capitalization and unfair competition; and it proposed, in order to eliminate those evils while preserving the unquestioned advantages that flow from combination, the establishment of a strong federal commission empowered and directed to maintain permanent active supervision over industrial corporations engaged in interstate commerce, doing for them what the federal government now does for the national banks and, through the interstate commerce commission, for the transportation lines. finally in the field of social justice the platform pledged the party to the abolition of child labor, to minimum wage laws, the eight-hour day, publicity in regard to working conditions, compensation for industrial accidents, continuation schools for industrial education, and to legislation to prevent industrial accidents, occupational diseases, overwork, involuntary unemployment, and other injurious effects incident to modern industry. to stand upon this platform and to carry out the terms of this "contract with the people," the convention nominated without debate or dissent theodore roosevelt for president and hiram w. johnson of california for vice-president. governor johnson was an appropriate running mate for roosevelt. in his own state he had led one of the most virile and fast moving of the local progressive movements. he burned with a white-hot enthusiasm for the democratic ideal and the rights of man as embodied in equality of opportunity, freedom of individual development, and protection from the "dark forces" of special privilege, political autocracy and concentrated wealth. he was a brilliant and fiery campaigner where his convictions were enlisted. so passed the second act in the drama of the progressive party. chapter xiv. the glorious failure the third act in the drama of the progressive party was filled with the campaign for the presidency. it was a three-cornered fight. taft stood for republican conservatism and clung to the old things. roosevelt fought for the progressive rewriting of republican principles with added emphasis on popular government and social justice as defined in the new nationalism. the democratic party under the leadership of woodrow wilson espoused with more or less enthusiasm the old democratic principles freshly interpreted and revivified in the declaration they called the new freedom. the campaign marked the definite entrance of the nation upon a new era. one thing was clear from the beginning: the day of conservatism and reaction was over; the people of the united states had definitely crossed their rubicon and had committed themselves to spiritual and moral progress. the campaign had one dramatic incident. on the th of october, just before entering the auditorium at milwaukee, roosevelt was shot by a fanatic. his immediate action was above everything characteristic. some time later in reply to a remark that he had been foolhardy in going on with his speech just after the attack, roosevelt said, "why, you know, i didn't think i had been mortally wounded. if i had been mortally wounded, i would have bled from the lungs. when i got into the motor i coughed hard three times, and put my hand up to my mouth; as i did not find any blood, i thought that i was not seriously hurt, and went on with my speech." the opening words of the speech which followed were equally typical: "friends, i shall ask you to be as quiet as possible. i don't know whether you fully understand that i have just been shot; but it takes more than that to kill a bull moose.... the bullet is in me now, so that i cannot make a very long speech, but i will try my best.... first of all, i want to say this about myself; i have altogether too important things to think of to feel any concern over my own death; and now i cannot speak insincerely to you within five minutes of being shot. i am telling you the literal truth when i say that my concern is for many other things. it is not in the least for my own life. i want you to understand that i am ahead of the game anyway. no man has had a happier life than i have led; a happier life in every way. i have been able to do certain things that i greatly wished to do, and i am interested in doing other things. i can tell you with absolute truthfulness that i am very much uninterested in whether i am shot or not. it was just as when i was colonel of my regiment. i always felt that a private was to be excused for feeling at times some pangs of anxiety about his personal safety, but i cannot understand a man fit to be a colonel who can pay any heed to his personal safety when he is occupied as he ought to be occupied with the absorbing desire to do his duty." there was a great deal of self-revelation in these words. even the critic accustomed to ascribe to roosevelt egotism and love of gallery applause must concede the courage, will-power, and self-forgetfulness disclosed by the incident. the election was a debacle for reaction, a victory for democracy, a triumph in defeat for the progressive party. taft carried two states, utah and vermont, with eight electoral votes; woodrow wilson carried forty states, with electoral votes; and roosevelt carried five states, michigan, minnesota, pennsylvania, south dakota, and washington, and eleven out of the thirteen votes of california, giving him electoral votes. taft's popular vote was , , ; wilson's was , , ; while roosevelt's was , , . the fact that wilson was elected by a minority popular vote is not the significant thing, for it is far beyond the capability of any political observer to declare what would have been the result if there had been but two parties in the field. the triumph for the progressive party lay in the certainty that its emergence had compelled the election of a president whose face was toward the future. if the roosevelt delegates at chicago in june had acquiesced in the result of the steam-roller convention, it is highly probable that woodrow wilson would not have been the choice of the democratic convention that met later at baltimore. during the succeeding four years the progressive party, as a national organization, continued steadily to "dwindle, peak, and pine." more and more of its members and supporters slipped or stepped boldly back to the republican party. its quondam democratic members had largely returned to their former allegiance with wilson, either at the election or after it. roosevelt once more withdrew from active participation in public life, until the great war, with its gradually increasing intrusions upon american interests and american rights, aroused him to vigorous and aggressive utterance on american responsibility and american duty. he became a vigorous critic of the administration. once more a demand began to spring up for his nomination for the presidency; the progressive party began to show signs of reviving consciousness. there had persisted through the years a little band of irreconcilables who were progressives or nothing. they wanted a new party of radical ideas regardless of anything in the way of reformation and progress that the old parties might achieve. there were others who preferred to go back to the republican party rather than to keep up the progressive party as a mere minority party of protest, but who hoped in going back to be able to influence their old party along the lines of progress. there were those who were rooseveltians pure and simple and who would follow him wherever he led. all these groups wanted roosevelt as president. they united to hold a convention of the progressive party at chicago in on the same days on which the republican convention met there. each convention opened with a calculating eye upon the activities of the other. but both watched with even more anxious surmise for some sign of intention from the progressive leader back at oyster bay. he held in his single hand the power of life and death for the progressive party. his decision as to cooperative action with the republicans or individual action as a progressive would be the most important single factor in the campaign against woodrow wilson, who was certain of renomination. three questions confronted and puzzled the two bodies of delegates: would the republicans nominate roosevelt or another? if another, what would roosevelt do? if another, what would the progressives do? for three days the republican national convention proceeded steadily and stolidly upon its appointed course. everything had been done in the stereotyped way on the stereotyped time-table in the stereotyped language. no impropriety or infelicity had been permitted to mar the smooth texture of its surface. the temporary chairman in his keynote speech had been as mildly oratorical, as diffusely patriotic, and as nobly sentimental as any fourth of july orator of a bygone day. the whole tone of the convention had been subdued and decorous with the decorum of incertitude and timidity. that convention did not know what it wanted. it only knew that there was one thing that it did not want and that it was afraid of, and another thing it would rather not have and was afraid it would have to take. it wanted neither theodore roosevelt nor charles e. hughes, and its members were distinctly uncomfortable at the thought that they might have to take one or the other. it was an old-fashioned convention of the hand-picked variety. it smacked of the former days when the direct primary had not yet introduced the disturbing thought that the voters and not the office-holders and party leaders ought to select their candidates. it was a docile, submissive convention, not because it was ruled by a strong group of men who knew what they wanted and proposed to compel their followers to give it to them, but because it was composed of politicians great and small to whom party regularity was the breath of their nostrils. they were ready to do the regular thing; but the only two things in sight were confoundedly irregular. two drafts were ready for their drinking and they dreaded both. they could nominate one of two men, and to nominate either of them was to fling open the gates of the citadel of party regularity and conformity and let the enemy in. was it to be roosevelt or hughes? roosevelt they would not have. hughes they would give their eye teeth not to take. no wonder they were subdued and inarticulate. no wonder they suffered and were unhappy. so they droned along through their stereotyped routine, hoping dully against fate. the hot-heads in the progressive convention wanted no delay, no compromise. they would have nominated theodore roosevelt out of hand with a whoop, and let the republican convention take him or leave him. but the cooler leaders realized the importance of union between the two parties and knew, or accurately guessed, what the attitude of roosevelt would be. with firm hand they kept the convention from hasty and irrevocable action. they proposed that overtures be made to the republican convention with a view to harmonious agreement. a conference was held between committees of the two conventions to see if common ground could be discovered. at the first session of the joint committee it appeared that there was sincere desire on both sides to get together, but that the progressives would have no one but roosevelt, while the republicans would not have him but were united on no one else. when the balloting began in the republican convention, the only candidate who received even a respectable block of votes was hughes, but his total was hardly more than half of the necessary majority. for several ballots there was no considerable gain for any of the numerous candidates, and when the convention adjourned late friday night the outcome was as uncertain as ever. but by saturday morning the republican leaders and delegates had resigned themselves to the inevitable, and the nomination of hughes was assured. when the progressive convention met that morning, the conference committee reported that the republican members of the committee had proposed unanimously the selection of hughes as the candidate of both parties. thus began the final scene in the progressive drama, and a more thrilling and intense occasion it would be difficult to imagine. it was apparent that the progressive delegates would have none of it. they were there to nominate their own beloved leader and they intended to do it. a telegram was received from oyster bay proposing senator lodge as the compromise candidate, and the restive delegates in the auditorium could with the greatest difficulty be held back until the telegram could be received and read at the coliseum. a direct telephone wire from the coliseum to a receiver on the stage of the auditorium kept the progressive body in instant touch with events in the other convention. in the auditorium the atmosphere was electric. the delegates bubbled with excitement. they wanted to nominate roosevelt and be done with it. the fear that the other convention would steal a march on them and make its nomination first set them crazy with impatience. the hall rumbled and sputtered and fizzed and detonated. the floor looked like a giant corn popper with the kernels jumping and exploding like mad. the delegates wanted action; the leaders wanted to be sure that they had kept faith with roosevelt and with the general situation by giving the republican delegates a chance to hear his last proposal. bainbridge colby, of new york, put roosevelt in nomination with brevity and vigor; hiram johnson seconded the nomination with his accustomed fire. then, as the word came over the wire that balloting had been resumed in the coliseum, the question was put at thirty-one minutes past twelve, and every delegate and every alternate in the convention leaped to his feet with upstretched arm and shouted "aye." doubtless more thrilling moments may come to some men at some time, somewhere, but you will hardly find a delegate of that progressive convention to believe it. then the convention adjourned, to meet again at three to hear what the man they had nominated would say. at five o'clock in the afternoon, after a couple of hours of impatient and anxious marking time with routine matters, the progressive delegates received the reply from their leader. it read thus: "i am very grateful for the honor you confer upon me by nominating me as president. i cannot accept it at this time. i do not know the attitude of the candidate of the republican party toward the vital questions of the day. therefore, if you desire an immediate decision, i must decline the nomination. "but if you prefer to wait, i suggest that my conditional refusal to run be placed in the hands of the progressive national committee. if mr. hughes's statements, when he makes them, shall satisfy the committee that it is for the interest of the country that he be elected, they can act accordingly and treat my refusal as definitely accepted. "if they are not satisfied, they can so notify the progressive party, and at the same time they can confer with me, and then determine on whatever action we may severally deem appropriate to meet the needs of the country. "theodore roosevelt." puzzled, disheartened, overwhelmed, the progressive delegates went away. they could not then see how wise, how farsighted, how inevitable roosevelt's decision was. some of them will never see it. probably few of them as they went out of those doors realized that they had taken part in the last act of the romantic and tragic drama of the national progressive party. but such was the fact, for the march of events was too much for it. fate, not its enemies, brought it to an end. so was born, lived a little space, and died the progressive party. at its birth it caused the nomination, by the democrats, and the election, by the people, of woodrow wilson. at its death it brought about the nomination of charles e. hughes by the republicans. it forced the writing into the platforms of the more conservative parties of principles and programmes of popular rights and social regeneration. the progressive party never attained to power, but it wielded a potent power. it was a glorious failure. chapter xv. the fighting edge theodore roosevelt was a prodigious coiner of phrases. he added scores of them, full of virility, picturesqueness, and flavor to the every-day speech of the american people. they stuck, because they expressed ideas that needed expressing and because they expressed them so well that no other combinations of words could quite equal them. one of the best, though not the most popular, of his phrases is contained in the following quotation: "one of the prime dangers of civilization has always been its tendency to cause the loss of virile fighting virtues, of the fighting edge. when men get too comfortable and lead too luxurious lives, there is always danger lest the softness eat like an acid into their manliness of fiber." he used the same phrase many times. here is another instance: "unjust war is to be abhorred; but woe to the nation that does not make ready to hold its own in time of need against all who would harm it! and woe, thrice over, to the nation in which the average man loses the fighting edge, loses the power to serve as a soldier if the day of need should arise!" that was it--the fighting edge. roosevelt had it, if ever man had. the conviction of the need for that combination of physical and spiritual qualities that this represented, if a man is to take his place and keep it in the world, became an inseparable part of his consciousness early in life. it grew in strength and depth with every year that he lived. he learned the need of preparedness on that day in maine when he found himself helpless before the tormenting of his young fellow travelers. in the gymnasium on twentieth street, within the boxing ring at harvard, in the new york assembly, in the conflicts with the spoilsmen in washington, on the frontier in cowboy land, in mulberry street and on capitol hill, and in the jungle before santiago, the lesson was hammered into him by the stern reality of events. the strokes fell on malleable metal. in the spring of , roosevelt had been appointed assistant secretary of the navy, largely through the efforts of his friend, senator henry cabot lodge of massachusetts. the appointment was excellent from every point of view. though roosevelt had received no training for the post so far as technical education was concerned, he brought to his duties a profound belief in the navy and a keen interest in its development. his first published book had been "the naval war of "; and the lessons of that war had not been lost upon him. it was indeed a fortuitous circumstance that placed him in this branch of the national service just as relations between spain and the united states were reaching the breaking point. when the battleship maine was sunk in havana harbor, his reaction to that startling event was instantaneous. he was convinced that the sinking of the maine made war inevitable, but he had long been certain that war ought to come. he believed that the united states had a moral duty toward the cuban people, oppressed, abused, starved, and murdered at the hands of spain. he was not the head of the navy department, but that made little difference. the secretary was a fine old gentleman, formerly president of the massachusetts peace society, and by temperament indisposed to any rapid moves toward war. but he liked his assistant secretary and did not put too stern a curb upon his impetuous activity and roosevelt's activity was vigorous and unceasing. secretary long has described it, rather with justice than with enthusiasm. "his activity was characteristic. he was zealous in the work of putting the navy in condition for the apprehended struggle. his ardor sometimes went faster than the president or the department approved.... he worked indefatigably, frequently incorporating his views in memoranda which he would place every morning on my desk. most of his suggestions had, however, so far as applicable, been already adopted by the various bureaus, the chiefs of which were straining every nerve and leaving nothing undone. when i suggested to him that some future historian reading his memoranda, if they were put on record, would get the impression that the bureaus were inefficient, he accepted the suggestion with the generous good nature which is so marked in him. indeed, nothing could be pleasanter than our relations. he was heart and soul in his work. his typewriters had no rest. he, like most of us, lacks the rare knack of brevity. he was especially stimulating to the younger officers who gathered about him and made his office as busy as a hive. he was especially helpful in the purchasing of ships and in every line where he could push on the work of preparation for war." one suspects that the secretary may have been more complacently convinced of the forehandedness of the bureau chiefs than was his impatient associate. for, while the navy was apparently in better shape than the army in those days, there must have been, even in the department where roosevelt's typewriters knew no rest, some of that class of desk-bound officers whom he met later when he was organizing the rough riders. his experience with one such officer in the war department was humorous. this bureaucrat was continually refusing roosevelt's applications because they were irregular. in each case roosevelt would appeal to the secretary of war, with whom he was on the best of terms, and would get from him an order countenancing the irregularity. after a number of experiences of this kind, the harassed slave of red tape threw himself back in his chair and exclaimed, "oh, dear! i had this office running in such good shape--and then along came the war and upset everything!" but there were plenty of good men in the navy; and one of them was commodore george dewey. roosevelt had kept his eye on him for some time as an officer who "could be relied upon to prepare in advance, and to act promptly, fearlessly, and on his own responsibility when the emergency arose." when he began to foresee the probability of war, roosevelt succeeded in having dewey sent to command the asiatic squadron; and just ten days after the maine was blown up this cablegram went from washington to hong kong: "dewey, hong kong: "order the squadron, except the monocacy, to hong kong. keep full of coal. in the event of declaration of war spain, your duty will be to see that the spanish squadron does not leave the asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in philippine islands. keep olympia until further orders. roosevelt." the declaration of war lagged on for nearly two months, but when it finally came, just one week elapsed between the sending of an order to dewey to proceed at once to the philippines and to "capture vessels or destroy" and the elimination of the sea power of spain in the orient. the battle of manila bay was a practical demonstration of the value of the "fighting edge," as exemplified in an assistant secretary who fought procrastination, timidity, and political expedience at home and in a naval officer who fought the enemy's ships on the other side of the world. when war actually came, roosevelt could not stand inactivity in washington. he was a fighter and he must go where the real fighting was. with leonard wood, then a surgeon in the army, he organized the first united states volunteer cavalry. he could have been appointed colonel, but he knew that wood knew more about the soldier's job than he, and he insisted upon taking the second place. the secretary of war thought him foolish to step aside thus and suggested that roosevelt become colonel and wood lieutenant-colonel, adding that wood would do the work anyway. but that was not the roosevelt way. he replied that he did not wish to rise on any man's shoulders, that he hoped to be given every chance that his deeds and his abilities warranted, that he did not wish what he did not earn, and that, above all, he did not wish to hold any position where any one else did the work. lieutenant-colonel he was made. the regiment, which will always be affectionately known as the rough riders, was "raised, armed, equipped, drilled, mounted, dismounted, kept for two weeks on a transport, and then put through two victorious aggressive fights, in which it lost a third of the officers, and a fifth of the enlisted men, all within a little over fifty days." roosevelt began as second in command, went through the battle of san juan hill as colonel, and ended the war in command of a brigade, with the brevet of brigadier-general. the title of colonel stuck to him all his life. when he became president, his instinctive commitment to the necessity of being prepared had been stoutly reinforced by his experience in what he called "the war of america the unready." his first message to congress was a long and exhaustive paper, dealing with many matters of importance. but almost one-fifth of it was devoted to the army and the navy. "it is not possible," he said, "to improvise a navy after war breaks out. the ships must be built and the men trained long in advance." he urged that congress forthwith provide for several additional battleships and heavy armored cruisers, together with the proportionate number of smaller craft, and he pointed out the need for many more officers and men. he declared that "even in time of peace a warship should be used until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. the officers and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned." but his most vigorous insistence was upon gunnery. "in battle," he said once to the graduates of the naval academy, "the only shots that count are those that hit, and marksmanship is a matter of long practice and intelligent reasoning." to this end he demanded "unceasing" gunnery practice. in every succeeding message to congress for seven years he returned to the subject of the navy, demanding ships, officers, men, and, above all, training. his insistence on these essentials brought results, and by the time the cruise of the battle fleet around the world had been achieved, the american navy, ship for ship, was not surpassed by any in the world. perhaps it would be more accurate to say, ship's crew for ship's crew; for it was the officers and men of the american navy who made it possible for the world cruise to be made without the smallest casualty. the question of marksmanship had been burned into roosevelt's mind in those days when the spanish war was brewing. he has related in his "autobiography" how it first came to his attention through a man whose name has in more recent years become known the world over in connection with the greatest task of the american navy. roosevelt's account is as follows: "there was one deficiency... which there was no time to remedy, and of the very existence of which, strange to say, most of our best men were ignorant. our navy had no idea how low our standard of marksmanship was. we had not realized that the modern battleship had become such a complicated piece of mechanism that the old methods of training in marksmanship were as obsolete as the old muzzle-loading broadside guns themselves. almost the only man in the navy who fully realized this was our naval attach at paris, lieutenant sims. he wrote letter after letter pointing out how frightfully backward we were in marksmanship. i was much impressed by his letters.... as sims proved to be mistaken in his belief that the french had taught the spaniards how to shoot, and as the spaniards proved to be much worse even than we were, in the service generally sims was treated as an alarmist. but although i at first partly acquiesced in this view, i grew uneasy when i studied the small proportion of hits to shots made by our vessels in battle. when i was president i took up the matter, and speedily became convinced that we needed to revolutionize our whole training in marksmanship. sims was given the lead in organizing and introducing the new system; and to him more than to any other one man was due the astonishing progress made by our fleet in this respect, a progress which made the fleet, gun for gun, at least three times as effective, in point of fighting efficiency, in , as it was in " *. *autobiography (scribner), pp. - . theodore roosevelt was a thoroughgoing, bred-in-the-bone individualist, but not as the term is ordinarily understood. he continually emphasized not the rights of the individual, but his duties, obligations, and opportunities. he knew that human character is the greatest thing in the world and that men and women are the real forces that move and sway the world's affairs. so in all his preaching and doing on behalf of a great and efficient navy, the emphasis that he always laid was upon the men of the navy, their efficiency and their spirit. he once remarked, "i believe in the navy of the united states primarily because i believe in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the fighting edge of the average man of the navy." to the graduating class at annapolis, he once said: "there is not one of you who is not derelict in his duty to the whole nation if he fails to prepare himself with all the strength that in him lies to do his duty should the occasion arise; and one of your great duties is to see that shots hit. the result is going to depend largely upon whether you or your adversary hits. i expect you to be brave. i rather take that for granted.... but, in addition, you have got to prepare yourselves in advance. every naval action that has taken place in the last twenty years ... has shown, as a rule, that the defeated party has suffered not from lack of courage, but because it could not make the best use of its weapons, or had not been given the right weapons... . i want every one here to proceed upon the assumption that any foe he may meet will have the courage. of course, you have got to show the highest degree of courage yourself or you will be beaten anyhow, and you will deserve to be; but in addition to that you must prepare yourselves by careful training so that you may make the best possible use of the delicate and formidable mechanism of a modern warship." theodore roosevelt was an apostle of preparedness from the hour that he began to think at all about affairs of public moment--and that hour came to him earlier in life than it does to most men. in the preface to his history of the war of , which he wrote at the age of twenty-four, this sentence appears: "at present people are beginning to realize that it is folly for the great english-speaking republic to rely for defense upon a navy composed partly of antiquated hulks, and partly of new vessels rather more worthless than the old." his prime interest, from the point of view of preparedness, lay in the navy. his sense of proportion told him that the navy was the nation's first line of defense. he knew that without an efficient navy a nation situated as the united states was would be helpless before an aggressive enemy, and that, given a navy of sufficient size and effectiveness, the nation could dispense with a great army. for the army he demanded not size but merely efficiency. one of his principal points of attack in his criticism of the army was the system of promotion for officers. he assailed sharply the existing practice of "promotion by mere seniority." in one of his messages to congress he pointed out that a system of promotion by merit existed in the military academy at west point. he then went on to say that from the time of the graduation of the cadets into the army "all effort to find which man is best or worst and reward or punish him accordingly, is abandoned: no brilliancy, no amount of hard work, no eagerness in the performance of duty, can advance him, and no slackness or indifference, that falls short of a court-martial offense, can retard him. until this system is changed we cannot hope that our officers will be of as high grade as we have a right to expect, considering the material from which we draw. moreover, when a man renders such service as captain pershing rendered last spring in the moro campaign, it ought to be possible to reward him without at once jumping him to the grade of brigadier-general." it is not surprising to find in this message also a name that was later to become famous in the great war. roosevelt had an uncanny gift of prophecy. more than once, as president, he picked out for appreciation and commendation the very men who were to do the big things for america when the critical hour came. chapter xvi. the last four years when the great war broke out in august, , roosevelt instantly stiffened to attention. he immediately began to read the lessons that were set for the world by the gigantic conflict across the sea and it was not long before he was passing them on to the american people. like every other good citizen, he extended hearty support to the president in his conduct of america's foreign relations in the crisis. at the same time, however, he recognized the possibility that a time might come when it would be a higher moral duty to criticize the administration than to continue unqualified support. three weeks after war had begun, roosevelt wrote in "the outlook": "in common with the immense majority of our fellow countrymen, i shall certainly stand by not only the public servants in control of the administration at washington, but also all other public servants, no matter of what party, during this crisis; asking only that they with wisdom and good faith endeavor to take every step that can be taken to safeguard the honor and interest of the united states, and, so far as the opportunity offers, to promote the cause of peace and justice throughout the world. my hope, of course, is that in their turn the public servants of the people will take no action so fraught with possible harm to the future of the people as to oblige farsighted and patriotic men to protest against it." one month later, in a long article in "the outlook", roosevelt reiterated this view in these words: ".... we, all of us, without regard to party differences, must stand ready loyally to support the administration, asking nothing except that the policy be one that in truth and in fact tells for the honor and interest of our nation and in truth and in fact is helpful to the cause of a permanent and righteous world peace." in the early months of the war, roosevelt thus scrupulously endeavored to uphold the president's hands, to utter no criticism that might hamper him, and to carry out faithfully the president's adjuration to neutrality. he recognized clearly, however, the price that we must pay for neutrality, and he set it forth in the following passage from the same article: "a deputation of belgians has arrived in this country to invoke our assistance in the time of their dreadful need. what action our government can or will take i know not. it has been announced that no action can be taken that will interfere with our entire neutrality. it is certainly eminently desirable that we should remain entirely neutral, and nothing but urgent need would warrant breaking our neutrality and taking sides one way or the other. our first duty is to hold ourselves ready to do whatever the changing circumstances demand in order to protect our own interests in the present and in the future; although, for my own part, i desire to add to this statement the proviso that under no circumstances must we do anything dishonorable, especially toward unoffending weaker nations. neutrality may be of prime necessity in order to preserve our own interests, to maintain peace in so much of the world as is not affected by the war, and to conserve our influence for helping toward the reestablishment of general peace when the time comes; for if any outside power is able at such time to be the medium for bringing peace, it is more likely to be the united states than any other. but we pay the penalty of this action on behalf of peace for ourselves, and possibly for others in the future, by forfeiting our right to do anything on behalf of peace for the belgians in the present. we can maintain our neutrality only by refusal to do anything to aid unoffending weak powers which are dragged into the gulf of bloodshed and misery through no fault of their own. of course it would be folly to jump into the gulf ourselves to no good purpose; and very probably nothing that we could have done would have helped belgium. we have not the smallest responsibility for what has befallen her, and i am sure that the sympathy of this country for the men, women, and children of belgium is very real. nevertheless, this sympathy is compatible with full acknowledgment of the unwisdom of our uttering a single word of official protest unless we are prepared to make that protest effective; and only the clearest and most urgent national duty would ever justify us in deviating from our rule of neutrality and noninterference. but it is a grim comment on the professional pacifist theories as hitherto developed that our duty to preserve peace for ourselves may necessarily mean the abandonment of all effective efforts to secure peace for other unoffending nations which through no fault of their own are dragged into the war." the rest of the article concerned itself with the lessons taught by the war, the folly of pacifism, the need for preparedness if righteousness is not to be sacrificed for peace, the worthlessness of treaties unsanctioned by force, and the desirability of an association of nations for the prevention of war. on this last point roosevelt wrote as follows: "but in view of what has occurred in this war, surely the time ought to be ripe for the nations to consider a great world agreement among all the civilized military powers to back righteousness by force. such an agreement would establish an efficient world league for the peace of righteousness. such an agreement could limit the amount to be spent on armaments and, after defining carefully the inalienable rights of each nation which were not to be transgressed by any other, could also provide that any cause of difference among them, or between one of them and one of a certain number of designated outside non-military nations, should be submitted to an international court, including citizens of all these nations, chosen not as representatives of the nations, but as judges and perhaps in any given case the particular judges could be chosen by lot from the total number. to supplement and make this effectual it should be solemnly covenanted that if any nation refused to abide by the decision of such a court the others would draw the sword on behalf of peace and justice, and would unitedly coerce the recalcitrant nation. this plan would not automatically bring peace, and it may be too soon to hope for its adoption; but if some such scheme could be adopted, in good faith and with a genuine purpose behind it to make it effective, then we would have come nearer to the day of world peace. world peace will not come save in some such manner as that whereby we obtain peace within the borders of each nation; that is, by the creation of reasonably impartial judges and by putting an efficient police power--that is, by putting force in efficient fashion--behind the decrees of the judges. at present each nation must in the last resort trust to its own strength if it is to preserve all that makes life worth having. at present this is imperative. this state of things can be abolished only when we put force, when we put the collective armed power of civilization, behind some body which shall with reasonable justice and equity represent the collective determination of civilization to do what is right." from this beginning roosevelt went on vigorously preaching preparedness against war; and the great war had been raging for a scant seven months when he was irresistibly impelled to utter open criticism of president wilson. in april, , in the metropolitan magazine, to which he had transferred his writings, he declared that "the united states, thanks to messrs. wilson and bryan, has signally failed in its duty toward belgium." he maintained that the united states, under the obligations assumed by the signature of the hague conventions, should have protested to germany against the invasion of belgium. for two years thereafter, while germany slapped america first on one cheek and then on the other, and treacherously stabbed her with slinking spies and dishonored diplomats, roosevelt preached, with growing indignation and vehemence, the cause of preparedness and national honor. he found it impossible to support the president further. in february, , he wrote: "eighteen months have gone by since the great war broke out. it needed no prescience, no remarkable statesmanship or gift of forecasting the future, to see that, when such mighty forces were unloosed, and when it had been shown that all treaties and other methods hitherto relied upon for national protection and for mitigating the horror and circumscribing the area of war were literally 'scraps of paper,' it had become a vital necessity that we should instantly and on a great and adequate scale prepare for our own defense. our men, women, and children--not in isolated cases, but in scores and hundreds of cases--have been murdered by germany and mexico; and we have tamely submitted to wrongs from germany and mexico of a kind to which no nation can submit without impairing its own self-respect and incurring the contempt of the rest of mankind. yet, during these eighteen months not one thing has been done.... never in the country's history has there been a more stupendous instance of folly than this crowning folly of waiting eighteen months after the elemental crash of nations took place before even making a start in an effort--and an utterly inefficient and insufficient effort-for some kind of preparation to ward off disaster in the future. "if president wilson had shown the disinterested patriotism, courage, and foresight demanded by this stupendous crisis, i would have supported him with hearty enthusiasm. but his action, or rather inaction, has been such that it has become a matter of high patriotic duty to oppose him.... no man can support mr. wilson without at the same time supporting a policy of criminal inefficiency as regards the united states navy, of short-sighted inadequacy as regards the army, of abandonment of the duty owed by the united states to weak and well-behaved nations, and of failure to insist on our just rights when we are ourselves maltreated by powerful and unscrupulous nations." theodore roosevelt could not, without violating the integrity of his own soul, go on supporting either positively by word or negatively by silence the man who had said, on the day after the lusitania was sunk, "there is such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight," and who later called for a "peace without victory." he could have nothing but scorn for an administration whose secretary of war could say, two months after the united states had actually entered the war, that there was "difficulty. .. disorder and confusion... in getting things started," and could then add, "but it is a happy confusion. i delight in the fact that when we entered this war we were not like our adversary, ready for it, anxious for it, prepared for it, and inviting it." until america entered the war roosevelt used his voice and his pen with all his native energy and fire to convince the american people of three things that righteousness demanded that the united states forsake its supine neutrality and act; that the united states should prepare itself thoroughly for any emergency that might arise; and that the hyphenated americanism of those who, while enjoying the benefits of american citizenship, "intrigue and conspire against the united states, and do their utmost to promote the success of germany and to weaken the defense of this nation" should be rigorously curbed. the sermons that he preached on this triple theme were sorely needed. no leadership in this phase of national life was forthcoming from the quarter where the american people had every right to look for leadership. the white house had its face set in the opposite direction. in august, , an incident occurred which set the contrast between the rooseveltian and wilsonian lines of thought in bold relief. largely through the initiative of general leonard wood there had been organized at plattsburg, new york, an officers' training camp where american business men were given an all too brief course of training in the art and duty of leading soldiers in camp and in the field. general wood was in command of the plattsburg camp. he invited roosevelt to address the men in training. roosevelt accepted gladly, and in the course of his speech made these significant statements: "for thirteen months america has played an ignoble part among the nations. we have tamely submitted to seeing the weak, whom we have covenanted to protect, wronged. we have seen our men, women, and children murdered on the high seas without protest. we have used elocution as a substitute for action. "during this time our government has not taken the smallest step in the way of preparedness to defend our own rights. yet these thirteen months have made evident the lamentable fact that force is more dominant now in the affairs of the world than ever before, that the most powerful of modern military nations is utterly brutal and ruthless in its disregard of international morality, and that righteousness divorced from force is utterly futile. reliance upon high sounding words, unbacked by deeds, is proof of a mind that dwells only in the realm of shadow and of sham. "it is not a lofty thing, on the contrary, it is an evil thing, to practise a timid and selfish neutrality between right and wrong. it is wrong for an individual. it is still more wrong for a nation. "therefore, friends, let us shape our conduct as a nation in accordance with the highest rules of international morality. let us treat others justly and keep the engagements we have made, such as these in the hague conventions, to secure just treatment for others. but let us remember that we shall be wholly unable to render service to others and wholly unable to fulfill the prime law of national being, the law of self-preservation, unless we are thoroughly prepared to hold our own. let us show that a free democracy can defend itself successfully against any organized and aggressive military despotism." the men in the camp heard him gladly and with enthusiasm. but the next day the secretary of war sent a telegram of censure to general wood in which he said: "i have just seen the reports in the newspapers of the speech made by ex-president roosevelt at the plattsburg camp. it is difficult to conceive of anything which could have a more detrimental effect upon the real value of this experiment than such an incident.... no opportunity should have been furnished to any one to present to the men any matter excepting that which was essential to the necessary training they were to receive. anything else could only have the effect of distracting attention from the real nature of the experiment, diverting consideration to issues which excite controversy, antagonism, and ill feeling and thereby impairing if not destroying, what otherwise would have been so effective." on this telegram roosevelt's comment was pungent: "if the administration had displayed one-tenth the spirit and energy in holding germany and mexico to account for the murder of men, women, and children that it is now displaying in the endeavor to prevent our people from being taught the need of preparation to prevent the repetition of such murders in the future, it would be rendering a service to the people of the country." theodore roosevelt could have little effect upon the material preparedness of the united states for the struggle which it was ultimately to enter. but he could and did have a powerful effect upon the spiritual preparedness of the american people for the efforts, the trials, and the sacrifices of that struggle. no voice was raised more persistently or more consistently than his. no personality was thrown with more power and more effect into the task of arousing the people of the united states to their duty to take part in the struggle against prussianism. no man, in public or private life, urged so vigorously and effectively the call to arms against evil and for the right. his was the "voice crying in the wilderness," and to him the american spirit hearkened and awoke. at last the moment came. roosevelt had but one desire and one thought. he wanted to get to the firing-line. this was no impulse, no newly formed project. for two months he had been in correspondence with the secretary of war on the subject. a year or more before that he had offered, in case america went into the war, to raise a volunteer force, train it, and take it across to the front. the idea was not new to him, even then. as far back as he had said on several different occasions, "if the united states should get into another war, i should raise a brigade of cavalry and lead it as i did my regiment in cuba." it never occurred to him in those days that a former commander-in-chief of the united states army, with actual experience in the field, would be refused permission to command troops in an american war. the idea would hardly have occurred to any one else. but that is precisely what happened. on february , , roosevelt wrote to the secretary of war reminding him that his application for permission to raise a division of infantry was already on file in the department, saying that he was about to sail for jamaica, and asking the secretary to inform him if he believed there would be war and a call for volunteers, for in that case he did not intend to sail. secretary baker replied, "no situation has arisen which would justify my suggesting a postponement of the trip you propose." before this reply was received roosevelt had written a second letter saying that, as the president had meanwhile broken off diplomatic relations with germany, he should of course not sail. he renewed his request for permission to raise a division, and asked if a certain regular officer whom he would like to have for his divisional chief of staff, if the division were authorized, might be permitted to come to see him with a view to "making all preparations that are possible in advance." to this the secretary replied, "no action in the direction suggested by you can be taken without the express sanction of congress. should the contingency occur which you have in mind, it is to be expected that congress will complete its legislation relating to volunteer forces and provide, under its own conditions, for the appointment of officers for the higher commands." roosevelt waited five weeks and then earnestly renewed his request. he declared his purpose to take his division, after some six weeks of preliminary training, direct to france for intensive training so that it could be sent to the front in the shortest possible time. secretary baker replied that no additional armies could be raised without the consent of congress, that a plan for a much larger army was ready for the action of congress when ever required, and that the general officers for all volunteer forces were to be drawn from the regular army. to this roosevelt replied with the respectful suggestion that, as a retired commander-in-chief of the united states army, he was eligible to any position of command over american troops. he recounted also his record of actual military experience and referred the secretary to his immediate superiors in the field in cuba as to his fitness for command of troops. when war had been finally declared, secretary baker and roosevelt conferred together at length about the matter. thereafter mr. baker wrote definitely, declaring that he would be obliged to withhold his approval from an expedition of the sort proposed. the grounds which he gave for the decision were that the soldiers sent across must not be "deprived... of the most experienced leadership available, in deference to any mere sentimental consideration," and that it should appear from every aspect of the expeditionary force, if one should be sent over (a point not yet determined upon) that "military considerations alone had determined its composition." to this definite refusal on the part of the secretary of war roosevelt replied at length. in his letter was a characteristic passage commenting upon secretary baker's reference to "sentimental considerations": "i have not asked you to consider any "sentimental value" in this matter. i am speaking of moral effect, not of sentimental value. sentimentality is as different from morality as rousseau's life from abraham lincoln's. i have just received a letter from james bryce urging "the dispatch of an american force to the theater of war," and saying, "the moral effect of the appearance in the war line of an american force would be immense." from representatives of the french and british governments and of the french, british, and canadian military authorities, i have received statements to the same effect, in even more emphatic form, and earnest hopes that i myself should be in the force. apparently your military advisers in this matter seek to persuade you that a "military policy" has nothing to do with "moral effect." if so, their militarism is like that of the aulic council of vienna in the napoleonic wars, and not like that of napoleon, who stated that in war the moral was to the material as two to one. these advisers will do well to follow the teachings of napoleon and not those of the pedantic militarists of the aulic council, who were the helpless victims of napoleon." secretary baker replied with a reiteration of his refusal. roosevelt made one further attempt. when the draft law passed congress, carrying with it the authorization to use volunteer forces, he telegraphed the president asking permission to raise two divisions, and four if so directed. the president replied with a definite negative, declaring that his conclusions were "based entirely upon imperative considerations of public policy and not upon personal or private choice." meanwhile applications had been received from over three hundred thousand men desirous of joining roosevelt's volunteer force, of whom it was estimated that at least two hundred thousand were physically fit, double the number needed for four divisions. that a single private citizen, by "one blast upon his bugle horn" should have been able to call forth three hundred thousand volunteers, all over draft age, was a tremendous testimony to his power. if his offer had been accepted when it was first made, there would have been an american force on the field in france long before one actually arrived there. it was widely believed, among men of intelligence and insight, not only in america but in great britain and france, that the arrival of such a force, under the command of a man known, admired, and loved the world over, would have been a splendid reinforcement to the allied morale and a sudden blow to the german confidence. but the administration would not have it so. i shall never forget one evening with theodore roosevelt on a speaking tour which he was making through the south in . there came to our private car for dinner senator clarke of arkansas and jack greenway, young giant of football fame and experience with the rough riders in cuba. after dinner, jack, who like many giants, is one of the most diffident men alive, said hesitatingly: "colonel, i've long wanted to ask you something." "go right ahead," said t. r., "what is it?" "well, colonel," said jack, "i've always believed that it was your ambition to die on the field of battle." t. r. brought his hand down on the table with a crash that must have hurt the wood. "by jove," said he, "how did you know that?" "well, colonel," said jack, "do you remember that day in cuba, when you and i were going along a trail and came upon ____ [one of the regiment] propped against a tree, shot through the abdomen? it was evident that he was done for. but instead of commiserating him, you grabbed his hand and said something like this, 'well, old man, isn't this splendid!' ever since then i've been sure you would be glad to die in battle yourself." t. r.'s face sobered a little. "you're right, jack," he said. "i would." the end of theodore roosevelt's life seemed to come to him not in action but in quietness. but the truth was other than that. for it, let us turn again to browning's lines: i was ever a fighter, so--one fight more, the best and the last! i would hate that death bandaged my eyes, and forbore, and bade me creep past. on the fifth of january in , after sixty years of life, full of unwearied fighting against evil and injustice and falseness, he "fell on sleep." the end came peacefully in the night hours at sagamore hill. but until he laid him down that night, the fight he waged had known no relaxation. nine months before he had expected death, when a serious mastoid operation had drained his vital forces. then his one thought had been, not for himself, but for his sons to whom had been given the precious privilege, denied to him, of taking part in their country's and the world's great fight for righteousness. his sister, mrs. corinne douglas robinson, tells how in those shadowy hours he beckoned her to him and in the frailest of whispers said, "i'm glad it's i that lie here and that my boys are in the fight over there." his last, best fight was worthy of all the rest. with voice and pen he roused the minds and the hearts of his countrymen to their high mission in defense of human rights. it was not given to him to fall on the field of battle. but he went down with his face to the forces of evil with which he had never sought a truce. bibliographical note the reader who is primarily interested in the career and personality of roosevelt would do well to begin with his own volume, "theodore roosevelt, an autobiography". but it was written in , before the great campaign which produced the progressive party. "theodore roosevelt the citizen" ( ), by jacob a. riis, was published just after roosevelt became president. it is an intimate and naively enthusiastic portrait by a man who was an intimate friend and an ardent admirer. there are two lives written since his death that are complete and discriminating. they are "the life of theodore roosevelt" ( ), by william draper lewis, and "theodore roosevelt, an intimate biography" ( ), by william roscoe thayer. "impressions of theodore roosevelt" ( ) is a volume of first-hand experiences, written by lawrence f. abbott of "the outlook". the author was closely associated with roosevelt on "the outlook"; and after the african hunting trip met him at khartum and went with him on his tour of the capitals of europe. a small volume by charles g. washburn, "theodore roosevelt, the logic of his career" ( ), contains the interpretation of a long-time friend and sincere admirer. collections of roosevelt's writings and speeches covering the years from his becoming governor of new york to the end of his presidential terms are found in "the roosevelt policy", vols. ( ) and "presidential addresses and state papers", vols. ( ). "the new nationalism" ( ) is a collection of his speeches delivered between his return from africa and the beginning of the progressive campaign. his writings and speeches during the great war are found in several volumes: "america and the world war" ( ); "fear god and take your own part" ( ); "the foes of our own household" ( ); "the great adventure" ( ). material on the progressive movement and the progressive party are to be found in "the progressive movement" ( ), by benjamin parke de witt, "the progressive movement, its principles and its programme" ( ), by s. j. duncan-clark, "presidential nominations and elections" ( ), by joseph bucklin bishop, and "third party movements" ( ), by fred e. haynes. the story of la follette is set forth at greater length in his "autobiography; a personal narrative of political experiences" ( ). three other autobiographies contribute to an understanding of politics: "the autobiography of thomas c. platt" ( ); j. b. foraker, "notes of a busy life", vols. ( ). s. m. cullom, "fifty years of public service" ( ). the history of the country during the years when roosevelt became a national figure is recounted by j. h. latane in "america as a world power" and by f. a. ogg in "national progress", both volumes in the "american nation" series. briefer summaries of the general history of at least a part of the period treated in the present volume are to be found in frederic l. paxson's "the new nation" ( ), and charles a. beard's "contemporary american history" ( ). the prosecution of the trusts may be followed in "trust laws and unfair competition" (government printing office, ). much useful material is contained in "trusts, pools and corporations", edited by w. z. ripley ( ). w. h. taft in "the anti-trust law and the supreme court" ( ) defends the sherman act as interpreted by the courts during his administration. the progress of social and industrial justice is outlined in "principles of labor legislation" ( ), by john r. commons and john b. andrews. the problems of conservation and the history of governmental policy are set forth by c. r. van hise in "the conservation of natural resources in the united states" ( ). the "american year book" for the years to and the "new international year book" for the years to are invaluable sources of accurate and comprehensive information on the current history of the united states for the period which they cover. willis fletcher johnson's "america's foreign relations", vols. ( ) is a history of the relations of the united states to the rest of the world. a shorter account is given in c. r. fish's "american diplomacy" ( ). but much of the best material for the historical study of the first decade and a half of the twentieth century is to be found in the pages of the magazines and periodicals published during those years. "the outlook", "the independent", "the literary digest", "collier's", "the review of reviews", "the world's work", "current opinion", "the nation", "the commoner", la follette's "weekly"--all these are sources of great value. the outlook is of especial usefulness because of mr. roosevelt's connection with it as contributing editor during the years between and . letters to his children by theodore roosevelt first published . edited by joseph bucklin bishop introduction most of the letters in this volume were written by theodore roosevelt to his children during a period of more than twenty years. a few others are included that he wrote to friends or relatives about the children. he began to write to them in their early childhood, and continued to do so regularly till they reached maturity. whenever he was separated from them, in the spanish war, or on a hunting trip, or because they were at school, he sent them these messages of constant thought and love, for they were never for a moment out of his mind and heart. long before they were able to read he sent them what they called "picture letters," with crude drawings of his own in illustration of the written text, drawings precisely adapted to the childish imagination and intelligence. that the little recipients cherished these delightful missives is shown by the tender care with which they preserved them from destruction. they are in good condition after many years of loving usage. a few of them are reproduced in these pages--written at different periods as each new child appeared in the household. these early letters are marked by the same quality that distinguishes all his letters to his children. from the youngest to the eldest, he wrote to them always as his equals. as they advanced in life the mental level of intercourse was raised as they grew in intelligence and knowledge, but it was always as equals that he addressed them. he was always their playmate and boon companion, whether they were toddling infants taking their first faltering steps, or growing schoolboys, or youths standing at the threshold of life. their games were his games, their joys those of his own heart. he was ready to romp with them in the old barn at sagamore hill, play "tickley" at bedtime, join in their pillow fights, or play hide-and-seek with them, either at sagamore hill or in the white house. he was the same chosen and joyous companion always and everywhere. occasionally he was disturbed for a moment about possible injury to his presidential dignity. describing a romp in the old barn at sagamore hill in the summer of , he said in one of his letters that under the insistence of the children he had joined in it because: "i had not the heart to refuse, but really it seems, to put it mildly, rather odd for a stout, elderly president to be bouncing over hayricks in a wild effort to get to goal before an active midget of a competitor, aged nine years. however, it was really great fun." it was because he at heart regarded it as "great fun" and was in complete accord with the children that they delighted in him as a playmate. in the same spirit, in january, , he took a squad of nine boys, including three of his own, on what they called a "scramble" through rock creek park, in washington, which meant traversing the most difficult places in it. the boys had permission to make the trip alone, but they insisted upon his company. "i am really touched," he wrote afterward to the parents of two of the visiting boys, "at the way in which your children as well as my own treat me as a friend and playmate. it has its comic side. they were all bent upon having me take them; they obviously felt that my presence was needed to give zest to the entertainment. i do not think that one of them saw anything incongruous in the president's getting as bedaubed with mud as they got, or in my wiggling and clambering around jutting rocks, through cracks, and up what were really small cliff faces, just like the rest of them; and whenever any one of them beat me at any point, he felt and expressed simple and whole-hearted delight, exactly as if it had been a triumph over a rival of his own age." when the time came that he was no longer the children's chosen playmate, he recognized the fact with a twinge of sadness. writing in january, , to his daughter ethel, who was at sagamore hill at the time, he said of a party of boys that quentin had at the white house: "they played hard, and it made me realize how old i had grown and how very busy i had been the last few years to find that they had grown so that i was not needed in the play. do you recollect how we all of us used to play hide and go seek in the white house, and have obstacle races down the hall when you brought in your friends?" deep and abiding love of children, of family and home, that was the dominating passion of his life. with that went love for friends and fellow men, and for all living things, birds, animals, trees, flowers, and nature in all its moods and aspects. but love of children and family and home was above all. the children always had an old-fashioned christmas in the white house. in several letters in these pages, descriptions of these festivals will be found. in closing one of them the eternal child's heart in the man cries out: "i wonder whether there ever can come in life a thrill of greater exaltation and rapture than that which comes to one between the ages of say six and fourteen, when the library door is thrown open and you walk in to see all the gifts, like a materialized fairy land, arrayed on your special table?" his love for the home he had built and in which his beloved children had been born, was not even dimmed by his life in the white house. "after all," he wrote to ethel in june, , "fond as i am of the white house and much though i have appreciated these years in it, there isn't any place in the world like home--like sagamore hill where things are our own, with their own associations, and where it is real country." through all his letters runs his inexhaustible vein of delicious humor. all the quaint sayings of quentin, that quaintest of small boys; all the antics of the household cats and dogs; all the comic aspects of the guinea-pigs and others of the large menagerie of pets that the children were always collecting; all the tricks and feats of the saddle-horses--these, together with every item of household news that would amuse and cheer and keep alive the love of home in the heart of the absent boys, was set forth in letters which in gayety of spirit and charm of manner have few equals in literature and no superiors. no matter how great the pressure of public duties, or how severe the strain that the trials and burdens of office placed upon the nerves and spirits of the president of a great nation, this devoted father and whole-hearted companion found time to send every week a long letter of this delightful character to each of his absent children. as the boys advanced toward manhood the letters, still on the basis of equality, contain much wise suggestion and occasional admonition, the latter always administered in a loving spirit accompanied by apology for writing in a "preaching" vein. the playmate of childhood became the sympathetic and keenly interested companion in all athletic contests, in the reading of books and the consideration of authors, and in the discussion of politics and public affairs. many of these letters, notably those on the relative merits of civil and military careers, and the proper proportions of sport and study, are valuable guides for youth in all ranks of life. the strong, vigorous, exalted character of the writer stands revealed in these as in all the other letters, as well as the cheerful soul of the man which remained throughout his life as pure and gentle as the soul of a child. only a short time before he died, he said to me, as we were going over the letters and planning this volume, which is arranged as he wished it to be: "i would rather have this book published than anything that has ever been written about me." the letters in the spanish war at the outbreak of the war with spain in the spring of theodore roosevelt, who was then assistant secretary of the navy, in association with leonard wood, organized the regiment of rough riders and went into camp with them at tampa, florida. later he went with his regiment to cuba. camp at tampa, may th, ' . blessed bunnies, it has been a real holiday to have darling mother here. yesterday i brought her out to the camp, and she saw it all--the men drilling, the tents in long company streets, the horses being taken to water, my little horse texas, the colonel and the majors, and finally the mountain lion and the jolly little dog cuba, who had several fights while she looked on. the mountain lion is not much more than a kitten as yet, but it is very cross and treacherous. i was very much interested in kermit's and ethel's letters to-day. we were all, horses and men, four days and four nights on the cars coming here from san antonio, and were very tired and very dirty when we arrived. i was up almost all of each night, for it happened always to be at night when we took the horses out of the cars to feed and water them. mother stays at a big hotel about a mile from camp. there are nearly thirty thousand troops here now, besides the sailors from the war-ships in the bay. at night the corridors and piazzas are thronged with officers of the army and navy; the older ones fought in the great civil war, a third of a century ago, and now they are all going to cuba to war against the spaniards. most of them are in blue, but our rough-riders are in brown. our camp is on a great flat, on sandy soil without a tree, though round about are pines and palmettos. it is very hot, indeed, but there are no mosquitoes. marshall is very well, and he takes care of my things and of the two horses. a general was out to inspect us when we were drilling to-day. off santiago, . darling ethel: we are near shore now and everything is in a bustle, for we may have to disembark to-night, and i do not know when i shall have another chance to write to my three blessed children, whose little notes please me so. this is only a line to tell you all how much father loves you. the pawnee indian drew you the picture of the little dog, which runs everywhere round the ship, and now and then howls a little when the band plays. near santiago, may , . darling ethel: i loved your little letter. here there are lots of funny little lizards that run about in the dusty roads very fast, and then stand still with their heads up. beautiful red cardinal birds and tanagers flit about in the woods, and the flowers are lovely. but you never saw such dust. sometimes i lie on the ground outside and sometimes in the tent. i have a mosquito net because there are so many mosquitoes. camp near santiago, july , . darling ethel: when it rains here--and it's very apt to rain here every day--it comes down just as if it was a torrent of water. the other night i hung up my hammock in my tent and in the middle of the night there was a terrific storm, and my tent and hammock came down with a run. the water was running over the ground in a sheet, and the mud was knee-deep; so i was a drenched and muddy object when i got to a neighboring tent, where i was given a blanket, in which i rolled up and went to sleep. there is a funny little lizard that comes into my tent and is quite tame now; he jumps about like a little frog and puffs his throat out. there are ground-doves no bigger than big sparrows, and cuckoos almost as large as crows. youthful bible commentators (to miss emily t. carow) oyster bay, dec. , . the other day i listened to a most amusing dialogue at the bible lesson between kermit and ethel. the subject was joseph, and just before reading it they had been reading quentin's book containing the adventures of the gollywogs. joseph's conduct in repeating his dream to his brothers, whom it was certain to irritate, had struck both of the children unfavorably, as conflicting both with the laws of common-sense and with the advice given them by their parents as to the proper method of dealing with their own brothers and sisters. kermit said: "well, i think that was very foolish of joseph." ethel chimed in with "so do i, very foolish, and i do not understand how he could have done it." then, after a pause, kermit added thoughtfully by way of explanation: "well, i guess he was simple, like jane in the gollywogs": and ethel nodded gravely in confirmation. it is very cunning to see kermit and archie go to the cove school together. they also come down and chop with me, archie being armed with a hatchet blunt enough to be suitable for his six years. he is a most industrious small chopper, and the other day gnawed down, or as the children call it, "beavered" down, a misshapen tulip tree, which was about fifty feet high. fine names for guinea pigs (to e. s. martin) oyster bay, nov. , . mrs. roosevelt and i were more touched than i can well say at your sending us your book with its characteristic insertion and above all with the little extract from your boy's note about ted. in what form is your boy? as you have laid yourself open, i shall tell you that ted sings in the choir and is captain of his dormitory football team. he was awfully homesick at first, but now he has won his place in his own little world and he is all right. in his last letter to his mother in response to a question about his clothes he answered that they were in good condition, excepting "that one pair of pants was split up the middle and one jacket had lost a sleeve in a scuffle, and in another pair of pants he had sat down in a jam pie at a cellar spread." we have both missed him greatly in spite of the fact that we have five remaining. did i ever tell you about my second small boy's names for his guinea pigs? they included bishop doane; dr. johnson, my dutch reformed pastor; father g. grady, the local priest with whom the children had scraped a speaking acquaintance; fighting bob evans, and admiral dewey. some of my republican supporters in west virginia have just sent me a small bear which the children of their own accord christened jonathan edwards, partly out of compliment to their mother's ancestor, and partly because they thought they detected calvinistic traits in the bear's character. a cougar and lynx hunt keystone ranch, colo., jan. th, . blessed ted, from the railroad we drove fifty miles to the little frontier town of meeker. there we were met by the hunter goff, a fine, quiet, hardy fellow, who knows his business thoroughly. next morning we started on horseback, while our luggage went by wagon to goff's ranch. we started soon after sunrise, and made our way, hunting as we went, across the high, exceedingly rugged hills, until sunset. we were hunting cougar and lynx or, as they are called out here, "lion" and "cat." the first cat we put up gave the dogs a two hours' chase, and got away among some high cliffs. in the afternoon we put up another, and had a very good hour's run, the dogs baying until the glens rang again to the echoes, as they worked hither and thither through the ravines. we walked our ponies up and down steep, rock-strewn, and tree-clad slopes, where it did not seem possible a horse could climb, and on the level places we got one or two smart gallops. at last the lynx went up a tree. then i saw a really funny sight. seven hounds had been doing the trailing, while a large brindled bloodhound and two half-breeds between collie and bull stayed behind goff, running so close to his horse's heels that they continually bumped into them, which he accepted with philosophic composure. then the dogs proceeded literally to _climb the tree_, which was a many-forked pinon; one of the half-breeds, named tony, got up certainly sixteen feet, until the lynx, which looked like a huge and exceedingly malevolent pussy-cat, made vicious dabs at him. i shot the lynx low, so as not to hurt his skin. yesterday we were in the saddle for ten hours. the dogs ran one lynx down and killed it among the rocks after a vigorous scuffle. it was in a hole and only two of them could get at it. this morning, soon after starting out, we struck the cold trail of a mountain lion. the hounds puzzled about for nearly two hours, going up and down the great gorges, until we sometimes absolutely lost even the sound of the baying. then they struck the fresh trail, where the cougar had killed a deer over night. in half an hour a clamorous yelling told us they had overtaken the quarry; for we had been riding up the slopes and along the crests, wherever it was possible for the horses to get footing. as we plunged and scrambled down towards the noise, one of my companions, phil stewart, stopped us while he took a kodak of a rabbit which sat unconcernedly right beside our path. soon we saw the lion in a treetop, with two of the dogs so high up among the branches that he was striking at them. he was more afraid of us than of the dogs, and as soon as he saw us he took a great flying leap and was off, the pack close behind. in a few hundred yards they had him up another tree. here i could have shot him (tony climbed almost up to him, and then fell twenty feet out of the tree), but waited for stewart to get a photo; and he jumped again. this time, after a couple of hundred yards, the dogs caught him, and a great fight followed. they could have killed him by themselves, but he bit or clawed four of them, and for fear he might kill one i ran in and stabbed him behind the shoulder, thrusting the knife you loaned me right into his heart. i have always wished to kill a cougar as i did this one, with dogs and the knife. dogs that climb trees keystone ranch, jan. , . darling little ethel: i have had great fun. most of the trip neither you nor mother nor sister would enjoy; but you would all of you be immensely amused with the dogs. there are eleven all told, but really only eight do very much hunting. these eight are all scarred with the wounds they have received this very week in battling with the cougars and lynxes, and they are always threatening to fight one another; but they are as affectionate toward men (and especially toward me, as i pet them) as our own home dogs. at this moment a large hound and a small half-breed bull-dog, both of whom were quite badly wounded this morning by a cougar, are shoving their noses into my lap to be petted, and humming defiance to one another. they are on excellent terms with the ranch cat and kittens. the three chief fighting dogs, who do not follow the trail, are the most affectionate of all, and, moreover, they climb trees! yesterday we got a big lynx in the top of a pinon tree--a low, spreading kind of pine--about thirty feet tall. turk, the bloodhound, followed him up, and after much sprawling actually got to the very top, within a couple of feet of him. then, when the lynx was shot out of the tree, turk, after a short scramble, took a header down through the branches, landing with a bounce on his back. tony, one of the half-breed bull-dogs, takes such headers on an average at least once for every animal we put up a tree. we have nice little horses which climb the most extraordinary places you can imagine. get mother to show you some of gustave dore's trees; the trees on these mountains look just like them. the pig named maude keystone ranch, jan. , darling little ethel: you would be much amused with the animals round the ranch. the most thoroughly independent and self-possessed of them is a large white pig which we have christened maude. she goes everywhere at her own will; she picks up scraps from the dogs, who bay dismally at her, but know they have no right to kill her; and then she eats the green alfalfa hay from the two milch cows who live in the big corral with the horses. one of the dogs has just had a litter of puppies; you would love them, with their little wrinkled noses and squeaky voices. advice and news oyster bay, may th, blessed ted: it was the greatest fun seeing you, and i really had a satisfactory time with you, and came away feeling that you were doing well. i am entirely satisfied with your standing, both in your studies and in athletics. i want you to do well in your sports, and i want even more to have you do well with your books; but i do not expect you to stand first in either, if so to stand could cause you overwork and hurt your health. i always believe in going hard at everything, whether it is latin or mathematics, boxing or football, but at the same time i want to keep the sense of proportion. it is never worth while to absolutely exhaust one's self or to take big chances unless for an adequate object. i want you to keep in training the faculties which would make you, if the need arose, able to put your last ounce of pluck and strength into a contest. but i do not want you to squander these qualities. to have you play football as well as you do, and make a good name in boxing and wrestling, and be cox of your second crew, and stand second or third in your class in the studies, is all right. i should be rather sorry to see you drop too near the middle of your class, because, as you cannot enter college until you are nineteen, and will therefore be a year later in entering life, i want you to be prepared in the best possible way, so as to make up for the delay. but i know that all you can do you will do to keep substantially the position in the class that you have so far kept, and i have entire trust in you, for you have always deserved it. the weather has been lovely here. the cherry trees are in full bloom, the peach trees just opening, while the apples will not be out for ten days. the may flowers and bloodroot have gone, the anemonies and bellwort have come and the violets are coming. all the birds are here, pretty much, and the warblers troop through the woods. to my delight, yesterday kermit, when i tried him on diamond, did excellently. he has evidently turned the corner in his riding, and was just as much at home as possible, although he was on my saddle with his feet thrust in the leathers above the stirrup. poor mother has had a hard time with yagenka, for she rubbed her back, and as she sadly needs exercise and i could not have a saddle put upon her, i took her out bareback yesterday. her gaits are so easy that it is really more comfortable to ride her without a saddle than to ride texas with one, and i gave her three miles sharp cantering and trotting. dewey jr. is a very cunning white guinea pig. i wish you could see kermit taking out dewey sr. and bob evans to spend the day on the grass. archie is the sweetest little fellow imaginable. he is always thinking of you. he has now struck up a great friendship with nicholas, rather to mame's (the nurse's) regret, as mame would like to keep him purely for quentin. the last-named small boisterous person was in fearful disgrace this morning, having flung a block at his mother's head. it was done in sheer playfulness, but of course could not be passed over lightly, and after the enormity of the crime had been brought fully home to him, he fled with howls of anguish to me and lay in an abandon of yellow-headed grief in my arms. ethel is earning money for the purchase of the art magazine by industriously hoeing up the weeds in the walk. alice is going to ride yagenka bareback this afternoon, while i try to teach ethel on diamond, after kermit has had his ride. yesterday at dinner we were talking of how badly poor mrs. blank looked, and kermit suddenly observed in an aside to ethel, entirely unconscious that we were listening: "oh, effel, i'll tell you what mrs. blank looks like: like davis' hen dat died--you know, de one dat couldn't hop up on de perch." naturally, this is purely a private anecdote. archie and quentin oyster bay, may , . blessed ted: recently i have gone in to play with archie and quentin after they have gone to bed, and they have grown to expect me, jumping up, very soft and warm in their tommies, expecting me to roll them over on the bed and tickle and "grabble" in them. however, it has proved rather too exciting, and an edict has gone forth that hereafter i must play bear with them before supper, and give up the play when they have gone to bed. to-day was archie's birthday, and quentin resented archie's having presents while he (quentin) had none. with the appalling frankness of three years old, he remarked with great sincerity that "it made him miserable," and when taken to task for his lack of altruistic spirit he expressed an obviously perfunctory repentance and said: "well, boys must lend boys things, at any rate!" incidents of home-coming oyster bay, may st, . blessed ted: i enclose some filipino revolutionary postage stamps. maybe some of the boys would like them. have you made up your mind whether you would like to try shooting the third week in august or the last week in july, or would you rather wait until you come back when i can find out something more definite from mr. post? we very much wished for you while we were at the (buffalo) exposition. by night it was especially beautiful. alice and i also wished that you could have been with us when we were out riding at geneseo. major wadsworth put me on a splendid big horse called triton, and sister on a thoroughbred mare. they would jump anything. it was sister's first experience, but she did splendidly and rode at any fence at which i would first put triton. i did not try anything very high, but still some of the posts and rails were about four feet high, and it was enough to test sister's seat. of course, all we had to do was to stick on as the horses jumped perfectly and enjoyed it quite as much as we did. the first four or five fences that i went over i should be ashamed to say how far i bounced out of the saddle, but after a while i began to get into my seat again. it has been a good many years since i have jumped a fence. mother stopped off at albany while sister went on to boston, and i came on here alone tuesday afternoon. st. gaudens, the sculptor, and dunne (mr. dooley) were on the train and took lunch with us. it was great fun meeting them and i liked them both. kermit met me in high feather, although i did not reach the house until ten o'clock, and he sat by me and we exchanged anecdotes while i took my supper. ethel had put an alarm clock under her head so as to be sure and wake up, but although it went off she continued to slumber profoundly, as did quentin. archie waked up sufficiently to tell me that he had found another turtle just as small as the already existing treasure of the same kind. this morning quentin and black jack have neither of them been willing to leave me for any length of time. black jack simply lies curled up in a chair, but as quentin is most conversational, he has added an element of harassing difficulty to my effort to answer my accumulated correspondence. archie announced that he had seen "the baltimore orioles catching fish!" this seemed to warrant investigation; but it turned out he meant barn swallows skimming the water. the president not only sent "picture letters" to his own children, but an especial one to miss sarah schuyler butler, daughter of dr. nicholas murray butler, president of columbia university, who had written to him a little note of congratulation on his first birthday in the white house. white house, nov. d, . dear little miss sarah, i liked your birthday note _very_ much; and my children say i should draw you two pictures in return. we have a large blue macaw--quentin calls him a polly-parrot--who lives in the greenhouse, and is very friendly, but makes queer noises. he eats bread, potatoes, and coffee grains. the children have a very cunning pony. he is a little pet, like a dog, but he plays tricks on them when they ride him. he bucked ethel over his head the other day. your father will tell you that these are pictures of the unpolished stone period. give my love to your mother. your father's friend, theodore roosevelt. uncle remus and white house pets (to joel chandler harris) white house, june , . my dear mr. harris: your letter was a great relief to kermit, who always becomes personally interested in his favorite author, and who has been much worried by your sickness. he would be more than delighted with a copy of "daddy jake." alice has it already, but kermit eagerly wishes it. last night mrs. roosevelt and i were sitting out on the porch at the back of the white house, and were talking of you and wishing you could be sitting there with us. it is delightful at all times, but i think especially so after dark. the monument stands up distinct but not quite earthly in the night, and at this season the air is sweet with the jasmine and honeysuckle. all of the younger children are at present absorbed in various pets, perhaps the foremost of which is a puppy of the most orthodox puppy type. then there is jack, the terrier, and sailor boy, the chesapeake bay dog; and eli, the most gorgeous macaw, with a bill that i think could bite through boiler plate, who crawls all over ted, and whom i view with dark suspicion; and jonathan, the piebald rat, of most friendly and affectionate nature, who also crawls all over everybody; and the flying squirrel, and two kangaroo rats; not to speak of archie's pony, algonquin, who is the most absolute pet of them all. mrs. roosevelt and i have, i think, read all your stories to the children, and some of them over and over again. the dog "gem" white house, oct. , . blessed kermit: i am delighted at all the accounts i receive of how you are doing at groton. you seem to be enjoying yourself and are getting on well. i need not tell you to do your best to cultivate ability for concentrating your thought on whatever work you are given to do--you will need it in latin especially. who plays opposite you at end? do you find you can get down well under the ball to tackle the full-back? how are you tackling? mother is going to present gem to uncle will. she told him she did not think he was a good dog for the city; and therefore she gives him to uncle will to keep in the city. uncle will's emotion at such self-denying generosity almost overcame him. gem is really a very nice small bow-wow, but mother found that in this case possession was less attractive than pursuit. when she takes him out walking he carries her along as if she was a roman chariot. she thinks that uncle will or eda can anchor him. yesterday she and ethel held him and got burrs out of his hair. it was a lively time for all three. presidential nurse for guinea pigs (to mrs. elizabeth stuart phelps ward) white house, oct. , . at this moment, my small daughter being out, i am acting as nurse to two wee guinea pigs, which she feels would not be safe save in the room with me--and if i can prevent it i do not intend to have wanton suffering inflicted on any creature. thanksgiving in the white house white house, nov. , . darling kermit: yesterday was thanksgiving, and we all went out riding, looking as we started a good deal like the cumberbach family. archie on his beloved pony, and ethel on yagenka went off with mr. proctor to the hunt. mother rode jocko root, ted a first-class cavalry horse, i rode renown, and with us went senator lodge, uncle douglas, cousin john elliott, mr. bob fergie, and general wood. we had a three hours' scamper which was really great fun. yesterday i met bozie for the first time since he came to washington, and he almost wiggled himself into a fit, he was so overjoyed at renewing acquaintance. to see jack and tom quartz play together is as amusing as it can be. we have never had a more cunning kitten than tom quartz. i have just had to descend with severity upon quentin because he put the unfortunate tom into the bathtub and then turned on the water. he didn't really mean harm. last evening, besides our own entire family party, all the lodges, and their connections, came to dinner. we dined in the new state dining-room and we drank the health of you and all the rest of both families that were absent. after dinner we cleared away the table and danced. mother looked just as pretty as a picture and i had a lovely waltz with her. mrs. lodge and i danced the virginia reel. a white house christmas (to master james a. garfield, washington) white house, dec. , . jimmikins: among all the presents i got i don't think there was one i appreciated more than yours; for i was brought up to admire and respect your grandfather, and i have a very great fondness and esteem for your father. it always seems to me as if you children were being brought up the way that mine are. yesterday archie got among his presents a small rifle from me and a pair of riding-boots from his mother. he won't be able to use the rifle until next summer, but he has gone off very happy in the riding boots for a ride on the calico pony algonquin, the one you rode the other day. yesterday morning at a quarter of seven all the children were up and dressed and began to hammer at the door of their mother's and my room, in which their six stockings, all bulging out with queer angles and rotundities, were hanging from the fireplace. so their mother and i got up, shut the window, lit the fire, taking down the stockings, of course, put on our wrappers and prepared to admit the children. but first there was a surprise for me, also for their good mother, for archie had a little christmas tree of his own which he had rigged up with the help of one of the carpenters in a big closet; and we all had to look at the tree and each of us got a present off of it. there was also one present each for jack the dog, tom quartz the kitten, and algonquin the pony, whom archie would no more think of neglecting than i would neglect his brothers and sisters. then all the children came into our bed and there they opened their stockings. afterwards we got dressed and took breakfast, and then all went into the library, where each child had a table set for his bigger presents. quentin had a perfectly delightful electric railroad, which had been rigged up for him by one of his friends, the white house electrician, who has been very good to all the children. then ted and i, with general wood and mr. bob ferguson, who was a lieutenant in my regiment, went for a three hours' ride; and all of us, including all the children, took lunch at the house with the children's aunt, mrs. captain cowles--archie and quentin having their lunch at a little table with their cousin sheffield. late in the afternoon i played at single stick with general wood and mr. ferguson. i am going to get your father to come on and try it soon. we have to try to hit as light as possible, but sometimes we hit hard, and to-day i have a bump over one eye and a swollen wrist. then all our family and kinsfolk and senator and mrs. lodge's family and kinsfolk had our christmas dinner at the white house, and afterwards danced in the east room, closing up with the virginia reel. tom quartz and jack white house, jan. , . dear kermit: we felt very melancholy after you and ted left and the house seemed empty and lonely. but it was the greatest possible comfort to feel that you both really have enjoyed school and are both doing well there. tom quartz is certainly the cunningest kitten i have ever seen. he is always playing pranks on jack and i get very nervous lest jack should grow too irritated. the other evening they were both in the library--jack sleeping before the fire--tom quartz scampering about, an exceedingly playful little wild creature--which is about what he is. he would race across the floor, then jump upon the curtain or play with the tassel. suddenly he spied jack and galloped up to him. jack, looking exceedingly sullen and shame-faced, jumped out of the way and got upon the sofa, where tom quartz instantly jumped upon him again. jack suddenly shifted to the other sofa, where tom quartz again went after him. then jack started for the door, while tom made a rapid turn under the sofa and around the table, and just as jack reached the door leaped on his hind-quarters. jack bounded forward and away and the two went tandem out of the room--jack not reappearing at all; and after about five minutes tom quartz stalked solemnly back. another evening the next speaker of the house, mr. cannon, an exceedingly solemn, elderly gentleman with chin whiskers, who certainly does not look to be of playful nature, came to call upon me. he is a great friend of mine, and we sat talking over what our policies for the session should be until about eleven o'clock; and when he went away i accompanied him to the head of the stairs. he had gone about half-way down when tom quartz strolled by, his tail erect and very fluffy. he spied mr. cannon going down the stairs, jumped to the conclusion that he was a playmate escaping, and raced after him, suddenly grasping him by the leg the way he does archie and quentin when they play hide and seek with him; then loosening his hold he tore down-stairs ahead of mr. cannon, who eyed him with iron calm and not one particle of surprise. ethel has reluctantly gone back to boarding-school. it is just after lunch and dulany is cutting my hair while i dictate this to mr. loeb. i left mother lying on the sofa and reading aloud to quentin, who as usual has hung himself over the back of the sofa in what i should personally regard as an exceedingly uncomfortable attitude to listen to literature. archie we shall not see until this evening, when he will suddenly challenge me either to a race or a bear play, and if neither invitation is accepted will then propose that i tell a pig story or else read aloud from the norse folk tales. a far western trip in april, , president roosevelt made a trip to the pacific coast, visiting yellowstone park and the grand canyon of arizona. tame wild creatures yellowstone park, wyoming, april , . darling ethel: i wish you could be here and see how tame all the wild creatures are. as i write a dozen of deer have come down to the parade grounds, right in front of the house, to get the hay; they are all looking at the bugler, who has begun to play the "retreat." western customs and scenery del monte, cal., may , . darling ethel: i have thought it very good of you to write me so much. of course i am feeling rather fagged, and the next four days, which will include san francisco, will be tiresome; but i am very well. this is a beautiful hotel in which we are spending sunday, with gardens and a long seventeen-mile drive beside the beach and the rocks and among the pines and cypresses. i went on horseback. my horse was a little beauty, spirited, swift, sure-footed and enduring. as is usually the case here they had a great deal of silver on the bridle and headstall, and much carving on the saddle. we had some splendid gallops. by the way, tell mother that everywhere out here, from the mississippi to the pacific, i have seen most of the girls riding astride, and most of the grown-up women. i must say i think it very much better for the horses' backs. i think by the time that you are an old lady the side-saddle will almost have vanished--i am sure i hope so. i have forgotten whether you like the side-saddle or not. it was very interesting going through new mexico and seeing the strange old civilization of the desert, and next day the grand canyon of arizona, wonderful and beautiful beyond description. i could have sat and looked at it for days. it is a tremendous chasm, a mile deep and several miles wide, the cliffs carved into battlements, amphitheatres, towers and pinnacles, and the coloring wonderful, red and yellow and gray and green. then we went through the desert, passed across the sierras and came into this semi-tropical country of southern california, with palms and orange groves and olive orchards and immense quantities of flowers. treasures for the children del monte, cal., may , . blessed kermit: the last weeks' travel i have really enjoyed. last sunday and to-day (sunday) and also on wednesday at the grand canyon i had long rides, and the country has been strange and beautiful. i have collected a variety of treasures, which i shall have to try to divide up equally among you children. one treasure, by the way, is a very small badger, which i named josiah, and he is now called josh for short. he is very cunning and i hold him in my arms and pet him. i hope he will grow up friendly--that is if the poor little fellow lives to grow up at all. dulany is taking excellent care of him, and we feed him on milk and potatoes. i have enjoyed meeting an old classmate of mine at harvard. he was heavyweight boxing champion when i was in college. i was much interested in your seeing the wild deer. that was quite remarkable. to-day, by the way, as i rode along the beach i saw seals, cormorants, gulls and ducks, all astonishingly tame. more treasures del monte, cal., may , . blessed archie: i think it was very cunning for you and quentin to write me that letter together. i wish you could have been with me to-day on algonquin, for we had a perfectly lovely ride. dr. rixey and i were on two very handsome horses, with mexican saddles and bridles; the reins of very slender leather with silver rings. the road led through pine and cypress forests and along the beach. the surf was beating on the rocks in one place and right between two of the rocks where i really did not see how anything could swim a seal appeared and stood up on his tail half out of the foaming water and flapped his flippers, and was as much at home as anything could be. beautiful gulls flew close to us all around, and cormorants swam along the breakers or walked along the beach. i have a number of treasures to divide among you children when i get back. one of the treasures is bill the lizard. he is a little live lizard, called a horned frog, very cunning, who lives in a small box. the little badger, josh, is very well and eats milk and potatoes. we took him out and gave him a run in the sand to-day. so far he seems as friendly as possible. when he feels hungry he squeals and the colored porters insist that he says "du-la-ny, du-la-ny," because dulany is very good to him and takes care of him. a homesick president del monte, cal., may , . dearest quenty-quee i loved your letter. i am very homesick for mother and for you children; but i have enjoyed this week's travel. i have been among the orange groves, where the trees have oranges growing thick upon them, and there are more flowers than you have ever seen. i have a gold top which i shall give you if mother thinks you can take care of it. perhaps i shall give you a silver bell instead. whenever i see a little boy being brought up by his father or mother to look at the procession as we pass by, i think of you and archie and feel very homesick. sometimes little boys ride in the procession on their ponies, just like archie on algonquin. josiah's passionate day writing senator lodge on june , , describing his return to the white house from his western trip, the president said: "josiah, the young badger, is hailed with the wildest enthusiasm by the children, and has passed an affectionate but passionate day with us. fortunately his temper seems proof." loves and sports of the children (to miss emily t. carow) oyster bay, aug. , . to-day is edith's birthday, and the children have been too cunning in celebrating it. ethel had hemstitched a little handkerchief herself, and she had taken her gift and the gifts of all the other children into her room and neatly wrapped them up in white paper and tied with ribbons. they were for the most part taken down-stairs and put at her plate at breakfast time. then at lunch in marched kermit and ethel with a cake, burning forty-two candles, and each candle with a piece of paper tied to it purporting to show the animal or inanimate object from which the candle came. all the dogs and horses--renown, bleistein, yagenka, algonquin, sailor boy, brier, hector, etc., as well as tom quartz, the cat, the extraordinarily named hens--such as baron speckle and fierce, and finally even the boats and that pomegranate which edith gave kermit and which has always been known as santiago, had each his or her or its tag on a special candle. edith is very well this summer and looks so young and pretty. she rides with us a great deal and loves yagenka as much as ever. we also go out rowing together, taking our lunch and a book or two with us. the children fairly worship her, as they ought to, for a more devoted mother never was known. the children themselves are as cunning and good as possible. ted is nearly as tall as i am and as tough and wiry as you can imagine. he is a really good rider and can hold his own in walking, running, swimming, shooting, wrestling, and boxing. kermit is as cunning as ever and has developed greatly. he and his inseparable philip started out for a night's camping in their best the other day. a driving storm came up and they had to put back, really showing both pluck, skill and judgment. they reached home, after having been out twelve hours, at nine in the evening. archie continues devoted to algonquin and to nicholas. ted's playmates are george and jack, aleck russell, who is in princeton, and ensign hamner of the _sylph_. they wrestle, shoot, swim, play tennis, and go off on long expeditions in the boats. quenty-quee has cast off the trammels of the nursery and become a most active and fearless though very good-tempered little boy. really the children do have an ideal time out here, and it is an ideal place for them. the three sets of cousins are always together. i am rather disconcerted by the fact that they persist in regarding me as a playmate. this afternoon, for instance, was rainy, and all of them from george, ted, lorraine and ethel down to archibald, nicholas and quentin, with the addition of aleck russell and ensign hamner, came to get me to play with them in the old barn. they plead so hard that i finally gave in, but upon my word, i hardly knew whether it was quite right for the president to be engaged in such wild romping as the next two hours saw. the barn is filled with hay, and of course meets every requirement for the most active species of hide-and-seek and the like. quentin enjoyed the game as much as any one, and would jump down from one hay level to another fifteen feet below with complete abandon. i took kermit and archie, with philip, oliver and nicholas out for a night's camping in the two rowboats last week. they enjoyed themselves heartily, as usual, each sleeping rolled up in his blanket, and all getting up at an unearthly hour. also, as usual, they displayed a touching and firm conviction that my cooking is unequalled. it was of a simple character, consisting of frying beefsteak first and then potatoes in bacon fat, over the camp fire; but they certainly ate in a way that showed their words were not uttered in a spirit of empty compliment. a president at play (to miss emily t. carow) oyster bay, aug. , . archie and nick continue inseparable. i wish you could have seen them the other day, after one of the picnics, walking solemnly up, jointly carrying a basket, and each with a captured turtle in his disengaged hand. archie is a most warm-hearted, loving, cunning little goose. quentin, a merry soul, has now become entirely one of the children, and joins heartily in all their plays, including the romps in the old barn. when ethel had her birthday, the one entertainment for which she stipulated was that i should take part in and supervise a romp in the old barn, to which all the roosevelt children, ensign hamner of the _sylph_, bob ferguson and aleck russell were to come. of course i had not the heart to refuse; but really it seems, to put it mildly, rather odd for a stout, elderly president to be bouncing over hayricks in a wild effort to get to goal before an active midget of a competitor, aged nine years. however, it was really great fun. one of our recent picnics was an innovation, due to edith. we went in carriages or on horseback to jane's hill, some eight miles distant. the view was lovely, and there was a delightful old farmhouse half a mile away, where we left our horses. speck (german ambassador, count speck von sternberg) rode with edith and me, looking more like hans christian andersen's little tin soldier than ever. his papers as ambassador had finally come, and so he had turned up at oyster bay, together with the acting secretary of state, to present them. he appeared in what was really a very striking costume, that of a hussar. as soon as the ceremony was over, i told him to put on civilized raiment, which he did, and he spent a couple of days with me. we chopped, and shot, and rode together. he was delighted with wyoming, and, as always, was extremely nice to the children. the other day all the children gave amusing amateur theatricals, gotten up by lorraine and ted. the acting was upon laura roosevelt's tennis court. all the children were most cunning, especially quentin as cupid, in the scantiest of pink muslin tights and bodice. ted and lorraine, who were respectively george washington and cleopatra, really carried off the play. at the end all the cast joined hands in a song and dance, the final verse being devoted especially to me. i love all these children and have great fun with them, and i am touched by the way in which they feel that i am their special friend, champion, and companion. to-day all, young and old, from the three houses went with us to service on the great battleship _kearsarge_--for the fleet is here to be inspected by me to-morrow. it was an impressive sight, one which i think the children will not soon forget. most of the boys afterward went to lunch with the wretched secretary moody on the _dolphin_. ted had the younger ones very much on his mind, and when he got back said they had been altogether too much like a march hare tea-party, as archie, nicholas and oliver were not alive to the dignity of the occasion. to ted on a hunting trip oyster bay, aug. , . dear ted: we have thought of you a good deal, of course. i am glad you have my rifle with you--you scamp, does it still have "those associations" which you alleged as the reason why you would value it so much when in the near future i became unable longer to use it? i do not have very much hope of your getting a great deal of sport on this trip, and anything you do get in the way of furred or feathered game and fishing i shall count as so much extra thrown in; but i feel the trip will teach you a lot in the way of handling yourself in a wild country, as well as of managing horses and camp outfits--of dealing with frontiersmen, etc. it will therefore fit you to go on a regular camping trip next time. i have sternly refused to allow mother to ride wyoming, on the ground that i would not have her make a martyr of herself in the shape of riding a horse with a single-foot gait, which she so openly detests. accordingly, i have had some long and delightful rides with her, she on yagenka and i on bleistein, while ethel and kermit have begun to ride wyoming. kermit was with us this morning and got along beautifully till we galloped, whereupon wyoming made up his mind that it was a race, and kermit, for a moment or two, found him a handful. on sunday, after we came back from church and bathed, i rowed mother out to the end of lloyds neck, near your favorite camping ground. there we took lunch and spent a couple of hours with our books, reading a little and looking out over the beautiful sound and at the headlands and white beaches of the coast. we rowed back through a strange, shimmering sunset. i have played a little tennis since you left. winty chandler beat me two sets, but i beat him one. alex. russell beat me a long deuce set, to . to-day the smaller children held their championship. nick won a long deuce set from archie, and to my surprise oliver and ethel beat kermit and philip in two straight sets. i officiated as umpire and furnished the prizes, which were penknives. end of summer at oyster bay oyster bay, sept. , . blessed kermit: the house seems very empty without you and ted, although i cannot conscientiously say that it is quiet--archie and quentin attend to that. archie, barefooted, bareheaded, and with his usual faded blue overalls, much torn and patched, has just returned from a morning with his beloved nick. quentin has passed the morning in sports and pastimes with the long-suffering secret service men. allan has been associating closely with mother and me. yesterday ethel went off riding with lorraine. she rode wyoming, who is really turning out a very good family horse. this evening i expect grant la farge and owen wister, who are coming to spend the night. mother is as busy as possible putting up the house, and ethel and i insist that she now eyes us both with a purely professional gaze, and secretly wishes she could wrap us up in a neatly pinned sheet with camphor balls inside. good-bye, blessed fellow! "valuablest" kind of rabbits (to his sister, mrs. w. s. cowles) white house, oct. , . tell sheffield that quentin is now going to the public school. as yet he has preserved an attitude of dignified reserve concerning his feelings on the subject. he has just been presented with two white rabbits, which he brought in while we were at lunch yesterday, explaining that they were "the valuablest kind with pink eyes." a preaching letter white house, oct. , . dear kermit: i was very glad to get your letter. am glad you are playing football. i should be very sorry to see either you or ted devoting most of your attention to athletics, and i haven't got any special ambition to see you shine overmuch in athletics at college, at least (if you go there), because i think it tends to take up too much time; but i do like to feel that you are manly and able to hold your own in rough, hardy sports. i would rather have a boy of mine stand high in his studies than high in athletics, but i could a great deal rather have him show true manliness of character than show either intellectual or physical prowess; and i believe you and ted both bid fair to develop just such character. there! you will think this a dreadfully preaching letter! i suppose i have a natural tendency to preach just at present because i am overwhelmed with my work. i enjoy being president, and i like to do the work and have my hand on the lever. but it is very worrying and puzzling, and i have to make up my mind to accept every kind of attack and misrepresentation. it is a great comfort to me to read the life and letters of abraham lincoln. i am more and more impressed every day, not only with the man's wonderful power and sagacity, but with his literally endless patience, and at the same time his unflinching resolution. proper place for sports white house, oct. , . dear ted: in spite of the "hurry! hurry!" on the outside of your envelope, i did not like to act until i had consulted mother and thought the matter over; and to be frank with you, old fellow, i am by no means sure that i am doing right now. if it were not that i feel you will be so bitterly disappointed, i would strongly advocate your acquiescing in the decision to leave you off the second squad this year. i am proud of your pluck, and i greatly admire football--though it was not a game i was ever able to play myself, my qualities resembling kermit's rather than yours. but the very things that make it a good game make it a rough game, and there is always the chance of your being laid up. now, i should not in the least object to your being laid up for a season if you were striving for something worth while, to get on the groton school team, for instance, or on your class team when you entered harvard--for of course i don't think you will have the weight to entitle you to try for the 'varsity. but i am by no means sure that it is worth your while to run the risk of being laid up for the sake of playing in the second squad when you are a fourth former, instead of when you are a fifth former. i do not know that the risk is balanced by the reward. however, i have told the rector that as you feel so strongly about it, i think that the chance of your damaging yourself in body is outweighed by the possibility of bitterness of spirit if you could not play. understand me, i should think mighty little of you if you permitted chagrin to make you bitter on some point where it was evidently right for you to suffer the chagrin. but in this case i am uncertain, and i shall give you the benefit of the doubt. if, however, the coaches at any time come to the conclusion that you ought not to be in the second squad, why you must come off without grumbling. i am delighted to have you play football. i believe in rough, manly sports. but i do not believe in them if they degenerate into the sole end of any one's existence. i don't want you to sacrifice standing well in your studies to any over-athleticism; and i need not tell you that character counts for a great deal more than either intellect or body in winning success in life. athletic proficiency is a mighty good servant, and like so many other good servants, a mighty bad master. did you ever read pliny's letter to trajan, in which he speaks of its being advisable to keep the greeks absorbed in athletics, because it distracted their minds from all serious pursuits, including soldiering, and prevented their ever being dangerous to the romans? i have not a doubt that the british officers in the boer war had their efficiency partly reduced because they had sacrificed their legitimate duties to an inordinate and ridiculous love of sports. a man must develop his physical prowess up to a certain point; but after he has reached that point there are other things that count more. in my regiment nine-tenths of the men were better horsemen than i was, and probably two-thirds of them better shots than i was, while on the average they were certainly hardier and more enduring. yet after i had had them a very short while they all knew, and i knew too, that nobody else could command them as i could. i am glad you should play football; i am glad that you should box; i am glad that you should ride and shoot and walk and row as well as you do. i should be very sorry if you did not do these things. but don't ever get into the frame of mind which regards these things as constituting the end to which all your energies must be devoted, or even the major portion of your energies. yes, i am going to speak at groton on prize day. i felt that while i was president, and while you and kermit were at groton i wanted to come up there and see you, and the rector wished me to speak, and so i am very glad to accept. by the way, i am working hard to get renown accustomed to automobiles. he is such a handful now when he meets them that i seriously mind encountering them when mother is along. of course i do not care if i am alone, or with another man, but i am uneasy all the time when i am out with mother. yesterday i tried bleistein over the hurdles at chevy chase. the first one was new, high and stiff, and the old rascal never rose six inches, going slap through it. i took him at it again and he went over all right. i am very busy now, facing the usual endless worry and discouragement, and trying to keep steadily in mind that i must not only be as resolute as abraham lincoln in seeking to achieve decent ends, but as patient, as uncomplaining, and as even-tempered in dealing, not only with knaves, but with the well-meaning foolish people, educated and uneducated, who by their unwisdom give the knaves their chance. concerning getting "smashed" white house, oct. , . dear ted: i have received letters from the rector, from mr. woods, and from mr. billings. they all say that you should play on the third squad, and mr. woods says you are now satisfied to do so. this was my first, and as i am convinced, my real judgment in the case. if you get mashed up now in a serious way it may prevent your playing later. as i think i wrote you, i do not in the least object to your getting smashed if it is for an object that is worth while, such as playing on the groton team or playing on your class team when you get to harvard. but i think it a little silly to run any imminent risk of a serious smash simply to play on the second squad instead of the third. i am judging for you as i would for myself. when i was young and rode across country i was light and tough, and if i did, as actually happened, break an arm or a rib no damage ensued and no scandal was caused. now i am stiff and heavy, and any accident to me would cause immense talk, and i do not take the chance; simply because it is not worth while. on the other hand, if i should now go to war and have a brigade as i had my regiment before santiago, i should take any chance that was necessary; because it would be worth while. in other words, i want to make the risk to a certain accident commensurate with the object gained. the art of uncle remus (to joel chandler harris) white house, oct. , . my dear harris: it is worth while being president when one's small daughter receives that kind of an autograph gift. when i was younger than she is, my aunt annie bulloch, of georgia, used to tell me some of the brer rabbit stories, especially brer rabbit and the tar baby. but fond though i am of the brer rabbit stories i think i am even fonder of your other writings. i doubt if there is a more genuinely pathetic tale in all our literature than "free joe." moreover i have felt that all that you write serves to bring our people closer together. i know, of course, the ordinary talk is that an artist should be judged purely by his art; but i am rather a philistine and like to feel that the art serves a good purpose. your art is not only an art addition to our sum of national achievement, but it has also always been an addition to the forces that tell for decency, and above all for the blotting out of sectional antagonism. a ride and a pillow fight white house, oct. , . dear kermit: i was much pleased at your being made captain of your eleven. i would rather have you captain of the third eleven than playing on the second. yesterday afternoon ethel on wyoming, mother on yagenka and i on renown had a long ride, the only incident being meeting a large red automobile, which much shook renown's nerves, although he behaved far better than he has hitherto been doing about automobiles. in fact, he behaved so well that i leaned over and gave him a lump of sugar when he had passed the object of terror--the old boy eagerly turning his head around to get it. it was lovely out in the country, with the trees at their very best of the fall coloring. there are no red maples here, but the virginia creepers and some of the dogwoods give the red, and the hickories, tulip trees and beeches a brilliant yellow, sometimes almost orange. when we got home mother went up-stairs first and was met by archie and quentin, each loaded with pillows and whispering not to let me know that they were in ambush; then as i marched up to the top they assailed me with shrieks and chuckles of delight and then the pillow fight raged up and down the hall. after my bath i read them from uncle remus. usually mother reads them, but now and then, when i think she really must have a holiday from it, i read them myself. study and play white house, oct. , . dear ted: i am really greatly pleased at your standing so high in your form, and i am sure that this year it is better for you to be playing where you are in football. i suppose next year you will go back to your position of end, as you would hardly be heavy enough for playing back, or to play behind the centre, against teams with big fellows. i repeat that your standing in the class gave me real pleasure. i have sympathized so much with your delight in physical prowess and have been so glad at the success you have had, that sometimes i have been afraid i have failed to emphasize sufficiently the fact that of course one must not subordinate study and work to the cultivation of such prowess. by the way, i am sorry to say that i am falling behind physically. the last two or three years i have had a tendency to rheumatism, or gout, or something of the kind, which makes me very stiff. renown is behaving better about automobiles and the like. i think the difference is largely in the way i handle him. he is a very good-natured and gentle horse, but timid and not over-wise, and when in a panic his great strength makes him well-nigh uncontrollable. accordingly, he is a bad horse to try to force by anything. if possible, it is much better to give him a little time, and bring him up as gently as may be to the object of terror. when he behaves well i lean forward and give him a lump of sugar, and now the old boy eagerly puts around his head when i stretch out my hand. bleistein i have ridden very little, because i think one of his forelegs is shaky, and i want to spare him all i can. mother and i have had the most lovely rides imaginable. quentin's first fall white house, oct. , . dear kermit: yesterday i felt rather seedy, having a touch of cuban fever, my only unpleasant reminiscence of the santiago campaign. accordingly, i spent the afternoon in the house lying on the sofa, with a bright fire burning and mother in the rocking-chair, with her knitting, beside me. i felt so glad that i was not out somewhere in the wilderness, campaigning or hunting, where i would have to walk or ride all day in the rain and then lie out under a bush at night! when allan will come from the trainer's i do not know. rather to my surprise, ronald has won golden opinions and really is a very nice dog. pinckney loves him, and he sits up in the express wagon just as if it was what he had been born to. quentin is learning to ride the pony. he had one tumble, which, he remarked philosophically, did not hurt him any more than when i whacked him with a sofa cushion in one of our pillow fights. i think he will very soon be able to manage the pony by himself. mother has just taken the three children to spend the afternoon at dr. rixey's farm. i am hard at work on my message to congress, and accordingly shall not try to go out or see any one either this afternoon or this evening. all of this work is terribly puzzling at times, but i peg away at it, and every now and then, when the dust clears away and i look around, i feel that i really have accomplished a little, at any rate. i think you stood well in your form, taking everything into account. i feel you deserve credit for being captain of your football eleven, and yet standing as high as you do in your class. homesick for sagamore hill white house, nov. , . dear ted: three cheers for groton! it was first-class. on election day i saw the house, and it was all so lovely that i felt fairly homesick to be back in it. the japanese maples were still in full leaf and were turning the most beautiful shades of scarlet imaginable. the old barn, i am sorry to say, seems to be giving away at one end. renown now behaves very well about automobiles, and indeed about everything. he is, however, a little touched in the wind. bleistein, in spite of being a little shaky in one foreleg, is in splendid spirits and eager for any amount of go. when you get on here for the christmas holidays you will have to try them both, for if there is any fox hunting i am by no means sure you will find it better to take bleistein than renown. sister is very handsome and good, having had a delightful time. that was a funny trick which the indians played against harvard. harvard did well to play such a successful uphill game in the latter part of the second half as to enable them to win out; but i do not see how she stands a chance of success against yale this year. joy over a football victory white house, nov. , . dear kermit: to-night while i was preparing to dictate a message to congress concerning the boiling caldron on the isthmus of panama, which has now begun to bubble over, up came one of the ushers with a telegram from you and ted about the football match. instantly i bolted into the next room to read it aloud to mother and sister, and we all cheered in unison when we came to the rah! rah! rah! part of it. it was a great score. i wish i could have seen the game. vice-mother of the children white house, nov. , . dear kermit: didn't i tell you about hector, brier and sailor boy (dogs) when i saw them on election day? they were in excellent health, lying around the door of seaman's house, which they had evidently adopted as their own. sailor boy and brier were exceedingly affectionate; hector kindly, but uninterested. mother has gone off for nine days, and as usual i am acting as vice-mother. archie and quentin are really too cunning for anything. each night i spend about three-quarters of an hour reading to them. i first of all read some book like algonquin indian tales, or the poetry of scott or macaulay. once i read them jim bludsoe, which perfectly enthralled them and made quentin ask me at least a hundred questions, including one as to whether the colored boy did not find sitting on the safety valve hot. i have also been reading them each evening from the bible. it has been the story of saul, david and jonathan. they have been so interested that several times i have had to read them more than one chapter. then each says his prayers and repeats the hymn he is learning, quentin usually jigging solemnly up and down while he repeats it. each finally got one hymn perfect, whereupon in accordance with previous instructions from mother i presented each of them with a five-cent piece. yesterday (saturday) i took both of them and ethel, together with the three elder garfield boys, for a long scramble down rock creek. we really had great fun. quentin's sixth birthday white house, nov. , . dear kermit: i was much pleased at your being chosen captain of the seventh. i had not expected it. i rather suspect that you will be behind in your studies this month. if so, try to make up next month, and keep above the middle of the class if you can. i am interested in what you tell me about the sir galahads, and i shall want to talk to you about them when you come on. mother is back with aunt emily, who looks very well. it is so nice to have her. as for mother, of course she makes the house feel like a home again, instead of like a temporary dwelling. leo is as cunning as ever. pinckney went to see allan yesterday and said he found him "as busy as a bee in a tar barrel," and evidently owning all the trainer's house. he is not yet quite fit to come back here. to-day is quentin's birthday. he has a cold, so he had his birthday cake, with the six candles, and his birthday ice-cream, in the nursery, with ethel, archie, mother, aunt emily, myself, mame and georgette as admiring guests and onlookers. a president's poor protection white house, nov. , . dear kermit: it was very sad at uncle gracie's funeral; and yet lovely, too, in a way, for not only all his old friends had turned out, but all of the people connected with the institutions for which he had worked during so many years also came. there were a good many of the older boys and employees from the newsboys' lodging house and the orthopaedic dispensary, etc. uncle jimmy possessed a singularly loving and affectionate nature, and i never knew any one who in doing good was more careful to do it unostentatiously. i had no idea how much he had done. mother with her usual thoughtfulness had kept him steadily in mind while i have been governor and president; and i now find that he appreciated her so much, her constant remembrances in having him on to visit us on different occasions. it was a lesson to me, for i should probably never have thought of it myself; and of course when one does not do what one ought to, the excuse that one erred from thoughtlessness instead of wrong purpose is of small avail. the police arrangements at the church were exasperating to a degree. there were fully five hundred policemen in the streets round about, just as if there was danger of an attack by a ferocious mob; and yet though they had throngs of policemen inside, too, an elderly and harmless crank actually got inside with them to present me some foolish memorial about curing the german emperor from cancer. inasmuch as what we needed was, not protection against a mob, but a sharp lookout for cranks, the arrangement ought by rights to have been for fifty policemen outside and two or three good detectives inside. i felt like a fool with all the policemen in solemn and purposeless lines around about; and then i felt half exasperated and half amused when i found that they were utterly helpless to prevent a crank from getting inside after all. p. s.--i enclose two original poems by nick and archie. they refer to a bit of unhappy advice i gave them, because of which i fell into richly merited disgrace with mother. nick has been spending three days or so with archie, and i suggested that they should explore the white house in the mirk of midnight. they did, in white sheets, and, like little jacks, barefooted. send me back the poems. ted's sprained ankle white house, nov. , . dear ted: if i were you i should certainly get the best ankle support possible. you do not want to find next fall that webb beats you for end because your ankle gives out and his does not. if i were in your place, if it were necessary, i should put the ankle in plaster for the next three weeks, or for as long as the doctor thinks it needful, rather than run any risk of this. at any rate, i would consult him and wear whatever he thinks is the right thing. . . . . . i wonder if you are old enough yet to care for a good history of the american revolution. if so, i think i shall give you mine by sir george trevelyan; although it is by an englishman, i really think it on the whole the best account i have read. if i give it to you you must be very careful of it, because he sent it to me himself. p. s.--the bond parrot for mother has turned up; it is a most meritorious parrot, very friendly, and quite a remarkable talker. the supreme christmas joy (to his sister, mrs. douglas robinson) white house, dec. , . . . . . . we had a delightful christmas yesterday--just such a christmas thirty or forty years ago we used to have under father's and mother's supervision in th street and th street. at seven all the children came in to open the big, bulgy stockings in our bed; kermit's terrier, allan, a most friendly little dog, adding to the children's delight by occupying the middle of the bed. from alice to quentin, each child was absorbed in his or her stocking, and edith certainly managed to get the most wonderful stocking toys. bob was in looking on, and aunt emily, of course. then, after breakfast, we all formed up and went into the library, where bigger toys were on separate tables for the children. i wonder whether there ever can come in life a thrill of greater exaltation and rapture than that which comes to one between the ages of say six and fourteen, when the library door is thrown open and you walk in to see all the gifts, like a materialized fairy land, arrayed on your special table? a day with a juggler white house, jan. , . dear kermit: thursday and friday there was a great deal of snow on the ground, and the weather was cold, so that mother and i had two delightful rides up rock creek. the horses were clipped and fresh, and we were able to let them go along at a gallop, while the country was wonderfully beautiful. to-day, after lunch, mother took ethel, archie and quentin, each with a friend, to see some most wonderful juggling and sleight of hand tricks by kellar. i went along and was as much interested as any of the children, though i had to come back to my work in the office before it was half through. at one period ethel gave up her ring for one of the tricks. it was mixed up with the rings of five other little girls, and then all six rings were apparently pounded up and put into a pistol and shot into a collection of boxes, where five of them were subsequently found, each tied around a rose. ethel's, however, had disappeared, and he made believe that it had vanished, but at the end of the next trick a remarkable bottle, out of which many different liquids had been poured, suddenly developed a delightful white guinea pig, squirming and kicking and looking exactly like admiral dewey, with around its neck ethel's ring, tied by a pink ribbon. then it was wrapped up in a paper, handed to ethel; and when ethel opened it, behold, there was no guinea pig, but a bunch of roses with a ring. merits of military and civil life white house, jan. , . dear ted: this will be a long business letter. i sent to you the examination papers for west point and annapolis. i have thought a great deal over the matter, and discussed it at great length with mother. i feel on the one hand that i ought to give you my best advice, and yet on the other hand i do not wish to seem to constrain you against your wishes. if you have definitely made up your mind that you have an overmastering desire to be in the navy or the army, and that such a career is the one in which you will take a really heart-felt interest--far more so than any other--and that your greatest chance for happiness and usefulness will lie in doing this one work to which you feel yourself especially drawn--why, under such circumstances, i have but little to say. but i am not satisfied that this is really your feeling. it seemed to me more as if you did not feel drawn in any other direction, and wondered what you were going to do in life or what kind of work you would turn your hand to, and wondered if you could make a success or not; and that you are therefore inclined to turn to the navy or army chiefly because you would then have a definite and settled career in life, and could hope to go on steadily without any great risk of failure. now, if such is your thought, i shall quote to you what captain mahan said of his son when asked why he did not send him to west point or annapolis. "i have too much confidence in him to make me feel that it is desirable for him to enter either branch of the service." i have great confidence in you. i believe you have the ability and, above all, the energy, the perseverance, and the common sense, to win out in civil life. that you will have some hard times and some discouraging times i have no question; but this is merely another way of saying that you will share the common lot. though you will have to work in different ways from those in which i worked, you will not have to work any harder, nor to face periods of more discouragement. i trust in your ability, and especially your character, and i am confident you will win. in the army and the navy the chance for a man to show great ability and rise above his fellows does not occur on the average more than once in a generation. when i was down at santiago it was melancholy for me to see how fossilized and lacking in ambition, and generally useless, were most of the men of my age and over, who had served their lives in the army. the navy for the last few years has been better, but for twenty years after the civil war there was less chance in the navy than in the army to practise, and do, work of real consequence. i have actually known lieutenants in both the army and the navy who were grandfathers--men who had seen their children married before they themselves attained the grade of captain. of course the chance may come at any time when the man of west point or annapolis who will have stayed in the army or navy finds a great war on, and therefore has the opportunity to rise high. under such circumstances, i think that the man of such training who has actually left the army or the navy has even more chance of rising than the man who has remained in it. moreover, often a man can do as i did in the spanish war, even though not a west pointer. this last point raises the question about you going to west point or annapolis and leaving the army or navy after you have served the regulation four years (i think that is the number) after graduation from the academy. under this plan you would have an excellent education and a grounding in discipline and, in some ways, a testing of your capacity greater than i think you can get in any ordinary college. on the other hand, except for the profession of an engineer, you would have had nothing like special training, and you would be so ordered about, and arranged for, that you would have less independence of character than you could gain from them. you would have had fewer temptations; but you would have had less chance to develop the qualities which overcome temptations and show that a man has individual initiative. supposing you entered at seventeen, with the intention of following this course. the result would be that at twenty-five you would leave the army or navy without having gone through any law school or any special technical school of any kind, and would start your life work three or four years later than your schoolfellows of to-day, who go to work immediately after leaving college. of course, under such circumstances, you might study law, for instance, during the four years after graduation; but my own feeling is that a man does good work chiefly when he is in something which he intends to make his permanent work, and in which he is deeply interested. moreover, there will always be the chance that the number of officers in the army or navy will be deficient, and that you would have to stay in the service instead of getting out when you wished. i want you to think over all these matters very seriously. it would be a great misfortune for you to start into the army or navy as a career, and find that you had mistaken your desires and had gone in without really weighing the matter. you ought not to enter unless you feel genuinely drawn to the life as a life-work. if so, go in; but not otherwise. mr. loeb told me to-day that at he had tried for the army, but failed. the competitor who beat him in is now a captain; mr. loeb has passed him by, although meanwhile a war has been fought. mr. loeb says he wished to enter the army because he did not know what to do, could not foresee whether he would succeed or fail in life, and felt the army would give him "a living and a career." now if this is at bottom your feeling i should advise you not to go in; i should say yes to some boys, but not to you; i believe in you too much, and have too much confidence in you. root and taft white house, feb. , . dear ted: i was glad to hear that you were to be confirmed. secretary root left on monday and governor taft took his place. i have missed, and shall miss, root dreadfully. he has been the ablest, most generous and most disinterested friend and adviser that any president could hope to have; and immediately after leaving he rendered me a great service by a speech at the union league club, in which he said in most effective fashion the very things i should have liked him to say; and his words, moreover, carried weight as the words of no other man at this time addressing such an audience could have done. taft is a splendid fellow and will be an aid and comfort in every way. but, as mother says, he is too much like me to be able to give me as good advice as mr. root was able to do because of the very differences of character between us. if after fully thinking the matter over you remain firmly convinced that you want to go into the army, well and good. i shall be rather sorry for your decision, because i have great confidence in you and i believe that in civil life you could probably win in the end a greater prize than will be open to you if you go into the army--though, of course, a man can do well in the army. i know perfectly well that you will have hard times in civil life. probably most young fellows when they have graduated from college, or from their post-graduate course, if they take any, feel pretty dismal for the first few years. in ordinary cases it at first seems as if their efforts were not leading anywhere, as if the pressure around the foot of the ladder was too great to permit of getting up to the top. but i have faith in your energy, your perseverance, your ability, and your power to force yourself to the front when you have once found out and taken your line. however, you and i and mother will talk the whole matter over when you come back here on easter. senator hanna's death white house, feb. , . dear ted: poor hanna's death was a tragedy. at the end he wrote me a note, the last he ever wrote, which showed him at his best, and which i much appreciate. his death was very sad for his family and close friends, for he had many large and generous traits, and had made a great success in life by his energy, perseverance and burly strength. buffalo bill was at lunch the other day, together with john willis, my old hunter. buffalo bill has always been a great friend of mine. i remember when i was running for vice-president i struck a kansas town just when the wild west show was there. he got upon the rear platform of my car and made a brief speech on my behalf, ending with the statement that "a cyclone from the west had come; no wonder the rats hunted their cellars!" . . . . . as for you, i think the west point education is, of course, good for any man, but i still think that you have too much in you for me to be glad to see you go into the army, where in time of peace progress is so much a matter of routine. irritating remark by quentin white house, feb. , . dear kermit: mother went off for three days to new york and mame and quentin took instant advantage of her absence to fall sick. quentin's sickness was surely due to a riot in candy and ice-cream with chocolate sauce. he was a very sad bunny next morning and spent a couple of days in bed. ethel, as always, was as good as gold both to him and to archie, and largely relieved me of my duties as vice-mother. i got up each morning in time to breakfast with ethel and archie before they started for school, and i read a certain amount to quentin, but this was about all. i think archie escaped with a minimum of washing for the three days. one day i asked him before quentin how often he washed his face, whereupon quentin interpolated, "very seldom, i fear," which naturally produced from archie violent recriminations of a strongly personal type. mother came back yesterday, having thoroughly enjoyed parsifal. all the horses continue sick. japanese wrestling white house, march , . dear kermit: . . . . . i am wrestling with two japanese wrestlers three times a week. i am not the age or the build one would think to be whirled lightly over an opponent's head and batted down on a mattress without damage. but they are so skilful that i have not been hurt at all. my throat is a little sore, because once when one of them had a strangle hold i also got hold of his windpipe and thought i could perhaps choke him off before he could choke me. however, he got ahead. white house, april , . dear ted: i am very glad i have been doing this japanese wrestling, but when i am through with it this time i am not at all sure i shall ever try it again while i am so busy with other work as i am now. often by the time i get to five o'clock in the afternoon i will be feeling like a stewed owl, after an eight hours' grapple with senators, congressmen, etc.; then i find the wrestling a trifle too vehement for mere rest. my right ankle and my left wrist and one thumb and both great toes are swollen sufficiently to more or less impair their usefulness, and i am well mottled with bruises elsewhere. still i have made good progress, and since you left they have taught me three new throws that are perfect corkers. love for the white house white house, may , . dear ted: . . . . . i am having a reasonable amount of work and rather more than a reasonable amount of worry. but, after all, life is lovely here. the country is beautiful, and i do not think that any two people ever got more enjoyment out of the white house than mother and i. we love the house itself, without and within, for its associations, for its stillness and its simplicity. we love the garden. and we like washington. we almost always take our breakfast on the south portico now, mother looking very pretty and dainty in her summer dresses. then we stroll about the garden for fifteen or twenty minutes, looking at the flowers and the fountain and admiring the trees. then i work until between four and five, usually having some official people to lunch--now a couple of senators, now a couple of ambassadors, now a literary man, now a capitalist or a labor leader, or a scientist, or a big-game hunter. if mother wants to ride, we then spend a couple of hours on horseback. we had a lovely ride up on the virginia shore since i came back, and yesterday went up rock creek and swung back home by the roads where the locust trees were most numerous--for they are now white with blossoms. it is the last great burst of bloom which we shall see this year except the laurels. but there are plenty of flowers in bloom or just coming out, the honeysuckle most conspicuously. the south portico is fragrant with that now. the jasmine will be out later. if we don't ride, i walk or play tennis. but i am afraid ted has gotten out of his father's class in tennis! peter rabbit's funeral white house, may , . dear kermit: it was great fun seeing you and ted, and i enjoyed it to the full. ethel, archie and quentin have gone to mount vernon to-day with the garfield boys. yesterday poor peter rabbit died and his funeral was held with proper state. archie, in his overalls, dragged the wagon with the little black coffin in which poor peter rabbit lay. mother walked behind as chief mourner, she and archie solemnly exchanging tributes to the worth and good qualities of the departed. then he was buried, with a fuchsia over the little grave. you remember kenneth grahame's account of how harold went to the circus and sang the great spheral song of the circus? well, yesterday mother leaned out of her window and heard archie, swinging under a magnolia tree, singing away to himself, "i'm going to sagamore, to sagamore, to sagamore. i'm going to sagamore, oh, to sagamore!" it was his spheral song of joy and thanksgiving. the children's delight at going to sagamore next week has completely swallowed up all regret at leaving mother and me. quentin is very cunning. he and archie love to play the hose into the sandbox and then, with their thigh rubber boots on, to get in and make fortifications. now and then they play it over each other. ethel is playing tennis quite a good deal. i think yagenka is going to come out all right, and bleistein, too. i have no hope for wyoming or renown. fortunately, rusty is serving us well. white house, june th, . blessed quenty-quee: the little birds in the nest in the vines on the garden fence are nearly grown up. their mother still feeds them. you see the mother bird with a worm in her beak, and the little birds with their beaks wide open! i was out walking the other day and passed the zoo; there i fed with grass some of the two-year-old elk; the bucks had their horns "in the velvet." i fed them through the bars. white house, june th, . blessed archie-kins: give my love to mademoiselle; i hope you and quenty are _very_ good with her--and don't play in the library! i loved your letter, and think you were very good to write. all kinds of live things are sent me from time to time. the other day an eagle came; this morning an owl. (i have drawn him holding a rat in one claw.) we sent both to the zoo. the other day while walking with mr. pinchot and mr. garfield we climbed into the blagden deer park and almost walked over such a pretty wee fawn, all spotted; it ran off like a little race horse. it made great jumps and held its white tail straight in the air. white house, june , . dear quenty-quee: the other day when out riding what should i see in the road ahead of me but a real b'rer terrapin and b'rer rabbit. they were sitting solemnly beside one another and looked just as if they had come out of a book; but as my horse walked along b'rer rabbit went lippity lippity lippity off into the bushes and b'rer terrapin drew in his head and legs till i passed. charms of valley forge white house, june , . dearest ethel: i think you are a little trump and i love your letter, and the way you take care of the children and keep down the expenses and cook bread and are just your own blessed busy cunning self. you would have enjoyed being at valley forge with us on sunday. it is a beautiful place, and, of course, full of historic associations. the garden here is lovely. a pair of warbling vireos have built in a linden and sing all the time. the lindens, by the way, are in bloom, and massachusetts avenue is fragrant with them. the magnolias are all in bloom, too, and the jasmine on the porch. washington's companions at valley forge white house, june , . dear ted: mother and i had a most lovely ride the other day, way up beyond sligo creek to what is called north-west branch, at burnt mills, where is a beautiful gorge, deep and narrow, with great boulders and even cliffs. excepting great falls it is the most beautiful place around here. mother scrambled among the cliffs in her riding habit, very pretty and most interesting. the roads were good and some of the scenery really beautiful. we were gone four hours, half an hour being occupied with the scrambling in the gorge. saturday we went to the wedding of teddy douglas and helen. it was a beautiful wedding in every way and i am very fond of both of them. sunday we spent at attorney-general knox's at valley forge, and most unexpectedly i had to deliver a little address at the church in the afternoon, as they are trying to build a memorial to washington. think of the fact that in washington's army that winter among the junior officers were alexander hamilton, monroe and marshall--a future president of the united states, the future chief justice who was to do such wonderful work for our government, and the man of most brilliant mind--hamilton--whom we have ever developed in this country. on the eve of nomination for president white house, june , . dear kermit: we spent to-day at the knoxes'. it is a beautiful farm--just such a one as you could run. phil knox, as capable and efficient as he is diminutive, amused mother and me greatly by the silent way in which he did in first-rate way his full share of all the work. to-morrow the national convention meets, and barring a cataclysm i shall be nominated. there is a great deal of sullen grumbling, but it has taken more the form of resentment against what they think is my dictation as to details than against me personally. they don't dare to oppose me for the nomination and i suppose it is hardly likely the attempt will be made to stampede the convention for any one. how the election will turn out no man can tell. of course i hope to be elected, but i realize to the full how very lucky i have been, not only to be president but to have been able to accomplish so much while president, and whatever may be the outcome, i am not only content but very sincerely thankful for all the good fortune i have had. from panama down i have been able to accomplish certain things which will be of lasting importance in our history. incidentally, i don't think that any family has ever enjoyed the white house more than we have. i was thinking about it just this morning when mother and i took breakfast on the portico and afterwards walked about the lovely grounds and looked at the stately historic old house. it is a wonderful privilege to have been here and to have been given the chance to do this work, and i should regard myself as having a small and mean mind if in the event of defeat i felt soured at not having had more instead of being thankful for having had so much. picture letter white house, june , . darling ethel, here goes for the picture letter! ethel administers necessary discipline to archie and quentin. ethel gives sick yagenka a bottle of medicine. father playing tennis with mr. cooley. (father's shape and spectacles are reproduced with photographic fidelity; also notice mr. cooley's smile.) leo chases a squirrel which fortunately he can't catch. a nice policeman feeding a squirrel with bread; i fed two with bread this afternoon. there! my invention has given out. mother and aunt emily have been on a picnic down the river with general crozier; we have been sitting on the portico in the moonlight. sister is _very_ good. your loving father. bill the lizard white house, june , . blessed archikins: the other day when mother and i were walking down the steps of the big south porch we saw a movement among the honeysuckles and there was bill the lizard--your lizard that you brought home from mount vernon. we have seen him several times since and he is evidently entirely at home here. the white house seems big and empty without any of you children puttering around it, and i think the ushers miss you very much. i play tennis in the late afternoons unless i go to ride with mother. on the eve of election white house, oct. , . darling kermit: the weather has been beautiful the last week--mild, and yet with the true feeling of fall in the air. when mother and i have ridden up rock creek through the country round about, it has been a perpetual delight just to look at the foliage. i have never seen leaves turn more beautifully. the virginia creepers and some of the maple and gum trees are scarlet and crimson. the oaks are deep red brown. the beeches, birches and hickories are brilliant saffron. just at this moment i am dictating while on my way with mother to the wedding of senator knox's daughter, and the country is a blaze of color as we pass through it, so that it is a joy to the eye to look upon it. i do not think i have ever before seen the colorings of the woods so beautiful so far south as this. ted is hard at work with matt. hale, who is a very nice fellow and has become quite one of the household, like good mademoiselle. i am really fond of her. she is so bright and amusing and now seems perfectly happy, and is not only devoted to archie and quentin but is very wise in the way she takes care of them. quentin, under parental duress, rides algonquin every day. archie has just bought himself a football suit, but i have not noticed that he has played football as yet. he is spending saturday and sunday out at dr. rixey's. ted plays tennis with matt. hale and me and mr. cooley. we tied dan moore. you could beat him. yesterday i took an afternoon off and we all went for a scramble and climb down the other side of the potomac from chain bridge home. it was great fun. to-morrow (sunday) we shall have lunch early and spend the afternoon in a drive of the entire family, including ethel, but not including archie and quentin, out to burnt mills and back. when i say we all scrambled along the potomac, i of course only meant matt. hale and ted and i. three or four active male friends took the walk with us. in politics things at the moment seem to look quite right, but every form of lie is being circulated by the democrats, and they intend undoubtedly to spring all kinds of sensational untruths at the very end of the campaign. i have not any idea whether we will win or not. before election i shall send you my guess as to the way the different states will vote, and then you can keep it and see how near to the truth i come. but of course you will remember that it is a mere guess, and that i may be utterly mistaken all along the line. in any event, even if i am beaten you must remember that we have had three years of great enjoyment out of the presidency and that we are mighty lucky to have had them. i generally have people in to lunch, but at dinner, thank fortune, we are usually alone. though i have callers in the evening, i generally have an hour in which to sit with mother and the others up in the library, talking and reading and watching the bright wood fire. ted and ethel, as well as archie and quentin, are generally in mother's room for twenty minutes or a half hour just before she dresses, according to immemorial custom. last evening mother and i and ted and ethel and matt. hale went to the theatre to see "the yankee consul," which was quite funny. big jim white white house, dec. , . blessed kermit: the other day while major loeffler was marshalling the usual stream of visitors from england, germany, the pacific slope, etc., of warm admirers from remote country places, of bridal couples, etc., etc., a huge man about six feet four, of middle age, but with every one of his great sinews and muscles as fit as ever, came in and asked to see me on the ground that he was a former friend. as the line passed he was introduced to me as mr. white. i greeted him in the usual rather perfunctory manner, and the huge, rough-looking fellow shyly remarked, "mr. roosevelt, maybe you don't recollect me. i worked on the roundup with you twenty years ago next spring. my outfit joined yours at the mouth of the box alder." i gazed at him, and at once said, "why it is big jim." he was a great cow-puncher and is still riding the range in northwestern nebraska. when i knew him he was a tremendous fighting man, but always liked me. twice i had to interfere to prevent him from half murdering cowboys from my own ranch. i had him at lunch, with a mixed company of home and foreign notabilities. don't worry about the lessons, old boy. i know you are studying hard. don't get cast down. sometimes in life, both at school and afterwards, fortune will go against any one, but if he just keeps pegging away and doesn't lose his courage things always take a turn for the better in the end. winter life in the white house white house, dec. , . blessed kermit: for a week the weather has been cold--down to zero at night and rarely above freezing in the shade at noon. in consequence the snow has lain well, and as there has been a waxing moon i have had the most delightful evening and night rides imaginable. i have been so busy that i have been unable to get away until after dark, but i went in the fur jacket uncle will presented to me as the fruit of his prize money in the spanish war; and the moonlight on the glittering snow made the rides lovelier than they would have been in the daytime. sometimes mother and ted went with me, and the gallops were delightful. to-day it has snowed heavily again, but the snow has been so soft that i did not like to go out, and besides i have been worked up to the limit. there has been skating and sleigh-riding all the week. the new black "jack" dog is becoming very much at home and very fond of the family. with archie and quentin i have finished "the last of the mohicans," and have now begun "the deerslayer." they are as cunning as ever, and this reading to them in the evening gives me a chance to see them that i would not otherwise have, although sometimes it is rather hard to get time. mother looks very young and pretty. this afternoon she was most busy, taking the little boys to the theatre and then going to hear ethel sing. ted, very swell in his first tail coat, is going out to take supper at secretary morton's, whose pretty daughter is coming out to-night. in a very few days now we shall see you again. playmate of the children (to mr. and mrs. emlen roosevelt) white house, jan. , . i am really touched at the way in which your children as well as my own treat me as a friend and playmate. it has its comic side. thus, the last day the boys were here they were all bent upon having me take them for a scramble down rock creek. of course, there was absolutely no reason why they could not go alone, but they obviously felt that my presence was needed to give zest to the entertainment. accordingly, off i went, with the two russell boys, george, jack, and philip, and ted, kermit, and archie, with one of archie's friends--a sturdy little boy who, as archie informed me, had played opposite to him in the position of centre rush last fall. i do not think that one of them saw anything incongruous in the president's getting as bedaubed with mud as they got, or in my wiggling and clambering around jutting rocks, through cracks, and up what were really small cliff faces, just like the rest of them; and whenever any one of them beat me at any point, he felt and expressed simple and whole-hearted delight, exactly as if it had been a triumph over a rival of his own age. a japanese boy's letter (to dr. william sturgis bigelow) white house, jan. , . dear sturgis: last year, when i had professor yamashita teach me the "jiudo"--as they seem now to call jiu jitsu--the naval attache here, commander takashita, used to come around here and bring a young lad, kitgaki, who is now entering annapolis. i used to wrestle with them both. they were very fond of archie and were very good to him. this christmas kitgaki sent from annapolis a little present to archie, who wrote to thank him, and kitgaki sent him a letter back that we like so much that i thought you might enjoy it, as it shows so nice a trait in the japanese character. it runs as follows: "my dearest boy: "i received your nice letter. i thank you ever so much. i am very very glad that you have receive my small present. "i like you very very much. when i have been in jiudo room with your father and you, your father was talking to us about the picture of the cavalry officer. in that time, i saw some expression on your face. another remembering of you is your bravery when you sleped down from a tall chair. the two rememberings can't leave from my head. "i returned here last thursday and have plenty lesson, so my work is hard, hard, hard, more than jiudo. "i hope your good health. "i am, "sincerely yours, "a. kitgaki." isn't it a nice letter? on counting days and wrestling white house, feb. , . darling kermit: i puzzled a good deal over your marks. i am inclined to think that one explanation is that you have thought so much of home as to prevent your really putting your whole strength into your studies. it is most natural that you should count the days before coming home, and write as you do that it will only be days, only days, only days, etc., but at the same time it seems to me that perhaps this means that you do not really put all your heart and all your head effort into your work; and that if you are able to, it would be far better to think just as little as possible about coming home and resolutely set yourself to putting your best thought into your work. it is an illustration of the old adage about putting your hand to the plow and then looking back. in after life, of course, it is always possible that at some time you may have to go away for a year or two from home to do some piece of work. if during that whole time you only thought day after day of how soon you would get home i think you would find it difficult to do your best work; and maybe this feeling may be partly responsible for the trouble with the lessons at school. wednesday, washington's birthday, i went to philadelphia and made a speech at the university of pennsylvania, took lunch with the philadelphia city troop and came home the same afternoon with less fatigue than most of my trips cost me; for i was able to dodge the awful evening banquet and the night on the train which taken together drive me nearly melancholy mad. since sunday we have not been able to ride. i still box with grant, who has now become the champion middleweight wrestler of the united states. yesterday afternoon we had professor yamashita up here to wrestle with grant. it was very interesting, but of course jiu jitsu and our wrestling are so far apart that it is difficult to make any comparison between them. wrestling is simply a sport with rules almost as conventional as those of tennis, while jiu jitsu is really meant for practice in killing or disabling our adversary. in consequence, grant did not know what to do except to put yamashita on his back, and yamashita was perfectly content to be on his back. inside of a minute yamashita had choked grant, and inside of two minutes more he got an elbow hold on him that would have enabled him to break his arm; so that there is no question but that he could have put grant out. so far this made it evident that the jiu jitsu man could handle the ordinary wrestler. but grant, in the actual wrestling and throwing was about as good as the japanese, and he was so much stronger that he evidently hurt and wore out the japanese. with a little practice in the art i am sure that one of our big wrestlers or boxers, simply because of his greatly superior strength, would be able to kill any of those japanese, who though very good men for their inches and pounds are altogether too small to hold their own against big, powerful, quick men who are as well trained. spring in washington white house, march , . dear kermit: poor john hay has been pretty sick. he is going away to try to pick up his health by a sea voyage and rest. i earnestly hope he succeeds, not only because of my great personal fondness for him, but because from the standpoint of the nation it would be very difficult to replace him. every sunday on my way home from church i have been accustomed to stop in and see him. the conversation with him was always delightful, and during these sunday morning talks we often decided important questions of public policy. i paid a scuttling visit to new york on friday to give away eleanor at her marriage, and to make two speeches--one to the friendly sons of st. patrick and one to the sons of the american revolution. mother and i have been riding a good deal, and the country is now lovely. moreover, ted and matt and i have begun playing tennis. the birds have come back. not only song-sparrows and robins, but a winter wren, purple finches and tufted titmice are singing in the garden; and the other morning early mother and i were waked up by the loud singing of a cardinal bird in the magnolia tree just outside our windows. yesterday afternoon archie and quentin each had a little boy to see him. they climbed trees, sailed boats in the fountain, and dug in the sand-box like woodcocks. poor mr. frank travers died last night. i was very sorry. he has been a good friend to me. a hunting trip colorado springs, colorado, april , . blessed kermit: i hope you had as successful a trip in florida as i have had in texas and oklahoma. the first six days were of the usual presidential tour type, but much more pleasant than ordinarily, because i did not have to do quite as much speaking, and there was a certain irresponsibility about it all, due i suppose in part to the fact that i am no longer a candidate and am free from the everlasting suspicion and ill-natured judgment which being a candidate entails. however, both in kentucky, and especially in texas, i was received with a warmth and heartiness that surprised me, while the rough riders' reunion at san antonio was delightful in every way. then came the five days wolf hunting in oklahoma, and this was unalloyed pleasure, except for my uneasiness about auntie bye and poor little sheffield. general young, dr. lambert and roly fortescue were each in his own way just the nicest companions imaginable, my texas hosts were too kind and friendly and open-hearted for anything. i want to have the whole party up at washington next winter. the party got seventeen wolves, three coons, and any number of rattlesnakes. i was in at the death of eleven wolves. the other six wolves were killed by members of the party who were off with bunches of dogs in some place where i was not. i never took part in a run which ended in the death of a wolf without getting through the run in time to see the death. it was tremendous galloping over cut banks, prairie dog towns, flats, creek bottoms, everything. one run was nine miles long and i was the only man in at the finish except the professional wolf hunter abernethy, who is a really wonderful fellow, catching the wolves alive by thrusting his gloved hands down between their jaws so that they cannot bite. he caught one wolf alive, tied up this wolf, and then held it on the saddle, followed his dogs in a seven-mile run and helped kill another wolf. he has a pretty wife and five cunning children of whom he is very proud, and introduced them to me, and i liked him much. we were in the saddle eight or nine hours every day, and i am rather glad to have thirty-six hours' rest on the cars before starting on my colorado bear hunt. abernethy the wolf hunter colorado springs, colorado, april , . dear ted: i do wish you could have been along on this trip. it has been great fun. in oklahoma our party got all told seventeen coyotes with the greyhounds. i was in at the death of eleven, the only ones started by the dogs with which i happened to be. in one run the three easterners covered themselves with glory, as dr. lambert, roly fortescue and i were the only ones who got through excepting abernethy, the wolf hunter. it happened because it was a nine-mile run and all the cowboys rode their horses to a standstill in the first three or four miles, after which i came bounding along, like kermit in the paper chase, and got to the end in time to see the really remarkable feat of abernethy jumping on to the wolf, thrusting his gloved hand into its mouth, and mastering it then and there. he never used a knife or a rope in taking these wolves, seizing them by sheer quickness and address and thrusting his hand into the wolf's mouth in such a way that it lost all power to bite. you would have loved tom burnett, the son of the big cattle man. he is a splendid fellow, about thirty years old, and just the ideal of what a young cattle man should be. up here we have opened well. we have two cracker jacks as guides--john goff, my old guide on the mountain lion hunt, and jake borah, who has somewhat the seth bullock type of face. we have about thirty dogs, including one absurd little terrier about half jack's size, named skip. skip trots all day long with the hounds, excepting when he can persuade mr. stewart, or dr. lambert, or me to take him up for a ride, for which he is always begging. he is most affectionate and intelligent, but when there is a bear or lynx at bay he joins in the fight with all the fury of a bull dog, though i do not think he is much more effective than one of your japanese mice would be. i should like to bring him home for archie or quentin. he would go everywhere with them and would ride betsy or algonquin. on the third day out i got a fine big black bear, an old male who would not tree, but made what they call in mississippi a walking bay with the dogs, fighting them off all the time. the chase lasted nearly two hours and was ended by a hard scramble up a canyon side; and i made a pretty good shot at him as he was walking off with the pack around him. he killed one dog and crippled three that i think will recover, besides scratching others. my - springfield worked to perfection on the bear. i suppose you are now in the thick of your studies and will have but little time to rest after the examinations. i shall be back about the th, and then we can take up our tennis again. give my regards to matt. i am particularly pleased that maurice turned out so well. he has always been so pleasant to me that i had hoped he would turn out all right in the end. prairie girls divide creek, colo., april , . darling ethel: of course you remember the story of the little prairie girl. i always associate it with you. well, again and again on this trip we would pass through prairie villages--bleak and lonely--with all the people in from miles about to see me. among them were often dozens of young girls, often pretty, and as far as i could see much more happy than the heroine of the story. one of them shook hands with me, and then, after much whispering, said: "we want to shake hands with the guard!" the "guard" proved to be roly, who was very swell in his uniform, and whom they evidently thought much more attractive than the president, both in age and looks. there are plenty of ranchmen round here; they drive over to camp to see me, usually bringing a cake, or some milk and eggs, and are very nice and friendly. about twenty of the men came out with me, "to see the president shoot a bear"; and fortunately i did so in the course of an exhausting twelve hours' ride. i am very homesick for you all. bears, bobcats and skip glenwood springs, colorado, may , . blessed kermit: i was delighted to get your letter. i am sorry you are having such a hard time in mathematics, but hope a couple of weeks will set you all right. we have had a very successful hunt. all told we have obtained ten bear and three bobcats. dr. lambert has been a perfect trump. he is in the pink of condition, while for the last week i have been a little knocked out by the cuban fever. up to that time i was simply in splendid shape. there is a very cunning little dog named skip, belonging to john goff's pack, who has completely adopted me. i think i shall take him home to archie. he likes to ride on dr. lambert's horse, or mine, and though he is not as big as jack, takes eager part in the fight with every bear and bobcat. i am sure you will enjoy your trip to deadwood with seth bullock, and as soon as you return from groton i shall write to him about it. i have now become very homesick for mother, and shall be glad when the th of may comes and i am back in the white house. home again with skip white house, may , . dear kermit: here i am back again, and mighty glad to be back. it was perfectly delightful to see mother and the children, but it made me very homesick for you. of course i was up to my ears in work as soon as i reached the white house, but in two or three days we shall be through it and can settle down into our old routine. yesterday afternoon we played tennis, herbert knox smith and i beating matt and murray. to-day i shall take cunning mother out for a ride. skip accompanied me to washington. he is not as yet entirely at home in the white house and rather clings to my companionship. i think he will soon be fond of archie, who loves him dearly. mother is kind to skip, but she does not think he is an aristocrat as jack is. he is a very cunning little dog all the same. mother walked with me to church this morning and both the past evenings we have been able to go out into the garden and sit on the stone benches near the fountain. the country is too lovely for anything, everything being a deep, rich, fresh green. i had a great time in chicago with the labor union men. they made what i regarded as a rather insolent demand upon me, and i gave them some perfectly straight talk about their duty and about the preservation of law and order. the trouble seems to be increasing there, and i may have to send federal troops into the city--though i shall not do so unless it is necessary. skip in the white house white house, may , . dear kermit: that was a good mark in latin, and i am pleased with your steady improvement in it. skip is housebroken, but he is like a real little indian. he can stand any amount of hard work if there is a bear or bobcat ahead, but now that he is in the white house he thinks he would much rather do nothing but sit about all day with his friends, and threatens to turn into a lapdog. but when we get him to oyster bay i think we can make him go out riding with us, and then i think he will be with archie a great deal. he and jack are rather jealous of one another. he is very cunning and friendly. i am immensely pleased with mother's virginia cottage and its name. i am going down there for sunday with her some time soon. p. s.--your marks have just come! by george, you have worked hard and i am delighted. three cheers! officers of togo's fleet white house, june , . dear kermit: next friday i am going down with mother to spend a couple of days at pine knot, which mother loves just as ethel loves fidelity. she and i have had some lovely rides together, and if i do not go riding with her i play tennis with ted and some of his and my friends. yesterday ted and one of his friends played seven sets of tennis against mr. cooley and me and beat us four to three. in the evening commander takashita brought in half a dozen japanese naval officers who had been with togo's fleet off port arthur and had taken part in the fleet actions, the attacks with the torpedo-boat flotilla, and so forth. i tell you they were a formidable-looking set and evidently dead game fighters! a president as cook white house, june , . dear kermit: mother and i have just come home from a lovely trip to "pine knot." it is really a perfectly delightful little place; the nicest little place of the kind you can imagine. mother is a great deal more pleased with it than any child with any toy i ever saw. she went down the day before, thursday, and i followed on friday morning. good mr. joe wilmer met me at the station and we rode on horseback to "round top," where we met mother and mr. willie wilmer. we all had tea there and then drove to "plain dealing," where we had dinner. of course i loved both "round top" and "plain dealing," and as for the two mr. wilmers, they are the most generous, thoughtful, self-effacing friends that any one could wish to see. after dinner we went over to "pine knot," put everything to order and went to bed. next day we spent all by ourselves at "pine knot." in the morning i fried bacon and eggs, while mother boiled the kettle for tea and laid the table. breakfast was most successful, and then mother washed the dishes and did most of the work, while i did odd jobs. then we walked about the place, which is fifteen acres in all, saw the lovely spring, admired the pine trees and the oak trees, and then mother lay in the hammock while i cut away some trees to give us a better view from the piazza. the piazza is the real feature of the house. it is broad and runs along the whole length and the roof is high near the wall, for it is a continuation of the roof of the house. it was lovely to sit there in the rocking-chairs and hear all the birds by daytime and at night the whippoorwills and owls and little forest folk. inside the house is just a bare wall with one big room below, which is nice now, and will be still nicer when the chimneys are up and there is a fireplace in each end. a rough flight of stairs leads above, where there are two rooms, separated by a passageway. we did everything for ourselves, but all the food we had was sent over to us by the dear wilmers, together with milk. we cooked it ourselves, so there was no one around the house to bother us at all. as we found that cleaning dishes took up an awful time we only took two meals a day, which was all we wanted. on saturday evening i fried two chickens for dinner, while mother boiled the tea, and we had cherries and wild strawberries, as well as biscuits and cornbread. to my pleasure mother greatly enjoyed the fried chicken and admitted that what you children had said of the way i fried chicken was all true. in the evening we sat out a long time on the piazza, and then read indoors and then went to bed. sunday morning we did not get up until nine. then i fried mother some beefsteak and some eggs in two frying-pans, and she liked them both very much. we went to church at the dear little church where the wilmers' father and mother had been married, dined soon after two at "plain dealing," and then were driven over to the station to go back to washington. i rode the big black stallion--chief--and enjoyed it thoroughly. altogether we had a very nice holiday. i was lucky to be able to get it, for during the past fortnight, and indeed for a considerable time before, i have been carrying on negotiations with both russia and japan, together with side negotiations with germany, france and england, to try to get the present war stopped. with infinite labor and by the exercise of a good deal of tact and judgment--if i do say it myself--i have finally gotten the japanese and russians to agree to meet to discuss the terms of peace. whether they will be able to come to an agreement or not i can't say. but it is worth while to have obtained the chance of peace, and the only possible way to get this chance was to secure such an agreement of the two powers that they would meet and discuss the terms direct. of course japan will want to ask more than she ought to ask, and russia to give less than she ought to give. perhaps both sides will prove impracticable. perhaps one will. but there is the chance that they will prove sensible, and make a peace, which will really be for the interest of each as things are now. at any rate the experiment was worth trying. i have kept the secret very successfully, and my dealings with the japanese in particular have been known to no one, so that the result is in the nature of a surprise. quentin's quaint sayings oyster bay, n. y., aug. , . dear kermit: mr. phil stewart and dr. lambert spent a night here, quentin greeting the former with most cordial friendship, and in explanation stating that he always liked to get acquainted with everybody. i take hall to chop, and he plays tennis with phil and oliver, and rides with phil and quentin. the plunger (a submarine) has come to the bay and i am going out in it this afternoon--or rather down on it. n. b.--i have just been down, for minutes; it was very interesting. last night i listened to mother reading "the lances of linwood" to the two little boys and then hearing them their prayers. then i went into archie's room, where they both showed all their china animals; i read them laura e. richards' poems, including "how does the president take his tea?" they christened themselves punkey doodle and jollapin, from the chorus of this, and immediately afterwards i played with them on archie's bed. first i would toss punkey doodle (quentin) on jollapin (archie) and tickle jollapin while punkey doodle squalled and wiggled on top of him, and then reverse them and keep punkey doodle down by heaving jollapin on him, while they both kicked and struggled until my shirt front looked very much the worse for wear. you doubtless remember yourself how bad it was for me, when i was dressed for dinner, to play with all you scamps when you were little. the other day a reporter asked quentin something about me; to which that affable and canny young gentleman responded, "yes, i see him sometimes; but i know nothing of his family life." advice regarding newspaper annoyances when theodore roosevelt, jr., entered harvard as a freshman he had to pay the penalty of being a president's son. newspaper reporters followed all his movements, especially in athletics, and he was the victim of many exaggerated and often purely fictitious accounts of his doings. his father wrote him indignant and sympathetic letters, two of which are reproduced here. white house, october , . blessed old ted: the thing to do is to go on just as you have evidently been doing, attract as little attention as possible, do not make a fuss about the newspaper men, camera creatures, and idiots generally, letting it be seen that you do not like them and avoid them, but not letting them betray you into any excessive irritation. i believe they will soon drop you, and it is just an unpleasant thing that you will have to live down. ted, i have had an enormous number of unpleasant things that i have had to live down in my life at different times and you have begun to have them now. i saw that you were not out on the football field on saturday and was rather glad of it, as evidently those infernal idiots were eagerly waiting for you, but whenever you do go you will have to make up your mind that they will make it exceedingly unpleasant for you for once or twice, and you will just have to bear it; for you can never in the world afford to let them drive you away from anything you intend to do, whether it is football or anything else, and by going about your own business quietly and pleasantly, doing just what you would do if they were not there, generally they will get tired of it, and the boys themselves will see that it is not your fault, and will feel, if anything, rather a sympathy for you. meanwhile i want you to know that we are all thinking of you and sympathizing with you the whole time; and it is a great comfort to me to have such confidence in you and to know that though these creatures can cause you a little trouble and make you feel a little downcast, they can not drive you one way or the other, or make you alter the course you have set out for yourself. we were all of us, i am almost ashamed to say, rather blue at getting back in the white house, simply because we missed sagamore hill so much. but it is very beautiful and we feel very ungrateful at having even a passing fit of blueness, and we are enjoying it to the full now. i have just seen archie dragging some fifty foot of hose pipe across the tennis court to play in the sand-box. i have been playing tennis with mr. pinchot, who beat me three sets to one, the only deuce-set being the one i won. this is just an occasion to show the stuff there is in you. do not let these newspaper creatures and kindred idiots drive you one hair's breadth from the line you had marked out in football or anything else. avoid any fuss, if possible. white house, october , . dear ted: i was delighted to find from your last letters that you are evidently having a pretty good time in spite of the newspaper and kodak creatures. i guess that nuisance is now pretty well abated. every now and then they will do something horrid; but i think you can safely, from now on, ignore them entirely. i shall be interested to hear how you get on, first of all with your studies, in which you seem to have started well, and next with football. i expected that you would find it hard to compete with the other candidates for the position of end, as they are mostly heavier than you; especially since you went off in weight owing to the excitement of your last weeks of holiday in the summer. of course the fact that you are comparatively light tells against you and gives you a good deal to overcome; and undoubtedly it was from this standpoint not a good thing that you were unable to lead a quieter life toward the end of your stay at oyster bay. so it is about the polo club. in my day we looked with suspicion upon all freshman societies, and the men who tried to get them up or were prominent in them rarely amounted to much in the class afterwards; and it has happened that i have heard rather unfavorably of the polo club. but it may be mere accident that i have thus heard unfavorably about it, and in thirty years the attitude of the best fellows in college to such a thing as a freshman club may have changed so absolutely that my experience can be of no value. exercise your own best judgment and form some idea of what the really best fellows in the class think on the subject. do not make the mistake of thinking that the men who are merely undeveloped are really the best fellows, no matter how pleasant and agreeable they are or how popular. popularity is a good thing, but it is not something for which to sacrifice studies or athletics or good standing in any way; and sometimes to seek it overmuch is to lose it. i do not mean this as applying to you, but as applying to certain men who still have a great vogue at first in the class, and of whom you will naturally tend to think pretty well. in all these things i can only advise you in a very general way. you are on the ground. you know the men and the general college sentiment. you have gone in with the serious purpose of doing decently and honorably; of standing well in your studies; of showing that in athletics you mean business up to the extent of your capacity, and of getting the respect and liking of your classmates so far as they can be legitimately obtained. as to the exact methods of carrying out these objects, i must trust to you. incidents of a southern trip white house, nov. , . dear kermit: i had a great time in the south, and it was very nice indeed having mr. john mcilhenny and mr. john greenway with me. of course i enjoyed most the three days when mother was there. but i was so well received and had so many things to say which i was really glad to say, that the whole trip was a success. when i left new orleans on the little lighthouse tender to go down to the gulf where the big war ship was awaiting me, we had a collision. i was standing up at the time and the shock pitched me forward so that i dove right through the window, taking the glass all out except a jagged rim round the very edge. but i went through so quickly that i received only some minute scratches on my face and hands which, however, bled pretty freely. i was very glad to come up the coast on the squadron of great armored cruisers. in the gulf the weather was hot and calm, but soon after rounding florida and heading northward we ran into a gale. admiral brownson is a regular little gamecock and he drove the vessels to their limit. it was great fun to see the huge warcraft pounding steadily into the gale and forging onward through the billows. some of the waves were so high that the water came clean over the flying bridge forward, and some of the officers were thrown down and badly bruised. one of the other ships lost a man overboard, and although we hunted for him an hour and a half we could not get him, and had a boat smashed in the endeavor. when i got back here i found sister, very interesting about her eastern trip. she has had a great time, and what is more, she has behaved mighty well under rather trying circumstances. ethel was a dear, as always, and the two little boys were as cunning as possible. sister had brought them some very small japanese fencing armor, which they had of course put on with glee, and were clumsily fencing with wooden two-handed swords. and they had also rigged up in the dark nursery a gruesome man with a pumpkin head, which i was ushered in to see, and in addition to the regular eyes, nose, and saw-tooth mouth, archie had carved in the back of the pumpkin the words "pumpkin giant," the candle inside illuminating it beautifully. mother was waiting for me at the navy yard, looking too pretty for anything, when i arrived. she and i had a ride this afternoon. of course i am up to my ears in work. the mornings are lovely now, crisp and fresh; after breakfast mother and i walk around the grounds accompanied by skip, and also by slipper, her bell tinkling loudly. the gardens are pretty dishevelled now, but the flowers that are left are still lovely; even yet some honeysuckle is blooming on the porch. poets and princes white house, november , . dear kermit: just a line, for i really have nothing to say this week. i have caught up with my work. one day we had a rather forlorn little poet and his nice wife in at lunch. they made me feel quite badly by being so grateful at my having mentioned him in what i fear was a very patronizing and, indeed, almost supercilious way, as having written an occasional good poem. i am much struck by robinson's two poems which you sent mother. what a queer, mystical creature he is! i did not understand one of them--that about the gardens--and i do not know that i like either of them quite as much as some of those in "the children of the night." but he certainly has got the real spirit of poetry in him. whether he can make it come out i am not quite sure. prince louis of battenberg has been here and i have been very much pleased with him. he is a really good admiral, and in addition he is a well-read and cultivated man and it was charming to talk with him. we had him and his nephew, prince alexander, a midshipman, to lunch alone with us, and we really enjoyed having them. at the state dinner he sat between me and bonaparte, and i could not help smiling to myself in thinking that here was this british admiral seated beside the american secretary of the navy--the american secretary of the navy being the grandnephew of napoleon and the grandson of jerome, king of westphalia; while the british admiral was the grandson of a hessian general who was the subject of king jerome and served under napoleon, and then, by no means creditably, deserted him in the middle of the battle of leipsic. i am off to vote to-night. novels and games white house, november , . dear kermit: i sympathize with every word you say in your letter, about nicholas nickleby, and about novels generally. normally i only care for a novel if the ending is good, and i quite agree with you that if the hero has to die he ought to die worthily and nobly, so that our sorrow at the tragedy shall be tempered with the joy and pride one always feels when a man does his duty well and bravely. there is quite enough sorrow and shame and suffering and baseness in real life, and there is no need for meeting it unnecessarily in fiction. as police commissioner it was my duty to deal with all kinds of squalid misery and hideous and unspeakable infamy, and i should have been worse than a coward if i had shrunk from doing what was necessary; but there would have been no use whatever in my reading novels detailing all this misery and squalor and crime, or at least in reading them as a steady thing. now and then there is a powerful but sad story which really is interesting and which really does good; but normally the books which do good and the books which healthy people find interesting are those which are not in the least of the sugar-candy variety, but which, while portraying foulness and suffering when they must be portrayed, yet have a joyous as well as a noble side. we have had a very mild and open fall. i have played tennis a good deal, the french ambassador being now quite a steady playmate, as he and i play about alike; and i have ridden with mother a great deal. last monday when mother had gone to new york i had selous, the great african hunter, to spend the day and night. he is a perfect old dear; just as simple and natural as can be and very interesting. i took him, with bob bacon, gifford pinchot, ambassador meyer and jim garfield, for a good scramble and climb in the afternoon, and they all came to dinner afterwards. before we came down to dinner i got him to spend three-quarters of an hour in telling delightfully exciting lion and hyena stories to ethel, archie and quentin. he told them most vividly and so enthralled the little boys that the next evening i had to tell them a large number myself. to-day is quentin's birthday and he loved his gifts, perhaps most of all the weest, cunningest live pig you ever saw, presented him by straus. phil stewart and his wife and boy, wolcott (who is archie's age), spent a couple of nights here. one afternoon we had hide-and-go-seek, bringing down mr. garfield and the garfield boys, and archie turning up with the entire football team, who took a day off for the special purpose. we had obstacle races, hide-and-go-seek, blind-man's buff, and everything else; and there were times when i felt that there was a perfect shoal of small boys bursting in every direction up and down stairs, and through and over every conceivable object. mother and i still walk around the grounds every day after breakfast. the gardens, of course, are very, very dishevelled now, the snap-dragons holding out better than any other flowers. christmas present to his old nurse (to mrs. dora watkins) white house, december , . dear dolly: i wish you a merry christmas, and want you to buy whatever you think you would like with the enclosed check for twenty dollars. it is now just forty years since you stopped being my nurse, when i was a little boy of seven, just one year younger than quentin now is. i wish you could see the children play here in the white house grounds. for the last three days there has been snow, and archie and quentin and their cousin, cunning little sheffield cowles, and their other cousin, mr. john elliott's little girl, helena, who is a perfect little dear, have been having all kinds of romps in the snow--coasting, having snowball fights, and doing everything--in the grounds back of the white house. this coming saturday afternoon i have agreed to have a great play of hide-and-go-seek in the white house itself, not only with these children but with their various small friends. dickens and thackeray white house, february , . dear kermit: i agree pretty well with your views of david copperfield. dora was very cunning and attractive, but i am not sure that the husband would retain enough respect for her to make life quite what it ought to be with her. this is a harsh criticism and i have known plenty of women of the dora type whom i have felt were a good deal better than the men they married, and i have seen them sometimes make very happy homes. i also feel as you do that if a man had to struggle on and make his way it would be a great deal better to have some one like sophie. do you recollect that dinner at which david copperfield and traddles were, where they are described as seated at the dinner, one "in the glare of the red velvet lady" and the other "in the gloom of hamlet's aunt"? i am so glad you like thackeray. "pendennis" and "the newcomes" and "vanity fair" i can read over and over again. ted blew in to-day. i think he has been studying pretty well this term and now he is through all his examinations but one. he hopes, and i do, that you will pay what attention you can to athletics. play hockey, for instance, and try to get into shape for the mile run. i know it is too short a distance for you, but if you will try for the hare and hounds running and the mile, too, you may be able to try for the two miles when you go to harvard. the weather was very mild early in the week. it has turned cold now; but mother and i had a good ride yesterday, and ted and i a good ride this afternoon, ted on grey dawn. we have been having a perfect whirl of dinner engagements; but thank heavens they will stop shortly after sister's wedding. a tribute to archie white house, march , . dear kermit: i agree pretty much to all your views both about thackeray and dickens, although you care for some of thackeray of which i am not personally fond. mother loves it all. mother, by the way, has been reading "the legend of montrose" to the little boys and they are absorbed in it. she finds it hard to get anything that will appeal to both archie and quentin, as they possess such different natures. i am quite proud of what archie did the day before yesterday. some of the bigger boys were throwing a baseball around outside of mr. sidwell's school and it hit one of them square in the eye, breaking all the blood-vessels and making an extremely dangerous hurt. the other boys were all rattled and could do nothing, finally sneaking off when mr. sidwell appeared. archie stood by and himself promptly suggested that the boy should go to dr. wilmer. accordingly he scorched down to dr. wilmer's and said there was an emergency case for one of mr. sidwell's boys, who was hurt in the eye, and could he bring him. dr. wilmer, who did not know archie was there, sent out word to of course do so. so archie scorched back on his wheel, got the boy (i do not know why mr. sidwell did not take him himself) and led him down to dr. wilmer's, who attended to his eye and had to send him at once to a hospital, archie waiting until he heard the result and then coming home. dr. wilmer told me about it and said if archie had not acted with such promptness the boy (who was four or five years older than archie, by the way) would have lost his sight. what a heavenly place a sandbox is for two little boys! archie and quentin play industriously in it during most of their spare moments when out in the grounds. i often look out of the office windows when i have a score of senators and congressmen with me and see them both hard at work arranging caverns or mountains, with runways for their marbles. good-bye, blessed fellow. i shall think of you very often during the coming week, and i am so very glad that mother is to be with you at your confirmation. pillow fights with the boys white house, march , . darling kermit: . . . . . during the four days mother was away i made a point of seeing the children each evening for three-quarters of an hour or so. archie and quentin are really great playmates. one night i came up-stairs and found quentin playing the pianola as hard as he could, while archie would suddenly start from the end of the hall where the pianola was, and, accompanied by both the dogs, race as hard as he could the whole length of the white house clean to the other end of the hall and then tear back again. another evening as i came up-stairs i found archie and quentin having a great play, chuckling with laughter, archie driving quentin by his suspenders, which were fixed to the end of a pair of woollen reins. then they would ambush me and we would have a vigorous pillow-fight, and after five or ten minutes of this we would go into mother's room, and i would read them the book mother had been reading them, "the legend of montrose." we just got through it the very last evening. both skip and jack have welcomed mother back with frantic joy, and this morning came in and lay on her bed as soon as she had finished breakfast--for she did not come down to either breakfast or lunch, as she is going to spend the night at baltimore with the bonapartes. i was so interested in your reading "phineas finn" that i ordered a copy myself. i have also ordered dequincey's works, as i find we have not got them at the white house. . . . . . sorrows of skip white house, april , . darling archie: poor skip is a very, very lonely little dog without his family. each morning he comes up to see me at breakfast time and during most of breakfast (which i take in the hall just outside my room) skip stands with his little paws on my lap. then when i get through and sit down in the rocking-chair to read for fifteen or twenty minutes, skip hops into my lap and stays there, just bathing himself in the companionship of the only one of his family he has left. the rest of the day he spends with the ushers, as i am so frightfully busy that i am nowhere long enough for skip to have any real satisfaction in my companionship. poor jack has never come home. we may never know what became of him. "an interesting circus experience" white house, april , . darling ethel: i haven't heard a word from the two new horses, and i rather believe that if there had been any marked improvement in either of them i should have heard. i gather that one at least and probably both would be all right for me if i were twenty years younger, and would probably be all right for ted now; but of course as things are at present i do not want a horse with which i have an interesting circus experience whenever we meet an automobile, or one which i cannot get to go in any particular direction without devoting an hour or two to the job. so that it looks as if old rusty would be good enough for me for some time to come. i am going out on him with senator lodge this afternoon, and he will be all right and as fresh as paint, for he has been three days in the stable. but to-day is just a glorious spring day--march having ended as it began, with rain and snow--and i will have a good ride. i miss mother and you children very much, of course, but i believe you are having a good time, and i am really glad you are to see havana. a big and lonely white house white house, april , . darling quenty-quee: slipper and the kittens are doing finely. i think the kittens will be big enough for you to pet and have some satisfaction out of when you get home, although they will be pretty young still. i miss you all dreadfully, and the house feels big and lonely and full of echoes with nobody but me in it; and i do not hear any small scamps running up and down the hall just as hard as they can; or hear their voices while i am dressing; or suddenly look out through the windows of the office at the tennis ground and see them racing over it or playing in the sand-box. i love you very much. a new puppy and a new horse white house, april , . dear kermit: . . . . . last night i played "tickley" in their room with the two little boys. as we rolled and bounced over all three beds in the course of the play, not to mention frantic chases under them, i think poor mademoiselle was rather appalled at the result when we had finished. archie's seven-weeks-old st. bernard puppy has come and it is the dearest puppy imaginable; a huge, soft thing, which archie carries around in his arms and which the whole family love. yesterday i took a first ride on the new horse, roswell, captain lee going along on rusty as a kind of a nurse. roswell is not yet four and he is really a green colt and not quite the horse i want at present, as i haven't time to fuss with him, and am afraid of letting the sergeant ride him, as he does not get on well with him, and there is nobody else in our stable that can ride at all. he is a beautiful horse, a wonderful jumper, and does not pull at all. he shies pretty badly, especially when he meets an automobile; and when he leaves the stable or strikes a road that he thinks will take him home and is not allowed to go down it, he is apt to rear, which i do not like; but i am inclined to think that he will get over these traits, and if i can arrange to have lee handle him a couple of months more, and if ted and i can regularly ride him down at oyster bay, i think that he will turn out all right. mother and i walk every morning through the grounds, which, of course, are lovely. not only are the song-sparrows and robins singing, but the white-throated sparrows, who will, i suppose, soon leave us for the north, are still in full song, and this morning they waked us up at daybreak singing just outside the window. a quentin anecdote white house, april , . dear kermit: ted has been as good and cunning as possible. he has completely recovered from the effects of having his eye operated upon, and though the eye itself is a somewhat gruesome object, ted is in the highest spirits. he goes back to harvard to-day. . . . . . as i write, archie and quentin are busily engaged in the sand-box and i look out across the tennis-ground at them. if ever there was a heaven-sent treasure to small boys, that sand-box is the treasure. it was very cunning to see the delight various little children took in it at the egg-rolling on easter monday. thanks to our decision in keeping out grown people and stopping everything at one o'clock, the egg-rolling really was a children's festival, and was pretty and not objectionable this year. the apple trees are now coming into bloom, including that big arched apple tree, under which mother and i sit, by the fountain, on the stone bench. it is the apple tree that mother particularly likes. . . did quentin write his poems after you had gone? i never can recollect whether you have seen them or not. he is a funny small person if ever there was one. the other day we were discussing a really dreadful accident which had happened; a georgetown young man having taken out a young girl in a canoe on the river, the canoe upset and the girl was drowned; whereupon the young man, when he got home, took what seemed to us an exceedingly cold-blooded method of a special delivery letter to notify her parents. we were expressing our horror at his sending a special delivery letter, and quentin solemnly chimed in with "yes, he wasted ten cents." there was a moment's eloquent silence, and then we strove to explain to quentin that what we were objecting to was not in the least the young man's spendthrift attitude! as i walk to and from the office now the terrace is fairly fragrant with the scent of the many-colored hyacinths which mother has put out in boxes on the low stone walls. . . . . . a visit to washington's birthplace white house, april , . dear kermit: on saturday afternoon mother and i started off on the _sylph_, mother having made up her mind i needed thirty-six hours' rest, and we had a delightful time together, and she was just as cunning as she could be. on sunday mother and i spent about four hours ashore, taking our lunch and walking up to the monument which marks where the house stood in which washington was born. it is a simple shaft. every vestige of the house is destroyed, but a curious and rather pathetic thing is that, although it must be a hundred years since the place was deserted, there are still multitudes of flowers which must have come from those in the old garden. there are iris and narcissus and a little blue flower, with a neat, prim, clean smell that makes one feel as if it ought to be put with lavender into chests of fresh old linen. the narcissus in particular was growing around everywhere, together with real wild flowers like the painted columbine and star of bethlehem. it was a lovely spot on a headland overlooking a broad inlet from the potomac. there was also the old graveyard or grave plot in which were the gravestones of washington's father and mother and grandmother, all pretty nearly ruined. it was lovely warm weather and mother and i enjoyed our walk through the funny lonely old country. mocking-birds, meadow-larks, carolina wrens, cardinals, and field sparrows were singing cheerfully. we came up the river in time to get home last evening. this morning mother and i walked around the white house grounds as usual. i think i get more fond of flowers every year. the grounds are now at that high stage of beauty in which they will stay for the next two months. the buckeyes are in bloom, the pink dogwood, and the fragrant lilacs, which are almost the loveliest of the bushes; and then the flowers, including the lily-of-the-valley. i am dictating in the office. archie is out by the sandbox playing with the hose. the playing consists in brandishing it around his head and trying to escape the falling water. he escapes about twice out of three times and must now be a perfect drowned rat. (i have just had him in to look at him and he is even more of a drowned rat than i supposed. he has gone out to complete his shower bath under strict promise that immediately afterwards he will go in and change his clothes.) quentin is the funniest mite you ever saw and certainly a very original little fellow. he left at mademoiselle's plate yesterday a large bunch of flowers with the inscription that they were from the fairies to her to reward her for taking care of "two _good_, _good_ boys." ethel is a dear. more about dickens white house, may , . dear ted: mother read us your note and i was interested in the discussion between you and ----- over dickens. dickens' characters are really to a great extent personified attributes rather than individuals. in consequence, while there are not nearly as many who are actually like people one meets, as for instance in thackeray, there are a great many more who possess _characteristics_ which we encounter continually, though rarely as strongly developed as in the fictional originals. so dickens' characters last almost as bunyan's do. for instance, jefferson brick and elijah pogram and hannibal chollop are all real personifications of certain bad tendencies in american life, and i am continually thinking of or alluding to some newspaper editor or senator or homicidal rowdy by one of these three names. i never met any one exactly like uriah heep, but now and then we see individuals show traits which make it easy to describe them, with reference to those traits, as uriah heep. it is just the same with micawber. mrs. nickleby is not quite a real person, but she typifies, in accentuated form, traits which a great many real persons possess, and i am continually thinking of her when i meet them. there are half a dozen books of dickens which have, i think, furnished more characters which are the constant companions of the ordinary educated man around us, than is true of any other half-dozen volumes published within the same period. . no place like sagamore hill (to ethel, at sagamore hill) white house, june , . blessed ethel: i am very glad that what changes have been made in the house are good, and i look forward so eagerly to seeing them. after all, fond as i am of the white house and much though i have appreciated these years in it, there isn't any place in the world like home--like sagamore hill, where things are our own, with our own associations, and where it is real country. attic delights white house, june , . blessed ethel: your letter delighted me. i read it over twice, and chuckled over it. by george, how entirely i sympathize with your feelings in the attic! i know just what it is to get up into such a place and find the delightful, winding passages where one lay hidden with thrills of criminal delight, when the grownups were vainly demanding one's appearance at some legitimate and abhorred function; and then the once-beloved and half-forgotten treasures, and the emotions of peace and war, with reference to former companions, which they recall. i am not in the least surprised about the mental telepathy; there is much in it and in kindred things which are real and which at present we do not understand. the only trouble is that it usually gets mixed up with all kinds of fakes. i am glad the band had a healthy effect in reviving old bleistein's youth. i shall never forget the intense interest in life he always used to gain when we encountered an italian with a barrel organ and a bear--a combination that made renown seek instant refuge in attempted suicide. i am really pleased that you are going to teach sunday school. i think i told you that i taught it for seven years, most of the time in a mission class, my pupils being of a kind which furnished me plenty of vigorous excitement. presidential rescue of a kitten white house, june , . darling ethel: to-day as i was marching to church, with sloane some yards behind, i suddenly saw two terriers racing to attack a kitten which was walking down the sidewalk. i bounced forward with my umbrella, and after some active work put to flight the dogs while sloane captured the kitten, which was a friendly, helpless little thing, evidently too well accustomed to being taken care of to know how to shift for itself. i inquired of all the bystanders and of people on the neighboring porches to know if they knew who owned it; but as they all disclaimed, with many grins, any knowledge of it, i marched ahead with it in my arms for about half a block. then i saw a very nice colored woman and little colored girl looking out of the window of a small house with on the door a dressmaker's advertisement, and i turned and walked up the steps and asked if they did not want the kitten. they said they did, and the little girl welcomed it lovingly; so i felt i had gotten it a home and continued toward church. has the lordly ted turned up yet? is his loving sister able, unassisted, to reduce the size of his head, or does she need any assistance from her male parent? your affectionate father, the tyrant. sports of quentin and archie oyster bay, aug. , . dear kermit: . . . . . quentin is the same cheerful pagan philosopher as ever. he swims like a little duck; rides well; stands quite severe injuries without complaint, and is really becoming a manly little fellow. archie is devoted to the _why_ (sailboat). the other day while mother and i were coming in, rowing, we met him sailing out, and it was too cunning for anything. the _why_ looks exactly like a little black wooden shoe with a sail in it, and the crew consisted of archie, of one of his beloved playmates, a seaman from the _sylph_, and of skip--very alert and knowing. skip and archie white house, october , . dear kermit: archie is very cunning and has handicap races with skip. he spreads his legs, bends over, and holds skip between them. then he says, "on your mark, skip, ready; go!" and shoves skip back while he runs as hard as he possibly can to the other end of the hall, skip scrambling wildly with his paws on the smooth floor until he can get started, when he races after archie, the object being for archie to reach the other end before skip can overtake him. a turkey hunt at pine knot white house, november , . dear kermit: just a line to tell you what a nice time we had at pine knot. mother was as happy as she always is there, and as cunning and pretty as possible. as for me, i hunted faithfully through all three days, leaving the house at three o'clock one day, at four the next, and at five the next, so that i began my hunts in absolute night; but fortunately we had a brilliant moon on each occasion. the first two days were failures. i did not see a turkey, and on each occasion when everybody was perfectly certain that i was going to see a turkey, something went wrong and the turkey did not turn up. the last day i was out thirteen hours, and you may imagine how hungry i was when i got back, not to speak of being tired; though fortunately most of the time i was rambling around on horseback, so i was not done out. but in the afternoon at last luck changed, and then for once everything went right. the hunter who was with me marked a turkey in a point of pines stretching down from a forest into an open valley, with another forest on its farther side. i ran down to the end of the point and hid behind a bush. he walked down through the pines and the turkey came out and started to fly across the valley, offering me a beautiful side shot at about thirty-five yards--just the distance for my ten-bore. i killed it dead, and felt mighty happy as it came tumbling down through the air. pets on shipboard in november, , the president, accompanied by mrs. roosevelt, went to the isthmus of panama, where he spent three days in inspecting the work of building the panama canal, returning by way of porto rico. the journey was taken on the naval vessel _louisiana_, and many of his letters to the children were written while on board that vessel and mailed after reaching colon. on board u. s. s. _louisiana_, on the way to panama. sunday, november , . blessed quentin: you would be amused at the pets they have aboard this ship. they have two young bull-dogs, a cat, three little raccoons, and a tiny cuban goat. they seem to be very amicable with one another, although i think the cat has suspicions of all the rest. the coons clamber about everywhere, and the other afternoon while i was sitting reading, i suddenly felt my finger seized in a pair of soft black paws and found the coon sniffing at it, making me feel a little uncomfortable lest it might think the finger something good to eat. the two puppies play endlessly. one of them belongs to lieutenant evans. the crew will not be allowed ashore at panama or else i know they would pick up a whole raft of other pets there. the jackies seem especially fond of the little coons. a few minutes ago i saw one of the jackies strolling about with a coon perched upon his shoulder, and now and then he would reach up his hand and give it a small piece of bread to eat. names of the guns on board u. s. s. _louisiana_, sunday, november , . blessed archie: i wish you were along with us, for you would thoroughly enjoy everything on this ship. we have had three days of perfect weather, while this great battleship with her two convoys, the great armored cruisers, _tennessee_ and _washington_, have steamed steadily in column ahead southward through calm seas until now we are in the tropics. they are three as splendid ships of their class as there are afloat, save only the english dread-naught. the _louisiana_ now has her gun-sights and everything is all in good shape for her to begin the practice of the duties which will make her crew as fit for man-of-war's work as the crew of any one of our other first-class battleships. the men are such splendid-looking fellows, americans of the best type, young, active, vigorous, with lots of intelligence. i was much amused at the names of the seven-inch guns, which include _victor_, _invincible_, _peacemaker_, together with _skidoo_, and also one called _tedd_ and one called _the big stick_. reflections on the way on board u. s. s. _louisiana_, nov. . dear kermit: so far this trip has been a great success, and i think mother has really enjoyed it. as for me, i of course feel a little bored, as i always do on shipboard, but i have brought on a great variety of books, and am at this moment reading milton's prose works, "tacitus," and a german novel called "jorn uhl." mother and i walk briskly up and down the deck together, or else sit aft under the awning, or in the after cabin, with the gun ports open, and read; and i also spend a good deal of time on the forward bridge, and sometimes on the aft bridge, and of course have gone over the ship to inspect it with the captain. it is a splendid thing to see one of these men-of-war, and it does really make one proud of one's country. both the officers and the enlisted men are as fine a set as one could wish to see. it is a beautiful sight, these three great war-ships standing southward in close column, and almost as beautiful at night when we see not only the lights but the loom through the darkness of the ships astern. we are now in the tropics and i have thought a good deal of the time over eight years ago when i was sailing to santiago in the fleet of warships and transports. it seems a strange thing to think of my now being president, going to visit the work of the panama canal which i have made possible. mother, very pretty and dainty in white summer clothes, came up on sunday morning to see inspection and review, or whatever they call it, of the men. i usually spend half an hour on deck before mother is dressed. then we breakfast together alone; have also taken lunch alone, but at dinner have two or three officers to dine with us. doctor rixey is along, and is a perfect dear, as always. events since columbus's discovery november th. the fourth day out was in some respects the most interesting. all the forenoon we had cuba on our right and most of the forenoon and part of the afternoon hayti on our left; and in each case green, jungly shores and bold mountains--two great, beautiful, venomous tropic islands. these are historic seas and mother and i have kept thinking of all that has happened in them since columbus landed at san salvador (which we also saw), the spanish explorers, the buccaneers, the english and dutch sea-dogs and adventurers, the great english and french fleets, the desperate fighting, the triumphs, the pestilences, of all the turbulence, the splendor and the wickedness, and the hot, evil, riotous life of the old planters and slave-owners, spanish, french, english, and dutch;--their extermination of the indians, and bringing in of negro slaves, the decay of most of the islands, the turning of hayti into a land of savage negroes, who have reverted to voodooism and cannibalism; the effort we are now making to bring cuba and porto rico forward. to-day is calm and beautiful, as all the days have been on our trip. we have just sighted the highest land of panama ahead of us, and we shall be at anchor by two o'clock this afternoon; just a little less than six days from the time we left washington. pride in america on board u. s. s. _louisiana_, nov. . dear ted: i am very glad to have taken this trip, although as usual i am bored by the sea. everything has been smooth as possible, and it has been lovely having mother along. it gives me great pride in america to be aboard this great battleship and to see not only the material perfection of the ship herself in engines, guns and all arrangements, but the fine quality of the officers and crew. have you ever read smollett's novel, i think "roderick random" or "humphrey clinker," in which the hero goes to sea? it gives me an awful idea of what a floating hell of filth, disease, tyranny, and cruelty a war-ship was in those days. now every arrangement is as clean and healthful as possible. the men can bathe and do bathe as often as cleanliness requires. their fare is excellent and they are as self-respecting a set as can be imagined. i am no great believer in the superiority of times past; and i have no question that the officers and men of our navy now are in point of fighting capacity better than in the times of drake and nelson; and morally and in physical surroundings the advantage is infinitely in our favor. it was delightful to have you two or three days at washington. blessed old fellow, you had a pretty hard time in college this fall; but it can't be helped, ted; as one grows older the bitter and the sweet keep coming together. the only thing to do is to grin and bear it, to flinch as little as possible under the punishment, and to keep pegging steadily away until the luck turns. what the president saw at panama u. s. s. _louisiana_, at sea, november , . dear kermit: our visit to panama was most successful as well as most interesting. we were there three days and we worked from morning till night. the second day i was up at a quarter to six and got to bed at a quarter of twelve, and i do not believe that in the intervening time, save when i was dressing, there were ten consecutive minutes when i was not busily at work in some shape or form. for two days there were uninterrupted tropic rains without a glimpse of the sun, and the chagres river rose in a flood, higher than any for fifteen years; so that we saw the climate at its worst. it was just what i desired to do. it certainly adds to one's pleasure to have read history and to appreciate the picturesque. when on wednesday we approached the coast, and the jungle-covered mountains looked clearer and clearer until we could see the surf beating on the shores, while there was hardly a sign of human habitation, i kept thinking of the four centuries of wild and bloody romance, mixed with abject squalor and suffering, which had made up the history of the isthmus until three years ago. i could see balboa crossing at darien, and the wars between the spaniards and the indians, and the settlement and the building up of the quaint walled spanish towns; and the trade, across the seas by galleon, and over land by pack-train and river canoe, in gold and silver, in precious stones; and then the advent of the buccaneers, and of the english seamen, of drake and frobisher and morgan, and many, many others, and the wild destruction they wrought. then i thought of the rebellion against the spanish dominion, and the uninterrupted and bloody wars that followed, the last occurring when i became president; wars, the victorious heroes of which have their pictures frescoed on the quaint rooms of the palace at panama city, and in similar palaces in all capitals of these strange, turbulent little half-caste civilizations. meanwhile the panama railroad had been built by americans over a half century ago, with appalling loss of life, so that it is said, of course with exaggeration, that every sleeper laid represented the death of a man. then the french canal company started work, and for two or three years did a good deal, until it became evident that the task far exceeded its powers; and then to miscalculation and inefficiency was added the hideous greed of adventurers, trying each to save something from the general wreck, and the company closed with infamy and scandal. now we have taken hold of the job. we have difficulties with our own people, of course. i haven't a doubt that it will take a little longer and cost a little more than men now appreciate, but i believe that the work is being done with a very high degree both of efficiency and honesty; and i am immensely struck by the character of american employees who are engaged, not merely in superintending the work, but in doing all the jobs that need skill and intelligence. the steam shovels, the dirt trains, the machine shops, and the like, are all filled with american engineers, conductors, machinists, boiler-makers, carpenters. from the top to the bottom these men are so hardy, so efficient, so energetic, that it is a real pleasure to look at them. stevens, the head engineer, is a big fellow, a man of daring and good sense, and burly power. all of these men are quite as formidable, and would, if it were necessary, do quite as much in battle as the crews of drake and morgan; but as it is, they are doing a work of infinitely more lasting consequence. nothing whatever remains to show what drake and morgan did. they produced no real effect down here, but stevens and his men are changing the face of the continent, are doing the greatest engineering feat of the ages, and the effect of their work will be felt while our civilization lasts. i went over everything that i could possibly go over in the time at my disposal. i examined the quarters of married and single men, white men and negroes. i went over the ground of the gatun and la boca dams; went through panama and colon, and spent a day in the culebra cut, where the great work is being done. there the huge steam-shovels are hard at it; scooping huge masses of rock and gravel and dirt previously loosened by the drillers and dynamite blasters, loading it on trains which take it away to some dump, either in the jungle or where the dams are to be built. they are eating steadily into the mountain, cutting it down and down. little tracks are laid on the side-hills, rocks blasted out, and the great ninety-five ton steam-shovels work up like mountain howitzers until they come to where they can with advantage begin their work of eating into and destroying the mountainside. with intense energy men and machines do their task, the white men supervising matters and handling the machines, while the tens of thousands of black men do the rough manual labor where it is not worth while to have machines do it. it is an epic feat, and one of immense significance. the deluge of rain meant that many of the villages were knee-deep in water, while the flooded rivers tore through the tropic forests. it is a real tropic forest, palms and bananas, breadfruit trees, bamboos, lofty ceibas, and gorgeous butterflies and brilliant colored birds fluttering among the orchids. there are beautiful flowers, too. all my old enthusiasm for natural history seemed to revive, and i would have given a good deal to have stayed and tried to collect specimens. it would be a good hunting country too; deer, and now and then jaguars and tapir, and great birds that they call wild turkeys; there are alligators in the rivers. one of the trained nurses from a hospital went to bathe in a pool last august and an alligator grabbed him by the legs and was making off with him, but was fortunately scared away, leaving the man badly injured. i tramped everywhere through the mud. mother did not do the roughest work, and had time to see more of the really picturesque and beautiful side of the life, and really enjoyed herself. p. s. the gatun dam will make a lake miles long, and the railroad now goes on what will be the bottom of this lake, and it was curious to think that in a few years great ships would be floating in water feet above where we were. on the way to porto rico u. s. s. _louisiana_, at sea, november , . dear ted: this is the third day out from panama. we have been steaming steadily in the teeth of the trade wind. it has blown pretty hard, and the ship has pitched a little, but not enough to make either mother or me uncomfortable. panama was a great sight. in the first place it was strange and beautiful with its mass of luxuriant tropic jungle, with the treacherous tropic rivers trailing here and there through it; and it was lovely to see the orchids and brilliant butterflies and the strange birds and snakes and lizards, and finally the strange old spanish towns and the queer thatch and bamboo huts of the ordinary natives. in the next place it is a tremendous sight to see the work on the canal going on. from the chief engineer and the chief sanitary officer down to the last arrived machinist or time-keeper, the five thousand americans at work on the isthmus seemed to me an exceptionally able, energetic lot, some of them grumbling, of course, but on the whole a mighty good lot of men. the west indian negroes offer a greater problem, but they are doing pretty well also. i was astonished at the progress made. we spent the three days in working from dawn until long after darkness--dear dr. rixey being, of course, my faithful companion. mother would see all she liked and then would go off on a little spree by herself, and she enjoyed it to the full. what he saw in porto rico u. s. s. _louisiana_, at sea, november , . dear kermit: we had a most interesting two days at porto rico. we landed on the south side of the island and were received by the governor and the rest of the administration, including nice mr. laurance grahame; then were given a reception by the alcalde and people of ponce; and then went straight across the island in automobiles to san juan on the north shore. it was an eighty mile trip and really delightful. the road wound up to the high mountains of the middle island, through them, and then down again to the flat plain on the north shore. the scenery was beautiful. it was as thoroughly tropical as panama but much more livable. there were palms, tree-ferns, bananas, mangoes, bamboos, and many other trees and multitudes of brilliant flowers. there was one vine called the dream-vine with flowers as big as great white water-lilies, which close up tight in the day-time and bloom at night. there were vines with masses of brilliant purple and pink flowers, and others with masses of little white flowers, which at night-time smell deliciously. there were trees studded over with huge white flowers, and others, the flamboyants such as i saw in the campaign at santiago, are a mass of large scarlet blossoms in june, but which now had shed them. i thought the tree-ferns especially beautiful. the towns were just such as you saw in cuba, quaint, brilliantly colored, with the old church or cathedral fronting the plaza, and the plaza always full of flowers. of course the towns are dirty, but they are not nearly as dirty and offensive as those of italy; and there is something pathetic and childlike about the people. we are giving them a good government and the island is prospering. i never saw a finer set of young fellows than those engaged in the administration. mr. grahame, whom of course you remember, is the intimate friend and ally of the leaders of the administration, that is of governor beekman winthrop and of the secretary of state, mr. regis post. grahame is a perfect trump and such a handsome, athletic fellow, and a real sir galahad. any wrong-doing, and especially any cruelty makes him flame with fearless indignation. he perfectly delighted the porto ricans and also immensely puzzled them by coming in his scotch kilt to a government ball. accordingly, at my special request, i had him wear his kilt at the state dinner and reception the night we were at the palace. you know he is a descendant of montrose, and although born in canada, his parents were scotch and he was educated in scotland. do tell mr. bob fergie about him and his kilts when you next write him. we spent the night at the palace, which is half palace and half castle, and was the residence of the old spanish governors. it is nearly four hundred years old, and is a delightful building, with quaint gardens and a quaint sea-wall looking over the bay. there were colored lanterns lighting up the gardens for the reception, and the view across the bay in the moonlight was lovely. our rooms were as attractive as possible too, except that they were so very airy and open that we found it difficult to sleep--not that that much mattered as, thanks to the earliness of our start and the lateness of our reception, we had barely four hours in which we even tried to sleep. the next morning we came back in automobiles over different and even more beautiful roads. the mountain passes through and over which we went made us feel as if we were in a tropic switzerland. we had to cross two or three rivers where big cream-colored oxen with yokes tied to their horns pulled the automobiles through the water. at one funny little village we had an open air lunch, very good, of chicken and eggs and bread, and some wine contributed by a wealthy young spaniard who rode up from a neighboring coffee ranch. yesterday afternoon we embarked again, and that evening the crew gave a theatrical entertainment on the afterdeck, closing with three boxing bouts. i send you the program. it was great fun, the audience being equally enraptured with the sentimental songs about the flag, and the sailor's true love and his mother, and with the jokes (the most relished of which related to the fact that bed-bugs were supposed to be so large that they had to be shot!) and the skits about the commissary and various persons and deeds on the ship. in a way the freedom of comment reminded me a little of the roman triumphs, when the excellent legendaries recited in verse and prose, anything they chose concerning the hero in whose deeds they had shared and whose triumphs they were celebrating. the stage, well lighted, was built on the aftermost part of the deck. we sat in front with the officers, and the sailors behind us in masses on the deck, on the aftermost turrets, on the bridge, and even in the fighting top of the aftermost mast. it was interesting to see their faces in the light. . . . . . p. s. i forgot to tell you about the banners and inscriptions of welcome to me in porto rico. one of them which stretched across the road had on it "welcome to theodore and mrs. roosevelt." last evening i really enjoyed a rather funny experience. there is an army and navy union composed chiefly of enlisted men, but also of many officers, and they suddenly held a "garrison" meeting in the torpedo-room of this ship. there were about fifty enlisted men together with the captain and myself. i was introduced as "comrade and shipmate theodore roosevelt, president of the united states." they were such a nice set of fellows, and i was really so pleased to be with them; so self-respecting, so earnest, and just the right type out of which to make the typical american fighting man who is also a good citizen. the meeting reminded me a good deal of a lodge meeting at oyster bay; and of course those men are fundamentally of the same type as the shipwrights, railroad men and fishermen whom i met at the lodge, and who, by the way, are my chief backers politically and are the men who make up the real strength of this nation. sickness of archie white house, march , . dear kermit: poor little archie has diphtheria, and we have had a wearing forty-eight hours. of course it is harder upon mother a good deal than upon me, because she spends her whole time with him together with the trained nurse, while i simply must attend to my work during these closing hours of congress (i have worked each day steadily up to half past seven and also in the evening); and only see archiekins for twenty minutes or a half hour before dinner. the poor little fellow likes to have me put my hands on his forehead, for he says they smell so clean and soapy! last night he was very sick, but this morning he is better, and dr. rixey thinks everything is going well. dr. lambert is coming on this afternoon to see him. ethel, who is away at philadelphia, will be sent to stay with the rixeys. quentin, who has been exposed somewhat to infection, is not allowed to see other little boys, and is leading a career of splendid isolation among the ushers and policemen. since i got back here i have not done a thing except work as the president must during the closing days of a session of congress. mother was, fortunately, getting much better, but now of course is having a very hard time of it nursing darling little archie. he is just as good as gold--so patient and loving. yesterday that scamp quentin said to mademoiselle: "if only i had _archie's_ nature, and _my_ head, wouldn't it be great?" in all his sickness archie remembered that to-day was mademoiselle's birthday, and sent her his love and congratulations--which promptly reduced good mademoiselle to tears. at the jamestown exposition white house, april , . dearest kermit: we really had an enjoyable trip to jamestown. the guests were mother's friend, mrs. johnson, a virginia lady who reminds me so much of aunt annie, my mother's sister, who throughout my childhood was almost as much associated in our home life as my mother herself; justice moody, who was as delightful as he always is, and with whom it was a real pleasure to again have a chance to talk; mr. and mrs. bob bacon, who proved the very nicest guests of all and were companionable and sympathetic at every point. ethel was as good as gold and took much off of mother's shoulders in the way of taking care of quentin. archie and quentin had, of course, a heavenly time; went everywhere, below and aloft, and ate indifferently at all hours, both with the officers and enlisted men. we left here thursday afternoon, and on friday morning passed in review through the foreign fleet and our own fleet of sixteen great battleships in addition to cruisers. it was an inspiring sight and one i would not have missed for a great deal. then we went in a launch to the exposition where i had the usual experience in such cases, made the usual speech, held the usual reception, went to the usual lunch, etc., etc. in the evening mother and i got on the _sylph_ and went to norfolk to dine. when the _sylph_ landed we were met by general grant to convoy us to the house. i was finishing dressing, and mother went out into the cabin and sat down to receive him. in a minute or two i came out and began to hunt for my hat. mother sat very erect and pretty, looking at my efforts with a tolerance that gradually changed to impatience. finally she arose to get her own cloak, and then i found that she had been sitting gracefully but firmly on the hat herself--it was a crush hat and it had been flattened until it looked like a wrinkled pie. mother did not see what she had done so i speechlessly thrust the hat toward her; but she still did not understand and took it as an inexplicable jest of mine merely saying, "yes, dear," and with patient dignity, turned and went out of the door with general grant. the next morning we went on the _sylph_ up the james river, and on the return trip visited three of the dearest places you can imagine, shirley, westover, and brandon. i do not know whether i loved most the places themselves or the quaint out-of-the-world virginia gentlewomen in them. the houses, the grounds, the owners, all were too dear for anything and we loved them. that night we went back to the _mayflower_ and returned here yesterday, sunday, afternoon. to-day spring weather seems really to have begun, and after lunch mother and i sat under the apple-tree by the fountain. a purple finch was singing in the apple-tree overhead, and the white petals of the blossoms were silently falling. this afternoon mother and i are going out riding with senator lodge. general kuroki white house, may , . dear kermit: general kuroki and his suite are here and dined with us at a formal dinner last evening. everything that he says has to be translated, but nevertheless i had a really interesting talk with him, because i am pretty well acquainted with his campaigns. he impressed me much, as indeed all japanese military and naval officers do. they are a formidable outfit. i want to try to keep on the best possible terms with japan and never do her any wrong; but i want still more to see our navy maintained at the highest point of efficiency, for it is the real keeper of the peace. temporary absence of skip the other day pete got into a most fearful fight and was dreadfully bitten. he was a very forlorn dog indeed when he came home. and on that particular day skip disappeared and had not turned up when we went to bed. poor archie was very uneasy lest skip should have gone the way of jack; and mother and i shared his uneasiness. but about two in the morning we both of us heard a sharp little bark down-stairs and knew it was skip, anxious to be let in. so down i went and opened the door on the portico, and skip simply scuttled in and up to archie's room, where archie waked up enough to receive him literally with open arms and then went to sleep cuddled up to him. death of skip sagamore hill, sept. , . blessed archiekins: we felt dreadfully homesick as you and kermit drove away; when we pass along the bay front we always think of the dory; and we mourn dear little skip, although perhaps it was as well the little doggie should pass painlessly away, after his happy little life; for the little fellow would have pined for you. your letter was a great comfort; we'll send on the football suit and hope you'll enjoy the football. of course it will all be new and rather hard at first. the house is "put up"; everything wrapped in white that can be, and all the rugs off the floors. quentin is reduced to the secret service men for steady companionship. quentin's snake adventure white house, sept. , . dearest archie: before we left oyster bay quentin had collected two snakes. he lost one, which did not turn up again until an hour before departure, when he found it in one of the spare rooms. this one he left loose, and brought the other one to washington, there being a variety of exciting adventures on the way; the snake wriggling out of his box once, and being upset on the floor once. the first day home quentin was allowed not to go to school but to go about and renew all his friendships. among other places that he visited was schmid's animal store, where he left his little snake. schmid presented him with three snakes, simply to pass the day with--a large and beautiful and very friendly king snake and two little wee snakes. quentin came hurrying back on his roller skates and burst into the room to show me his treasures. i was discussing certain matters with the attorney-general at the time, and the snakes were eagerly deposited in my lap. the king snake, by the way, although most friendly with quentin, had just been making a resolute effort to devour one of the smaller snakes. as quentin and his menagerie were an interruption to my interview with the department of justice, i suggested that he go into the next room, where four congressmen were drearily waiting until i should be at leisure. i thought that he and his snakes would probably enliven their waiting time. he at once fell in with the suggestion and rushed up to the congressmen with the assurance that he would there find kindred spirits. they at first thought the snakes were wooden ones, and there was some perceptible recoil when they realized that they were alive. then the king snake went up quentin's sleeve--he was three or four feet long--and we hesitated to drag him back because his scales rendered that difficult. the last i saw of quentin, one congressman was gingerly helping him off with his jacket, so as to let the snake crawl out of the upper end of the sleeve. in the fall of the president made a tour through the west and south and went on a hunting-trip in louisiana. in accordance with his unvarying custom he wrote regularly to his children while on his journeyings. trials of a travelling president on board u. s. s. _mississippi_, october , . dearest ethel: the first part of my trip up to the time that we embarked on the river at keokuk was just about in the ordinary style. i had continually to rush out to wave at the people at the towns through which the train passed. if the train stopped anywhere i had to make a very short speech to several hundred people who evidently thought they liked me, and whom i really liked, but to whom i had nothing in the world to say. at canton and keokuk i went through the usual solemn festivities--the committee of reception and the guard of honor, with the open carriage, the lines of enthusiastic fellow-citizens to whom i bowed continually right and left, the speech which in each case i thought went off rather better than i had dared hope--for i felt as if i had spoken myself out. when i got on the boat, however, times grew easier. i still have to rush out continually, stand on the front part of the deck, and wave at groups of people on shore, and at stern-wheel steamboats draped with american flags and loaded with enthusiastic excursionists. but i have a great deal of time to myself, and by gentle firmness i think i have succeeded in impressing on my good hosts that i rather resent allopathic doses of information about shoals and dykes, the amount of sand per cubic foot of water, the quantity of manufactures supplied by each river town, etc. changes of three centuries on board u. s. s. _mississippi_, october , . dear kermit: after speaking at keokuk this morning we got aboard this brand new stern-wheel steamer of the regular mississippi type and started down-stream. i went up on the texas and of course felt an almost irresistible desire to ask the pilot about mark twain. it is a broad, shallow, muddy river, at places the channel being barely wide enough for the boat to go through, though to my inexperienced eyes the whole river looks like a channel. the bottom lands, illinois on one side and missouri on the other, are sometimes over-grown with forests and sometimes great rich cornfields, with here and there a house, here and there villages, and now and then a little town. at every such place all the people of the neighborhood have gathered to greet me. the water-front of the towns would be filled with a dense packed mass of men, women, and children, waving flags. the little villages have not only their own population, but also the farmers who have driven in in their wagons with their wives and children from a dozen miles back--just such farmers as came to see you and the cavalry on your march through iowa last summer. it is my first trip on the mississippi, and i am greatly interested in it. how wonderful in its rapidity of movement has been the history of our country, compared with the history of the old world. for untold ages this river had been flowing through the lonely continent, not very greatly changed since the close of the pleistocene. during all these myriads of years the prairie and the forest came down to its banks. the immense herds of the buffalo and the elk wandered along them season after season, and the indian hunters on foot or in canoes trudged along the banks or skimmed the water. probably a thousand years saw no change that would have been noticeable to our eyes. then three centuries ago began the work of change. for a century its effects were not perceptible. just nothing but an occasional french fleet or wild half savage french-canadian explorer passing up or down the river or one of its branches in an indian canoe; then the first faint changes, the building of one or two little french fur traders' hamlets, the passing of one or two british officers' boats, and the very rare appearance of the uncouth american backwoodsman. then the change came with a rush. our settlers reached the head-waters of the ohio, and flatboats and keel-boats began to go down to the mouth of the mississippi, and the indians and the game they followed began their last great march to the west. for ages they had marched back and forth, but from this march there was never to be a return. then the day of steamboat traffic began, and the growth of the first american cities and states along the river with their strength and their squalor and their raw pride. then this mighty steamboat traffic passed its zenith and collapsed, and for a generation the river towns have dwindled compared with the towns which took their importance from the growth of the railroads. i think of it all as i pass down the river. october . . . . we are steaming down the river now between tennessee and arkansas. the forest comes down a little denser to the bank, the houses do not look quite so well kept; otherwise there is not much change. there are a dozen steamers accompanying us, filled with delegates from various river cities. the people are all out on the banks to greet us still. moreover, at night, no matter what the hour is that we pass a town, it is generally illuminated, and sometimes whistles and noisy greetings, while our steamboats whistle in equally noisy response, so that our sleep is apt to be broken. seventeen governors of different states are along, in a boat by themselves. i have seen a good deal of them, however, and it has been of real use to me, especially as regards two or three problems that are up. at st. louis there was an enormous multitude of people out to see us. the procession was in a drenching rain, in which i stood bareheaded, smiling affably and waving my drowned hat to those hardy members of the crowd who declined to go to shelter. at cairo, i was also greeted with great enthusiasm, and i was interested to find that there was still extreme bitterness felt over dickens's description of the town and the people in "martin chuzzlewit" sixty-five years ago. peculiarities of mississippi steamboats on board u. s. s. _mississippi_, oct. , . dear archie: i am now on what i believe will be my last trip of any consequence while i am president. until i got to keokuk, iowa, it was about like any other trip, but it is now pleasant going down the mississippi, though i admit that i would rather be at home. we are on a funny, stern-wheel steamer. mr. john mcilhenny is with me, and capt. seth bullock among others. we have seen wild geese and ducks and cormorants on the river, and the people everywhere come out in boats and throng or cluster on the banks to greet us. october . you would be greatly amused at these steamboats, and i think you will like your trip up the mississippi next spring, if only everything goes right, and mother is able to make it. there is no hold to the boat, just a flat bottom with a deck, and on this deck a foot or so above the water stands the engine-room, completely open at the sides and all the machinery visible as you come up to the boat. both ends are blunt, and the gangways are drawn up to big cranes. of course the boats could not stand any kind of a sea, but here they are very useful, for they are shallow and do not get hurt when they bump into the bank or one another. the river runs down in a broad, swirling, brown current, and nobody but an expert could tell the channel. one pilot or another is up in the _texas_ all day long and all night. now the channel goes close under one bank, then we have to cross the river and go under the other bank; then there will come a deep spot when we can go anywhere. then we wind in and out among shoals and sand-bars. at night the steamers are all lighted up, for there are a dozen of them in company with us. it is nice to look back at them as they twist after us in a long winding line down the river. the lone cat of the camp stamboul, la., oct. , . darling quentin: when we shifted camp we came down here and found a funny little wooden shanty, put up by some people who now and then come out here and sleep in it when they fish or shoot. the only living thing around it was a pussy-cat. she was most friendly and pleasant, and we found that she had been living here for two years. when people were in the neighborhood, she would take what scraps she could get, but the rest of the time she would catch her own game for herself. she was pretty thin when we came, and has already fattened visibly. she was not in the least disconcerted by the appearance of the hounds, and none of them paid the slightest attention to her when she wandered about among them. we are camped on the edge of a lake. this morning before breakfast i had a good swim in it, the water being warmer than the air, and this evening i rowed on it in the moonlight. every night we hear the great owls hoot and laugh in uncanny fashion. camp on tenesas bayou, oct. , . darling ethel: here we are in camp. it is very picturesque, and as comfortable as possible. we have a big fly tent for the horses; the hounds sleep with them, or with the donkeys! there is a white hunter, ben lily, who has just joined us, who is a really remarkable character. he literally lives in the woods. he joined us early this morning, with one dog. he had tramped for twenty-four hours through the woods, without food or water, and had slept a couple of hours in a crooked tree, like a wild turkey. he has a mild, gentle face, blue eyes, and full beard; he is a religious fanatic, and is as hardy as a bear or elk, literally caring nothing for fatigue and exposure, which we couldn't stand at all. he doesn't seem to consider the hours' trip he has just made, any more than i should a half hour's walk before breakfast. he quotes the preacher talmage continually. this is a black belt. the people are almost all negroes, curious creatures, some of them with indian blood, like those in "voodoo tales." yesterday we met two little negresses riding one mule, bare-legged, with a rope bridle. tenesas bayou, oct. , . blessed archie: i just loved your letter. i was so glad to hear from you. i was afraid you would have trouble with your latin. what a funny little fellow opdyke must be; i am glad you like him. how do you get on at football? we have found no bear. i shot a deer; i sent a picture of it to kermit. a small boy here caught several wildcats. when one was in the trap he would push a box towards it, and it would itself get into it, to hide; and so he would capture it alive. but one, instead of getting into the box, combed the hair of the small boy! we have a great many hounds in camp; at night they gaze solemnly into the fire. dr. lambert has caught a good many bass, which we have enjoyed at the camp table. bear bayou, oct. , . darling archie: we have had no luck with the bear; but we have killed as many deer as we needed for meat, and the hounds caught a wildcat. our camp is as comfortable as possible, and we have great camp fires at night. one of the bear-hunting planters with me told me he once saw a bear, when overtaken by the hounds, lie down flat on its back with all its legs stretched out, while the dogs barked furiously all around it. suddenly the bear sat up with a jump, and frightened all the dogs so that they nearly turned back somersaults. at this camp there is a nice tame pussy-cat which lies out here all the time, catching birds, mice, or lizards; but very friendly with any party of hunters which happens along. p. s.--i have just killed a bear; i have written kermit about it. the bear plays dead. the bear sits up. shooting the bear en route to washington, oct. , . dear ted: "bad old father" is coming back after a successful trip. it was a success in every way, including the bear hunt; but in the case of the bear hunt we only just made it successful and no more, for it was not until the twelfth day of steady hunting that i got my bear. then i shot it in the most approved hunter's style, going up on it in a canebrake as it made a walking bay before the dogs. i also killed a deer--more by luck than anything else, as it was a difficult shot. quentin's "exquisite jest" white house, jan. , . dear archie: friday night quentin had three friends, including the little taft boy, to spend the night with him. they passed an evening and night of delirious rapture, it being a continuous rough-house save when they would fall asleep for an hour or two from sheer exhaustion. i interfered but once, and that was to stop an exquisite jest of quentin's, which consisted in procuring sulphureted hydrogen to be used on the other boys when they got into bed. they played hard, and it made me realize how old i had grown and how very busy i had been these last few years, to find that they had grown so that i was not needed in the play. do you recollect how we all of us used to play hide-and-go-seek in the white house? and have obstacle races down the hall when you brought in your friends? mother continues much attached to scamp, who is certainly a cunning little dog. he is very affectionate, but so exceedingly busy when we are out on the grounds, that we only catch glimpses of him zigzagging at full speed from one end of the place to the other. the kitchen cat and he have strained relations but have not yet come to open hostility. white house, jan. , . dear archie: scamp is really a cunning little dog, but he takes such an extremely keen interest in hunting, and is so active, that when he is out on the grounds with us we merely catch glimpses of him as he flashes by. the other night after the judicial reception when we went up-stairs to supper the kitchen cat suddenly appeared parading down the hall with great friendliness, and was forthwith exiled to her proper home again. tom pinch white house, february , . dearest kermit: i quite agree with you about tom pinch. he is a despicable kind of character; just the kind of character dickens liked, because he had himself a thick streak of maudlin sentimentality of the kind that, as somebody phrased it, "made him wallow naked in the pathetic." it always interests me about dickens to think how much first-class work he did and how almost all of it was mixed up with every kind of cheap, second-rate matter. i am very fond of him. there are innumerable characters that he has created which symbolize vices, virtues, follies, and the like almost as well as the characters in bunyan; and therefore i think the wise thing to do is simply to skip the bosh and twaddle and vulgarity and untruth, and get the benefit out of the rest. of course one fundamental difference between thackeray and dickens is that thackeray was a gentleman and dickens was not. but a man might do some mighty good work and not be a gentleman in any sense. "martin chuzzlewit" white house, february , . dearest kermit: of course i entirely agree with you about "martin chuzzlewit." but the point seems to me that the preposterous perversion of truth and the ill-nature and malice of the book are of consequence chiefly as indicating dickens' own character, about which i care not a rap; whereas, the characters in american shortcomings and vices and follies as typified are immortal, and, moreover, can be studied with great profit by all of us to-day. dickens was an ill-natured, selfish cad and boor, who had no understanding of what the word gentleman meant, and no appreciation of hospitality or good treatment. he was utterly incapable of seeing the high purpose and the real greatness which (in spite of the presence also of much that was bad or vile) could have been visible all around him here in america to any man whose vision was both keen and lofty. he could not see the qualities of the young men growing up here, though it was these qualities that enabled these men to conquer the west and to fight to a finish the great civil war, and though they were to produce leadership like that of lincoln, lee, and grant. naturally he would think there was no gentleman in new york, because by no possibility could he have recognized a gentleman if he had met one. naturally he would condemn all america because he had not the soul to see what america was really doing. but he was in his element in describing with bitter truthfulness scadder and jefferson brick, and elijah pogram, and hannibal chollup, and mrs. hominy and the various other characters, great and small, that have always made me enjoy "martin chuzzlewit." most of these characters we still have with us. good reading for pacifists march , . dearest kermit: you have recently been writing me about dickens. senator lodge gave me the following first-class quotation from a piece by dickens about "proposals for amusing posterity": "and i would suggest that if a body of gentlemen possessing their full phrenological share of the combative and antagonistic organs, could only be induced to form themselves into a society for declaiming about peace, with a very considerable war-whoop against all non-declaimers; and if they could only be prevailed upon to sum up eloquently the many unspeakable miseries and horrors of war, and to present them to their own country as a conclusive reason for its being undefended against war, and becoming a prey of the first despot who might choose to inflict those miseries and horrors--why then i really believe we should have got to the very best joke we could hope to have in our whole complete jest-book for posterity and might fold our arms and rest convinced that we had done enough for that discerning patriarch's amusement." this ought to be read before all the tomfool peace societies and anti-imperialist societies of the present-day. quentin as a ball-player white house, march , . dearest archie: yesterday morning quentin brought down all his force school baseball nine to practise on the white house grounds. it was great fun to see them, and quentin made a run. it reminded me of when you used to come down with the friend's school eleven. moreover, i was reminded of the occasional rows in the eleven by an outburst in connection with the nine which resulted in their putting off of it a small boy who quentin assured me was the "meanest kid in town." i like to see quentin practising baseball. it gives me hopes that one of my boys will not take after his father in this respect, and will prove able to play the national game! ethel has a delightful new dog--a white bull terrier--not much more than a puppy as yet. she has named it mike and it seems very affectionate. scamp is really an extraordinary ratter, and kills a great many rats in the white house, in the cellars and on the lower floor and among the machinery. he is really a very nice little dog. white house, march , . dearest archie: quentin is now taking a great interest in baseball. yesterday the force school nine, on which he plays second base, played the p street nine on the white house grounds where quentin has marked out a diamond. the force school nine was victorious by a score of to . i told quentin i was afraid the p street boys must have felt badly and he answered, "oh, i guess not; you see i filled them up with lemonade afterward!" charlie taft is on his nine. did you hear of the dreadful time ethel had with her new bull terrier, mike? she was out riding with fitz lee, who was on roswell, and mike was following. they suppose that fidelity must have accidentally kicked mike. the first they knew the bulldog sprang at the little mare's throat. she fought pluckily, rearing and plunging, and shook him off, and then ethel galloped away. as soon as she halted, mike overtook her and attacked fidelity again. he seized her by the shoulder and tried to seize her by the throat, and twice ethel had to break away and gallop off, fitz lee endeavoring in vain to catch the dog. finally he succeeded, just as mike had got fidelity by the hock. he had to give mike a tremendous beating to restore him to obedience; but of course mike will have to be disposed of. fidelity was bitten in several places and it was a wonder that ethel was able to keep her seat, because naturally the frightened little mare reared and plunged and ran. four sheepish small boys white house, april , . dearest archie: ethel has bought on trial an eight-months bulldog pup. he is very cunning, very friendly, and wriggles all over in a frantic desire to be petted. quentin really seems to be getting on pretty well with his baseball. in each of the last two games he made a base hit and a run. i have just had to give him and three of his associates a dressing down--one of the three being charlie taft. yesterday afternoon was rainy, and four of them played five hours inside the white house. they were very boisterous and were all the time on the verge of mischief, and finally they made spit-balls and deliberately put them on the portraits. i did not discover it until after dinner, and then pulled quentin out of bed and had him take them all off the portraits, and this morning required him to bring in the three other culprits before me. i explained to them that they had acted like boors; that it would have been a disgrace to have behaved so in any gentleman's house; that quentin could have no friend to see him, and the other three could not come inside the white house, until i felt that a sufficient time had elapsed to serve as punishment. they were four very sheepish small boys when i got through with them. john burroughs and the flying squirrels white house, may , . dearest archie: mother and i had great fun at pine knot. mr. burroughs, whom i call oom john, was with us and we greatly enjoyed having him. but one night he fell into great disgrace! the flying squirrels that were there last christmas had raised a brood, having built a large nest inside of the room in which you used to sleep and in which john burroughs slept. of course they held high carnival at night-time. mother and i do not mind them at all, and indeed rather like to hear them scrambling about, and then as a sequel to a sudden frantic fight between two of them, hearing or seeing one little fellow come plump down to the floor and scuttle off again to the wall. but one night they waked up john burroughs and he spent a misguided hour hunting for the nest, and when he found it took it down and caught two of the young squirrels and put them in a basket. the next day under mother's direction i took them out, getting my fingers somewhat bitten in the process, and loosed them in our room, where we had previously put back the nest. i do not think john burroughs profited by his misconduct, because the squirrels were more active than ever that night both in his room and ours, the disturbance in their family affairs having evidently made them restless! beauty of white house grounds white house, may , . dearest archie: quentin is really doing pretty well with his baseball, and he is perfectly absorbed in it. he now occasionally makes a base hit if the opposing pitcher is very bad; and his nine wins more than one-half of its games. the grounds are too lovely for anything, and spring is here, or rather early summer, in full force. mother's flower-gardens are now as beautiful as possible, and the iron railings of the fences south of them are covered with clematis and roses in bloom. the trees are in full foliage and the grass brilliant green, and my friends, the warblers, are trooping to the north in full force. quentin and a beehive white house, may , . dearest archie: quentin has met with many adventures this week; in spite of the fact that he has had a bad cough which has tended to interrupt the variety of his career. he has become greatly interested in bees, and the other day started down to get a beehive from somewhere, being accompanied by a mongrel looking small boy as to whose name i inquired. when repeated by quentin it was obviously an italian name. i asked who he was and quentin responded: "oh, his father keeps a fruit-stand." however, they got their bees all right and quentin took the hive up to a school exhibit. there some of the bees got out and were left behind ("poor homeless miserables," as quentin remarked of them), and yesterday they at intervals added great zest to life in the classroom. the hive now reposes in the garden and scamp surveys it for hours at a time with absorbed interest. after a while he will get to investigating it, and then he will find out more than he expects to. this afternoon quentin was not allowed to play ball because of his cough, so he was keeping the score when a foul tip caught him in the eye. it was quite a bad blow, but quentin was very plucky about it and declined to go in until the game was finished, an hour or so later. by that time his eye had completely shut up and he now has a most magnificent bandage around his head over that eye, and feels much like a baseball hero. i came in after dinner to take a look at him and to my immense amusement found that he was lying flat on his back in bed saying his prayers, while mademoiselle was kneeling down. it took me a moment or two to grasp the fact that good mademoiselle wished to impress on him that it was not right to say his prayers unless he knelt down, and as that in this case he could not kneel down she would do it in his place! quentin and turner (to mrs. nicholas longworth, cincinnati, ohio) oyster bay, june , . . . . . . quentin is really too funny for anything. he got his legs fearfully sunburned the other day, and they blistered, became inflamed, and ever-faithful mother had to hold a clinic on him. eyeing his blistered and scarlet legs, he remarked, "they look like a turner sunset, don't they?" and then, after a pause, "i won't be caught again this way! quoth the raven, 'nevermore!'" i was not surprised at his quoting poe, but i would like to know where the ten-year-old scamp picked up any knowledge of turner's sunsets. quentin and the pig white house, october , . dearest kermit: . . . . . quentin performed a characteristic feat yesterday. he heard that schmidt, the animal man, wanted a small pig, and decided that he would turn an honest penny by supplying the want. so out in the neighborhood of his school he called on an elderly darkey who, he had seen, possessed little pigs; bought one; popped it into a bag; astutely dodged the school--having a well-founded distrust of how the boys would feel toward his passage with the pig--and took the car for home. by that time the pig had freed itself from the bag, and, as he explained, he journeyed in with a "small squealish pig" under his arm; but as the conductor was a friend of his he was not put off. he bought it for a dollar and sold it to schmidt for a dollar and a quarter, and feels as if he had found a permanent line of business. schmidt then festooned it in red ribbons and sent it to parade the streets. i gather that quentin led it around for part of the parade, but he was somewhat vague on this point, evidently being a little uncertain as to our approval of the move. a presidential fall white house, nov. , . dearest archie: quentin is getting along very well; he plays centre on his football eleven, and in a match for juniors in tennis he got into the semi-finals. what is more important, he seems to be doing very well with his studies, and to get on well with the boys, and is evidently beginning to like the school. he has shown himself very manly. kermit is home now, and is a perfect dear. the other day while taking a scramble walk over rock creek, when i came to that smooth-face of rock which we get round by holding on to the little bit of knob that we call the button, the top of this button came off between my thumb and forefinger. i hadn't supposed that i was putting much weight on it, but evidently i was, for i promptly lost my balance, and finding i was falling, i sprang out into the creek. there were big rocks in it, and the water was rather shallow, but i landed all right and didn't hurt myself the least bit in the world. more about quentin white house, nov. , . dearest archie: i handed your note and the two dollar bill to quentin, and he was perfectly delighted. it came in very handy, because poor quentin has been in bed with his leg in a plaster cast, and the two dollars i think went to make up a fund with which he purchased a fascinating little steam-engine, which has been a great source of amusement to him. he is out to-day visiting some friends, although his leg is still in a cast. he has a great turn for mechanics. white house, nov. , . blessed archie: it is fine to hear from you and to know you are having a good time. quentin, i am happy to say, is now thoroughly devoted to his school. he feels that he is a real episcopal high school boy, and takes the keenest interest in everything. yesterday, thanksgiving day, he had various friends here. his leg was out of plaster and there was nothing he did not do. he roller-skated; he practised football; he had engineering work and electrical work; he went all around the city; he romped all over the white house; he went to the slaughter-house and got a pig for thanksgiving dinner. ethel is perfectly devoted to ace, who adores her. the other day he was lost for a little while; he had gone off on a side street and unfortunately saw a cat in a stable and rushed in and killed it, and they had him tied up there when one of our men found him. in a way i know that mother misses scamp, but in another way she does not, for now all the squirrels are very tame and cunning and are hopping about the lawn and down on the paths all the time, so that we see them whenever we walk, and they are not in the least afraid of us. white house, dec. , . dearest archie: i have a very strong presentiment that santa claus will not forget that watch! quentin went out shooting with dr. rixey on monday and killed three rabbits, which i think was pretty good. he came back very dirty and very triumphant, and mother, feeling just as triumphant, brought him promptly over with his gun and his three rabbits to see me in the office. on most days now he rides out to school, usually on achilles. very shortly he will begin to spend his nights at the school, however. he has become sincerely attached to the school, and at the moment thinks he would rather stay there than go to groton; but this is a thought he will get over--with mother's active assistance. he has all kinds of friends, including some who are on a hockey team with him here in the city. the hockey team apparently plays hockey now and then, but only very occasionally, and spends most of the time disciplining its own members. tribute to kermit in , after retiring from the presidency, colonel roosevelt went on a hunting trip in africa, writing as usual to his children while away. on the 'nzor river, nov. , . darling ethel: here we are, by a real tropical river, with game all around, and no human being within several days' journey. at night the hyenas come round the camp, uttering their queer howls; and once or twice we have heard lions; but unfortunately have never seen them. kermit killed a leopard yesterday. he has really done so very well! it is rare for a boy with his refined tastes and his genuine appreciation of literature--and of so much else--to be also an exceptionally bold and hardy sportsman. he is still altogether too reckless; but by my hen-with-one-chicken attitude, i think i shall get him out of africa uninjured; and his keenness, cool nerve, horsemanship, hardihood, endurance, and good eyesight make him a really good wilderness hunter. we have become genuinely attached to cunninghame and tarleton, and all three naturalists, especially heller; and also to our funny black attendants. the porters always amuse us; at this moment about thirty of them are bringing in the wood for the camp fires, which burn all night; and they are all chanting in chorus, the chant being nothing but the words "_wood_--plenty of wood to burn!" a merry christmas to you! and to archie and quentin. how i wish i were to be with you all, no matter how cold it might be at sagamore; but i suppose we shall be sweltering under mosquito nets in uganda. longing for home campalla, dec. , . blessedest ethely-bye: here we are, the most wise bavian--particularly nice--and the elderly parent, on the last stage of their journey. i am enjoying it all, but i think kermit regards me as a little soft, because i am so eagerly looking forward to the end, when i shall see darling, pretty mother, my own sweetheart, and the very nicest of all nice daughters--you blessed girlie. do you remember when you explained, with some asperity, that of course you wished ted were at home, because you didn't have anybody as a really intimate companion, whereas mother had "old father"? it is a great comfort to have a daughter to whom i can write about all kinds of intimate things! this is a most interesting place. we crossed the great nyanza lake, in a comfortable steamer, in hours, seeing a lovely sunset across the vast expanse of waters; and the moonlight later was as lovely. here it is as hot as one would expect directly on the equator, and the brilliant green landscape is fairly painted with even more brilliant flowers, on trees, bush, and vines; while the strange, semi-civilized people are most interesting. the queer little king's prime minister, an exceedingly competent, gorgeously dressed, black man, reminds kermit of a rather civilized umslopagaar--if that is the way you spell rider haggard's zulu hero. in this little native town we are driven round in rickshaws, each with four men pushing and pulling, who utter a queer, clanging note of exclamation in chorus, every few seconds, hour after hour. the last hunt gondokoro, feb. , . dearest archie: here, much to my pleasure, i find your letter written after the snow-storm at sagamore. no snow here! on two or three days the thermometer at noon has stood at degrees in the shade. all three naturalists and mr. cunninghame, the guide, have been sick, and so kermit and i made our last hunt alone, going for eight days into the lado. we were very successful, getting among other things three giant eland, which are great prizes. we worked hard; kermit of course worked hardest, for he is really a first-class walker and runner; i had to go slowly, but i kept at it all day and every day. kermit has really become not only an excellent hunter but also a responsible and trustworthy man, fit to lead; he managed the whole caravan and after hunting all day he would sit up half the night taking care of the skins. he is also the nicest possible companion. we are both very much attached to our gun-bearers and tent boys, and will be sorry to part with them. quentin grown-up new york, dec. , . dear archie: quentin turned up last night. he is half an inch taller than i am, and is in great shape. he is much less fat than he was, and seems to be turning out right in every way. i was amused to have him sit down and play the piano pretty well. we miss you dreadfully now that christmas has come. the family went into revolt about my slouch hat, which quentin christened "old mizzoura," and so i have had to buy another with a less pronounced crown and brim. we all drank your good health at dinner. archive. cover modified from an image obtained from the internet archive and placed in the public domain. theodore roosevelt [illustration: photograph of theodore roosevelt inscribed to jacob f. brown with regards of theodore roosevelt sept th ] theodore roosevelt an address delivered by henry cabot lodge before the congress of the united states _february ninth nineteen hundred and nineteen_ _privately printed in boston_ _there have been privately printed by the mcgrath-sherrill press three hundred copies of this book of which this is number_ theodore roosevelt [illustration] a tower is fallen, a star is set! alas! alas! for celin. the words of lamentation from the old moorish ballad, which in boyhood we used to recite, must, i think, have risen to many lips when the world was told that theodore roosevelt was dead. but whatever the phrase the thought was instant and everywhere. variously expressed, you heard it in the crowds about the bulletin boards, from the man in the street and the man on the railroads, from the farmer in the fields, the women in the shops, in the factories, and in the homes. the pulpit found in his life a text for sermons. the judge on the bench, the child at school, alike paused for a moment, conscious of a loss. the cry of sorrow came from men and women of all conditions, high and low, rich and poor, from the learned and the ignorant, from the multitude who had loved and followed him, and from those who had opposed and resisted him. the newspapers pushed aside the absorbing reports of the events of these fateful days and gave pages to the man who had died. flashed beneath the ocean and through the air went the announcement of his death, and back came a world-wide response from courts and cabinets, from press and people, in other and far-distant lands. through it all ran a golden thread of personal feeling which gleams so rarely in the somber formalism of public grief. everywhere the people felt in their hearts that: a power was passing from the earth to breathless nature's dark abyss. it would seem that here was a man, a private citizen, conspicuous by no office, with no glitter of power about him, no ability to reward or punish, gone from the earthly life, who must have been unusual even among the leaders of men, and who thus demands our serious consideration. this is a thought to be borne in mind to-day. we meet to render honor to the dead, to the great american whom we mourn. but there is something more to be done. we must remember that when history, with steady hand and calm eyes, free from the passions of the past, comes to make up the final account, she will call as her principal witnesses the contemporaries of the man or the event awaiting her verdict. here and elsewhere the men and women who knew theodore roosevelt or who belong to his period will give public utterance to their emotions and to their judgments in regard to him. this will be part of the record to which the historian will turn when our living present has become the past, of which it is his duty to write. thus is there a responsibility placed upon each one of us who will clearly realize that here, too, is a duty to posterity, whom we would fain guide to the truth as we see it, and to whose hands we commit our share in the history of our beloved country--that history so much of which was made under his leadership. we can not approach theodore roosevelt along the beaten paths of eulogy or satisfy ourselves with the empty civilities of commonplace funereal tributes, for he did not make his life journey over main-traveled roads, nor was he ever commonplace. cold and pompous formalities would be unsuited to him who was devoid of affectation, who was never self-conscious, and to whom posturing to draw the public gaze seemed not only repellent but vulgar. he had that entire simplicity of manners and modes of life which is the crowning result of the highest culture and the finest nature. like cromwell, he would always have said: "paint me as i am." in that spirit, in his spirit of devotion to truth's simplicity, i shall try to speak of him to-day in the presence of the representatives of the great government of which he was for seven years the head. the rise of any man from humble or still more from sordid beginnings to the heights of success always and naturally appeals strongly to the imagination. it furnishes a vivid contrast which is as much admired as it is readily understood. it still retains the wonder which such success awakened in the days of hereditary lawgivers and high privileges of birth. birth and fortune, however, mean much less now than two centuries ago. to climb from the place of a printer's boy to the highest rank in science, politics, and diplomacy would be far easier to-day than in the eighteenth century, given a genius like franklin to do it. moreover the real marvel is in the soaring achievement itself, no matter what the origin of the man who comes by "the people's unbought grace to rule his native land" and who on descending from the official pinnacle still leads and influences thousands upon thousands of his fellow men. theodore roosevelt had the good fortune to be born of a well-known, long-established family, with every facility for education and with an atmosphere of patriotism and disinterested service both to country and humanity all about him. in his father he had before him an example of lofty public spirit, from which it would have been difficult to depart. but if the work of his ancestors relieved him from the hard struggle which meets an unaided man at the outset, he also lacked the spur of necessity to prick the sides of his intent, in itself no small loss. as a balance to the opportunity which was his without labor, he had not only the later difficulties which come to him to whom fate has been kind at the start; he had also spread before him the temptations inseparable from such inherited advantages as fell to his lot--temptations to a life of sports and pleasure, to lettered ease, to an amateur's career in one of the fine arts, perhaps to a money-making business, likewise an inheritance, none of them easily to be set aside in obedience to the stern rule that the larger and more facile the opportunity the greater and more insistent the responsibility. how he refused to tread the pleasant paths that opened to him on all sides and took the instant way which led over the rough road of toil and action his life discloses. at the beginning, moreover, he had physical difficulties not lightly to be overcome. he was a delicate child, suffering acutely from attacks of asthma. he was not a strong boy, was retiring, fond of books, and with an intense but solitary devotion to natural history. as his health gradually improved he became possessed by the belief, although he perhaps did not then formulate it, that in the fields of active life a man could do that which he willed to do; and this faith was with him to the end. it became very evident when he went to harvard. he made himself an athlete by sheer hard work. hampered by extreme near-sightedness, he became none the less a formidable boxer and an excellent shot. he stood high in scholarship, but as he worked hard, so he played hard, and was popular in the university and beloved by his friends. for a shy and delicate boy all this meant solid achievement, as well as unusual determination and force of will. apparently he took early to heart and carried out to fulfillment the noble lines of clough's _dipsychus_: in light things prove thou the arms thou long'st to glorify, nor fear to work up from the lowest ranks whence come great nature's captains. and high deeds haunt not the fringy edges of the fight, but the pell-mell of men. when a young man comes out of college he descends suddenly from the highest place in a little world to a very obscure corner in a great one. it is something of a shock, and there is apt to be a chill in the air. unless the young man's life has been planned beforehand and a place provided for him by others, which is exceptional, or unless he is fortunate in a strong and dominating purpose or talent which drives him to science or art or some particular profession, he finds himself at this period pausing and wondering where he can get a grip upon the vast and confused world into which he has been plunged. it is a trying and only too frequently a disheartening experience, this looking for a career, this effort to find employment in a huge and hurrying crowd which appears to have no use for the new-comer. roosevelt, thus cast forth on his own resources--his father, so beloved by him, having died two years before--fell to work at once, turning to the study of the law, which he did not like, and to the completion of a history of the war of which he had begun while still in college. with few exceptions, young beginners in the difficult art of writing are either too exuberant or too dry. roosevelt said that his book was as dry as an encyclopedia, thus erring in precisely the direction one would not have expected. the book, be it said, was by no means so dry as he thought it, and it had some other admirable qualities. it was clear and thorough, and the battles by sea and land, especially the former, which involved the armaments and crews, the size and speed of the ships engaged in the famous frigate and sloop actions, of which we won eleven out of thirteen, were given with a minute accuracy never before attempted in the accounts of this war, and which made the book an authority, a position it holds to this day. this was a good deal of sound work for a boy's first year out of college. but it did not content roosevelt. inherited influences and inborn desires made him earnest and eager to render some public service. in pursuit of this aspiration he joined the twenty-first assembly district republican association of the city of new york, for by such machinery all politics were carried on in those days. it was not an association composed of his normal friends; in fact, the members were not only eminently practical persons but they were inclined to be rough in their methods. they were not dreamers, nor were they laboring under many illusions. roosevelt went among them a complete stranger. he differed from them with entire frankness, concealed nothing, and by his strong and simple democratic ways, his intense americanism, and the magical personal attraction which went with him to the end, made some devoted friends. one of the younger leaders, "joe" murray, believed in him, became especially attached to him, and so continued until death separated them. through murray's efforts he was elected to the new york assembly in , and thus only one year after leaving college his public career began. he was just twenty-three. very few men make an effective state reputation in their first year in the lower branch of the state legislature. i never happened to hear of one who made a national reputation in such a body. roosevelt did both. when he left the assembly after three years' service he was a national figure, well known, and of real importance, and also a delegate at large from the great state of new york to the republican national convention of , where he played a leading part. energy, ability, and the most entire courage were the secret of his extraordinary success. it was a time of flagrant corporate influence in the new york legislature, of the "black horse cavalry," of a group of members who made money by sustaining corporation measures or by levying on corporations and capital through the familiar artifice of "strike bills." roosevelt attacked them all openly and aggressively and never silently or quietly. he fought for the impeachment of a judge solely because he believed the judge corrupt, which surprised some of his political associates of both parties, there being, as one practical thinker observed, "no politics in politics." he failed to secure the impeachment, but the fight did not fail, nor did the people forget it; and despite--perhaps because of--the enemies he made, he was twice reelected. he became at the same time a distinct, well-defined figure to the american people. he had touched the popular imagination. in this way he performed the unexampled feat of leaving the new york assembly, which he had entered three years before an unknown boy, with a national reputation and with his name at least known throughout the united states. he was twenty-six years old. when he left chicago at the close of the national convention in june, , he did not return to new york, but went west to the bad lands of the little missouri valley, where he had purchased a ranch in the previous year. the early love of natural history which never abated had developed into a passion for hunting and for life in the open. he had begun in the wilds of maine and then turned to the west and to a cattle ranch to gratify both tastes. the life appealed to him and he came to love it. he herded and rounded up his cattle, he worked as a cow-puncher, only rather harder than any of them, and in the intervals he hunted and shot big game. he also came in contact with men of a new type, rough, sometimes dangerous, but always vigorous and often picturesque. with them he had the same success as with the practical politicians of the twenty-first assembly district, although they were widely different specimens of mankind. but all alike were human at bottom and so was roosevelt. he argued with them, rode with them, camped with them, played and joked with them, but was always master of his outfit. they respected him and also liked him, because he was at all times simple, straightforward, outspoken, and sincere. he became a popular and well-known figure in that western country and was regarded as a good fellow, a "white man," entirely fearless, thoroughly good-natured and kind, never quarrelsome, and never safe to trifle with, bully, or threaten. the life and experiences of that time found their way into a book, _the hunting trips of a ranchman_, interesting in description and adventure and also showing a marked literary quality. in he ran as republican candidate for mayor of new york and might have been elected had his own party stood by him. but many excellent men of republican faith--the "timid good," as he called them--panic-stricken by the formidable candidacy of henry george, flocked to the support of mr. abram hewitt, the democratic candidate, as the man most certain to defeat the menacing champion of single taxation. roosevelt was beaten, but his campaign, which was entirely his own and the precursor of many others, his speeches with their striking quality then visible to the country for the first time, all combined to fix the attention of the people upon the losing candidate. roosevelt was the one of the candidates who was most interesting, and again he had touched the imagination of the people and cut a little deeper into the popular consciousness and memory. two years more of private life, devoted to his home, where his greatest happiness was always found, to his ranch, to reading and writing books, and then came an active part in the campaign of , resulting in the election of president harrison, who made him civil-service commissioner in the spring of . he was in his thirty-first year. civil-service reform as a practical question was then in its initial stages. the law establishing it, limited in extent and forced through by a few leaders of both parties in the senate, was only six years old. the promoters of the reform, strong in quality, but weak in numbers, had compelled a reluctant acceptance of the law by exercising a balance-of-power vote in certain states and districts. it had few earnest supporters in congress, some lukewarm friends, and many strong opponents. all the active politicians were practically against it. mr. conkling had said that when dr. johnson told boswell "that patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel" he was ignorant of the possibilities of the word "reform," and this witticism met with a large response. civil-service reform, meaning the establishment of a classified service and the removal of routine administrative offices from politics, had not reached the masses of the people at all. the average voter knew and cared nothing about it. when six years later roosevelt resigned from the commission the great body of the people knew well what civil-service reform meant, large bodies of voters cared a great deal about it, and it was established and spreading its control. we have had many excellent men who have done good work in the civil service commission, although that work is neither adventurous nor exciting and rarely attracts public attention, but no one has ever forgotten that theodore roosevelt was once civil-service commissioner. he found the law struggling for existence, laughed at, sneered at, surrounded by enemies in congress, and with but few fighting friends. he threw himself into the fray. congress investigated the commission about once a year, which was exactly what roosevelt desired. annually, too, the opponents of the reform would try to defeat the appropriation for the commission, and this again was playing into roosevelt's hands, for it led to debates, and the newspapers as a rule sustained the reform. senator gorman mourned in the senate over the cruel fate of a "bright young man" who was unable to tell on examination the distance of baltimore from china, and thus was deprived of his inalienable right to serve his country in the post office. roosevelt proved that no such question had ever been asked and requested the name of the "bright young man." the name was not forthcoming, and the victim of a question never asked goes down nameless to posterity in the congressional record as merely a "bright young man." then general grosvenor, a leading republican of the house, denounced the commissioner for crediting his district with an appointee named rufus putnam who was not a resident of the district, and roosevelt produced a letter from the general recommending rufus putnam as a resident of his district and a constituent. all this was unusual. hitherto it had been a safe amusement to ridicule and jeer at civil-service reform, and here was a commissioner who dared to reply vigorously to attacks, and even to prove senators and congressmen to be wrong in their facts. the amusement of baiting the civil service commission seemed to be less inviting than before, and, worse still, the entertaining features seemed to have passed to the public, who enjoyed and approved the commissioner who disregarded etiquette and fought hard for the law he was appointed to enforce. the law suddenly took on new meaning and became clearly visible in the public mind, a great service to the cause of good government. after six years' service in the civil service commission roosevelt left washington to accept the position of president of the board of police commissioners of the city of new york, which had been offered to him by mayor strong. it is speaking within bounds to say that the history of the police force of new york has been a checkered one in which the black squares have tended to predominate. the task which roosevelt confronted was then, as always, difficult, and the machinery of four commissioners and a practically irremovable chief made action extremely slow and uncertain. roosevelt set himself to expel politics and favoritism in appointments and promotions and to crush corruption everywhere. in some way he drove through the obstacles and effected great improvements, although permanent betterment was perhaps impossible. good men were appointed and meritorious men promoted as never before, while the corrupt and dangerous officers were punished in a number of instances sufficient, at least, to check and discourage evildoers. discipline was improved, and the force became very loyal to the chief commissioner, because they learned to realize that he was fighting for right and justice without fear or favor. the results were also shown in the marked decrease of crime, which judges pointed out from the bench. then, too, it was to be observed that a new york police commissioner suddenly attracted the attention of the country. the work which was being done by roosevelt in new york, his midnight walks through the worst quarters of the great city, to see whether the guardians of the peace did their duty, which made the newspapers compare him to haroun al raschid, all appealed to the popular imagination. a purely local office became national in his hands, and his picture appeared in the shops of european cities. there was something more than vigor and picturesqueness necessary to explain these phenomena. the truth is that roosevelt was really laboring through a welter of details to carry out certain general principles which went to the very roots of society and government. he wished the municipal administration to be something far greater than a business man's administration, which was the demand that had triumphed at the polls. he wanted to make it an administration of the workingmen, of the dwellers in the tenements, of the poverty and suffering which haunted the back streets and hidden purlieus of the huge city. the people did not formulate these purposes as they watched what he was doing, but they felt them and understood them by that instinct which is often so keen in vast bodies of men. the man who was toiling in the seeming obscurity of the new york police commission again became very distinct to his fellow countrymen and deepened their consciousness of his existence and their comprehension of his purposes and aspirations. striking as was the effect of this police work, it only lasted for two years. in he was offered by president mckinley, whom he had energetically supported in the preceding campaign, the position of assistant secretary of the navy. he accepted at once, for the place and the work both appealed to him most strongly. the opportunity did not come without resistance. the president, an old friend, liked him and believed in him, but the secretary of the navy had doubts, and also fears that roosevelt might be a disturbing and restless assistant. there were many politicians, too, especially in his own state, whom his activities as civil-service and police commissioner did not delight, and these men opposed him. but his friends were powerful and devoted, and the president appointed him. his new place had to him a peculiar attraction. he loved the navy. he had written its brilliant history in the war of . he had done all in his power in stimulating public opinion to support the "new navy" we were just then beginning to build. that war was coming with spain he had no doubt. we were unprepared, of course, even for such a war as this, but roosevelt set himself to do what could be done. the best and most farseeing officers rallied round him, but the opportunities were limited. there was much in detail accomplished which can not be described here, but two acts of his which had very distinct effect upon the fortunes of the war must be noted. he saw very plainly--although most people never perceived it at all--that the philippines would be a vital point in any war with spain. for this reason it was highly important to have the right man in command of the asiatic squadron. roosevelt was satisfied that dewey was the right man, and that his rival was not. he set to work to secure the place for dewey. through the aid of the senators from dewey's native state and others, he succeeded. dewey was ordered to the asiatic squadron. our relations with spain grew worse and worse. on february , , war was drawing very near, and that saturday after-noon roosevelt happened to be acting secretary, and sent out the following cablegram: dewey--hongkong. order the squadron, except the _monocacy_, to hongkong. keep full of coal. in the event of declaration of war, spain, your duty will be to see that the spanish squadron does not leave the asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in the philippine islands. keep _olympia_ until further orders. roosevelt. i believe he was never again permitted to be acting secretary. but the deed was done. the wise word of readiness had been spoken and was not recalled. war came, and as april closed, dewey, all prepared, slipped out of hongkong and on may st fought the battle of manila bay. roosevelt, however, did not continue long in the navy department. many of his friends felt that he was doing such admirable work there that he ought to remain, but as soon as war was declared he determined to go, and his resolution was not to be shaken. nothing could prevent his fighting for his country when the country was at war. congress had authorized three volunteer regiments of cavalry, and the president and the secretary of war gave to leonard wood--then a surgeon in the regular army--as colonel, and to theodore roosevelt, as lieutenant colonel, authority to raise one of these regiments, known officially as the first united states volunteer cavalry, and to all the country as the "rough riders." the regiment was raised chiefly in the southwest and west, where roosevelt's popularity and reputation among the cowboys and the ranchmen brought many eager recruits to serve with him. after the regiment had been organized and equipped they had some difficulty in getting to cuba, but roosevelt as usual broke through all obstacles, and finally succeeded, with colonel wood, in getting away with two battalions, leaving one battalion and the horses behind. the regiment got into action immediately on landing and forced its way, after some sharp fighting in the jungle, to the high ground on which were placed the fortifications which defended the approach to santiago. colonel wood was almost immediately given command of a brigade, and this left roosevelt colonel of the regiment. in the battle which ensued and which resulted in the capture of the positions commanding santiago and the bay, the rough riders took a leading part, storming one of the san juan heights, which they christened kettle hill, with roosevelt leading the men in person. it was a dashing, gallant assault, well led and thoroughly successful. santiago fell after the defeat of the fleet, and then followed a period of sickness and suffering--the latter due to unreadiness--where roosevelt did everything with his usual driving energy to save his men, whose loyalty to their colonel went with them through life. the war was soon over, but brief as it had been roosevelt and his men had highly distinguished themselves, and he stood out in the popular imagination as one of the conspicuous figures of the conflict. he brought his regiment back to the united states, where they were mustered out, and almost immediately afterwards he was nominated by the republicans as their candidate for governor of the state of new york. the situation in new york was unfavorable for the republicans, and the younger men told senator platt, who dominated the organization and who had no desire for roosevelt, that unless he was nominated they could not win. thus forced, the organization accepted him, and it was well for the party that they did so. the campaign was a sharp one and very doubtful, but roosevelt was elected by a narrow margin and assumed office at the beginning of the new year of . he was then in his forty-first year. many problems faced him and none were evaded. he was well aware that the "organization" under senator platt would not like many things he was sure to do, but he determined that he would have neither personal quarrels nor faction fights. he knew, being blessed with strong common sense, that the republican party, his own party, was the instrument by which alone he could attain his ends, and he did not intend that it should be blunted and made useless by internal strife. and yet he meant to have his own way. it was a difficult role which he undertook to play, but he succeeded. he had many differences with the organization managers, but he declined to lose his temper or to have a break, and he also refused to yield when he felt he was standing for the right and a principle was at stake. thus he prevailed. he won on the canal question, changed the insurance commissioner, and carried the insurance legislation he desired. as in these cases, so it was in lesser things. in the police commission he had been strongly impressed by the dangers as he saw them of the undue and often sinister influence of business, finance, and great money interests upon government and politics. these feelings were deepened and broadened by his experience and observation on the larger stage of state administration. the belief that political equality must be strengthened and sustained by industrial equality and a larger economic opportunity was constantly in his thoughts until it became a governing and guiding principle. meantime he grew steadily stronger among the people, not only of his own state but of the country, for he was well known throughout the west, and there they were watching eagerly to see how the ranchman and colonel of rough riders, who had touched both their hearts and their imagination, was faring as governor of new york. the office he held is always regarded as related to the presidency, and this, joined to his striking success as governor, brought him into the presidential field wherever men speculated about the political future it was universally agreed that mckinley was to be renominated, and so the talk turned to making roosevelt vice president. a friend wrote to him in the summer of as to this drift of opinion, then assuming serious proportions. "do not attempt," he said, "to thwart the popular desire. you are not a man nor are your close friends men who can plan, arrange, and manage you into office. you must accept the popular wish, whatever it is, follow your star, and let the future care for itself. it is the tradition of our politics, and a very poor tradition, that the vice presidency is a shelf. it ought to be, and there is no reason why it should not be, a stepping-stone. put there by the popular desire, it would be so to you." this view, quite naturally, did not commend itself to governor roosevelt at the moment. he was doing valuable work in new york; he was deeply engaged in important reforms which he had much at heart and which he wished to carry through; and the vice presidency did not attract him. a year later he was at philadelphia, a delegate at large from his state, with his mind unchanged as to the vice presidency, while his new york friends, anxious to have him continue his work at albany, were urging him to refuse. senator platt, for obvious reasons, wished to make him vice president, another obstacle to his taking it. roosevelt forced the new york delegation to agree on some one else for vice president, but he could not hold the convention, nor could senator hanna, who wisely accepted the situation. governor roosevelt was nominated on the first ballot, all other candidates withdrawing. he accepted the nomination little as he liked it. thus when it came to the point he instinctively followed his star and grasped the unvacillating hand of destiny. little did he think that destiny would lead him to the white house through a tragedy which cut him to the heart. he was on a mountain in the adirondacks when a guide made his way to him across the forest with a telegram telling him that mckinley, the wise, the kind, the gentle, with nothing in his heart but good will to all men, was dying from a wound inflicted by an anarchist murderer, and that the vice president must come to buffalo at once. a rapid night drive through the woods and a special train brought him to buffalo. mckinley was dead before he arrived, and that evening governor roosevelt was sworn in as president of the united states. within the narrow limits of an address it is impossible to give an account of an administration of seven years which will occupy hundreds of pages when the history of the united states during that period is written. it was a memorable administration, memorable in itself and not by the accident of events, and large in its accomplishment it began with a surprise. there were persons in the united states who had carefully cultivated and many people who had accepted without thought, the idea that roosevelt was in some way a dangerous man. they gloomily predicted that there would be a violent change in the policies and in the officers of the mckinley administration. but roosevelt had not studied the history of his country in vain. he knew that in three of the four cases where vice presidents had succeeded to the presidency through the death of the elected president their coming had resulted in a violent shifting of policies and men, and, as a consequence, in most injurious dissensions, which in two cases at least proved fatal to the party in power. in all four instances the final obliteration of the vice president who had come into power through the death of his chief was complete. president roosevelt did not intend to permit any of these results. as soon as he came into office he announced that he intended to retain president mckinley's cabinet and to carry out his policies, which had been sustained at the polls. to those overzealous friends who suggested that he could not trust the appointees of president mckinley and that he would be but a pallid imitation of his predecessor he replied that he thought, in any event, the administration would be his, and that if new occasions required new policies he felt that he could meet them, and that no one would suspect him of being a pallid imitation of anybody. his decision, however, gratified and satisfied the country and it was not apparent that roosevelt was hampered in any way in carrying out his own policies by this wise refusal to make sudden and violent changes. those who were alarmed about what he might do had also suggested that with his combative propensities he was likely to involve the country in war. yet there never has been an administration, as afterwards appeared, when we were more perfectly at peace with all the world, nor were our foreign relations ever in danger of producing hostilities. but this was not due in the least to the adoption of a timid or yielding foreign policy; on the contrary, it was owing to the firmness of the president in all foreign questions and the knowledge which other nations soon acquired that president roosevelt was a man who never threatened unless he meant to carry out his threat, the result being that he was not obliged to threaten at all. one of his earliest successes was forcing the settlement of the alaskan boundary question, which was the single open question with great britain that was really dangerous and contained within itself possibilities of war. the accomplishment of this settlement was followed later, while mr. root was secretary of state, by the arrangement of all our outstanding difference with canada, and during mr. root's tenure of office over thirty treaties were made with different nations, including a number of practical and valuable treaties of arbitration. when germany started to take advantage of the difficulties in venezuela the affair culminated in the dispatch of dewey and the fleet to the caribbean, the withdrawal of england at once, and the agreement of germany to the reference of all subjects of different to arbitration. it was president roosevelt whose good offices brought russia and japan together in a negotiation which closed the war between those two powers. it was roosevelt's influence which contributed powerfully to settling the threatening controversy between germany, france, and england in regard to morocco, by the algeciras conference. it was roosevelt who sent the american fleet of battleships round the world, one of the most convincing peace movements ever made on behalf of the united states. thus it came about that this president, dreaded at the beginning on account of his combative spirit, received the nobel prize in as the person who had contribute most to the peace of the world in the preceding years, and his contribution was the result of strength and knowledge and not of weakness. at home he recommended to congress legislation which was directed toward a larger control of the railroads and to removing the privileges and curbing the power of great business combinations obtained through rebates and preferential freight rates. this legislation led to opposition in congress and to much resistance by those affected. as we look back, this legislation, so much contested at the time, seems very moderate, but it was none the less momentous. president roosevelt never believed in government ownership, but he was thoroughly in favor of strong and effective government supervision and regulation of what are now known generally as public utilities. he had a deep conviction that the political influence of financial and business interests and of great combinations of capital had become so great that the american people were beginning to distrust their own government, than which there could be no greater peril to the republic. by his measures, and by his general attitude toward capital and labor both, he sought to restore and maintain the confidence of the people in the government they had themselves created. in the panama canal he left the most enduring, as it was the most visible, monument of his administration much criticized at the moment for his action in regard to it, which time since then has justified and which history will praise, the great fact remains that the canal is there. he said himself that he made up his mind that it was his duty to establish the canal and have the debate about it afterwards, which seemed to him better than to begin with indefinite debate and have no canal at all. this is a view which posterity both at home and abroad will accept and approve. these, passing over as we must in silence many other beneficent acts, are only a few of the most salient features of his administration, stripped of all detail and all enlargement. despite the conflict which some of his domestic policies had produce not only with his political opponents but within the republican ranks, he was overwhelmingly reelected in , and when the seven years had closed the country gave a like majority to his chosen successor, taken from his own cabinet. on the th of march, , he returned to private life at the age of fifty, having been the youngest president known to our history. during the brief vacations which he had been able to secure in the midst of the intense activities of his public life after the spanish war he had turned for enjoyment to expeditions in pursuit of big game in the wildest and most unsettled regions of the country. open-air life and all its accompaniment of riding and hunting were to him the one thing that brought him the most rest and relaxation. now, having left the presidency, he was able to give full scope to the love of adventure, which had been strong with him from boyhood. soon after his retirement from office he went to africa, accompanied by a scientific expedition sent out by the smithsonian institution. he landed in east africa, made his way into the interior, and thence to the sources of the nile, after a trip in every way successful both in exploration and in pursuit of big game. he then came down the nile through egypt and thence to europe, and no private citizen of the united states--probably no private man of any country--was ever received in a manner comparable to that which met roosevelt in every country in europe which he visited. everywhere it was the same--in italy, in germany, in france, in england every honor was paid to him that authority could devise, accompanied by every mark of affection and admiration which the people of those countries were able to show. he made few speeches while in europe, but in those few he did not fail to give to the questions and thought of the time real and genuine contributions, set forth in plain language always vigorous and often eloquent. he returned in the summer of to the united states and was greeted with a reception on his landing in new york quite equaling in interest and enthusiasm that which had been given to him in europe. for two years afterwards he devoted himself to writing, not only articles as contributing editor of the outlook, but books of his own, and addresses and speeches which he was constantly called upon to make. no man in private life probably ever had such an audience as he addressed, whether with tongue or pen, upon the questions of the day, with a constant refrain as to the qualities necessary to make men both good citizens and good americans. in the spring of he decided to become a candidate for the republican nomination for the residency and a very heated struggle followed between himself and president taft for delegations to the convention. the convention when it assembled in chicago was the stormiest ever known in our history president taft was renominated, most of the roosevelt delegates refusing to vote, and a large body of republicans thereupon formed a new party called the "progressive" and nominated mr. roosevelt as their candidate. this division into two nearly equal parts of the republican party, which had elected mr. roosevelt and mr. taft in succession by the largest majorities ever known, made the victory of the democratic candidate absolutely certain. colonel roosevelt, however, stood second in the poll, receiving , , votes, carrying six states and winning eighty-eight electoral votes. there never has been in political history, when all conditions are considered, such an exhibition of extraordinary personal strength. to have secured eighty-eight electoral votes when his own party was hopelessly divided, with no great historic party name and tradition behind him, with an organization which had to be hastily brought together in a few weeks, seems almost incredible, and in all his career there is no display of the strength of his hold upon the people equal to this. in the following year he yielded again to the longing for adventure and exploration. going to south america, he made his way up through paraguay and western brazil, and then across a trackless wilderness of jungle and down an unknown river into the valley of the amazon. it was a remarkable expedition and carried him through what is probably the most deadly climate in the world. he suffered severely from the fever, the poison of which never left him and which finally shortened his life. in the next year the great war began, and colonel roosevelt threw himself into it with all the energy of his nature. with major gardner he led the great fight for preparedness in a country utterly unprepared he saw very plainly that in all human probability it would be impossible for us to keep out of the war. therefore in season and out of season he demanded that we should make ready. he and major gardner, with the others who joined them, roused a widespread and powerful sentiment in the country, but there was no practical effect on the army. the navy was the single place where anything was really done, and that only in the bill of , so that war finally came upon us as unread as roosevelt had feared we should be. yet the campaign he made was not in vain, for in addition to the question of preparation he spoke earnestly of other things, other burning questions, and he always spoke to an enormous body of listeners everywhere. he would have had us protest and take action at the very beginning, in , when belgium was invaded. he would have had us go to war when the murders of the lusitania were perpetrated he tried to stir the soul and rouse the spirit of the american people, and despite every obstacle he did awaken them, so that when the hour came, in april, , a large proportion of the american people were even then ready in spirit and in hope. how telling his work had been was proved by the confession of his country's enemies, for when he died the only discordant note, the only harsh words, came from the german press. germany knew whose voice it was that more powerfully than any other had called americans to the battle in behalf of freedom and civilization, where the advent of the armies of the united states gave victory to the cause of justice and righteousness. when the united states went to war colonel roosevelt's one desire was to be allowed to go to the fighting line. there if fate had laid its hand upon him it would have found him glad to fall in the trenches or in a charge at the head of his men, but it was not permitted to him to go, and thus he was denied the reward which he would have ranked above all others, "the great prize of death in battle." but he was a patriot in every fiber of his being, and personal disappointment in no manner slackened or cooled his zeal. everything that he could do to forward the war, to quicken preparation to stimulate patriotism, to urge on efficient action, was done. day and night, in season and out of season, he never ceased his labors. although prevented from going to france himself, he gave to the great conflict that which was far dearer to him than his own life. i can not say that he sent his four sons, because they all went at once, as everyone knew that their father's sons would go. two have been badly wounded; one was killed. he met the blow with the most splendid and unflinching courage, met it as siward, the earl of northumberland receives in the play the news of his son's death: siw. had he his hurts before? ross. ay, on the front. siw. why, then, god's soldier be he! had i as many sons as i have hairs, i would not wish them to a fairer death: and so his knell is knoll'd. among the great tragedies of shakespeare, and there are none greater in all the literature of man, _macbeth_ was colonel roosevelt's favorite, and the moving words which i have just quoted i am sure were in his heart and on his lips when he faced with stern resolve and self-control the anguish brought to him by the death of his youngest boy, killed in the glory of a brave and brilliant youth. he lived to see the right prevail; he lived to see civilization triumph over organized barbarism; and there was great joy in his heart. in all his last days the thoughts which filled his mind were to secure a peace which should render germany forever harmless and advance the cause of ordered freedom in every land and among every race. this occupied him to the exclusion of everything else, except what he called and what we like to call americanism. there was no hour down to the end when he would not turn aside from everything else to preach the doctrine of americanism, of the principles and the faith upon which american government rested, and which all true americans should wear in their heart of hearts. he was a great patriot, a great man; above all, a great american. his country was the ruling, mastering passion of his life from the beginning even unto the end. so closes the inadequate, most incomplete account of a life full of work done and crowded with achievement, brief in years and prematurely ended. the recitation of the offices which he held and of some of the deeds that he did is but a bare, imperfect catalogue into which history when we are gone will breathe a lasting life. here to-day it is only a background, and that which most concern us now is what the man was of whose deeds done it is possible to make such a list. what a man was is ever more important than what he did, because it is upon what he was that all his achievement depends and his value and meaning to his fellow men must finally rest. theodore roosevelt always believed that character was of greater worth and moment than anything else. he possessed abilities of the first order, which he was disposed to underrate, because he set so much greater store upon the moral qualities which we bring together under the single word "character." let me speak first of his abilities. he had a powerful, well-trained, ever-active mind. he thought clearly, independently, and with originality and imagination. these priceless gifts were sustained by an extraordinary power of acquisition joined to a greater quickness of apprehension, a greater swiftness in seizing upon the essence of a question, than i have ever happened to see in any other man. his reading began with natural history, then went to general history, and thence to the whole field of literature. he had a capacity for concentration which enabled him to read with remarkable rapidity anything which he took up, if only for a moment, and which separated him for the time being from everything going on about him. the subjects upon which he was well and widely informed would, if enumerated, fill a large space, and to this power of acquisition was united not only a tenacious but an extraordinarily accurate memory. it was never safe to contest with him on any question of fact or figures, whether they relate to the ancient assyrians or to the present-day conditions of the tribes of central africa, to the syracusan expedition, as told by thucydides, or to protective coloring in birds and animals. he knew and held details always at command, but he was not mastered by them. he never failed to see the forest on account of the trees, or the city on account of the houses. he made himself a writer, not only of occasional addresses and essays, but of books. he had the trained thoroughness of the historian, as he showed in his history of the war of and of the _winning of the west_, and nature had endowed him with that most enviable of gifts, the faculty of narrative and the art of the teller of tales. he knew how to weigh evidence in the historical scales and how to depict character. he learned to write with great ease and fluency. he was always vigorous, always energetic, always clear and forcible in everything he wrote--nobody could ever misunderstand him--and when he allowed himself time and his feelings were deeply engaged he gave to the world many pages of beauty as well as power, not only in thought but in form and style. at the same time he made himself a public speaker, and here again, through a practice probably unequaled in amount, he became one of the most effective in all our history. in speaking, as in writing, he was always full of force and energy; he drove home his arguments and never was misunderstood. in many of his more carefully prepared addresses are to be found passages of impressive eloquence, touched with imagination and instinct with grace and feeling. he had a large capacity for administration, clearness of vision, promptness in decision, and a thorough apprehension of what constituted efficient organization. all the vast and varied work which he accomplished could not have been done unless he had had most exceptional natural abilities, but behind them, most important of all, was the driving force of an intense energy and the ever-present belief that a man could do what he willed to do. as he made himself an athlete, a horseman, a good shot, a bold explorer, so he made himself an exceptionally successful writer and speaker. only a most abnormal energy would have enabled him to enter and conquer in so many fields of intellectual achievement. but something more than energy and determination is needed for the largest success especially in the world's high places. the first requisite of leadership is ability to lead, and that ability theodore roosevelt possessed in full measure. whether in a game or in the hunting field, in a fight or in politics, he sought the front, where, as webster once remarked, there is always plenty of room for those who can get there. his instinct was always to say "come" rather than "go," and he had the talent of command. his also was the rare gift of arresting attention sharply and suddenly, a very precious attribute, and one easier to illustrate than to describe. this arresting power is like a common experience, which we have all had on entering a picture gallery, of seeing at once and before all others a single picture among the many on the walls. for a moment you see nothing else, although you may be surrounded with masterpieces. in that particular picture lurks a strange, capturing, gripping fascination as impalpable as it is unmistakable. roosevelt had this same arresting, fascinating quality. whether in the legislature at albany, the civil service omission at washington, or the police commission in new york, whether in the spanish war or on the plains among the cowboys, he was always vivid, at times startling, never to be overlooked. nor did this power stop here. he not only without effort or intention drew the eager attention of the people to himself, he could also engage and fix their thoughts upon anything which happened to interest him. it might be a man or a book, reformed spelling or some large historical question, his traveling library or the military preparation of the united states, he had but to say, "see how interesting, how important, is this man or this event!" and thousands, even millions, of people would reply, "we never thought of this before, but it certainly is one of the most interesting, most absorbing things in the world." he touched a subject and it suddenly began to glow as when the high-power electric current touches the metal and the white light starts forth and dazzles the onlooking eyes. we know the air played by the pied piper of hamlin no better than we know why theodore roosevelt thus drew the interest of men after him. we only know they followed wherever his insatiable activity of mind invited them. men follow also most readily a leader who is always there before them, clearly visible and just where they expect him. they are especially eager to go forward with a man who never sounds a retreat. roosevelt was always advancing, always struggling to make things better, to carry some much-needed reform, and help humanity to a larger chance, to a fairer condition, to a happier life. moreover, he looked always for an ethical question. he was at his best when he was fighting me battle of right against wrong. he thought soundly and wisely upon questions of expediency or of political economy, but they did not rouse him or bring him the absorbed interest of the eternal conflict between good and evil. yet he was never impractical, never blinded by counsels of perfection, never seeking to make the better the enemy of the good. he wished to get the best, but he would strive for all that was possible even if it fell short of the highest at which he aimed. he studied the lessons of history, and did not think the past bad simply because it was the past, or the new good solely because it was new. he sought to try all questions on their intrinsic merits, and that was why he succeeded in advancing, in making government and society better, where others, who would be content with nothing less than an abstract perfection, failed. he would never compromise a principle, but he was eminently tolerant of honest differences of opinion. he never hesitated to give generous credit where credit seemed due, whether to friend or opponent, and in this way he gathered recruits and yet never lost adherents. the criticism most commonly made upon theodore roosevelt was that he was impulsive and impetuous; that he acted without thinking. he would have been the last to claim infallibility. his head did not turn when fame came to him and choruses of admiration sounded in his ears, for he was neither vain nor credulous. he knew that he made mistakes, and never hesitated to admit them to be mistakes and to correct them or put them behind him when satisfied that they were such. but he wasted no time in mourning, explaining, or vainly regretting them. it is also true that the middle way did not attract him. he was apt to go far, both in praise and censure, although nobody could analyze qualities and balance them justly in judging men better than he. he felt strongly, and as he had no concealments of any kind, he expressed himself in like manner. but vehemence is not violence nor is earnestness anger, which a very wise man defined as a brief madness. it was all according to his nature, just as his eager cordiality in meeting men and women, his keen interest in other people's care or joys, was not assumed, as some persons thought who did not know him. it was all profoundly natural, it was all real, and in that way and in no other was he able to meet and greet his fellow men. he spoke out with the most unrestrained frankness at all times and in all companies not a day passed in the presidency when he was not guilty of what the trained diplomatist would call indiscretions. but the frankness had its own reward. there never was a president whose confidence was so respected or with whom the barriers of honor which surround private conversation were more scrupulously observed. at the same time, when the public interest required, no man could be more wisely reticent. he was apt, it is true, to act suddenly and decisively, but it was a complete mistake to suppose that he therefore acted without thought or merely on a momentary impulse when he had made up his mind he was resolute and unchanging, but he made up his mind only after much reflection, and there never was a president in the white house who consulted not only friends but political opponents and men of all kinds and conditions more than theodore roosevelt when he had reached his conclusion he acted quickly and drove hard at his object, and this it was, probably, which gave an impression that he acted sometimes hastily and thoughtlessly, which was a complete misapprehension of the man. his action was emphatic, but emphasis implies reflection not thoughtlessness. one can not even emphasize a word without a process, however slight, of mental differentiation. the feeling that he was impetuous and impulsive was also due to the fact that in a sudden, seemingly unexpected crisis he would act with great rapidity. this happened when he had been for weeks, perhaps for months, considering what he should do if such a crisis arose. he always believe that one of the most important elements of success, whether in public or in private life, was to know what one meant to do under given circumstances. if he saw the possibility of perilous questions arising, it was his practice to think over carefully just how he would act under certain contingencies many of the contingencies never arose. now and then a contingency became an actuality, and then he was ready. he knew what he meant to do, he acted at once, and some critics considered him impetuous, impulsive, and, therefore, dangerous because they did not know that he had thought the question all out beforehand. very many people, powerful elements in the community, regarded him at one time as a dangerous radical, bent upon overthrowing all the safe-guard of society and planning to tear out the foundations of an ordered liberty. as a matter of fact, what theodore roosevelt was trying to do was to strengthen american society and american government by demonstrating to the american people that he was aiming at a larger economic equality and a more generous industrial opportunity for all men, and that any combination of capital or of business, which threatened the control of the government by the people who made it, was to be curbed and resisted, just as he would have resisted an enemy who tried to take possession of the city of washington. he had no hostility to a man because he had been successful in business or because he had accumulated a fortune. if the man had been honestly successful and used his fortune wisely and beneficently, he was regarded by theodore roosevelt as a good citizen. the vulgar hatred of wealth found no place in his heart. he had but one standard one test, and that was whether a man, rich or poor, was an honest man, a good citizen, and a good american. he tried men, whether they were men of "big business" or members of a labor union, by their deeds, and in no other way. the tyranny of anarchy and disorder, such as is now desolating russia, was as hateful to him as any other tyranny, whether it came from an autocratic system like that of germany or from the misuse of organized capital. personally he believed in every man earning his own living, and he earned money and was glad to do so; but he had no desire or taste for making money, and he was entirely indifferent to it. the simplest of men in his own habits, the only thing he really would have liked to have done with ample wealth would have been to give freely to the many good objects which continually interested him. theodore roosevelt's power, however, and the main source of all his achievement, was not in the offices which he held, for those offices were to him only opportunities, but in the extraordinary hold which he established and retained over great bodies of men. he had the largest personal following ever attained by any man in our history. i do not mean by this the following which comes from great political office or from party candidacy. there have been many men who have held the highest offices in our history by the votes of their fellow countrymen who have never had anything more than a very small personal following. by personal following is meant here that which supports and sustains and goes with a man simply because he is himself; a following which does not care whether their leader and chief is in office or out of office, which is with him and behind him because they, one and all, believe in him and love him and are ready to stand by him for the sole and simple reason that they have perfect faith that he will lead them where they wish and where they ought to go. this following theodore roosevelt had, as i have said, in a larger degree than anyone in our history, and the fact that he had it and what he did with it for the welfare of his fellow men have given him his great place and his lasting fame. this is not mere assertion; it was demonstrated, as i have already pointed out, by the vote of , and at all times, from the day of his accession to the presidency onward, there were millions of people in this country ready to follow theodore roosevelt and vote for him, or do anything else that he wanted, whenever he demanded their support or raised his standard. it was this great mass of support among the people, and which probably was never larger than in these last years, that gave him his immense influence upon public opinion, and public opinion was the weapon which he used to carry out all the policies which he wished to bring to fulfillment and to consolidate all the achievement upon which he had set his heart. this extraordinary popular strength was not given to him solely because the people knew him to be honest and brave, because they were certain that physical fear was an emotion unknown to him, and that his moral courage equaled the physical. it was not merely because they thoroughly believed him to be sincere. all this knowledge and belief, of course, went to making his popular leadership secure; but there was much more in it than that, something that went deeper, basic elements which were not upon the surface which were due to qualities of temperament interwoven with his very being, inseparable from him and yet subtle rather than obvious in their effects. all men admire courage, and that he possessed in the highest degree. but he had also something larger and rarer than courage, in the ordinary acceptation of the word. when an assassin shot him at milwaukee he was severely wounded; how severely he could not tell, but it might well have been mortal. he went on to the great meeting awaiting him and there, bleeding, suffering, ignorant of his fate, but still unconquered, made his speech and went from the stage to the hospital. what bore him up was the dauntless spirit which could rise victorious over pain and darkness and the unknown and meet the duty of the hour as if all were well. a spirit like this awakens in all men more than admiration, it kindles affection and appeal to every generous impulse. very different, but equally compelling, was another quality. there is nothing in human beings at once so sane and so sympathetic as a sense of humor. this great gift the good fairies conferred upon theodore roosevelt at his birth in unstinted measure. no man ever had a more abundant sense of humor--joyous, irrepressible humor--and it never deserted him. even at the most serious and even perilous moments if there was a gleam of humor anywhere he saw it and rejoiced and helped himself with it over the rough places and in the dark hour. he loved fun, loved to joke and chaff, and, what is more uncommon, greatly enjoyed being chaffed himself. his ready smile and contagious laugh made countless friends and saved him from many an enmity. even more generally effective than his humor, and yet allied to it, was the universal knowledge that roosevelt had no secrets from the american people. yet another quality--perhaps the most engaging of all--was his homely, generous humanity which enabled him to speak directly to the primitive instinct of man. he dwelt with the tribes of the marsh and moor, he sate at the board of kings; he tasted the toil of the burdened slave and the joy that triumph brings. but whether to jungle or palace hall or white-walled tent he came, he was brother to king and soldier and slave his welcome was the same. he was very human and intensely american, and this knit a bond between him and the american people which nothing could ever break. and then he had yet one more attraction, not so impressive, perhaps, as the others, but none the less very important and very captivating. he never by any chance bored the american people. they might laugh at him or laugh with him, they might like what he said or dislike it, they might agree with him or disagree with him, but they were never wearied of him, and he never failed to interest them. he was never heavy, laborious, or dull. if he had made any effort to be always interesting and entertaining he would have failed and been tiresome. he was unfailingly attractive, because he was always perfectly natural and his own unconscious self. and so all these things combined to give him his hold upon the american people, not only upon their minds, but upon their hearts and their instincts, which nothing could ever weaken, and which made him one of the most remarkable, as he was one of the strongest, characters that the history of popular government can show. he was also--and this is very revealing and explanatory, too, of his vast popularity--a man of ideals. he did not expose them daily on the roadside with language fluttering about them like the thibetan who ties his slip of paper to the prayer wheel whirling in the wind. he kept his ideals to himself until the hour of fulfillment arrived. some of them were the dreams of boyhood, from which he never departed, and which i have seen him carry out shyly and yet thoroughly and with intense personal satisfaction. he had a touch of the knight errant in his daily life, although he would never have admitted it; but it was there. it was not visible in the medieval form of shining armor and dazzling tournaments, but in the never-ceasing effort to help the poor and the oppressed, to defend and protect women and children, to right the wronged and succor the downtrodden passing by on the other side was not a mode of travel through life ever possible to him; and yet he was as far distant from the professional philanthropist as could well be imagined, for all he tried to do to help his fellow men he regarded as part of the day's work to be done and not talked about. no man ever prized sentiment or hated sentimentality more than he. he preached unceasingly the familiar morals which lie at the bottom of both family and public life. the blood of some ancestral scotch covenanter or of some dutch reformed preacher facing the tyranny of philip of spain was in his veins, and with his large opportunities and his vast audiences he was always ready to appeal for justice and righteousness. but his own personal ideals he never attempted to thrust upon the world until the day came when they were to be translated into realities of action. when the future historian traces theodore roosevelt's extraordinary career he will find these embodied ideals planted like milestones along the road over which he marched. they never left him. his ideal of public service was to be found in his life, and as his life drew to its close he had to meet his ideal of sacrifice face to face. all his sons went from him to the war, and one was killed upon the field of honor. of all the ideals that lift men up, the hardest to fulfill is the ideal of sacrifice. theodore roosevelt met it as he had all others and fulfilled it to the last jot of its terrible demands. his country asked the sacrifice and he gave it with solemn pride and uncomplaining lips. this is not the place to speak of his private life, but within that sacred circle no man was ever more blessed in the utter devotion of a noble wife and the passionate love of his children. the absolute purity and beauty of his family life tell us why the pride and interest which his fellow countrymen felt in him were always touched with the warm light of love. in the home so dear to him, in his sleep, death came, and-- so valiant-for-truth passed over and all the trumpets sounded for him on the other side. _mcgrath-sherrill press, boston_ and revised by tom cosmas note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) true stories of great americans theodore roosevelt * * * * * * other books by mr. pearson (published by the macmillan company) the believing years the voyage of the hoppergrass the secret book (published elsewhere) the old liberians almanack the library and the librarian the librarian at play * * * * * * [illustration: copyright by underwood and underwood. mr. roosevelt at sagamore hill.] theodore roosevelt by edmund lester pearson new york the macmillan company all rights reserved copyright, , by the macmillan company set up and electrotyped. published july, . acknowledgment the author wishes to express his gratitude for permission to refer to the works which have been consulted in writing this book. first and foremost, to mr. william roscoe thayer, for "theodore roosevelt; an intimate biography." (houghton, mifflin co.) to messrs. charles scribner's sons for these writings of theodore roosevelt: "african game trails"; "theodore roosevelt: an autobiography"; "the rough riders"; "through the brazilian wilderness"; "history as literature." and for "theodore roosevelt and his time" by joseph bucklin bishop, in _scribner's magazine_, for december, . to messrs. harper and brothers and to mr. hermann hagedorn for "the boys' life of theodore roosevelt" by hermann hagedorn. to the century company for these books by theodore roosevelt: "the strenuous life"; "ranch life and the hunting trail." to messrs. g. p. putnam's sons for these books by theodore roosevelt: "american ideals"; "the wilderness hunter." to mr. charles g. washburn for his "theodore roosevelt; the logic of his career." (houghton, mifflin co.) to messrs doubleday, page & co. and to mr. lawrence f. abbott for "impressions of theodore roosevelt" by lawrence f. abbott. contents i. the boy who collected animals ii. in college iii. in politics iv. "ranch life and the hunting trail" v. two defeats vi. fighting office-seekers vii. police commissioner viii. the rough rider ix. governor of new york x. president of the united states xi. the lion hunter xii. europe and america xiii. the bull moose xiv. the explorer xv. the man xvi. the great american list of illustrations mr. roosevelt at sagamore hill _frontispiece_ facing page theodore roosevelt about years old mr. roosevelt as a hunter president roosevelt speaking in atlanta the rough rider (cartoon) president roosevelt in the saddle president and mrs. roosevelt and children president theodore roosevelt theodore roosevelt chapter i the boy who collected animals if you had been in new york in or you might have seen, walking quickly from a shop or a hotel to an automobile, a thick-set but active and muscular man, wearing a soft black hat and a cape overcoat. probably there would have been a group of people waiting on the sidewalk, as he came out, for this was theodore roosevelt, ex-president of the united states, and there were more americans who cared to know what he was doing, and to hear what he was saying, than cared about any other living man. although he was then a private citizen, holding no office, he was a leader of his country, which was engaged in the great war. americans were being called upon,--the younger men to risk their lives in battle, and the older people to suffer and support their losses. theodore roosevelt had always said that it was a good citizen's duty cheerfully to do one or the other of these things in the hour of danger. they knew that he had done both; and so it was to him that men turned, as to a strong and brave man, whose words were simple and noble, and what was more important, whose actions squared with his words. he had come back, not long before, from one of his hunting trips, and it was said that fever was still troubling him. the people wish to know if this is true, and one of the men on the sidewalk, a reporter, probably, steps forward and asks him a question. he stops for a moment, and turns toward the man. not much thought of sickness is left in the mind of any one there! his face is clear, his cheeks ruddy,--the face of a man who lives outdoors; and his eyes, light-blue in color, look straight at the questioner. one of his eyes, it had been said, was dimmed or blinded by a blow while boxing, years before, when he was president. but no one can see anything the matter with the eyes; they twinkle in a smile, and as his face puckers up, and his white teeth show for an instant under his light-brown moustache, the group of people all smile, too. his face is so familiar to them,--it is as if they were looking at somebody they knew as well as their own brothers. the newspaper cartoonists had shown it to them for years. no one else smiled like that; no one else spoke so vigorously. "never felt better in my life!" he answers, bending toward the man. "but thank you for asking!" and there is a pleasant and friendly note in his voice, which perhaps surprises some of those who, though they had heard much of his emphatic speech, knew but little of his gentleness. he waves his hand, steps into the automobile, and is gone. * * * * * theodore roosevelt was born october , , in new york city, at east twentieth street. the first roosevelt of his family to come to this country was klaes martensen van roosevelt who came from holland to what is now new york about . he was a "settler," and that, says theodore roosevelt, remembering the silly claims many people like to make about their long-dead ancestors, is a fine name for an immigrant, who came over in the steerage of a sailing ship in the seventeenth century instead of the steerage of a steamer in the nineteenth century. from that time, for the next seven generations, from father to son, every one of the family was born on manhattan island. as new yorkers say, they were "straight new york." immigrant or settler, or whatever klaes van roosevelt may have been, his children and grandchildren had in them more than ordinary ability. they were not content to stand still, but made themselves useful and prosperous, so that the name was known and honored in the city and state even before the birth of the son who was to make it illustrious throughout the world. "my father," says the president, "was the best man i ever knew.... he never physically punished me but once, but he was the only man of whom i was ever really afraid." the elder roosevelt was a merchant, a man courageous and gentle, fond of horses and country life. he worked hard at his business, for the sanitary commission during the civil war, and for the poor and unfortunate of his own city, so hard that he wore himself out and died at forty-six. the president's mother was martha bulloch from georgia. two of her brothers were in the confederate navy, so while the civil war was going on, and theodore roosevelt was a little boy, his family like so many other american families, had in it those who wished well for the south, and those who hoped for the success of the north. many american presidents have been poor when they were boys. they have had to work hard, to make a way for themselves, and the same strength and courage with which they did this has later helped to bring them into the white house. it has seemed as if there were magic connected with being born in a log-cabin, or having to work hard to get an education, so that only the boys who did this could become famous. of course it is what is in the boy himself, together with the effect his life has had on him, that counts. the boy whose family is rich, or even well-off, has something to struggle against, too. for with these it is easy to slip into comfortable and lazy ways, to do nothing because one does not have to do anything. some men never rise because their early life was too hard; some, because it was too easy. roosevelt might have had the latter fate. his father would not have allowed idleness; he did not care about money-making, especially, but he did believe in work, for himself and his children. when the father died, and his son was left with enough money to have lived all his days without doing a stroke of work, he already had too much grit to think of such a life. and he had too much good sense to start out to become a millionaire and to pile million upon useless million. he had something else to fight against: bad health. he writes: "i was a sickly, delicate boy, suffered much from asthma, and frequently had to be taken away on trips to find a place where i could breathe. one of my memories is of my father walking up and down the room with me in his arms at night, when i was a very small person, and of sitting up in bed gasping, with my father and mother trying to help me. i went very little to school. i never went to the public schools, as my own children later did."[ ] for a few months he went to a private school, his aunt taught him at home, and he had tutors there. [ ] "autobiography." when he was ten his parents took him with his brother and sisters for a trip to europe, where he had a bad time indeed. like most boys, he cared nothing for picture-galleries and the famous sights, he was homesick and he wished to get back to what really pleased him,--that is, collecting animals. he was already interested in that. and only when he could go to a museum and see, as he wrote in his diary, "birds and skeletons" or go "for a spree" with his sister and buy two shillings worth of rock-candy, did he enjoy himself in europe. his sister knew what he thought about the things one is supposed to see in europe, and in her diary set it down: "i am so glad mama has let me stay in the butiful hotel parlor while the poor boys have been dragged off to the orful picture galary." these experiences are funny enough now, but probably they were tragic to him at the time. in a church in venice there were at least some moments of happiness. he writes of his sister "conie": "conie jumped over tombstones spanked me banged ellies head &c." but in paris the trip becomes too monotonous; and his diary says: november . "i stayed in the house all day, varying the day with brushing my hair, washing my hands and thinking in fact having a verry dull time." november . "i did the same thing as yesterday." they all came back to new york and again he could study and amuse himself with natural history. this study was one of his great pleasures throughout life and when he was a man he knew more about the animals of america than anybody except the great scholars who devoted their lives to this alone. it started with a dead seal that he happened to find laid out on a slab in a market in broadway. he was still a small boy, but when he heard that the seal had been killed in the harbor, it reminded him of the adventures he had been reading about in mayne reid's books. he went back to the market, day after day, to look at the seal, to try to measure it and to plan to own it and preserve it. he did get the skull, and with two cousins started what they gave the grand name of the "roosevelt museum of natural history"! catching and keeping specimens for this museum gave him more fun than it gave to some of his family. his mother was not well pleased when she found some young white mice in the ice-chest, where the founder of the "roosevelt museum" was keeping them safe. she quickly threw them away, and her son, in his indignation, said that what hurt him about it was "the loss to science! the loss to science!" once, he and his cousin had been out in the country, collecting specimens until all their pockets were full. then two toads came along,--such novel and attractive toads that room had to be made for them. each boy put one toad under his hat, and started down the road. but a lady, a neighbor, met them, and when the boys took off their hats, the toads did what any sensible toads would do, hopped down and away, and so were never added to the museum. the roosevelt family visited europe again in , and afterwards went to algiers and egypt, where the air, it was hoped, would help the boy's asthma. this was a pleasanter trip for him, and the birds which he saw on the nile interested him greatly. his studies of natural history had been carried on in the summers at oyster bay on long island, on the hudson and in the adirondacks. they soon became more than a boy's fun, and some of the observations made when he was fifteen, sixteen or seventeen years old have found their way into learned books. when the state of new york published, many years afterwards, two big volumes about the birds of the state, some of these early writings by roosevelt were quoted as important. a friend has given me a four-page folder printed in , about the summer birds of the adirondacks "by theodore roosevelt, jr., and h. d. minot." part of the observations were made in when he was sixteen. ninety-seven different birds are listed. when he was fifteen and had returned a second time from europe, he began to study to enter harvard. he was ahead of most boys of his age in science, history and geography and knew something of german and french. but he was weak in latin, greek and mathematics. he loved the out-of-doors side of natural history, and hoped he might be a scientist like audubon. chapter ii in college roosevelt entered the freshman class of harvard university in . it is worth while to remember that this man who became as much of a westerner as an easterner, who was understood and trusted by the people of the western states, was born on the atlantic coast and educated at a new england college. the real american, if he was born in the east, does not talk with contempt about the west; if he is a westerner he does not pretend that all the good in the world is on his side of the mississippi. nor, wherever he came from, does he try to keep up old quarrels between north and south. theodore roosevelt was an american, and admired by americans everywhere. foolish folk who talk about the "effete east," meaning that the east is worn out and corrupt, had best remember that abraham lincoln did not believe that when he sent his son to the same college which theodore roosevelt's father chose for him. at harvard he kept up his studies and interest in natural history. in the house where he lived he sometimes had a large, live turtle and two or three kinds of snakes. he went in to boston and came back with a basket full of live lobsters, to the consternation of the other people in the horse-car. he held a high office in the natural history society, and took honors, when he graduated, in the subject. his father had encouraged his desire to be a professor of natural history, reminding him, however, that he must have no hopes of being a rich man. in the end he gave up this plan, not because it did not lead to money, for never in his life did he work to become wealthy, but because he disliked science as it was then taught. one of the bad things the german universities had done to the american colleges was to make them worship fussy detail, and so science had become a matter of microscopes and laboratories. the field-work of the naturalist was unknown or despised. he took part in four or five kinds of athletics. he seems never to have played baseball, perhaps because of poor eyesight which made him wear glasses. but he practiced with a rifle, rowed and boxed, ran and wrestled. in his vacations he went hunting in maine. boxing was one of his favorite forms of sport,--for two reasons. he thought a boy or a man ought to be able to defend himself and others, and he enjoyed hard exercise. it is important to know what he thought and did about self-defense and fighting. many people dodge this, and other difficult subjects, when they are talking to boys. it was not roosevelt's way to hide his thoughts in silence because of timidity, and then call his lack of action by some such fine name as "tact" or "discretion." when there was good reason for speaking out he always did so. since a boy who is forever fighting is not only a nuisance, but usually a bully, some older folk go to the extreme and tell boys that all fighting is wrong. theodore roosevelt did not believe it. when he was about fourteen, and riding in a stage-coach on the way to moosehead lake, two other boys in the coach began tormenting him. when he tried to fight them off, he found himself helpless. either of them could handle him, could hit him and prevent him from hitting back. he decided that it was a matter of self-respect for a boy to know how to protect himself and he learned to box. speaking to boys he said later: "one prime reason for abhorring cowards is because every good boy should have it in him to thrash the objectionable boy as the need arises." and again: "the very fact that the boy should be manly and able to hold his own, that he should be ashamed to submit to bullying, without instant retaliation, should in return, make him abhor any form of bullying, cruelty, or brutality."[ ] [ ] these two quotations from essay called "the american boy" in "the strenuous life," pp. , when he was teaching a sunday school class in cambridge, during his time at college, one of his pupils came in with a black eye. it turned out that another boy had teased and pinched the first boy's sister during church. afterwards there had been a fight, and the one who tormented the little girl had been beaten, but he had given the brother a black eye. "you did quite right," said roosevelt to the brother and gave him a dollar. but the deacons of the church did not approve, and roosevelt soon went to another church. meanwhile he was learning to box. in his own story of his life he makes fun of himself as a boxer, and says that in a boxing match he once won "a pewter mug" worth about fifty cents. he is honest enough to say that he was proud of it at the time, "kept it, and alluded to it, and i fear bragged about it, for a number of years, and i only wish i knew where it was now." his college friends tell a different story of him. he was never one of the best boxers, they say, and he was at a disadvantage because of his eyesight. but he was plucky enough for two, and he fought fair. he entered in the lightweight class in the harvard gymnasium, march , . he won the first match. when time was called he dropped his hands, and his opponent gave him a hard blow on the face. the fellows around the ring all shouted "foul! foul!" and hissed. but roosevelt turned toward them, calling "hush! he didn't hear!" in the second match he met a man named charlie hanks, who was a little taller, and had a longer reach, and so for all roosevelt's pluck and willingness to take punishment, hanks won the match. he was a member of three or four clubs,--the institute, the hasty pudding and the porcellian. he was one of the editors of the _harvard advocate_, took part in three or four college activities, and was fond of target shooting and dancing. it is told that he never spoke in public, until about his third year in college, that he was shy and had great difficulty in speaking. it was by effort that he became one of the best orators of his day. roosevelt did not like the way college debates were conducted. he said that to make one side defend or attack a certain subject, without regard to whether they thought it right or wrong, had a bad effect. "what we need," he wrote, "is to turn out of colleges young men with ardent convictions on the side of right; not young men who can make a good argument for either right or wrong, as their interest bids them." he did one thing in college which is not a matter of course with students under twenty-two years old. he began to write a history, named "the naval war of ." it was finished and published two years after he graduated, and in it he showed that his idea of patriotism included telling the truth. most american boys used to be brought up on the story of the american frigate _constitution_ whipping all the british ships she met, and with the notion that the war of was nothing but a series of brilliant victories for us. theodore roosevelt thought that americans were not so soft that they were afraid to hear the truth, and that it was a poor sort of american who dared not point out to his fellow-countrymen the mistakes they had made and the disasters which followed. it did not seem patriotic to him to dodge the fact that lack of wisdom at washington had let our army run down before the war, so that our attempts to invade canada were failures, and that we suffered the disgrace of having washington itself captured and burned by the enemy. there was a great deal to be proud of in what our navy did, and in the army's victory in the battle of new orleans, and these things roosevelt described with the pride of every good american. but he had no use for the old-fashioned kind of history, which pretends that all the bravery is on one side. he did his best to get at the truth, and he knew that the english and canadians had fought bravely and well, and so he said just that. where our troops or our ships failed it was not through lack of courage, but because they were badly led, and what was worse, since it was so unnecessary, because the government at washington had lost the battle in advance by neglecting to prepare. before he was twenty-four, roosevelt was so well-informed in the history of this period that he was later asked to write the chapter dealing with the war of in a history of the british navy. at his graduation from harvard he stood twenty-second in a class of one hundred and seventy. this caused him to be elected to the phi beta kappa, the society of scholars. before he graduated he became engaged to be married to miss alice lee of chestnut hill, massachusetts. he told his friend, mr. thayer, what he was going to do after graduation. "i am going to try to help the cause of better government in new york city," he said. and he added: "i don't know exactly how." chapter iii in politics when he graduated from college roosevelt was no longer in poor health. his boxing and exercise in the gymnasium, and still more his outdoor expeditions, and hunting trips in maine, had made a well man of him. he was yet to achieve strength and muscle, and his life in the west was to give him the chance to do that. his father died while he was in college and he was left, not rich, but so well off that he might have lived merely amusing himself. he might have spent his days in playing polo, hunting and collecting specimens of animals. what he did during his life, in adding to men's knowledge of the habits of animals, would have gained him an honorable place in the history of american science, if he had done nothing else. so with his writing of books. he earned the respect of literary men, and left a longer list of books to his credit than do most authors, and on a greater variety of subjects. but he was to do other and still more important work than either of these things. he believed in and quoted from one of the noblest poems ever written by any man,--tennyson's "ulysses." and in this poem are lines which formed the text for roosevelt's life: how dull it is to pause, to make an end, to rust unburnish'd, not to shine in use! as tho' to breathe were life. this was the doctrine of "the strenuous life" which he preached,-- and practiced. it was to perform the hard necessary work of the world, not to sit back and criticize. it was to do disagreeable work if it had to be done, not to pick out the soft jobs. it was to be afraid neither of the man who fights with his fists or with a rifle, nor of the man who fights with a sneering tongue or a sarcastic pen. to go into new york politics from - was, for a young man of roosevelt's place in life, just out of college, what most of his friends and associates called "simply crazy." that young men of good education no longer think it a crazy thing to do, but an honorable and important one, is due to theodore roosevelt more than to any other one man. as he sat on the window-seat of his friend's room in holworthy hall, that day, and said he was going to try to help the cause of better government in new york, mr. thayer looked at him and wondered if he were "the real thing." thirty-nine years later mr. thayer looked back over the career of his college mate, and knew that he had talked that day with one of the great men of our republic, with one who, as another of his college friends says, was never a "politician" in the bad sense, but was always trying to advance the cause of better government. the reason why it seemed to many good people a crazy thing to go into politics was that the work was hard and disagreeable much of the time. politics were in the hands of saloon-keepers, toughs, drivers of street cars and other "low" people, as they put it. the nice folk liked to sit at home, sigh, and say: "politics are rotten." then they wondered why politics did not instantly become pure. they demanded "reform" in politics, as roosevelt said, as if reform were something which could be handed round like slices of cake. their way of getting reform, if they tried any way at all, was to write letters to the newspapers, complaining about the "crooked politicians," and they always chose the newspapers which those politicians never read and cared nothing about. if any decent man did go into politics, hoping to do some good, these same critics lamented loudly, and presently announced their belief that he, too, had become crooked. if it were said that he had been seen with a politician they disliked, or that he ate a meal in company with one, they were sure he had gone wrong. they seemed to think that a reformer could go among other officeholders and do great work, if he would only begin by cutting all his associates dead, and refusing to speak to them. it was a fortunate day for america when theodore roosevelt joined the twenty-first district republican club, and later when he ran for the new york state assembly from the same district. he was elected in november, . this was his beginning in politics. in the assembly at albany, he presently made discoveries. he learned something about the crooked politicians whom the stay-at-home reformers had denounced from afar. he found that the assembly had in it many good men, a larger number who were neither good nor bad, but went one way or another just as things happened to influence them at the moment. finally, there were some bad men indeed. he found that the bad men were not always the poor, the uneducated, the men who had been brought up in rough homes, lacking in refinement. on the contrary, he found some extremely honest and useful men who had had exactly such unfavorable beginnings. also, he soon discovered that there were, in and out of politics, some men of wealth, of education, men who boasted that they belonged to the "best families," who were willing to be crooked, or to profit from other men's crooked actions. he soon announced this discovery, which naturally made such men furious with him. they pursued him with their hatred all his life. some people really think that great wealth makes crime respectable, and if it is pointed out to a wealthy but dishonest man, that he is merely a common thief, and if in addition, the fact is proved to everybody's satisfaction, his anger is noticeable. along with his serious work in the assembly, roosevelt found that there was a great deal of fun in listening to the debates on the floor, or the hearings in committees. one story, which he tells, is of two irish assemblymen, both of whom wished to be leader of the minority. one, he calls the "colonel," the other, the "judge." there was a question being discussed of money for the catholic protectory, and somebody said that the bill was "unconstitutional." mr. roosevelt writes: the judge, who knew nothing--of the constitution, except that it was continually being quoted against all of his favorite projects, fidgetted about for some time, and at last jumped up to know if he might ask the gentleman a question. the latter said "yes," and the judge went on, "i'd like to know if the gintleman has ever personally seen the catholic protectoree?" "no, i haven't," said his astonished opponent. "then, phwat do you mane by talking about its being unconstitootional? it's no more unconstitootional than you are!" then turning to the house with slow and withering sarcasm, he added, "the throuble wid the gintleman is that he okkipies what lawyers would call a kind of a quasi-position upon this bill," and sat down amid the applause of his followers. his rival, the colonel, felt he had gained altogether too much glory from the encounter, and after the nonplussed countryman had taken his seat, he stalked solemnly over to the desk of the elated judge, looked at him majestically for a moment, and said, "you'll excuse my mentioning, sorr, that the gintleman who has just sat down knows more law in a wake than you do in a month; and more than that, mike shaunnessy, phwat do you mane by quotin' latin on the flure of this house, _when you don't know the alpha and omayga of the language_!" and back he walked, leaving the judge in humiliated submission behind him.[ ] [ ] "american ideals," p. . another story also relates to the "colonel." he was presiding at a committee meeting, in an extremely dignified and severe state of mind. he usually came to the meetings in this mood, as a result of having visited the bar, and taken a number of rye whiskies. the meeting was addressed by "a great, burly man ... who bellowed as if he had been a bull of bashan." the colonel, by this time pretty far gone, eyed him malevolently, swaying to and fro in his chair. however, the first effect of the fellow's oratory was soothing rather than otherwise, and produced the unexpected result of sending the chairman fast asleep bolt upright. but in a minute or two, as the man warmed up to his work, he gave a peculiar resonant howl which waked the colonel up. the latter came to himself with a jerk, looked fixedly at the audience, caught sight of the speaker, remembered having seen him before, forgot that he had been asleep, and concluded that it must have been on some previous day. hammer, hammer, hammer, went the gavel, and-- "i've seen you before, sir!" "you have not," said the man. "don't tell me i lie, sir!" responded the colonel, with sudden ferocity. "you've addressed this committee on a previous day!" "i've never--" began the man; but the colonel broke in again: "sit down, sir! the dignity of the chair must be preserved! no man shall speak to this committee twice. the committee stands adjourned." and with that he stalked majestically out of the room, leaving the committee and the delegation to gaze sheepishly into each other's faces.[ ] [ ] "american ideals," p. . there was in the assembly a man whom mr. roosevelt calls "brogan." he looked like a serious elderly frog. i never heard him speak more than once. it was before the legislature was organized, or had adopted any rules; and each day the only business was for the clerk to call the roll. one day brogan suddenly rose, and the following dialogue occurred: brogan. misther clu-r-r-k! the clerk. the gentleman from new york. brogan. i rise to a point of ordher under the rules! the clerk. there are no rules. brogan. thin i object to them. the clerk. there are no rules to object to. brogan. oh! (nonplussed; but immediately recovering himself.) thin i move that they be amended until there ar-r-re![ ] [ ] "autobiography," p . roosevelt was three times elected to the assembly. he took an interest in laws to reform the primaries and the civil service, and he demanded that a certain corrupt judge be removed. this astonished the assembly, for the judge had powerful and rich friends. his own party advised the twenty-three years old assemblyman to sit down and shut his mouth. the judge might be corrupt, as it was charged, but it was "wiser" to keep still about it. roosevelt, they said, was "rash" and "hot-headed" to make trouble. and they refused to hear him. but he got up next day, and the next, and the next after that, and demanded that the dishonest judge be investigated. and on the eighth day, his motion was carried by a vote of to . the politicians saw to it that the judge escaped, but it was shown that roosevelt's charges were true ones. and new york state found that she had an assemblyman with a back-bone. roosevelt carried some bills for the cause of better government through the assembly and they were signed by a courageous and honest governor, named grover cleveland. thomas nast, america's great cartoonist of those days, drew a cartoon of the two men together. cleveland was forty-four and roosevelt was twenty-three. one of the most important events while he was in the assembly arose from a bill to regulate the manufacture of cigars in new york city. he had found that cigars were often made under the most unhealthy surroundings in the single living room of a family in a tenement. in one house which he investigated himself, there were two families, and a boarder, all living in one room, while one or more of the men carried on the manufacture of cigars in the same room. everything about the place was filthy, and both for the health of the families and of the possible users of the cigars, it was necessary to have this state of affairs ended. he advocated a bill which passed, and was signed by governor cleveland, forbidding such manufacture. so far, so good; but there were persons who found that the law was against their interests. they succeeded in getting the court of appeals to set the law aside, and in their decision the judges said the law was an assault upon the "hallowed associations" of the home! this made roosevelt wake to the fact that courts were not always the best judges of the living conditions of classes of people with whom they had no contact they knew the law; they did not know life. the decision blocked tenement house reform in new york for twenty years, and was one more item in roosevelt's political education. chapter iv "ranch life and the hunting trail" at the end of mr. roosevelt's membership in the new york assembly, he began his life on a ranch in north dakota. in this way he not only learned much about the western people, but came to know the ranchman's life, and to have his first chance to shoot big game. he had married miss lee in , the autumn of the year he left college. less than four years afterwards his wife died, following the birth of a daughter. his mother died on the next day, and roosevelt under the sorrow of these two losses, left new york, and spent almost all his time on his ranch, the elkhorn, at medora. the people in dakota looked on this eastern tenderfoot with a little amusement, and, at first, probably with some contempt. he was, to their minds, a "college dude" from the east, and moreover he wore eyeglasses. to some of the people whom he met, this fact, he says, was enough to cause distrust. eyeglasses were under suspicion. but, with two men who had been his guides in maine, bill sewall and wilmot dow, he began his life as a ranchman and a cow-puncher, and went through all the hard work and all the fun. he took long rides after cattle, rounded them up and helped in the branding. he followed the herd when it stampeded in a thunderstorm. he hunted all the game that there was in the county, and also acted as deputy sheriff and helped clear the place of horse-thieves and "bad men." in one of his adventures roosevelt showed that he had taken to heart the celebrated advice which, in hamlet, polonius gives to his son: beware of entrance to a quarrel, but being in, bear't that the opposed may beware of thee. mulvaney, in one of kipling's stories, proved that he knew something about shakespeare, for he put this advice into his own language so as to express the meaning perfectly: "don't fight wid ivry scutt for the pure joy av fightin', but if you do, knock the nose av him first an' frequint." roosevelt tried to keep out of the fight,--but this is the way it happened. he was out after lost horses, and had to put up at a little hotel where there were no rooms downstairs, but a bar, a dining-room and a kitchen. it was late at night, and there was trouble on, for he heard one or two shots in the bar as he came up. he disliked the idea of going in, but it was cold outside and there was nowhere else to go. inside the bar, a cheap "bad man" was walking up and down with a cocked revolver in each hand. he had been shooting at the clock, and making every one unhappy and uncomfortable. when roosevelt came in, he called him "four eyes," because he wore spectacles, and announced "four eyes is going to set up the drinks." roosevelt tried to pass it off by laughing, and sat down behind the stove to escape notice, and keep away from trouble. but the "bad man" came and stood over him, a gun in each hand, using foul language, and insisting that "four eyes" should get up and treat. "well," roosevelt reluctantly remarked, "if i've got to, i've got to!" as he said this, he rose quickly, and hit the gun-man with his right fist on the point of the jaw, then with his left, and again with his right. the guns went off in the air, as the "bad man" went over like a nine-pin, striking his head on the corner of the bar as he fell. roosevelt was ready to drop on him if he moved, for he still clutched the revolvers. but he was senseless. the other people in the bar recovered their nerve, once the man was down. they hustled him out into the shed, and there was no more trouble from him. roosevelt hunted geese and ducks, deer, mountain sheep, elk and grizzly bear during his stay in the west. it was still possible to find buffalo, although most of the great herds had vanished. the prairie was covered with relics of the dead buffalo, so that one might ride for hundreds of miles, seeing their bones everywhere, but never getting a glimpse of a live one. yet he managed, after a hard hunt of several days, to shoot a great bull buffalo. an encounter with a grizzly bear is much more exciting, and he was nearly killed by one bear. in later years roosevelt killed almost every kind of large and dangerous game that there is on the earth,--lions, elephants, the african buffalo, and the rhinoceros. the indian tiger is perhaps the only one of the large savage animals which he never encountered. yet after meeting all these and having some close shaves, especially with a wounded elephant in africa, he said that his narrowest escape was with this grizzly bear. it was when he had returned to the west and was on a hunt in idaho. he had had trouble with his guide, who got drunk, so they parted company, and roosevelt was alone. looking down into a valley, from a rocky ridge, he saw a dark object, which he discovered was a large grizzly bear. he fired, and the bear giving a loud grunt, as the bullet struck, rushed forward at a gallop into a laurel thicket. roosevelt paused at the edge of the thicket and peered within, trying to see the bear, but knowing too much about them to go into the brush where he was. when i was at the narrowest part of the thicket, he suddenly left it, directly opposite, and then wheeled and stood broadside to me on the hillside, a little above. he turned his head stiffly towards me; scarlet strings of froth hung from his lips; his eyes burned like embers in the gloom. i held true, aiming behind the shoulder, and my bullet shattered the point or lower end of his heart, taking out a big nick. instantly the great bear turned with a harsh roar of fury and challenge, blowing the bloody foam from his mouth, so that i saw the gleam of his white fangs; and then he charged straight at me, crashing and bounding through the laurel bushes, so that it was hard to aim. i waited until he came to a fallen tree, raking him as he topped it with a ball, which entered his chest and went through the cavity of his body, but he neither swerved nor flinched, and at the moment i did not know that i had struck him. he came steadily on, and in another second was almost upon me. i fired for his forehead, but my bullet went low, entering his open mouth, smashing his lower jaw and going into the neck. i leaped to one side almost as i pulled the trigger; and through the hanging smoke the first thing i saw was his paw as he made a vicious side blow at me. the rush of his charge carried him past. as he struck he lurched forward, leaving a pool of bright blood where his muzzle hit the ground; but he recovered himself and made two or three jumps onwards, while i hurriedly jammed a couple of cartridges into the magazine, my rifle holding only four, all of which i had fired. then he tried to pull up, but as he did so his muscles seemed suddenly to give way, his head drooped, and he rolled over and over like a shot rabbit. each of my first three bullets had inflicted a mortal wound.[ ] [ ] "the wilderness hunter," pp. - . [illustration: courtesy scribner's and sons. theodore roosevelt when he was years old] there were, once, near mr. roosevelt's ranch, three men who had been suspected of cattle-killing and horse-stealing. the leader was a tall fellow named finnegan, who had long red hair reaching to his shoulders, and always wore a broad hat and a fringed buckskin shirt. he had been in a number of shooting scrapes. the others were a half-breed, and a german, who was weak and shiftless rather than actively bad. they had a bad reputation, and were trying to get out of the country before the vigilance committee got them. about the only way to travel--it was early in march and the rivers were swollen--was by boat down the river. so when the cowboys on mr. roosevelt's ranch found that his boat was stolen, they were sure who had taken it. as it is every man's duty in a half-settled country to bring law-breakers to justice, and as roosevelt was, moreover, deputy sheriff, he decided to go after the three thieves. two of his cowboys, sewall and dow from maine, in about three days built another boat. in this, with their rifles, food enough for two weeks, warm bedding and thick clothes, roosevelt, sewall and dow set out down the little missouri river. there had been a blizzard, the weather was still bitterly cold, and the river full of drifting ice. they shot prairie fowl and lived on them, with bacon, bread and tea. it was cold work poling and paddling down the river, with the current, but against a head wind. the ice froze on the pole handles. at night where they camped the thermometer went down to zero. next day they shot two deer, for they needed meat, as they were doing such hard work in the cold. on the third day they sighted smoke,--the campfire of the three thieves. two boats, one of them the stolen one, were tied up to the bank. it was an exciting moment, for they expected a fight. as it turned out, however, it was a tough job, but not a fighting one. the german was alone in camp, and they captured him without trouble. the other two were out hunting. when they came back an hour or two later, they were surprised by the order to hold up their hands. the half-breed obeyed at once, finnigan hesitated until roosevelt walked in close, covering him with a rifle, and repeated the command. then he gave up. but this was only the beginning of a long, hard task. it was often the way to shoot such men at once, but sheriff roosevelt did not like that. he was going to bring them back to jail. at night the thieves could not be tied up, as they would freeze to death. so roosevelt, sewall and dow had to take turns in watching them at night. after they started down river again, they found the river blocked by ice, and had to camp out for eight days in freezing weather. the food all but gave out, and at last there was nothing left but flour. bread made out of flour and muddy water and nothing else, is not, says mr. roosevelt, good eating for a steady diet. besides they had to be careful of meeting a band of sioux indians, who were known to be in the region. at last they worked back to a ranch, borrowed a pony, on which roosevelt rode up into the mountains to a place where there was a wagon. he hired this, with two broncos and a driver. sewall and dow took the boats down the river, while roosevelt set out on a journey which took two days and a night, walking behind the wagon, and guarding the three men. the driver of the wagon was a stranger. at night they put up at a frontier hut, and the deputy sheriff had to sit up all night to be sure the three prisoners did not escape. when he reached the little town of dickinson, and handed the men over to the sheriff, he had traveled over three hundred miles. he had brought three outlaws to justice, and done something for the cause of better government in the country where he lived. chapter v two defeats although he was still under twenty-five when he left the new york assembly, roosevelt was favorably known throughout the state. he had been heard of, by those who keep up with politics, all over the country. in , the year of a presidential election, he was one of the four delegates-at-large from new york to the republican convention at chicago. the leader for the presidential nomination was james g. blaine, a brilliant man who had many warm admirers. also, there were many in his own party, who distrusted him, who thought that in the past he had not been strictly honest. good men differed on this question and differ still. roosevelt favored senator edmunds of vermont, but he had agreed beforehand, with other young republican delegates, that they would support for the election the man named by the convention. since, in later years, roosevelt refused to abide by the decision of a party convention, and led one of the most extraordinary "bolts" in the history of american politics, it is important to consider for a moment the question of political parties and the attitude a man may take toward them. because parties are responsible for a good many small, mean, and sometimes dishonorable acts, we often hear parties and partisanship denounced. people express the wish that there might be an end to "party politics" and to "partisanship," and that "all good men might get together" for the good of the whole country. this may happen when there is heaven on earth, but not before. even the good and honest men continue to differ about which is the wisest way to do things, and so the people who think the same way about most matters get together in a party. the suggestion, by the way, that people should give up "partisanship" often comes from people who do not by any means intend to give up their own partisanship,--they wish other folk to come over to their own way of thinking. we are all apt to wish that others would only be reasonable enough to agree with _us_. nor is it at all sure that everything would be fine if there were no parties. countries which have tried to do without parties, have not made a great success of it. there must be some organized group to hold responsible if men in office do badly; some people to warn that the things they are doing are not approved by the majority of the people. with parties in existence, as they have been for almost all of our history as a nation, there are in the main, four ways in which a man may act toward them. he may be a hidebound party man, always voting the party ticket, and swallowing the party platforms whole. such persons often get into the newspapers when they are elderly, as having voted for every candidate on this or that party ticket for fifty or sixty or seventy years. it simply means, of course, that these men are proud of the fact that they let other people do their thinking for them. or, a man may look upon a party as the means through which he may secure better government. he is proud of its wise and good acts, and is willing to forgive its mistakes, because he knows that no large group of men can be perfect. he believes in remaining loyal to his party as long as possible, but he does not set it above his country, nor agree to follow it when it goes absolutely wrong, or falls into the hands of men who hold party welfare above patriotism. roosevelt was a party man of this kind. furthermore, a man may be an independent, one who will not join any party for long. many of these are highly honorable and wise citizens, who are of great value to the country, although they can usually be nothing but helpers in any good cause. their position nearly always prevents their becoming the chief actors in bringing about any good and desirable reform. the fourth class in which a man may find himself in regard to parties, is that of the so-called independent, who mistakes his own fussiness for nobility of character. he can find fault with everybody and every party, but he can be loyal to none. he is strong on leaving a party for the smallest excuse; never on staying with it. it is as if a member of a foot-ball team, half an hour before the game, should refuse to play, because some other member of the team had once cheated in an examination. he satisfies his own conscience, but he fails in the loyalty he owes to the team and its friends. at the convention in roosevelt took an important part for so young a man. he made speeches and worked for senator edmunds, but mr. blaine was nominated. this caused a split in the party, and many of its members joined the democrats. they were called by their opponents "mugwumps," and since they believed they were acting for the best, they did not mind being called that or any other name. so many prominent and able republicans joined the mugwumps it is sometimes forgotten that many more equally good and wise republicans refused to "bolt," but stayed with the party and voted for mr. blaine. either they did not at all believe the charges which had been made against him--and it is as impossible now as it was then to prove the charges--or else they thought that the country would be far worse off with the democratic party in power than with the republicans successful. mr. roosevelt was disgusted with the result of the convention, but did not believe that he was justified in leaving the party. he therefore stayed in it, and supported mr. blaine. the democrats nominated the courageous governor of new york, grover cleveland. both before and after this, he and mr. roosevelt worked together for measures of good government, and respected each other, while belonging to different parties. the presidential election turned out to be close, and in the end several incidents besides the split in the republican party worked against blaine. he was narrowly defeated. the change of a few hundred votes in the state of new york would have made blaine the president. as in later years large election frauds were discovered to have been going on in new york, some people contend with good show of reason, that blaine and not cleveland was really the choice of the voters. two years after this, in , when roosevelt was on his dakota ranch, the republicans nominated him for mayor of new york city. he was about twenty-eight years old, and it is evident that he had made a mark in politics. he came east, accepted the nomination, and made the campaign. the opponents were, first, abram s. hewitt, a respectable candidate nominated by tammany hall in its customary fashion of offering a good man, now and then, to pull the wool over the eyes of persons who naturally need some excuse for voting to put new york into the hands of the political organization whose existence has always been one of america's greatest disgraces. the other candidate was henry george, a man of high character, nominated by the united labor party. mr. hewitt was elected, with mr. george second and mr. roosevelt third. about a month after the election, mr. roosevelt went to england, where he married miss edith kermit carow, of new york. she had been his friend and playmate when he was a boy, and was his sister's friend. the groomsman was a young englishman, mr. cecil spring-rice. years later the groom and his "best man" came together again in washington, when the american was president roosevelt, and the englishman was sir cecil spring-rice, the british ambassador to the united states. chapter vi fighting office-seekers to tell the story of roosevelt's life it is necessary to talk much about politics, and that to some people is a dull subject. but he was in political office over twenty years of his life, always interested and active in politics, and the vigor which he brought to his duties made public affairs attractive to thousands of americans who had felt little concern about them. this alone was a great service. if a man is going the wrong way in political life, if he is trying to do unwise or evil things, he is a danger, but a danger which may be corrected. he may be made to turn his efforts in useful directions. but the man who takes no interest at all in the government of his city, state or nation, who is so feeble that he cannot even take the time to vote on election day, but goes hunting or fishing instead,--this man is a hopeless nuisance, who does not deserve the liberty which he enjoys, nor the protection which his government gives him. politics, when mr. roosevelt was active, were not dull. few men have ever made them so lively and interesting. every activity in life meant something to him, a chance for useful work or for good fun. he had a perfectly "corking time," he said, when he was president, and the words shocked a number of good people who had pardoned or overlooked dirty actions by other public men, so long as these other men kept up a certain copy-book behavior which they thought was "dignity." it is a question if any man ever had a better time, ever had more real fun in his life, than did mr. roosevelt. in spite of the hard work he put in, in spite of long days and weeks of drudgery he knew how to get happiness out of every minute. he did not engage in drinking and gambling for his amusements. he did not adopt a priggish attitude on these matters,--he simply knew that there were other things which were better sport. he was a religious man, a member all his life of his father's church, but religion did not sour him, make him gloomy, or cause him to interfere with other people about their belief or lack of it. he got an immense amount of pleasure in his family life, in half a dozen kinds of athletic sports, especially the ones which led him outdoors, and in books. in these things he was marvelously wise or marvelously fortunate. some men's lives are spent indoors, in an office or in a study among books. their amusements are indoor games, and they come to despise or secretly to envy, the more fortunate men who live outdoors. some of the outdoors men, on the other hand, become almost as one-sided. knowing nothing of the good fun that is in books they deny themselves much pleasure, and take refuge in calling "high-brows" the men who have simply more common sense and capacity for enjoyment than themselves. mr. roosevelt, more than most men of his time, certainly more than any other public man, could enjoy to the utmost the best things the world has in it. he knew the joy of the hard and active life in the open, and he knew the keen pleasure of books. so when he returned to america after his marriage in , he built a house on sagamore hill at oyster bay on long island. here he could ride, shoot, row, look after his farm, and here in the next year or two he wrote two books. one was the life of gouverneur morris, american minister to france in the early years of our nation; the other a life of senator thomas h. benton of missouri. but he was not long to stay out of political office. in president cleveland had been defeated for reelection by the republican candidate, benjamin harrison. the new president appointed mr. roosevelt as one of the civil service commissioners, with his office in washington. most politicians are charged, certainly mr. roosevelt was sometimes charged, with being a selfish seeker after personal advancement. there is not much on which to base this argument in mr. roosevelt's acceptance of this office. for the man who is looking out merely for his own ambitions, for his own success in politics, is careful of the position he takes, careful to keep out of offices where there are many chances to make enemies. the civil service commission was, of all places at that time, the last where a selfish politician would like to be. nobody could do his duties there and avoid making enemies. it was a thankless job, consisting of trying to protect the public interests against a swarm of office-seekers and their friends in congress. it is ridiculous now to remember what a fight had to be waged to set up the merit system of the civil service in this country. the old system, by which a good public servant was turned out to make room for a hungry office-seeker of the successful political party, was firmly established. men and women were not appointed to office because they knew anything about the work they were to do, but because they were cousins of a congressman's wife, or political heelers who had helped to get the congressman elected. nobody thought of the offices as places where, for the good of the whole country, it was necessary to have the best men. instead, the offices were looked on as delicious slices of pie to be grabbed and devoured by the greediest and strongest person in sight. the civil service commission, when mr. roosevelt became a member, had been established by congress, but it was hated and opposed by congress and the commission was still fought, secretly or openly. congressmen tried to ridicule it, to hamper it by denials of money, and to overrule it in every possible way. a powerful republican congressman and a powerful democratic senator tried to browbeat roosevelt, and were both caught by him in particularly mean lies. naturally they did not enjoy the experience. at the end of his term, president harrison was defeated by mr. cleveland, who came back again to the presidency. he re-appointed mr. roosevelt, who thus spent six years in the commission. when he retired he had made a good many enemies among the crooked politicians, and some friends and admirers among well-informed men who watch the progress of good government. he was still unknown to the great body of citizens throughout the country, although he had been fighting their fight for six years. [illustration: mr. roosevelt as a hunter in his ranching days] he went from washington to accept another thankless and still more difficult position in new york city. it was one which had been fatal to political ambitions, and was almost certain to end the career of any man who accepted it. this was the presidency of the board of police commissioners. chapter vii police commissioner experienced politicians always warn young men who wish to rise in politics, who wish to hold high office in the state or national government, to keep out of city politics. it is a graveyard for reputations, and it was that in , when roosevelt took charge of the new york police, even more than to-day. between the unreasonable reformers, who expect perfection, arrived at in their own way; the sensible folk who demand an honest government; the lax and easy-going people who do not care how much rottenness there is about, so that it is kept partly covered up (and this is one of the largest classes) and the plain criminals who are out for graft and plunder, the city office-holder is torn in a dozen ways at once. if he is dishonest or weak, he goes under immediately. if he is honest, but lacking in perfect courage, he is nearly useless. and if he is both honest and brave, but has not good brains, is not able to use his mind quickly and well, he is either helpless, or soon placed in a position where he seems to have been dishonorable. for, of course the first method which a crooked man uses to destroy his honest opponent, is to try to make him look crooked, too. often during his life roosevelt insisted upon the fact that a man in public life must not only be honest, but that he must have a back-bone and a good head into the bargain. nothing but a sense of public duty, nothing but a desire to help the cause of better government, could have made a man take the police commissionership in . mayor strong, on a reform ticket, had beaten tammany hall. he wanted an able and energetic man and so sent for roosevelt. the condition of the police department sounds more like a chapter from a dime novel gone mad, than from any real state of things which could exist in a modern city. yet it did exist. the police were supposed to protect the city against crime. what they really did was to stop some of the crime--when the criminal had no "pull"--and to protect the rest of it. the criminal handed over a certain amount of his plunder to the police, and they let him go on with his crime. more than that, they saw that no one bothered him. there was a regular scale of prices for things varying all the way from serious crime down to small offenses. it cost more to be a highway robber, burglar, gun-man or murderer, for instance, than merely to keep a saloon open after the legal time for closing. a man had to pay more for running a big gambling-house, than simply for blocking the sidewalk with rubbish and ash-cans. roosevelt found that most of the policemen were honest, or wished to be honest. but, surrounded as they were by grafters, it was almost impossible for a man to keep straight. if he began by accepting little bribes, he ended, as he rose in power, by taking big ones, and finally he was in partnership with the chief rascals. the hideous system organized by the powerful men in tammany hall spread outward and downward, and at last all over the city. roosevelt did not stop all the crime, of course, nor leave the city spotless when he ended his two years service. but he did make it possible for one of his chief opponents, one of the severest of all critics, mr. godkin, a newspaper editor, to write him, at the end of his term of office: "in new york you are doing the greatest work of which any american to-day is capable, and exhibiting to the young men of the country the spectacle of a very important office administered by a man of high character in the most efficient way amid a thousand difficulties. as a lesson in politics, i cannot think of anything more instructive."[ ] [ ] thayer, "theodore roosevelt," p. . how did he do this? first, he tried to keep politics out of the police-force,--to appoint men because they would make good officers, not because they were republicans or democrats. next, he tried to reward and promote policemen who had proved themselves brave,--who had saved people in burning houses or from drowning, or had arrested violent men at great danger to themselves. this is commonly done in the new york police department to-day: it was not so common before . roosevelt and his fellow commissioners found one old policeman who had saved twenty-five people from drowning and two or three from burning buildings. they gave him his first promotion. he began to have the department pay for a policeman's uniform when it was torn in making an arrest or otherwise ruined in the performance of duty. before, the policeman had had to pay for a new uniform himself. he had each policeman trained to use a pistol, so that if he had to fire it at a criminal, he would hit the criminal, and not somebody else. he did his best to stop the custom of selling beer and whiskey to children. finally he stopped disrespect for law by having law enforced, whether people liked it or not. of course, this got him into hot water. one of our worst faults in america lies in passing a tremendous number of laws, and then letting them be broken. in many instances the worst troubles are with laws about strong drink. people in the state, outside of new york city, and some of those in the city, wished to have a law to close the saloons on sunday. so they passed it. but so few people in the city really wished such a law, so many of them wished to drink on sunday, that the saloons stayed open, and the saloon-keepers paid bribes to the police for "protection." the result was not temperance, but the opposite. moreover it led to disrespect for the law, and corruption for the police. it was not commissioner roosevelt's business whether the law was a wise one or not, but it was his business to enforce it. he enforced it, and had the saloons closed. as he said: "the howl that rose was deafening. the professional politicians raved. the yellow-press surpassed themselves in clamor and mendacity. a favorite assertion was that i was enforcing a 'blue law,' an obsolete law that had never before been enforced. as a matter of fact, i was enforcing honestly a law that had hitherto been enforced dishonestly."[ ] [ ] "autobiography," p. . in the end, those who wished to drink on sundays found a way to do it, and the law intended to regulate drinking habits failed, as such laws nearly always have done. a judge decided that as drink could be served with meals, a man need only eat one sandwich or a pretzel and he could then drink seventeen beers, or as many as he liked. but the result of roosevelt's action had nearly stopped bribe-giving to the police. so there was something gained. roosevelt went about the city at night, sometimes alone, sometimes with his friend jacob riis, a reporter who knew about police work and the slum districts of the city. if he caught policemen off their beat, they were ordered to report at his office in the morning and explain. when his friends were dancing at fashionable balls, he was apt to be looking after the police outside. from about this time, roosevelt began to be known all over the united states. he had been heard of ever since he was in the assembly, but only by those who follow politics closely. now, new york newspapers, with their cartoons, began to make him celebrated everywhere. the fact that when he spoke emphatically, he showed his teeth for an instant, was enlarged upon in pictures and in newspaper articles, and it became connected with him henceforth. we demand amusing newspapers; we like the fun in every subject brought out as no other nation does. and we get it. our newspapers are by far the brightest and most readable in the world. but we have to pay for it, and we often pay by having the real truth concealed from us in a mass of comedy. newspapers seize upon a man or woman who has something amusing in his life, manner, or speech, and play upon that peculiarity until at last the true character of the person is hidden. this happened with roosevelt. about the time of his police commissionership, the newspaper writers and artists began to invent a grotesque and amusing character called "teddy," who was forever snapping his teeth, shouting "bully!" or rushing at everybody, flourishing a big stick. this continued for years and was taken for truth by a great many people. to this day, this imaginary person is believed in by thousands. and in the meantime, the genuine man, a brave high-minded american, loving his country ardently, and serving her to the utmost of his great strength and ability, was engaged in his work, known by all who had personal contact with him to be stern indeed against evil-doers, but tender and gentle to the unfortunate, to women and children and to animals. chapter viii the rough rider in the republican party came again into power; mr. mckinley was inaugurated as president. roosevelt was appointed assistant secretary of the navy, and came with his family to washington. the secretary of the navy was mr. john d. long. america was within a year of getting into war, and as usual was not ready for it. there are men so foolish as to rejoice because we have never been ready for the wars in which we have taken part about every twenty or thirty years in our history. this simply means that they rejoice at the unnecessary deaths of thousands of other americans who die from disease in camp, or are killed in the field through neglect to prepare in advance. preparation for war is not wholly the matter of having weapons ready to fight the enemy. it also means healthy camps for our soldiers to live in, and readiness to furnish clothing, food and medical supplies. for lack of these, thousands of our friends and relatives die in every war we are in. a rebellion had been going on in cuba for years. the cruel government of spain had kept the cubans in misery and in rebellion, and disturbed the friendship between spain and the united states. it was our duty to see that cuban expeditions did not sail from our coast to help their friends, and in this work a great many ships of our navy were busy all the time. nobody liked to have to do this for we naturally sympathized with the cubans, who were making such a brave fight against stupid and tyrannical governors sent from spain. one of the last of these was particularly bad. he herded the cuban people into camps where they died of disease and starvation, and he had great numbers of them shot without mercy. we had justly revolted against the mis-government of king george iii in , but nothing that king george's governors and generals had done to us was as bad as the things the spaniards were doing in cuba, in and . many of the men in washington felt that war would come sooner or later. roosevelt believed it and worked constantly to have the navy ready. he had the support of the president and of secretary long in nearly everything that he proposed, and so was able to do some useful work. it is important to understand what roosevelt thought about war, not only about this, but about all wars. here it is in his own words. i abhor unjust war. i abhor injustice and bullying by the strong at the expense of the weak, whether among nations or individuals, i abhor violence and bloodshed. i believe that war should never be resorted to when, or so long as, it is honorably possible to avoid it. i respect all men and women who from high motives and with sanity and self-respect do all they can to avert war. i advocate preparation for war in order to avert war; and i should never advocate war unless it were the only alternative to dishonor.[ ] [ ] "autobiography," p. . you will be able to see from what he did while he was president, when he was in a position where he could have plunged the country into war half a dozen times, whether these words were true, or whether he was really the fire-eater which some of his enemies insisted he was. he secured from congress nearly a million dollars, to permit the navy to engage in target-practice. to those who were alarmed at such "waste," he remarked that gun-powder was meant to be burned, and that sailors must learn to shoot, since in battle, the shots that hit are the only ones that count. there is nothing wonderful about such remarks. in looking back at them there seems to be nothing wonderful about many things that he said and did. they are merely examples of plain, common-sense, and it appears ridiculous that anybody should have had to make such remarks, or to fight hard to get such clearly necessary things done. yet he did have to fight for them. it had to be driven into the heads of some of the men in congress that it is not the proper use of gun-powder to keep it stored up, until war is declared, then bring it out, partly spoiled, and give it to soldiers and sailors, who for lack of practice, do not know how to shoot straight. roosevelt also was able to help in having appointed to command the asiatic squadron, a naval officer named commodore george dewey. on february , , while affairs were at their worst between america and spain, our battleship _maine_ was blown up in havana harbor. she had gone there on a friendly visit, but now was destroyed and sent to the bottom. over two hundred and fifty of our men were killed. almost every one knew that war was now certain. for weeks the country debated as to the cause of the explosion which sank the _maine_, and the matter was investigated by naval officers assisted by divers. they found that the explosion had come from the outside. somebody had set off a mine or torpedo beneath the ship. nobody in america disputed this, except a few of the peace-at-any-price folk, who preferred to think that the carelessness of our own sailors had been the cause. these gentlemen always think the best of the people of other nations, which is a fine thing; but they are always ready to believe the worst of their own countrymen, which is, on the whole, rather a nasty trait. roosevelt worked at top-speed in the navy department, and began to lay plans for going to the war himself. he believed that it was right and necessary to fight spain, and end the horrible suffering in cuba. and he believed that it was the duty first and foremost of men like himself, who advised war, to take part in it. he was nearly forty years old, and had a family. many other men in his place would have discovered that their services were most important in washington. they would have stayed in their offices, and let other men (whom they called "jingoes") do the fighting for them. it was never roosevelt's custom to act that way. later in february, while mr. long was away, and roosevelt was acting-secretary of the navy, he sent this cable message to commodore dewey: washington, february , ' . _dewey, hong kong_ order the squadron, except the _monocacy_, to hong kong. keep full of coal. in the event of declaration of war spain, your duty will be to see that the spanish squadron does not leave the asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in philippine islands. keep _olympia_ until further orders. roosevelt. war against spain was declared in april,--the month in our history which has also seen the beginning of our revolution, our civil war, and our entrance into the great war against germany. congress arranged for three regiments of volunteer cavalry to be raised among the men in the rockies and on the great plains who knew how to ride and shoot. here roosevelt saw his chance. he knew these men and longed to go to war in their company. the secretary of war offered to make him colonel of one of these regiments. it is worth while to notice what his reply was. he knew how to manage a horse and a rifle, he had lived in the open and could take care of himself in the field. he had had three years in the national guard in new york, rising to the rank of captain. many men in the civil war without one half of his experience and knowledge, gayly accepted brigadier-generalships. also, in the spanish war, another public man, mr. william j. bryan, allowed himself to be made a colonel, and took full command of a regiment, without one day's military experience. yet roosevelt declined the offer of a colonel's commission and asked to be made lieutenant-colonel, with leonard wood, of the regular army as his colonel. when you hear or read that roosevelt was a conceited man, always pushing himself forward, it may be well to ask if that is the way a conceited man would have acted. colonel wood was an army surgeon, who had been a fighting officer in the campaign against the apaches. he had been awarded the medal of honor, the highest decoration an american soldier can win for personal bravery. the new regiment, the first united states volunteer cavalry, was promptly called, by some newspaper or by the public, the "rough riders," and by that name it is always known. most of the men in it came from arizona, new mexico, oklahoma and the indian territory, but it had members from nearly every state. many eastern college men were in it, including some famous foot-ball players, polo-players, tennis champions and oarsmen. the regiment trained at san antonio, and landed in cuba for the attack on santiago on june . the troopers had to leave their horses behind, so they were to fight on foot after all. roosevelt's rough riders, somebody said, had become wood's weary walkers. the walking was not pleasant to some of the cowboys, who never used to walk a step when there was a horse to ride. within a day or two they were in a fight at las guasimas. it was a confusing business, advancing through the jungle and fired at by an enemy they could not see. the rough riders lost eight men killed and thirty-four wounded. the spaniards were using smokeless powder, then rather a new thing in war. two of our regiments at santiago were still using black powder rifles, and the artillery used black powder, which by its smoke showed the enemy just where they were. our artillery was always silenced or driven off, because this country had been so neglectful of its army and its men as to let poor, old backward spain get better guns, and more modern ammunition than ours. that never should happen with a rich, progressive country like ours. a few days later came the fight at san juan. colonel wood had been put in command of the brigade, so roosevelt led the regiment of rough riders. it was a fearfully hot day; many men dropped from exhaustion. the regular regiments of cavalry, together with the rough riders, all fighting on foot, moved forward against the low hills on which were the spaniards in block-houses or trenches. for some while they were kept waiting in reserve, taking what shelter they could from the mauser bullets, which came whirring through the tall jungle grass. this is the most trying part of a fight. it is all right when at last you can charge your enemy and come to close quarters with him, but to lie on the ground under fire, unable to see anybody to fire upon, is the worst strain upon the soldiers' nerves. as one after another is shot, the officers begin to watch the men closely to see how they are standing it. roosevelt received a trifling wound from a shrapnel bullet at the beginning of the fight. later his orderly had a sun-stroke, and when he called another orderly to take a message, this second man was killed as he stood near, pitching forward dead at roosevelt's feet. finally came the order to charge. roosevelt was the only mounted man in the regiment. he had intended to go into the fight on foot, as he had at las guasimas, but found that the heat was so bad that he could not run up and down the line and superintend things unless he was on horseback. when he was mounted he could see his own men better, and they could see him. so could the enemy see him better, and he had one or two narrow escapes because of being so conspicuous. he started in the rear of the regiment, which is where the colonel should be, according to the books, but soon rode through the lines and led the charge up "kettle hill,"--so-called by the rough riders because there were some sugar kettles on top of it. his horse was scraped by a couple of bullets, as he went up, and one of the bullets nicked his elbow. members of the other cavalry regiments were mingled with the rough riders in the charge,--their officers had been waiting for orders, and were glad to join in the advance. the spaniards were driven out and the rough riders planted their flags on the hill. but there were other hills and other trenches full of spaniards beyond, and again the rough riders, mixed with men of other regiments, went forward. in cleaning out the trenches roosevelt and his orderly were suddenly fired on at less than ten yards by two spaniards. roosevelt killed one of them with his revolver. the rough riders had had eighty-eight killed and wounded out of less than five hundred men who were in the fight. the american forces were now within sight of santiago, but they had to dig in and hold the ground they had taken. there was a short period in the trenches, which seemed tedious to the riders from the plains, but was nothing to what men, years later, had to endure in the great war against germany. at last santiago surrendered, on july . the war ended within about a month. commodore dewey had beaten the spanish fleet at manila and admiral sampson and his fleet had destroyed the spanish cruisers which were forced out of santiago harbor on july rd, as a result of the army getting within striking distance of the city. one other thing of importance was done by roosevelt before the regiment was brought home to montauk point and mustered out. after the surrender of santiago it was supposed that the war was going on and that there would be a campaign in the winter against havana. but the american army was full of yellow fever. half the rough riders were sick at one time, and the condition of other regiments was as bad. the higher officers knew that unless the troops were taken to some healthier climate to recover, there would be nothing left of them. over four thousand men were sick, and not ten per cent, of the army was fit for active work. but the war department would not listen to the suggestion that the army be sent for a while to a cooler climate. what none of the regular army officers could afford to do, roosevelt did. he wrote a letter to general shafter, the commander of the expedition, explaining the state of things, and setting out how important it was, if any of the army was to be kept alive, that they should be sent away from cuba, until the sickly season was over. general shafter really wished such a letter to be written, and he allowed the associated press reporter to have it as soon as it was handed to him. then, all the generals joined with roosevelt in a "round robin" to general shafter, saying the same things. the government at washington began to take notice, and in a short time ordered the army home. roosevelt had taken a leading part in an act which caused him to be severely blamed by many, to be denounced by all who worship military etiquette, and charged with "insubordination" by men who would rather make a mess of things and do it according to the rules of the book, than succeed in something useful and do it by common-sense rules made up at the time. he had shocked the folks who like red tape, and he had helped save the lives of perhaps four thousand men. chapter ix governor of new york when the rough riders were disbanded at montauk point in september , theodore roosevelt was the most popular man in america. this is the judgment of his best historian, mr. thayer, and it is undoubtedly correct. the war had made known to the country a number of professional soldiers or sailors--especially admiral dewey and admiral sampson, whose conduct had been splendid. it had also created some popular "heroes," whose fame was brief. but colonel roosevelt was first and foremost a _citizen_, his career as a soldier was for a few months only. behind that was a solid foundation of service in civil office. ahead of it were still finer achievements, also in civil life. he felt the pride which all men feel--despite much pretense and humbug--to have had the chance to lead men in battle for a just cause, to have put his life in danger when his country needed such offer of sacrifice. but the santiago campaign, the charge up san juan hill, did not "make" roosevelt. it was a dramatic episode in his history; it attracted attention to him. such are the peculiar conditions of politics, it proved a short cut to the white house. he said, frankly, that he would never have been president if the rough riders had not gone to cuba. in this he underestimated himself, as he often did. he had too much ability in politics, too much courage in fighting for the cause of better government, at a time when courage was badly needed, to have failed to rise to the highest office. back in the days when he was civil service commissioner two visitors in the white house, saw him, also a visitor, looking about the rooms. "there is a young man," said one of them, who knew him, "who is going to move into this house himself, before long." after cuba, the next step was the governorship of new york state. before he was out of uniform, the politicians began talking about him for the place. the republican party in new york was in a bad way. they had quarreled among themselves; the democrats had just beaten them in an election. they knew they must have a strong candidate for governor, or the democrats, (that is, tammany hall) would get control at albany. this was the great day of the political bosses. perhaps at no time since have they been quite as powerful as they were then. a man named croker was the boss of the democratic party; a man named platt, the boss of the republicans. men called the boss of their own party the "leader," but they referred to the "leader" of the other party as the boss, without wasting any politeness. most men do not pay much attention to politics; a boss is a man who pays too much attention to them. he exists because the average citizen thinks he has done his whole duty if he votes on election day. a boss works at his business, which is politics, night and day, all the year round. he might be very useful if he could be kept honest. he manages to get a great deal of power, in ways that are shady, if not actually criminal. then, if he is one kind of a boss, greedy for money, he sells this power to the highest bidder. men are nominated for office, because the boss has picked them out, as a poultryman might select a fat goose. usually he selects a man who will obey orders. but another kind of boss does not especially care for money. he likes the power which his position gives him, he likes to be able to move men about as if they were toy-soldiers. such apparently was senator platt, the republican boss of new york. people had so neglected their duty of managing their own affairs in politics, that he had seized the reins, and could say who should be nominated. in the same way croker was the ruler of the democratic party in new york, and could say who should be nominated in his party. now, in such a situation, what was an honest man to do? the best men in the republican party believed that roosevelt was the only one who could be elected, that the people believed so firmly in his honor and courage that they would vote for him. senator platt did not want him, did not like him, but he came to see that they could win with him, and with no one else. so roosevelt was nominated, and elected, by a narrow lead of , votes. so far, the people could rule with roosevelt as their servant. but the governor can do little alone; he must have the support of the legislature and the other state officers. the boss hoped to rule through them, to say who should be appointed to office, to decide which bill should pass and which be defeated. there were people who would have had governor roosevelt declare war on platt; refuse to have anything to do with him; refuse even to speak to him. in that way he could have done nothing for the good of the state; he could have spent his term in fighting platt, made a great show of independence and reform, but, in point of fact, advanced the cause of good government not an inch. all of his proposals would have been blocked by platt's men in the legislature. instead, he acted in accord with the facts as they were; not as if they were the way he would have liked them to be. if platt could not rule he could ruin. so the governor treated him politely, and only disagreed with him when the boss proposed something actually bad. for instance, there was a most important officer, the superintendent of public works, to be appointed. senator platt informed governor roosevelt that a certain man had been chosen; he showed him the telegram with the man's acceptance. roosevelt said, quietly, something like this: "i think not, senator. the governor appoints that officer, and i am the governor." platt was very angry; roosevelt refused to get angry, but stuck to his decision, and made his own choice. things like this happened again and again, during the two years while roosevelt was governor of new york. every honorable man in american politics has to fight against this evil of the boss. officeholders, presidents and governors, come and go, but the bosses hold their power for a long time. so long as they exist it is not wise for us to talk too much about kings and their tyranny. for a boss is very like a king. platt and croker thought that the people were not fit to rule; theirs was much the same idea that king george the third and the german kaiser had. the best and wisest men have had to admit the strength of the boss and try to deal with him as well as they could; abraham lincoln even had to appoint one to his cabinet. the boss creeps into power while the people are asleep. roosevelt pointed out that it is not hard for a man to be good if he lives entirely by himself. nor is it difficult for him to get things done, if he is careless about right and wrong. the hard thing, yet the one which must be demanded of the public man, is to get useful things done, and to keep straight all the while. when roosevelt was elected governor, john hay, the secretary of state, wrote to him: "you have already shown that a man may be absolutely honest and yet practical; a reformer by instinct and a wise politician; brave, bold and uncompromising, and yet not a wild ass of the desert. the exhibition made by the professional independents in voting against you for no reason on earth except that somebody else was voting for you, is a lesson that is worth its cost."[ ] [ ] "autobiography," p. . the year was the year of a presidential election. mr. mckinley was to run again on the republican ticket, and later it appeared that mr. bryan would oppose him again, as he had in . the republican vice-president, mr. hobart, had died in office, so the republicans had to find someone to go on the ticket with president mckinley. roosevelt was mentioned for the office, and platt warmly agreed, hoping to get him out of new york politics. roosevelt, at first, refused to consider an office which has more dignity than usefulness about it. another utterance of secretary of state john hay is interesting. he wrote to a friend: "teddy has been here: have you heard of it? it was more fun than a goat. he came down with a somber resolution thrown on his strenuous brow to let mckinley and hanna know once for all that he would not be vice-president, and found to his stupefaction that nobody in washington, except platt, had ever dreamed of such a thing."[ ] [ ] thayer, p. . mr. hay was one of the wisest of our statesmen; one of the most polished and agreeable men in public life. yet this letter shows how the older men often mistook roosevelt. for, in less than a year after mr. hay had gently poked fun at "teddy" for thinking that he might be made vice-president, and said that there was not the slightest danger of such a thing happening, roosevelt had been elected to that office. his enjoyment of his work, his bubbling merriment, his lack of the old-fashioned, pompous manners which used to be supposed proper for a statesman, made many older men inclined to treat him with a sort of fatherly amusement. they looked at his acts as an older man might look at the pranks of a boy. and then, suddenly, they found themselves serving under this "youngster," in the government! it was a surprise from which they never recovered. i have said that the reporters, the makers of funny pictures in the newspapers, and others, exaggerated roosevelt's traits, and created a false idea about him. this is true. but it is also true that there was a great deal of real and honest fun poked at him throughout his life, and that it added to the public enjoyment of his career. the writers of comic rhymes, the cartoonists, and the writers of political satire had a chance which no other president has ever given them. many of our presidents--wise and good men--and many senators, governors, cabinet officers and others, have gone about as if they were all ready to pose for their statues. roosevelt never did this. he bore himself in public with dignity, and respect for the high offices to which the people elected him. but he did not suggest the old style of portrait, in which a statesman is standing stiffly, hand in the breast of his coat, a distant view of the capitol in the background. he had too keen a sense of fun for anything of the sort. nobody laughed at the jokes about him more heartily than he did himself. when "mr. dooley" described his adventures as a rough rider, and spoke of him as "alone in cubia," as if he thought he had won the war all by himself, he wrote to the author: "three cheers mr. dooley! do come on and let me see you soon. i am by no means so much alone as in cubia. ..." "let me repeat that dooley, especially when he writes about teddy rosenfelt has no more interested and amused reader than said rosenfelt himself."[ ] [ ] scribner's magazine, december, , p. . * * * * * mr. mckinley was reelected president of the united states and mr. roosevelt was elected vice-president in november . roosevelt had taken part in the campaign before election, and of this mr. thayer writes: he spoke in the east and in the west, and for the first time the people of many of the states heard him speak and saw his actual presence. his attitude as a speaker, his gestures, the way in which his pent up thoughts seemed almost to strangle him before he could utter them, his smile showing the white rows of teeth, his fist clenched as if to strike an invisible adversary, the sudden dropping of his voice, and leveling of his forefinger as he became almost conversational in tone, and seemed to address special individuals in the crowd before him, the strokes of sarcasm, stern and cutting, and the swift flashes of humor which set the great multitude in a roar, became in that summer and autumn familiar to millions of his countrymen; and the cartoonists made his features and gestures familiar to many other millions.[ ] [ ] thayer, p. . in the following march he was sworn in as vice-president. his duties as presiding officer of the senate were not severe, and he went on a cougar hunt in colorado in the winter before inauguration to enable him to bear the physical inactivity of his new work. when he came back to washington again, to hold the second highest place in the national government, it troubled him to think that he had never finished the study of law, begun in new york many years before. he asked his friend, justice white of the supreme court, if it would be wrong for him to take a legal course in a washington law school. the justice told him that it would hardly be proper for the vice-president to do that, but offered to tutor him in law. they agreed to study together the following winter. but roosevelt's term as vice-president was coming to an end. he only occupied the office for six months. he was soon to succeed to the highest office of all. [illustration: copyright by underwood and underwood. president roosevelt speaking in atlanta] chapter x president of the united states in the first week of september , president mckinley was killed by an anarchist in buffalo. the young man who shot him was rather weak-minded, and had been led to believe, by the speeches and writings of others, craftier and wickeder than himself, that he could help the poor and unfortunate by murdering the president. this he treacherously did while shaking hands with him. one of the leaders of the poisonous brood who had made this young man believe such villainous nonsense was a foreign woman named emma goldman, who for twenty or thirty years went up and down the land, trying to overthrow the law and government, yet always calling for the protection of both when she was in danger. the american government tolerated this mischief-maker until , when it properly sent her, and others of her stripe, back to their own country. president mckinley, who was the gentlest and kindest of men, did not die immediately from the bullet wound, but lingered for about a week. vice-president roosevelt joined him in buffalo, and came to believe, from the reports of the doctors, that the president would get well. so he returned to his family who were in the adirondacks. a few days later, while mr. roosevelt was mountain-climbing, a message came that the president was worse and that the vice-president must come at once to buffalo. he drove fifty miles by night, in a buckboard down the mountain roads, took a special train, and arrived in buffalo the next afternoon. mr. mckinley was dead, and theodore roosevelt took the oath of office as president. he was under forty-three years of age, the youngest man who had ever become president. it is important to note his first act. it was to insist that all of mr. mckinley's cabinet remain in office. thus he secured for the continued service of the nation, some of its ablest men: mr. hay, one of the most accomplished secretaries of state we have ever had, and mr. root, secretary of war, and afterwards secretary of state, whose highly trained legal mind placed him at the head of his profession. a test of a great man, as well as a test of a modest man, in the true sense, is whether he is willing to have other able and eminent men around him as his assistants and fellow-workers. the most remarkable instances of this among our presidents were washington and lincoln. the latter appointed men not because they admired him, or were personally agreeable to him; indeed some of his strongest and bitterest antagonists were put in his cabinet, because he knew that they could well serve the country. mr. mckinley had chosen excellent cabinet officers, and these mr. roosevelt kept in office, promoting them and appointing other men of high ability to other offices as the need arose. he did not care to shine as a great man among a group of second-rate persons; he preferred to be chief among his peers, the leader of the strongest and most sagacious of his time. in saying this, i do not mean to compare roosevelt with washington or lincoln or any of the noble figures of the past. such comparisons are made too often; every president for fifty years has been acclaimed by his admirers as "the greatest since lincoln," or "as great as lincoln." this is both foolish and useless. there has been no character in our land like lincoln; he stands alone. what we can say of mr. roosevelt, now, is that he was admired and beloved by millions of his fellow-countrymen while he lived; that his was an extraordinary and entirely different character from that of any of our presidents; and that upon his death thousands who had opposed him and bitterly hated him but a few years before, were altering their opinion and speaking of him in admiration--with more than the mere respect which custom pays to the dead. this has gone on, and other unusual signs have been given of the world's esteem for him. so much we can say; and leave the determination of his place in our history for a later time than ours. one thing which many people feared when roosevelt became president was that he would get the country into a war. they thought he liked war for its own sake. men said: "oh! this roosevelt is such a rash, impulsive fellow! he will have us in a war in a few months!" the exact opposite was the truth. he kept our country and our flag respected throughout the world; he avoided two possible wars; he helped end a foreign war; we lived at peace. of him it can truly be said: he kept us out of war, and he kept us in the paths of honor. he preached the doctrine of the square deal. "a man who is good enough to shed his blood for his country, is good enough to be given a square deal afterward. more than that no man is entitled to, and less than that no man shall have."[ ] [ ] springfield, ill., july , . thayer, p. . he did not seek help and rewards from the rich by enabling them to prey upon the poor; neither did he seek the votes and applause of the poor by cheap and unjust attacks upon the rich. to the people who expect a public man to lean unfairly to one side or the other; who cannot understand any different way of acting, he was a constant puzzle. "oh! we have got him sized up!" they would say, "he is for the labor unions against the capitalist!" and in a few months they would be puzzled again: "no; he is for wall street and he is down on the poor laboring man." for a long time they could not get it into their heads that he was for the honest man, whether laboring man or capitalist, and against the dishonest man, whether laboring man or capitalist. "while i am president the doors of the white house will open as easily for the labor leader as for the capitalist,--_and no easier_."[ ] [ ] hagedorn, p. . many presidents might have said the first part of that sentence. few of them would have added the last three words. he annoyed many people in the south by inviting a very able and eminent negro, booker t. washington, to eat luncheon with him. according to the curious way of thinking on this subject, mr. washington who had been good enough to eat dinner at the table of the queen of england, was not good enough to eat at the white house. shortly after being violently denounced for being too polite to a negro, he was still more violently denounced for being too harsh to negroes. he discharged from the army some riotous and disorderly negro soldiers. persons with small natures had attacked him for showing courtesy to a distinguished man; other persons with equally small natures now attacked him for acting justly towards mutinous soldiers. what did he do while he was president? what laws were passed by congress, which he advocated or urged, and which he approved by his signature? here are some of them as they are given by mr. washburn,[ ] a congressman of that time: [ ] washburn, "theodore roosevelt," p. . the elkins anti-rebate law, to end unjust business dealings of the railroads. the creation of the department of commerce and labor. the law for building the panama canal. the laws to prevent impure and poisonous food being sold under false labels; and the law to establish the proper inspection of meat. the creation of the bureau of immigration. the law limiting the working hours of employees and protecting them in case of injury in their occupations. the law against child-labor in the district of columbia. the reformation of the consular service. the law to stop corporations from giving great sums of money for political purposes at election time. you will notice that these were not laws to enable a few rich men to get richer still at the expense of the many; neither were they designed to help dishonest labor leaders to plunder the employers. they were aimed to bring about justice between man and man, to protect the weak. there was, when mr. roosevelt became president, a long standing dispute between this country and england and canada about the boundary of alaska. this was quickly settled by arbitration; our rights were secured; and all possible causes of war were removed. the south american country, colombia, made an attempt to block the building of the panama canal. this canal had been planned to run through the state of panama, which was part of the republic of colombia. it was a part of that country, however, separated by fifteen days' journey from the capital city, bogotá, and so separated in friendship from the rest of the country that it had made over fifty attempts in fifty years to revolt and gain independence. our state department, through mr. hay, had come to an understanding with the minister from colombia as to the canal, and the amount we were to pay colombia for the privilege of building this important waterway, for the benefit of the whole world. but the colombian government at that time were a slippery lot,-- dealing with them, said president roosevelt, "was like trying to nail currant jelly to a wall." it struck them that they would do well to squeeze more money yet out of uncle sam, and that they might by twisting and turning, get forty million dollars as easily as ten millions. so they delayed and quibbled. in the meantime, the people of panama, not wishing to lose the advantage of the canal, and desiring greatly to take any opportunity to free themselves from the colombians who had plundered them for years, declared a revolution, which took place without bloodshed. colombian troops, coming to try to reconquer panama, were forbidden to land by our ships, acting under president roosevelt's orders. we were under treaty agreement to preserve order on the isthmus. our government recognized the new republic of panama, an act which was promptly followed by all the nations of the earth. we then opened negotiations with panama, paid the money to her, and built the canal. of course the politicians in colombia howled with rage. a tricky horse-dealer, who has a horse which he has abused for years, but desires to sell to a customer for four times its value, would be angry if the horse ran away, and he lost not only the animal, but also his chances of swindling the customer. so with the colombians. some people in this country took up their cry, and professed to feel great sorrow for colombia. it was noticed, however, that this sorrow seemed to afflict most pitifully the people who were strongest in their opposition to mr. roosevelt, and this caused a suspicion that their pretended horror at the act of our government was not so much based upon any knowledge of the facts, as upon a readiness to think evil of the president. others who joined in an expression of grief at the time, and later attempted to bolster up colombia's claims for damages, belonged to that class referred to in connection with the sinking of the _maine_, who always think the best of any foreign country and suspect the worst of their own. the fact that other countries instantly recognized panama, and that president roosevelt's action was completely and emphatically endorsed by secretary hay, proved that the panama incident was an example of the promptness, wisdom and courage in the conduct of foreign relations which leads alike to justice and the satisfactory settlement of difficult problems. for not the bitterest opponent of mr. roosevelt's administration ever dared to cast a shadow of doubt upon the honesty of secretary hay. the canal is now built, thanks in large part to president roosevelt, and we have had a chance to see that wise decisions may often be reached swiftly; whereas dawdling, hesitation and timidity, which are sometimes mistaken for statesmanship, are more than apt to end, not only in general injustice, but in practical failure. the war between russia and japan took place during president roosevelt's term of office. after it had been going on over a year, and japan had won victories by land and sea, the president asked both countries to open negotiations for peace. he continued to exert strong influence in every quarter to help bring the two enemies to an agreement. only since his death has it become generally known how hard he worked to this end. a peace conference was held at kittery navy yard in maine, and a treaty was signed which ended the war. for his action in this, president roosevelt was the first american to receive the nobel peace prize. this was a sad reverse to the predictions of those who had been so sure that he was longing to start wars, instead of end them. indeed, men who prophesied evil about mr. roosevelt, as well as those who tried to catch him in traps, had a most disappointing experience. the nobel prize consisted of a diploma, and an award in money of $ , . this he tried to devote to helping the cause of peace between capital and labor in america. when congress failed to take the needed action to apply his money for this purpose, it was returned to him. during the great war he gave all of it to different relief organizations, like the red cross, and other societies for helping the sufferers. the president assembled the most powerful fleet we had ever had together, sixteen battleships, with destroyers, and sent them on a cruise around the world. this was bitterly opposed at the time. public men and newspapers predicted that the fleet could never make the voyage, or that even if it could, its effect would be to cause war with some other nation. the most emphatic predictions were made by a famous newspaper that the entrance of the fleet into the pacific ocean would be the signal for a declaration of war upon us by a foreign power. nothing of the sort happened. the cruise attracted to the american navy the admiration of the world; it immensely increased the usefulness of the navy itself by the experience it gave the officers and men; and it served warning upon anybody who needed it (and some folk did need it) that america was not a country of dollar-chasing yankees, rich and helpless, but that it had the ability to defend itself. this was an illustration of roosevelt's use of the old saying: "speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far." when he first repeated this, it was seized upon by the newspapers for its amusing quality, and he was henceforth pictured as carrying a tremendous bludgeon, of the sort which giants usually bore in the tale of "jack the giant killer." timid folk thought that it proved their worst fears about his fondness for a fight. they failed to notice the "speak softly" part of the saying. it was only a vivid way of advising his countrymen to be quiet and polite in their dealings with other nations, but not to let america become defenseless. what hasty and shallow critics denounced as the threat of a bully, proved in practice to be the sagacious advice of a statesman, whose promise when he took office, to preserve the peace and honor of his beloved country, was kept faithfully and precisely. and he was able to keep the peace, to fill the office of president for seven years without having a shot fired by our forces, because he made it clear that this country would not submit to wrong, would not argue or bicker with foreign trespassers, kidnappers, highwaymen or murderers, but would promptly fight them. he did not fill the air with beautiful words about his love of peace; but we had peace. for as he knew perfectly well, there were countries, like canada, with which we could live at peace for a hundred years and more, without needing forts or guns between them and us, because we think alike on most subjects, and respect each other's honor. and there were other countries, germany in particular, against whom all her neighbors have to live armed to the teeth, and in deadly fear, because the germans respect nothing on earth except force. to argue or plead with the germans, as he well knew, was not only a waste of time, it was worse: it was a direct invitation to war. because since the germans think that any country which professes to love peace, any country whose statesmen utter noble thoughts about peace, is simply a cowardly country, bent on making money, and afraid to fight. so when,--during roosevelt's administration, the biggest swaggering "gun-man" of the world, the kaiser wilhelm of germany, made a threat against the peace of america, roosevelt no more read him pretty lectures about his love of peace, than he would have recited poetry to that other gun-man in the hotel in dakota years before. he simply told the kaiser in a few words, just what would happen if germany didn't drop it. it was so quietly done that nobody knew anything at all about it until years afterward. there was no delay; there was no endless note-writing; there was no blustering; the kaiser climbed down; _and there was no war_. this, i am inclined to think, was one of the most important events of roosevelt's seven years in the white house. if we wish america to live henceforth in peace and in honor, there is no incident of the past thirty years which should be studied by every american with more care. germany began her attack on the world long before . she bullied here, and she schemed and plotted there, but she was at work for years. in she tried to range the countries of europe against us, as we went to war with spain. england stood our friend and kept her off. germany sent a fleet meddling into manila harbor to annoy and threaten admiral dewey. he refused to be frightened by them however and as an english squadron which was also there played the part of a good friend, the german admiral had his trip for nothing. later, about a year after mr. roosevelt became president, the german kaiser discovered a way, as he thought, to grab some territory in south america. our monroe doctrine, which insures peace in the western hemisphere, by forbidding european nations to seize land here, was an obstacle to the kaiser. he disliked it. but taking as pretext the fact that some people in venezuela owed money to various europeans, including germans, he induced england and italy to join in sending a fleet for a blockade of the venezuelan coast. the english and italians agreed, before long, to arbitrate their difficulty with venezuela, and moreover they had no intention of seizing land. the german plan was quite different. they threatened to bombard venezuelan towns, and we know enough now of their methods to say that they were hoping for something which might serve as an excuse for landing troops and taking possession of towns and territory. this was in defiance of our monroe doctrine; it aimed at setting up an emperor's colonies in south america, and putting the peace of both south and north america into danger. mr. roosevelt did not mean to allow it. but consider the situation. germany was the foremost military power of the world. her army was almost the greatest; probably the best trained and equipped. ours was one of the smallest. germany was not engaged in difficulties elsewhere. she faced us across no barriers but the sea. no great french and british armies held the lines against her, as they did in later years when once more she threatened america. no mighty british fleet held the seas and kept the german navy cooped up where it could do no harm,--except to such merchant ships, passenger steamers and hospital boats as it could strike from under the water. we faced germany alone. but we had two means of defense. one of them was admiral dewey and his ships. the first of them, however, and the only one needed, was the cool-headed and brave-hearted man in the white house. he told the german ambassador, quietly and without bluster, that unless the kaiser agreed to arbitrate his quarrel with venezuela, and unless he agreed within a short time, ten days or less, admiral dewey would be ordered to venezuela to protect it against a german attack. the german ambassador said that, of course, as the all highest kaiser had refused once before to arbitrate, there could be nothing done about it. all highests do not arbitrate. people simply have to step aside. president roosevelt informed the german ambassador that this meant war. a few days later when the german ambassador was again at the white house, the president asked if the kaiser had changed his mind. the ambassador seemed to think that it was a joke. the kaiser change his mind at the bidding of a yankee president! it was almost funny! [illustration: the rough rider _with mr. punch's best wishes to colonel roosevelt, president of the united states._ (a cartoon in _punch_ when colonel roosevelt became president.)] "all right," said president roosevelt, "i can change my mind. admiral dewey will not even wait until tuesday to start for venezuela. he will go on monday. if you are cabling to berlin, please tell them that." the pompous ambassador was much flustered. he hurried away, but returned in about a day and a half, still out of breath. "mr. president," he said, "his imperial majesty the emperor has agreed to arbitrate with venezuela." so there was no delay, no long and distressing argument; and there was no war. the president could do this because he knew his countrymen; he knew that they were not cowards. he knew they never had failed to back up their leader in the white house. he knew that no president need worry about loyalty when he tells america that a foreign enemy is making threats. he had seen his courageous predecessor, grover cleveland, rouse america, as one man, over another venezuelan incident, a dozen or more years before. and he knew that the only occasion when america had ever seemed about to fall into doubt and hesitation in time of danger, was when that doubt and hesitation began in the white house,--in the administration of buchanan, before the civil war. america will always support her president, if war threatens,--but america expects him to show leadership. timidity in the leader will make timidity in the nation. so the kaiser changed his mind and gave in,--why? because he knew that there was a president in the white house whose words were easy to understand; they did not have to be interpreted nor explained. and moreover, when these words were uttered, the president would make them good, every one. chapter xi the lion hunter other important events of president roosevelt's administration will best be described farther on. for their importance increased after he was out of office, and they had a great influence upon a later campaign. here, it should be said that in , as the term for which he was acting as mr. mckinley's successor, drew toward an end, he was nominated by the republican party to succeed himself. there was some talk of opposition within his party, especially from the friends of "big business" who thought that he was not sufficiently reverent and submissive to the moneyed interests. this opposition took the form of a move to nominate senator hanna. but the senator died, and the talk of opposition which was mostly moonshine, faded away. when the campaign came in the autumn of , his opponent was the democratic nominee, judge parker, also from new york. mr. roosevelt was elected by a majority of more than two million and a half votes,--the largest majority ever given to a president in our history, either before or since that time. on the night of election day he issued a statement in which he said: "under no circumstances will i be a candidate for or accept another nomination." of this he writes: the reason for my choice of the exact phraseology used was twofold. in the first place, many of my supporters were insisting that, as i had served only three and a half years of my first term, coming in from the vice-presidency when president mckinley was killed, i had really had only one elective term, so that the third term custom did not apply to me; and i wished to repudiate this suggestion. i believed then (and i believe now) the third term custom or tradition to be wholesome, and therefore, i was determined to regard its substance, refusing to quibble over the words usually employed to express it. on the other hand i did not wish simply and specifically to say that i would not be a candidate for the nomination in , because if i had specified the year when i would not be a candidate, it would have been widely accepted as meaning that i intended to be a candidate some other year; and i had no such intention, and had no idea that i would ever be a candidate again. certain newspaper men did ask me if i intended to apply my prohibition to , and i answered that i was not thinking of , nor of , nor of , and that i must decline to say anything whatever except what appeared in my statement.[ ] [ ] "autobiography," pp. - . from march , , until march , , he was an elected president, not a president who had succeeded to the office through the death of another. when the end of his term approached he threw his influence in favor of the nomination of mr. william h. taft, secretary of war in his cabinet. he could have had the nomination himself if he had wished it; indeed he had to take precautions against being nominated. but mr. taft was nominated, and in november, , was elected over mr. bryan, who was then running for the presidency for the third time. president roosevelt and president-elect taft drove up pennsylvania avenue to the capitol together, march , , in a cold gale of wind, which had followed a sudden blizzard. the weather was an omen of the stormy change which was coming over the friendship of these two men. an hour or two later it was president taft who drove back to the white house, while mr. roosevelt, once more a private citizen, was hurrying to his home in oyster bay, to get ready for his hunting trip to africa. * * * * * this was the vacation to which he had been looking forward for years. he had long been a friend of a number of famous hunters, and had corresponded with and received visits from some of them. chief among these was mr. frederick selous, one of the greatest of african hunters. those who have read any of rider haggard's fine stories of adventure (especially "king solomon's mines" and "allan quartermain") will be interested to know that mr. selous was the original of quartermain. adventures like these of selous, the opportunity to see the marvelous african country, and the chance to shoot the dangerous big game, made roosevelt long to visit africa. so he headed a scientific expedition sent out by the smithsonian institution to collect specimens for the national museum at washington. with him went his son kermit, a student at harvard; and three american naturalists. they left america only two or three weeks after his term as president had ended, and they came out of the african wilderness at khartoum about a year later. with friends whom they met in africa, english and american hunters, and a long train of native bearers and scouts, they visited the parts of africa richest in game, and killed lions, leopards, hyenas, elephants, rhinoceros, hippopotamus, zebra, giraffe, buffalo, and dozens of other kinds of animals. mr. roosevelt and kermit shot about a dozen trophies for themselves; otherwise nothing was killed which was not intended as a museum specimen or for meat. no useless butchery of animals was allowed; often at great inconvenience and even danger, animals were avoided or driven off rather than let them be killed needlessly. some of the finest groups of mounted animals in the country are now standing in the national museum, as a result of this trip. they saw many wonderful sights. they saw a band of nandi warriors, fierce savages, naked, and armed only with shields and long spears, attack and kill a big lion. kermit roosevelt took photographs of most of the large game, coming up to close quarters in order to get his pictures. he took two or three photographs of a herd of wild elephants in the forest, going at great risk within twenty-five yards of the herd to be sure to get a good view. one day's hunting, which mr. roosevelt describes, shows what the country was like, how full it was of all kinds of animals. leaving camp at seven in the morning they were out altogether over fifteen hours. they were after a lion, so did not look for other game. they soon passed some zebra, and antelope, but left them alone. the country was a dry, brown grassland, with few trees, and in some places seems to have looked like our western prairie. at noon they sighted three rhinoceros, which they tried to avoid, as they did not wish to shoot them. of course, in such circumstances it is necessary to do nothing to disturb the temper of the animals--stupid, short-sighted beasts--or else in their anger or alarm, they will blindly charge the hunter, who then is forced to shoot to save himself from being tossed and gored on that great horn. there was a hyena disturbing the other game, and as these are savage nuisances, mr. roosevelt shot this one at three hundred and fifty paces. while the porters were taking the skin, he could not help laughing, he says, at finding their party in the center of a great plain, stared at from all sides by enough wild animals to stock a circus. vultures were flying overhead. the three rhinoceros were gazing at them, about half a mile away. wildebeest (sometimes called gnu) which look something like the american buffalo or bison, and hartebeest, stood around in a ring, looking on. four or five antelope came in closer to see what was happening, and a zebra trotted by, neighing and startling the rhinoceros. after a rest for luncheon, they went on, looking for lions. two wart-hogs jumped up, and mr. roosevelt shot the biggest of them. by this time it was getting late in the afternoon; time for lions to be about. at last they saw one; a big lioness. she ran along the bed of a stream, crouching so as not to be seen in the failing light. the two hunters rode past and would have missed her if one of the native followers had not sighted her a second time. then roosevelt and the other hunter left their horses, and came in close on foot. this is perhaps as dangerous as any hunting in africa. a man must be cool and a good shot to go after lions; sooner or later almost every lion hunter either gets badly hurt or gets killed. this time all went well; roosevelt hit her with his first shot; ran in close and finished her. she weighed over three hundred pounds. the porters--much excited, as they always are at the death of a lion--wished to carry the whole body without skinning it, back to camp. while they were lashing it to a pole another lion began to growl hungrily. the night was dark, without a moon, and the work of getting back was hard for the porters, as well as rather terrifying to them. lions were grunting all about; twice one of them kept alongside the men as they walked,--much to their discomfort. then a rhinoceros, nearby, let off a series of snorts, like a locomotive. this did not cheer up the porters to any great degree. roosevelt and the other white hunter had trouble to keep them together and to keep on the watch, with their rifles ready to drive off any animals which might attack. at last they came to the camp of a tribe of savages called masai. as they were still four miles from their own camp and as the porters were about exhausted from carrying the lion, they decided to go in there, skin the lion and rest for a while. there was some trouble about this, as the masai feared that the scent of the dead lion would scare their cattle. they agreed at last, however, admitted the white men and the porters, and stood about, in the fire-light, leaning on their spears, and laughing, while the lion was being skinned. they gave roosevelt milk to drink and seemed pleased to have a call from "bwana makuba," the great chief, as the porters called him. so here was an ex-president of the united states, not many months from his work as chief magistrate in the capitol of a civilized nation, talking to a group of savages, who in their dwellings, weapons, clothing and customs had hardly changed in three thousand years; the twentieth century a.d. meeting the tenth century b.c. at ten o'clock they got back to their own camp, and after a hot bath, sat down to a supper of eland venison and broiled spur fowl,--"and surely no supper ever tasted more delicious." another day, when hunting with the same companion he had the experience of being charged by a wounded lion. it was a big, male lion, with a black and yellow mane. they chased him on horseback for about two miles. then he stopped and hid behind a bush. a shot wounded him slightly and, mr. tarlton, roosevelt's companion, an experienced lion-hunter, told him that the lion was sure to charge. again i knelt and fired; but the mass of hair on the lion made me think he was nearer than he was, and i undershot, inflicting a flesh wound that was neither crippling nor fatal. he was already grunting savagely and tossing his tail erect, with his head held low; and at the shot the great sinewy beast came toward us with the speed of a greyhound. tarlton then very properly fired, for lion hunting is no child's play, and it is not good to run risks. ordinarily it is a very mean thing to experience joy at a friend's miss, but this was not an ordinary case, and i felt keen delight when the bullet from the badly sighted rifle missed, striking the ground many yards short. i was sighting carefully from my knee, and i knew i had the lion all right; for though he galloped at a great pace he came on steadily--ears laid back, and uttering terrific coughing grunts--and there was now no question of making allowance for distance, nor, as he was out in the open, for the fact that he had not before been distinctly visible. the bead of my foresight was exactly on the center of his chest as i pressed the trigger, and the bullet went as true as if the place had been plotted with dividers. the blow brought him up all standing, and he fell forward on his head. the soft-nosed winchester bullet had gone straight through the chest cavity, smashing the lungs and the big blood-vessels of the heart. painfully he recovered his feet, and tried to come on, his ferocious courage holding out to the last; but he staggered and turned from side to side, unable to stand firmly, still less to advance at a faster pace than a walk. he had not ten seconds to live; but it is a sound principle to take no chances with lions. tarlton hit him with his second bullet probably in the shoulder; and with my next shot i broke his neck. i had stopped him when he was still a hundred yards away, and certainly no finer sight could be imagined than that of this great maned lion as he charged.[ ] [ ] "african game trails," pp. - . to the man who can shoot straight, and shoot just as straight at a savage animal as at a target, african game-hunting is for part of the time not very dangerous. nine or ten lions or elephants or rhinoceros may be killed, without seeming risk. the tenth time something unexpected happens, and death comes very near to the hunter. in shooting an elephant in the forest one day, roosevelt had what was perhaps his closest call since the bear nearly killed him, years before in idaho. he had just shot an elephant, when there came a surprise: but at that very instant, before there was a moment's time in which to reload, the thick bushes parted immediately on my left front, and through them surged the vast bulk of a charging bull elephant, the matted mass of tough creepers snapping like packthread before his rush. he was so close that he could have touched me with his trunk. i leaped to one side and dodged behind a tree trunk, opening the rifle, throwing out the empty shells, and slipping in two cartridges. meantime cunninghame fired right and left, at the same time throwing himself into the bushes on the other side. both his bullets went home, and the bull stopped short in his charge, wheeled, and immediately disappeared in the thick cover. we ran forward, but the forest had closed over his wake. we heard him trumpet shrilly, and then all sounds ceased.[ ] [ ] "african game trails," p. . chapter xii europe and america at khartoum mr. roosevelt and his son were joined by other members of his family. they all crossed to europe, for he had been invited by the rulers and learned bodies of a number of countries to pay them a visit. he went to italy, austria, germany, norway, sweden, holland, france, denmark, belgium and england, receiving the highest compliments from their rulers, honorary degrees from the universities, and a welcome from the people everywhere which had been given with such heartiness to no other american since general grant traveled round the world after the civil war. in norway he spoke to the nobel committee in thanks for the peace prize which they had awarded him after the russo-japanese war. in germany, the kaiser ordered a review of troops for him; and he was received by the university of berlin. in paris, he addressed the famous institution of learning, the sorbonne. the english universities received him, and gave him their honorary degrees. london made him a "freeman." his speeches before the learned men of europe might not have been extraordinary for a university teacher, but when we think that his life had alternated between the hustle of politics, the career of a ranchman, of a soldier, and of a hunter of big game, it is evident that we shall have to search long and far among our public men before we can find any to match him in the variety of his interests and achievements. in england, king edward vii had just died, and mr. roosevelt was appointed by president taft as the american representative at the funeral. there was a gathering in london of thirteen reigning monarchs, and many curious stories are told about the occasion. of course the kaiser was there, strutting about and trying to patronize everybody. mr. roosevelt had been politely received by the kaiser and believed, as did every one, that beneath his arrogant manners, there was a great deal of ability. but he did not allow himself to be treated by the "all highest" with magnificent condescension. a story is repeated, of which one version is that the kaiser suddenly called out, at some reception: "oh, colonel roosevelt, i wish to see you before i leave london, and can give you just thirty minutes, to-morrow afternoon at two." "that's very good of your majesty," replied mr. roosevelt, "and i'll be there. but unfortunately i have an engagement, so that i'll only be able to give you twenty minutes." another story concerns a little boy,--the crown prince of one of the countries where royal folk have simpler and better manners than in germany. he and his parents and other persons of royal rank were at the palace where mr. roosevelt was staying. as any man would know, boys are interested in much the same things whether they are princes or not, and this one was greatly taken by mr. roosevelt's stories of hunting, and by being taught some of the games which the american father and his boys had played in the white house, not many years before. so it happened that as a group of the visitors, including two or three kings and queens, stepped out of one of the rooms of the palace into a corridor one evening, they were astonished to see a gentleman down on his hands and knees on a rug, playing "bear" with a little boy. the gentleman was the ex-president of the united states, and the boy was the future king of one of the countries of europe. [illustration: copyright, , by clinedinet, washington, d.c. president roosevelt in the saddle] roosevelt's return to new york was the signal for a tremendous reception. new york outdid itself in salutes, parades, and wildly cheering crowds. nothing like it had been seen before. even after the excitement of the first day of his return, he could not go out without being surrounded by cheering crowds. he knew that it could not last, and said to his sister: "soon they will be throwing rotten apples at me." he was right. a period was about to begin when he was to be defeated in every campaign in which he engaged. all the enemies he had made in his long fight for better government--and they were many and bitter enemies--were to join hands with all the people who opposed him just because they disliked him. he was to part company from some of his nearest friends, and persistently to be reviled, misunderstood and attacked. yet he was to rally around him a body of devoted friends, and make these the greatest years of his life. it is partly comic and partly sad, to look back and consider the things for which roosevelt had fought in his public life, and to recall that a fight had to be made for things like these; that the man advocating them had to stand unlimited abuse. he had been abused for trying to stop the sale of liquor to children, and opposed in his efforts to prevent the making of cigars in filthy bed-rooms. he had been violently attacked for enforcing the liquor laws of new york. lawyers and public men had grown red with anger as they denounced him as a tyrant, and an enemy to the constitution, because he wished to stop a dishonest system of rebates by the railroads. a man looks back and wonders if he were living among sane people, or in a mad-house, when he recalls that roosevelt was viciously attacked because he proposed that the meat-packers of this country should not be allowed to sell to their countrymen rotten and diseased products which foreign countries refused even to admit. sneers greeted his attempts to prevent poisons being sold as medicine, and laudanum being peddled to little children as soothing-syrup. his fight to prevent greedy folk from destroying the forests, wasting the minerals, and spoiling the water supplies of america had to be made in the face of every sort of legal trickery and the meanest of personal abuse. the republican party had been founded during one of the greatest efforts for human freedom ever made in our history. in its long years in power, and in the amazing increase in prosperity and wealth in america, if had become the defender of wealth. many of its highest and most powerful men could see no farther than the cash drawer. human rights and wrongs, human suffering, or any attempt to prevent such sufferings, simply did not interest them. they were not cruel men personally, but they had heard repeated for so many years that this or the other thing could not be done "because it would hurt business," that they had come to worship "business" as a savage bows his head before an idol. many of them could give money for an orphan asylum or a children's hospital, and yet on the same day, vote to kill a bill aimed to prevent child-labor. to pass such a bill as that would "hurt business." the democratic party was no better. it was simply weaker, and usually less intelligent. wherever it was powerful, it, too, was apt to be the servant of corruption. the politicians of both parties loved to keep up a continual fight about the tariff, to distract public attention from other important subjects. there had been disagreements in the republican party for a number of years. these had gone on during the roosevelt administration. in the main, these struggles can be described by saying that president roosevelt and those who agreed with him were looking out for the advantage of the many, and for the welfare and health of great masses of the people. his opponents were more interested to see that nothing checked the activities of great corporations, railroads, and manufacturing interests. they sincerely believed that this was the first concern of all true patriots. roosevelt wished every man to have a square deal, an equal chance, so far as possible, to earn as good a living as he could. his opponents thought that if the great business interests could only go on, as they liked, without being annoyed by the government, they would be able to give employment to almost everybody, and to all the unfortunates, who were crushed in the struggle, they would give charity. between these two groups there was a ceaseless fight all the years roosevelt was in the white house. he had been strongly approved at the polls; many of the measures he advocated had been made laws by congress. so he thought, and the larger part of the republican party thought, when mr. taft became president, that the measures which they had approved were going to be advanced still further. it soon appeared that they were in for a disappointment. mr. taft proved friendly to the older politicians; the younger and progressive men were not in favor. he made his associates, and chose as his advisers, the men who called mr. roosevelt "rash," "a socialist," "an anarchist." many of the men who surrounded president taft were honest and patriotic. but there were also a number of stick-in-the-mud statesmen,--old gentlemen who had been saying the same thing, thinking the same things, doing the same things, for forty years. to change, to be up with the times, to progress, to alter methods to meet new conditions, struck them as simply indecent. their idea of a happy national life was great "prosperity" for a fortunate few, a lesser degree of success for some others who could cling to the chariot wheels of the rich, and,--charity for the rest. that was always their answer to the old, hard problem of wealth and poverty. like quack doctors they would try to cure the symptoms, rather than like wise physicians seek to find the causes. they were like the tories in our revolution who were for king george against george washington, because king george was the legal king of the american colonies, or like the northern pro-slavery men, who defended slavery because it was permitted by the constitution and the slaves were legal "property." the constitution was, for them, an instrument to be used to block all change, whether good or bad. other men, near to president taft, were neither patriotic nor innocent. they were shrewd, powerful bosses,--men of the type of platt. only, mr. taft did not stand on the alert with them, as roosevelt had done as governor, working with them when he could, and fighting them when they went wrong. he allowed them to influence his administration, and, at last, accepted a nomination engineered by them for their own selfish purposes. the republicans who followed president taft, the "stand-patters," believed in property rights first, and human rights second. if any of them did not actually believe this, they joined people who did thoroughly believe it, and so their action counted toward putting that belief into practice. the others, the "insurgents" or progressive republicans, (later called the bull moose) believed in human rights first. that is as near as the thing can be stated, remembering that it was a disputed point, with good men on both sides. the stand-patters said the progressives were cranks,--visionary and impractical; the progressives replied that it was better to be both of these things than to be quite so near to the earth and selfish as mr. taft's followers or managers. the events of later years have not borne out the contention that roosevelt was "rash" and "dangerous"; while the charge that mr. taft made a president more pleasing to the bosses than to the people was amply proved, in the campaign of . chapter xiii the bull moose it was not personal ambition which made roosevelt become the leader of the revolt in the republican party, and later head a new party. the revolt had been growing while he was in africa, and he was long besought to become its leader. at first, senator la follette seemed a possible leader, but he broke down in a nervous attack, and the belief that he was not the man for the place has been justified by later events. as president taft's administration drew to an end, in and , it was clear that he was steadily losing the public confidence. state elections, and other straws, showed how the wind was blowing. the progressive republicans pointed out to their fellow-members of the party that only where a progressive ran for office in a state election did the party win. otherwise the democrats were victorious. the lesson was plain; but the stand-patters did not care to see it. by the beginning of it was freely predicted in print that the democrats would nominate governor wilson of new jersey, their strongest candidate, and that they would win if the republicans insisted on naming mr. taft. but the old-line republicans were above taking advice. the democrats were naturally gleeful about the situation; they kept their faces straight and solemnly warned the republicans, in the name of the safety of the country, not to listen to the "wild man," roosevelt, but to be sure to nominate mr. taft. and the republicans listened to the advice of their opponents. "whom the gods would destroy they first make mad." roosevelt had been telling his friends that he would not run again; that he did not wish to oppose mr. taft, who had been his close friend and associate. but neither he, nor the republicans who thought as he did, liked to see their party drift back and back to become the organization for plunder which the bosses would have made it long before, if they had always had a "good-natured" man in the white house. when the governors of seven states--michigan, west virginia, wyoming, nebraska, new hampshire, missouri and kansas--united in an appeal to roosevelt for leadership, he began to change his mind. he said in private, that he knew it would be hard, if not impossible, for him to get the nomination; president taft had all the machinery on his side. he knew that it meant parting with many of his best friends; the older politicians would mainly oppose him; he would have to go directly to the people for his support, and rely upon the younger leaders as his lieutenants. in going straight to the people he was following one of the principles of the insurgent or progressive republicans. in order to fight the bosses, and overcome the crooked and secret influence of "big business" in politics, the progressives were proposing various methods by which it was hoped the people might rule more directly, and prevent a few men from overcoming the wishes of the many. one of these methods was the direct primary, so that the voters might choose their candidates themselves, instead of leaving it to the absurd conventions, where large crowds of men are hired to fill the galleries, yell for one candidate, and try to out-yell the opposing crowd. in february, , roosevelt announced that he was a candidate for the republican nomination. "my hat is in the ring," he said. the storm of abuse which raged around him now was terrific. all the friends of fattened monopoly--and this included many of the most powerful newspapers--screamed aloud in their fright. mostly they assailed him on three counts: that he was "disloyal" to his friend, mr. taft, that he had promised never to run for president again; and that it meant the overthrow of the republic and the setting up of a monarchy if any man ever disregarded washington's example and was president for three terms. the charge of disloyalty to mr. taft does not deserve discussion. those who made it never stopped to think that they were saying that a man should set his personal friendships higher than his regard for the nation; that he must support his friend, even if he believed that to do so would work harm to the whole country. moreover, if there had been any disloyalty, it had not been on mr. roosevelt's side! he had remained true to his principles. as for the promise never to run again, we have already seen what he said about that. the notion that washington laid down some law against reelecting a president for more than two terms is an example of how a complete error may pass into popular belief and become a superstition. washington said and believed the very opposite. he did not wish a third term himself, because he was old and weary, but in regard to third terms he seems to have been even more liberal than roosevelt, who disapproved of three terms _in succession_. but washington distinctly said that he saw no reason why a president should not be reelected as often as the people needed his services. he said nothing about four, eight, or twelve years, but in discussing this very question in a letter to lafayette, wrote: "i can see no propriety in precluding ourselves from the services of any man, who on some emergency shall be deemed most capable of serving the public."[ ] [ ] sparks, "writings of george washington," ix. . in the primary campaign, in the spring of , the progressive republicans and mr. roosevelt proved their case up to the hilt. in every instance but one, where it was possible to get a direct vote of the people, roosevelt beat president taft, and overwhelmingly. thus, in california he beat him nearly two to one; in illinois, more than two to one, in nebraska more than three to one, in north dakota more than twenty to one, in south dakota more than three to one. in new jersey, maryland, oregon and ohio, roosevelt won decisively; in pennsylvania by a tremendous majority. massachusetts, the only remaining state which held a direct primary, where both men were in the field, split nearly even, giving mr. taft a small lead. in the face of this clear indication of what the voters wished, for the republican leaders to go ahead and nominate mr. taft was sheer suicide from a political point of view. it was also something much worse: the few denying the will of the many. this, of course, is tyranny,--what our ancestors revolted against when they founded the nation. but go ahead they did. it is probable that even as early as this they had no idea of winning the election; they merely intended to keep the party machinery in their own hands. gravely talking about law and the constitution they proceeded to defy the first principles of popular government. by use of the southern delegates, from states where the republican party exists mostly in theory, by contesting almost every delegation, and always ruling against roosevelt, by every manipulation which the "old guard" of the party could employ, mr. taft was nominated. in at least one important and crucial case, delegates were seized for mr. taft by shameless theft. the phrase is that used by mr. thayer,--a historian, accustomed to weigh his words, and a non-partisan in this contest, since he favored neither mr. taft nor roosevelt. in august the progressive party was founded at a convention held in chicago. roosevelt and johnson were the nominees for president and vice-president. the men gathered at this convention were out of the republican party; they had not left it, but the party had left them. not willingly did they take this action; men whose grandfathers voted for fremont in and for lincoln in , and again for lincoln in , when the fate of the republic really depended on the success of the republican party. the sons of men who had fought for the union did not lightly attack even the name of the old party. but there was nothing left but its name; its worst elements led it; many of the better men who stayed in it kept silent. probably even they realized the nauseous hypocrisy of the situation when mr. william barnes of new york came forward and implored that the country be saved, that our liberty be saved, that the constitution be saved! for the destroyer, from whom the country was to be saved, was one of the greatest and most honorable men of his time,--while it was later established in court that it was no libel to say that mr. barnes was a boss and had used crooked methods. the progressives, soon called the bull moose party, attracted the usual group of reformers, and some cranks. each new party does this. roosevelt had, many years before, spoken of the "lunatic fringe" which clings to the skirts of every sincere reform. "but the whole body," writes mr. thayer, "judged without prejudice, probably contained the largest number of disinterested, public-spirited, and devoted persons, who had ever met for a national and political object since the group which formed the republican party in ." all the new measures which they proposed, although denounced by the two old parties, were in use in other democratic countries; many of them have since been adopted here. roosevelt foresaw the radical wave which was later to sweep over the country and was trying to make our government more liberal, so as to meet the new spirit of things. the more radical of socialists always hated him as their worst enemy, for they knew that his reasonable reforms would make it impossible for them to succeed in their extreme proposals. the jokes made about the new party were often most amusing and added a great deal of interest to an exciting campaign. the bull moosers were very much in earnest, and had a camp-meeting fervor, which laid them open to a good deal of ridicule. but they could stand it, for they knew that as between themselves and the republicans, the last laugh would be theirs. the republicans had nominated mr. taft by means of delegates from rock-ribbed democratic states like alabama, florida and georgia, let them now see if they could elect him by such means! one phase of the campaign was a shame and a disgrace. the republican newspapers joined in the use of abusive terms against roosevelt, to a degree which has never been paralleled, before nor since. they described him as a monster, a foul traitor, another benedict arnold, and for weeks used language about him for which the writers would be overcome with shame if it were brought home to them now. this had its natural result. just as the speeches of emma goldman and others stirred up the murderer of president mckinley to his act, so this reiteration of abuse, this harping on the assertion that roosevelt was the enemy of the country, the destroyer of law and liberty, induced another weak-minded creature to attempt murder. a man named schrank who said that he had been led on by what he read in the papers, waited for roosevelt outside a hotel in milwaukee. this was during the campaign and roosevelt was leaving the hotel to make a speech in a public hall. as he stood up in his automobile, schrank shot him in the chest. the bullet was partially checked by a thick roll of paper--the notes for his speech--and by an eyeglasses case. nevertheless, with the bullet in him, only stopping to change his blood-soaked shirt, he refused to quit. he went and made his speech, standing on the platform and speaking for over an hour. [illustration: copyright by underwood and underwood. president and mrs. roosevelt with five of their children] he thought of himself as a soldier fighting for a cause, and he would no more leave because of a wound than he would have deserted his fellow-hunter in africa, when that charging lion came down on them. for two weeks he had to keep out of the campaign, recovering from his wound, first in a hospital and then at home. governor wilson, the democratic nominee, soon to be the president-elect, generously offered to cease his campaign speeches, but this offer was declined by mr. roosevelt. in the election, mr. wilson was the winner, with mr. roosevelt second. the progressive candidate beat the republican, as it had been predicted he would. mr. roosevelt received over half a million more votes than mr. taft, and had eighty-eight electoral votes to eight for mr. taft. the bosses were punished for defying the will of the voters and a useful lesson in politics was administered. the testimony of mr. thayer is especially valuable, since he was a supporter of mr. wilson in this election. he writes that since the election showed that roosevelt had been all the time the real choice of the republican party "it was the taft faction and not roosevelt which split the republican party in ." chapter xiv the explorer i cannot rest from travel; i will drink life to the lees. all times i have enjoy'd greatly, have suffered greatly, both with those that loved me, and alone; on shore, and when thro' scudding drifts the rainy hyades vext the dim sea. i am become a name; for always roaming with a hungry heart much have i seen and known,--cities of men and manners, climates, councils, governments, myself not least, but honor'd of them all,-- and drunk delight of battle with my peers, far on the ringing plains of windy troy. ... how dull it is to pause, to make an end, to rust unburnish'd, not to shine in use! as tho' to breathe were life! life piled on life were all too little, and of one to me little remains; but every hour is saved from that eternal silence, something more, a bringer of new things; and vile it were for some three suns to store and hoard myself, and this grey spirit yearning in desire to follow knowledge like a sinking star, beyond the utmost bound of human thought. tennyson's _ulysses_. mr. roosevelt took his defeat without whimpering. when he was in a fight he gave blows and expected to receive them. his enemies often hit foul blows, and this his friends resented, especially when the attacks actually provoked an attempt at murder. when his private character was assailed he defended himself, promptly and successfully. but neither he nor any of his friends asked that he should be sacred from all criticism; nor feebly protested that he was above ordinary mortals, and only to be mentioned with a sort of trembling reverence. he was too much of a man to be kept wrapped in wool. in he traveled through south american countries to speak before learned bodies which had invited him to come before them. afterwards, with his son kermit, some american naturalists, and colonel rondon, a brave and distinguished brazilian officer, he made a long trip through the wilderness of brazil, to hunt and explore. some of the country through which they traveled was little known to white men; some of it absolutely unknown. they hunted and killed specimens of the jaguar, tapir, peccary, and nearly all of the other strange south american animals. in february , they set out upon an unknown stream called the river of doubt. they did not know whether the exploration of this river would take them weeks or months; whether they might have to face starvation, or savage tribes, or worse than either, disease. they surveyed the river as they went, so as to be able to map its course, and add to geographical knowledge. strange birds haunted the river, and vicious stinging insects annoyed the travelers. they constantly had to carry the canoes around rapids or waterfalls, so that progress was slow. some of the canoes were damaged and others had to be built. large birds, like the curassow, and also monkeys, were shot for food. the pest of stinging insects grew constantly worse,--bees, mosquitoes, large blood-sucking flies and enormous ants tormented them. the flies were called piums and borashudas. some of them bit like scorpions. kermit roosevelt's canoe was caught in the rapids, smashed and sunk, and one of the men drowned. once they saw signs of some unknown tribe of indians, when, one of the dogs belonging to the party was killed in the forest, almost within sight of colonel rondon, and found with two arrows in his body. the river was dangerous for bathing, because of a peculiar fish--the piranha--a savage little beast which attacks men and animals with its razor-like teeth, inflicts fearful wounds and may even kill any unfortunate creature which is caught by a school in deep water. some members of the party were badly bitten by the piranhas. as their long and difficult course down the river continued, and as their hardships increased, one of the native helpers murdered another native--a sergeant--and fled. roosevelt, while in the water helping to right an upset canoe, bruised his leg against a boulder. inflammation set in, as it usually does with wounds in the tropics. for forty-eight days they saw no human being outside their own party. they were all weak with fever and troubled with wounds received in the river. colonel roosevelt (who was nearly fifty-six years old) wrote of his own condition: the after effects of the fever still hung on; and the leg which had been hurt while working in the rapids with the sunken canoe had taken a turn for the bad and developed an abscess. the good doctor, to whose unwearied care and kindness i owe much, had cut it open and inserted a drainage tube; an added charm being given the operation, and the subsequent dressings, by the enthusiasm with which the piums and boroshudas took part therein. i could hardly hobble, and was pretty well laid up. "but there aren't no 'stop conductor,' while a battery's changing ground." no man has any business to go on such a trip as ours unless he will refuse to jeopardize the welfare of his associates by any delay caused by a weakness or ailment of his. it is his duty to go forward, if necessary on all fours, until he drops. fortunately, i was put to no such test. i remained in good shape until we had passed the last of the rapids of the chasms. when my serious trouble came we had only canoe-riding ahead of us. it is not ideal for a sick man to spend the hottest hours of the day stretched on the boxes in the bottom of a small open dugout, under the well-nigh intolerable heat of the torrid sun of the mid-tropics, varied by blinding, drenching downpours of rain, but i could not be sufficiently grateful for the chance. kermit and cherrie took care of me as if they had been trained nurses; and colonel rondon and lyra were no less thoughtful.[ ] [ ] "through the brazilian wilderness," p. . it is known that his illness was more serious, and his conduct much more unselfish than he told in his book. when he could not be moved, he asked the others to go forward for their own safety and leave him. they refused, naturally, and he secretly resolved to shoot himself if his condition did not soon improve, rather than be a drag on the party. in his report to the brazilian government, which had made the expedition possible by its aid, mr. roosevelt was able to say: "we have put on the map a river about kilometers in length running from just south of the th degree to north of the th degree and the biggest affluent of the madeira. until now its upper course has been utterly unknown to every one, and its lower course, although known for years to the rubber men, utterly unknown to cartographers." the brazilian government renamed the river in his honor, first the rio roosevelt, later the rio teodoro. branches of it were named in honor of other members of the party, the rio kermit and the rio cherrie,--the latter for the american naturalist, mr. george k. cherrie. chapter xv the man what did theodore roosevelt do during his life that raised him above other men? what were his achievements? why are memorials and monuments raised in his honor, books written about him? why do people visit his grave, and care to preserve the house where he was born? first, because he helped the cause of better government all his life, as, while in college, he said that he was going to do. second, because he had a good influence on politics, upon business, and upon american life generally. dishonest and shady dealings which were common when he left college, became very much less common as a result of his work. no other american did as much as he for this improvement. third, because he practiced the "square deal." it did not matter to him if the evil-doer was rich or poor,--roosevelt was his enemy. the criminal who had many friends in wall street was a criminal still in his eyes; and the rascal who had friends in labor unions was nevertheless a rascal to him. he would not denounce one and go easy with the other. poisoning people with bad meat was no less a crime to him because it was said to be done in the interests of "business"; blowing up people with bombs was not to be considered any less than murder because some one said it was done to help "labor." next, he practiced what he preached. when the great time came, he was ready "to pay with his body for his soul's desire." while president, he proved by his conduct of our relations with foreign countries, that it is possible both to keep peace and to keep our self respect, and that this can be done only by firmness and courage. he maintained our national defenses at the highest possible level, scorning to risk his fellow-countrymen's lives and fortunes through neglect of the army and navy. by his wisdom, promptness and moral courage in an emergency he made the panama canal possible. he led in a great fight for liberal politics, trying to put the ruling power of the nation once more in the hands of its citizens, and showing by his action that his country was dearer to him than any political party. finally, in the very last years of his life, and in a time of dreadful national trial, his great voice became the true voice of america to lead his countrymen out of a quagmire of doubt and disloyalty. you may have heard it said that he was conceited, arrogant, head-strong. what did the men nearest him think? john hay, the polished diplomat, who had been private secretary to abraham lincoln, wrote about roosevelt in his diary. november , : i read the president's message in the afternoon.... made several suggestions as to changes and omissions. the president came in just as i had finished and we went over the matter together. he accepted my ideas with that singular amiability and open-mindedness which form so striking a contrast with the general idea of his brusque and arbitrary character. you may have heard it said that he acted hastily, went ahead on snap-judgments. on this subject, mr. hay wrote: roosevelt is prompt and energetic, but he takes infinite pains to get at the facts before he acts. in all the crises in which he has been accused of undue haste, his action has been the result of long meditation and well-reasoned conviction. if he thinks rapidly, that is no fault; he thinks thoroughly, and that is the essential. he was never a humbug. he did not deny that he enjoyed being president. he never let his friends point to him, while he was in the white house, as a martyr. he had a good time wherever he was. as he wrote: i remember once sitting at a table with six or eight other public officials, and each was explaining how he regarded being in public life--how only the sternest sense of duty prevented him from resigning his office, and how the strain of working for a thankless constituency was telling upon him--and that nothing but the fact that he felt that he ought to sacrifice his comfort to the welfare of his country kept him in the arduous life of statesmanship. it went round the table until it came to my turn. this was during my first term of office as president of the united states. i said: "now, gentlemen, i do not wish there to be any misunderstanding. i like my job, and i want to keep it for four years more."[ ] [ ] abbott, p. . as for the question whether he acted from personal ambition, or from devotion to the cause he represented, the following incident is as strong a piece of evidence as we have about any of our public men. it is related by mr. travers carman, of the _outlook_, who accompanied colonel roosevelt to the republican convention in . roosevelt, on the evening of this conference in the congress hotel, lacked only twenty-eight votes to secure the nomination for president. mr. carman was in the room, when a delegate entered, in suppressed excitement, announcing that he represented thirty-two southern delegates who would pledge themselves to vote for the colonel, if they could be permitted to vote with the "regular" republicans on all matters of party organization, upon the platform, and so on. here were thirty-two votes,--four more than were needed to give him the nomination. without a moment's hesitation and in the death-like silence of that room the colonel's answer rang out, clearly and distinctly: "thank the delegates you represent, but tell them that i cannot permit them to vote for me unless they vote for all progressive principles for which i have fought, for which the progressive element in the republican party stands, and by which i stand or fall." strong men broke down under the stress of that night. life-long friends of mr. roosevelt endeavored to persuade him to reconsider his decision. after listening patiently he turned to two who had been urging him to accept the offer of the southern delegates, placed a hand on the shoulder of each, and said: "i have grown to regard you both as brothers; let no act or word of yours make that relationship impossible."[ ] [ ] abbott, p. . two important law-suits occupied some of roosevelt's time after the progressive campaign. one of the favorite slanders about roosevelt, repeated mostly by word of mouth, was that he drank to excess or was an habitual drunkard. at last it began to be repeated in print; a michigan newspaper printed it, coupled with other falsehoods concerning his use of profane language. few public men would have cared to bring suit, because the plaintiff must stand a cross-examination. but roosevelt was careful of his good name; he did not intend that persons should be able to repeat slander about him, except in deliberate bad faith. he and his lawyers went to the trial, bringing with them dozens of witnesses, life-long friends, hunting companions, reporters who had accompanied him on political campaigns, fellow-soldiers, cabinet officers, physicians, officers of the army and navy. these witnesses testified for a week to his temperate habits, agreeing absolutely in their testimony. the doctors pointed out that only a temperate man could have recovered so quickly from his wound. it was established that he never drank anything stronger than wine, except as a medicine; that he drank very little wine, and never got drunk. at the end, the newspaper editor withdrew his statement, apologized, was found guilty and fined only nominal charges. mr. roosevelt was not after this small creature's money, but was only bent on clearing his reputation. so it was at his request that the fine was fixed at six cents. mr. william barnes, the albany politician, sued mr. roosevelt for libel, because roosevelt had called him a boss, and said that he used crooked methods. this had been said in a political campaign. the republicans were looking for some chance to destroy roosevelt, and mr. barnes, aided by an able republican lawyer, thought that they would be doing a great service if they could besmirch mr. roosevelt in some way. so they worked their hardest and best, cross-examined him for days and searched every incident of his political life. at the end they joined that large band of disappointed men who tried to destroy roosevelt or catch him in something disreputable. for the jury decided in mr. roosevelt's favor, indicating that he had uttered no untruth when he made his remarks about mr. barnes. as a writer, mr. roosevelt would have made a name for himself, if he had done nothing else. the success of his books is not due to the high offices which he held, for his best writings had nothing to do with politics. as a writer on politics he was forceful and clear. there was no doubt as to the meaning of his state papers; they never had to be explained nor "interpreted." they were not designed to mean any one of two or three things, according to later circumstances. strength and directness were the characteristics. when writing about the by-ways of politics his enjoyment of the ridiculous made his work especially readable. when he felt deeply about any great issue, as in his last years, about the great war, and our part in it, his indignation found its way into his pages, which became touched with the fire of genuine eloquence. he wrote about books and animals, and about outdoor life, as no president has ever done. his remarks upon literature are those of a great book-lover, sensible, well-informed and free from pose. every one should read his "autobiography," his "hero tales from american history" which he wrote in company with senator lodge, and his "letters to his children." his early accounts of hunting in the west make good reading, but in his book about his african hunt, and in the one on the south american trip, he probably reached his highest level as a writer. if any american has written better books of travel than these, more continuously interesting, fuller of pleasing detail about the little incidents, the birds and tiny animals which he encountered, and at the same time with a stricter regard for accuracy of observation, i do not know where they are to be found. [illustration: courtesy of charles scribner's sons and lord lee of fareham. from a painting by p. lazzlo. president theodore roosevelt] this man of politics had a true poetic feeling for the countries he visited; time and again he moves his readers in describing the wonders of the great waste places, the melancholy deserts and wildernesses, the deadly fascination of the jungle, and the awful glory of the tropic dawns and sunsets. when something awakened his imagination he could write passages full of the magic of poetry. witness this, it is not a description of scenery, but a vision of the true historian of the future: the true historian will bring the past before our eyes as if it were the present. he will make us see as living men the hard-faced archers of agincourt, and the war-worn spear-men who followed alexander down beyond the rim of the known world. we shall hear grate on the coast of britain the keels of the low-dutch sea-thieves whose children's children were to inherit unknown continents.... beyond the dim centuries we shall see the banners float above armed hosts.... dead poets shall sing to us of the deeds of men of might and the love and beauty of women. we shall see the dancing girls of memphis. the scent of the flowers in the hanging gardens of babylon will be heavy to our senses. we shall sit at feast with the kings of nineveh when they drink from ivory and gold.... for us the war-horns of king olaf shall wail across the flood, and the harps sound high at festivals in forgotten halls. the frowning strongholds of the barons of old shall rise before us, and the white palace-castles from whose windows syrian princes once looked across the blue �gean.... we shall see the terrible horsemen of timur the lame ride over the roof of the world; we shall hear the drums beat as the armies of gustavus and frederick and napoleon drive forward to victory.[ ] [ ] "history as literature," p. , et seq. here is one of mr. roosevelt's anecdotes of an incident in the white house. it shows why the people were interested in that house while he lived in it: "no guests were ever more welcome at the white house than these old friends of the cattle ranches and the cow camps--the men with whom i had ridden the long circle and eaten at the tail-board of a chuck-wagon--whenever they turned up at washington during my presidency. i remember one of them who appeared at washington one day just before lunch, a huge powerful man, who, when i knew him, had been distinctly a fighting character. it happened that on that day another old friend, the british ambassador, mr. bryce, was among those coming to lunch. just before we went in i turned to my cow-puncher friend and said to him with great solemnity, 'remember, jim, that if you shot at the feet of the british ambassador to make him dance, it would be likely to cause international complications'; to which jim responded with unaffected horror, 'why, colonel, i shouldn't think of it! i shouldn't think of it!'"[ ] [ ] "autobiography," p. . and here is one about his children: "the small boy was convalescing, and was engaged in playing on the floor with some tin ships, together with two or three pasteboard monitors and rams of my own manufacture. he was giving a vivid rendering of farragut at mobile bay, from memories of how i had told the story. my pasteboard rams were fascinating--if a naval architect may be allowed to praise his own work--and as property they were equally divided between the little girl and the small boy. the little girl looked on with alert suspicion from the bed, for she was not yet convalescent enough to be allowed down on the floor. the small boy was busily reciting the phases of the fight, which now approached its climax, and the little girl evidently suspected that her monitor was destined to play the part of victim. "little boy. 'and then they steamed bang into the monitor.' "little girl. 'brother, don't you sink my monitor!' "little boy (without heeding and hurrying toward the climax). 'and the torpedo went at the monitor!' "little girl. 'my monitor is not to sink!' "little boy, dramatically; 'and bang the monitor sank!' "little girl. 'it didn't do any such thing. my monitor always goes to bed at seven, and it's now quarter past. my monitor was in bed and couldn't sink!'"[ ] [ ] "autobiography," p. . chapter xvi the great american death closes all; but something ere the end, some work of noble note, may yet be done.... tho' much is taken, much abides; and tho' we are not now that strength which in old days moved earth and heaven, that which we are, we are,-- one equal temper of heroic hearts, made weak by time and fate, but strong in will to strive, to seek, to find and not to yield. tennyson's _ulysses_. not many months after roosevelt came back from south america, the great war in europe broke out. it is but dreaming now to surmise what might have been done in those fearful days of july , when the german hordes were gathering for their attack upon the world. once before, and singlehanded, this country had made the german kaiser halt. had there been resolution in the white house in , could all the neutral nations have been rallied at our side, and could we have spoken in tones so decisive to the hun that he would have drawn back even then, have left belgium unravaged, and spared the world the misery of the next four years? it may be so; germany did not expect to have to take on england as an enemy. if she had been told, _so that there was no mistaking our meaning_, that she would have us against her as well, then it might have been her part to hesitate, and finally put back her sword. roosevelt supported the president at first, in his policy of neutrality, supposing him to have some special information. he supported him with hesitation, and with qualifications however, pointing out that neutrality is no proud position, and has many disadvantages. perhaps he had some inklings of the danger to the country when our foreign affairs are managed by pacifists. certainly america had noticed the grim fact that a government which forever talked about peace had in actual practice, shed more blood in a few hours at vera cruz than had been spilled in all the seven years while roosevelt was president. moreover, this blood was shed uselessly; no object whatever having been gained by it. it is impossible to understand roosevelt; it is impossible to get any idea of what he did during his term of office; it is impossible to learn anything from his career, unless we contrast him and his beliefs and actions with the conduct of our government during the great war. an object lesson of the most illuminating sort is afforded by this contrast, and we may make up our minds about the wisest paths to be followed in the future if we notice what roosevelt said and did at this time, how far and how wisely his counsel was accepted or rejected. he disapproved, for instance, president wilson's speech, made a day or two after the sinking of the _lusitania_ in which the president spoke of a nation being "too proud to fight." roosevelt said that a nation which announced itself as too proud to fight was usually about proud enough to be kicked; and it must be admitted that the germans took that view of it, and for a year and more continued to kick. he did not deem it wise, when president wilson informed the germans, ten days later, that we remembered the "humane attitude" of their government "in matters of international right," for he happened to recall that belgium was at that moment red with the blood of its citizens, slain by the germans in a sort of warfare that combined highway robbery with revolting murder. neither did it seem useful to him to speak about german influence as always "upon the side of justice and humanity." mr. roosevelt had always been strong for having the nation ready for war if war should come. mr. wilson first said that persons who believed this were nervous and excited. next he joined these persons himself, so far as words went, and finally he let the matter drop until we were at war. mr. roosevelt believed that when you once were at war it was a crime to "hit softly." mr. wilson waited until we had been at war a year and over, and then announced in a speech that he was determined to use force! mr. roosevelt wrote regularly for _the outlook_, later for the _metropolitan magazine_ and the _kansas city star_. thousands of his countrymen read his articles, and found in them the only expression of the american spirit which was being uttered. americans were puzzled, troubled and finally humiliated by the letters and speeches which came from washington. to be told that in this struggle between the blood-guilty hun, and the civilized nations of the earth, that we must keep even our minds impartial seemed an impossible command. school-boys throughout the country must have wondered why president wilson, with every means for getting information, should have to confess that he did not know what the war was about! and when mr. wilson declared in favor of a peace without victory, his friends and admirers were kept busy explaining, some of them, that he meant without victory for the allies, and others that he meant without victory for germany, and still others that he meant without victory for anybody in particular. it was not strange that americans began to wonder what country they were living in, and whether they had been mistaken in thinking that america had a heroic history, in which its citizens took pride. no wonder they turned their eyes to europe, where scores of young americans, sickening at the state of things at home, had eagerly volunteered to fight with france or england against the hun. one of these, named alan seeger, who wrote the fine poem "i have a rendezvous with death," died in battle on our independence day. he also wrote a poem called "a message to america."[ ] in it he said that america had once a leader: [ ] seeger. poems, pp. , . ... the man most fit to be called american. in it he spoke further of the same leader i have been too long from my country's shores to reckon what state of mind is yours, but as for myself i know right well i would go through fire and shot and shell and face new perils and make my bed in new privations, if _roosevelt_ led. one did not have to be long with the men who volunteered at the beginning of the war to know that roosevelt's spirit led these men, and that they looked to him and trusted him as the great american. the country's honor was safe in his hands, and no mawkish nor cowardly words ever came from his lips. he pointed out the folly of the pacifist type of public men, like mr. bryan and mr. ford. the latter, helpless as a butterfly in those iron years, led his quarreling group of pilgrims to europe, on his "peace ship," and then left them to their incessant fights with each other. the american public was quick to see the contrast, when war came, and roosevelt's four sons and son-in-law all volunteered, while mr. ford's son took advantage of some law and avoided military duty, in order to add more millions to his already enormous heap. the lesson of roosevelt's teaching and example was not lost, and the people recognized that the country would endure while it had men like the roosevelts, but that it would go down in infamy if the other sort became numerous. in the election of mr. roosevelt, after refusing the progressive nomination, supported mr. hughes, the republican, against president wilson. he tried hard to get mr. hughes to come out with some utterance which would put him plainly on record against the germans and pro-germans who were filling america with their poisonous schemes. for we continued to entertain german diplomats and agents (paymasters, as they were, of murderers and plotters of arson) and to run on germany's errands in various countries. the cry "he kept us out of war" was effectively used to reelect mr. wilson, although members of the government must have been thoroughly well aware that war was coming and coming soon. it had long been mr. roosevelt's hope that if war came he might be allowed to raise a division, as he had once helped to raise a regiment, and take them, after suitable training, to the front. he knew where he could put his hands on the men, regular army officers, ex-volunteers and rough riders of the spanish war, and other men of experience, who in turn could find other men, who could be made into soldiers, for they knew the important parts of a soldier's work, and could be trained quickly. but the war department and the president would have none of mr. roosevelt's services. the president replied that the high officers of the army advised him against it, which was undoubtedly true. it is also extremely likely that the high officers of the democratic party would advise against letting mr. roosevelt serve his country, as they still feared him, and still vainly hoped that they could lessen his influence with the american people. unlike president lincoln, who would gladly accept the services of any man who could serve the country, mr. wilson could work only with men who were personally pleasing, who thought as he did on all subjects. the officer of the army best known to european soldiers, and the one who trained one of the best divisions, was roosevelt's old commander, general leonard wood. but he, like a statesman, had been advising preparedness for years, and he was therefore displeasing to the politicians who only began to prepare after war was declared. america and the allies did not have the benefit of this distinguished officer's services in france. against the slothfulness of the government in these years, roosevelt voiced the true opinion of america. he did not merely criticize, for he offered his own services, and when he disapproved of what was being done, he pointed out what might be done by way of improvement. in spite of much condemnation of his course, his suggestions were nearly all adopted--six months or a year later. his offer to raise a division showed how many men were eager to fight, and spurred the government into action. the germans and their friends in this country, the peace-at-any-price folk who defended or apologized for the worst crimes of the germans, and all the band of disloyal persons who think that patriotism is something to be sneered at,--all these hated roosevelt with a deadly hatred. it was not a proud distinction to be numbered with these, and all who joined with them have made haste to forget the fact. in his own family, his eldest son, theodore roosevelt, jr., became first a major and later a lieutenant-colonel of infantry; kermit and archibald were both captains; and quentin was a lieutenant in the aviation force. his son-in-law, dr. richard derby, was a major in the medical corps. all of them sought active service, made every effort to get to the front, and succeeded. two of them were wounded, and quentin was killed in a battle in the air. the death of his youngest son was a terrible blow to him, but he would not wince. his son had been true to his teaching; he had dared the high fortune of battle. "you cannot bring up boys to be eagles," said he, "and expect them to act like sparrows!" some distinguished japanese visitors calling on mr. roosevelt at this time came away deeply affected. to them he recalled the samurai, with their noble traditions of utter self-sacrifice. throughout his life, but now as never before, he told his countrymen, there was no place in america for a divided loyalty. no german-americans, nor irish-americans, nor scotch-americans. he would have no man try to split even, and be a " - american." shortly after war had ended, he sent this message to a patriotic meeting: there must be no sagging back in the fight for americanism merely because the war is over. any man who says he is an american, but something else also, isn't an american at all. we have room for but one flag, the american flag, and this excludes the red flag, which symbolizes all wars against liberty and civilization, just as much as it excludes any foreign flag of a nation to which we are hostile. we have room for but one language here, and that is the english language, for we intended to see that the crucible turns our people out as americans, of american nationality, and not as dwellers in a polyglot boarding-house; and we have room for but one soul loyalty, and that is loyalty to the american people.[ ] [ ] hagedorn, p. . it was practically his last word to the country he had loved and served so well. that was on january , . years before, when he and his children had played together, he had told them a story about lions. some of the boys had been called the lion cubs, and henceforth their father was to them "the old lion." on the sixth of january, one of his sons, who was at home recovering from his wounds, sent a message to his brothers in france: the old lion is dead. he was buried in a small cemetery near his long island home. a plain grave-stone marks the place. to his grave have come a king and a prince and other men of great name from europe, to lay wreaths there, as they put them on the tombs of washington and lincoln. but what would have pleased him even more is that every sunday and holiday thousands of men, women and children who knew him, thousands who loved him, although they never saw him, men who fought at his side, and men who fought against him, go out to stand for a moment at his grave, because they know him now as a wise, brave, and patriotic american. printed in the united states of america * * * * * * transcriber's note: any image which split a paragraph was moved. two quoted sections were reformatted as block quotes. file was produced from scans of public domain material produced by microsoft for their live search books site.) [illustration: american boy's life of theodore roosevelt stratemeyer] [handwritten inscription: to elmer, a merry christmas from papa & mamma. ] american boys' life of theodore roosevelt edward stratemeyer's books old glory series _six volumes. cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ under dewey at manila. a young volunteer in cuba. fighting in cuban waters. under otis in the philippines. the campaign of the jungle. under macarthur in luzon. stratemeyer popular series _ten volumes. cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ the last cruise of the spitfire. reuben stone's discovery. true to himself. richard dare's venture. oliver bright's search. to alaska for gold. the young auctioneer. bound to be an electrician. shorthand tom, the reporter. fighting for his own. war and adventure stories _cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ on to pekin. between boer and briton. american boys' biographical series _cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ american boys' life of william mckinley. american boys' life of theodore roosevelt. colonial series _cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ with washington in the west. marching on niagara. at the fall of montreal. on the trail of pontiac. pan-american series _cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . ._ lost on the orinoco. the young volcano explorers. young explorers of the isthmus. young explorers of the amazon. great american industries series _cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . , net._ two young lumbermen. joe, the surveyor. _price, $ . _. larry, the wanderer. _price, $ . _. [illustration: colonel roosevelt at san juan hill] american boys' life of theodore roosevelt by edward stratemeyer author of "american boys' life of william mckinley," "with washington in the west," "old glory series," "pan-american series," "ship and shore series," etc. _illustrated from photographs and with frontispiece by charles copeland_ [illustration] boston lee and shepard published, august, . _copyright, , by lee and shepard._ _all rights reserved._ american boys' life of theodore roosevelt. norwood press j.s. cushing & co.--berwick & smith co. norwood, mass., u.s.a. preface the life of theodore roosevelt is one well worth studying by any american boy who wishes to make something of himself and mount high on the ladder of success. the twenty-sixth president of our country is a fine type of the true american of to-day, full of vim and vigor, quick to comprehend, and equally quick to act, not afraid to defend his opinions against all comers when satisfied that he is in the right, independent, and yet not lacking in fine social qualities, physically and morally courageous, and with a faith in himself and his god that is bound to make for good so long as he clings to it. theodore roosevelt comes from countless generations of fighting stock, both in this country and abroad. and yet as a youth the future hero of san juan hill was a delicate lad, and many fears were entertained that he might not live to manhood. but life in the open air, with judicious athletic exercise, accomplished wonders, and he became strong and hardy to an astonishing degree. the boyhood days of the future president were spent in new york city and at the family's country home, oyster bay, long island. from there he went to harvard college, from which he graduated with high honors. still somewhat delicate in health, he travelled in europe, studied for a short time at dresden, and took to climbing the alps and other noted mountains. his mind had gravitated toward literature, and he was writing a naval history of the war of when something prompted him to take up politics, and almost before he knew it he was elected a new york state assemblyman. he served in this capacity for three terms, and many are the stories told of how he fought against corruption first, last, and all the time. the death of his first wife and of his beloved mother were at this time a great blow to him, and leaving his one little daughter with relatives, he struck out for the great west, where, in the bad lands, so called, he located as ranchman and hunter, filling in his spare hours by studying and by writing on various outdoor subjects, works which have become decidedly popular, and which show well his gifts as an author and as an observer of nature. while still in great part a successful ranchman, he ran for mayor of new york and was defeated. he now devoted himself with increased energy to his literary labors until, soon after, he was appointed by president harrison a member of the civil service commission. he served on this commission with marked ability for six years, when he resigned to become police commissioner of new york city. theodore roosevelt's work as a police commissioner will not be readily forgotten. the whole tone of the service was at once raised, and for the first time in many years the metropolis had "dry" sundays, when every saloon in the city was tightly closed. this strict compliance with the law made him some enemies, but to these he paid no heed, for he was doing only his duty. when william mckinley was nominated for the presidency the first time, theodore roosevelt was one of his most enthusiastic supporters. upon the election of mckinley, john d. long was appointed secretary of the navy and theodore roosevelt became the first assistant secretary. ever since writing his naval history the newly appointed assistant had made a close study of naval matters, and now he applied himself with vigor to the duties of his office; and it was primarily through his efforts that when the war with spain came, our war-ships and our coast defences were in much better condition than they had been at any time previous in our history. with the outbreak of the war, theodore roosevelt resigned. "my duty here is done," he said. "my place is in the field." and without loss of time he and his intimate friend, dr. leonard wood, began the organization of that body of troops which was officially designated as the first united states volunteer cavalry, but which speedily became known everywhere as the rough riders,--a body as unique as the world has ever seen, being made up of men from all over the union, but principally from four territories, and including hunters, cowboys, soldiers of fortune, foot-ball and base-ball champions, college graduates, ex-policemen, with american, irish, dutch, german, mexican, and indian blood in their veins,--truly a remarkable collection, but every man and officer strong and hardy, full of courage, a good horseman, and a fine shot. from the very start, the rough riders were anxious to get into the fight, and the opportunity was not long in coming. from florida the command was transported to daiquiri, on the southern coast of cuba, and then began the advance upon the city of santiago, which brought on the engagement at la guasima, followed by the thrilling battle of san juan hill, in which the rough riders distinguished themselves in a manner that will never be forgotten. in the very thickest of this fight was colonel roosevelt, urging his men forward to victory, regardless of the shot and shell falling upon all sides. a hero truly, and such heroes are not forgotten. upon the close of the war theodore roosevelt thought to retire to private life, but this was not to be. arriving at new york, he was hailed with delight by thousands, and at the next election was made governor of the empire state. as governor he made friends in both of the leading political parties by his straightforwardness and his sterling honesty. men might differ with him politically, but they could never accuse him of doing that which he himself did not firmly believe was right. his term as governor had not yet expired when president mckinley was nominated for a second term. again the people at large clamored for roosevelt, and against his earnest protestations he was forced to accept the nomination for the vice-presidency. he was elected, and at the proper time took his seat as presiding officer of the senate. it was at this time a blow fell upon our nation from which we have scarcely yet recovered. president mckinley was struck down by the cowardly hand of an assassin. the vice-president was at this time off on one of his favorite outings, but with all possible speed he came back and was sworn in as president. it was a great responsibility, and many feared that great changes in our government might result. but the fears proved groundless. young as he was,--and he is the youngest of all of our presidents,--he took upon himself the duty of carrying out the intentions of his predecessor, and proving to the world once again that, even though a president die, "the government at washington still lives." there is another side to the character of our president which must not be overlooked. he is of strong religious convictions and a member of the dutch reformed church. it is seldom that he is given to preaching, but when he does his words have a sincerity that proves much for the foundation of his character. he stands for what is honest and upright in political and private life, and although, being but human, he may make mistakes, he remains a chief magistrate well deserving the highest honors our nation can bestow. edward stratemeyer. may , . contents chapter i page birthplace and ancestry of theodore roosevelt--his father's philanthropy--city and country home--days at school--religious training. chapter ii nicknamed teddy--goes to harvard college--member of many clubs--death of mr. roosevelt--anecdotes of college life chapter iii marries miss alice lee--travels in europe--bold mountain climbing--elected to the assembly--personal encounter with the enemy chapter iv theodore roosevelt and governor cleveland--good work as an assemblyman--some measures pushed through--birth of alice roosevelt--death of mr. roosevelt's mother chapter v theodore roosevelt as a ranchman and hunter in the bad lands--bringing down his first buffalo--rattlesnakes and a wild goose chapter vi grouse and other small game--the scotchman and the skunk--caught in a hailstorm on the prairie--bringing down black-tail deer chapter vii runs for mayor of new york city--marriage to edith kermit carew--hunting in the bighorn mountains--a wild chase after three elk chapter viii bringing down a grizzly bear--back to new york--appointed a civil service commissioner--the work of the commission chapter ix a trip to the shoshone mountains--caught in a driving snowstorm--back to work--resignation as civil service commissioner chapter x appointed police commissioner of new york city--corruptness of the department--strenuous endeavors to make matters better--a "dry" sunday--enforcing the tenement house law and other measures chapter xi appointed first assistant secretary of the navy--the condition of affairs in cuba--preparing for war--theodore roosevelt's resolve chapter xii destruction of the _maine_--dewey's victory--theodore roosevelt becomes a soldier--organizing the rough riders--various men in the command chapter xiii in camp at tampa--to port tampa in coal cars--theodore roosevelt's quick move to obtain a transport--the wait in the harbor--off for cuba at last chapter xiv life on the transport--the landing at daiquiri--the march to siboney--the trail through the jungle--the skirmish at la guasima chapter xv along the jungle trail--fording the river--opening of the battle of san juan hill--bravery of the rough riders--personal experiences of theodore roosevelt during the battle chapter xvi results of the fight--life in the trenches--the spanish fleet in santiago harbor--another great naval victory--the rough riders and the spanish guerillas chapter xvii devotion of the rough riders to theodore roosevelt--his kindness to his men--last of the fighting--the truce and treaty of peace chapter xviii last days in cuba--the departure for home--arrival at montauk--caring for the sick and wounded--presentation to theodore roosevelt by his men--mustering out of the rough riders chapter xix nominated for governor of new york--a rough rider way of campaigning--elected governor--important work at albany--the homestead at oyster bay--chopping down a tree for exercise chapter xx great reception to admiral dewey--governor roosevelt's increased popularity--last annual message as governor--visit to chicago--remarkable speech on the strenuous life chapter xxi the convention at philadelphia--theodore roosevelt seconds the nomination of william mckinley--becomes candidate for the vice-presidency--remarkable tours through many states chapter xxii elected vice-president of the united states--presides over the senate--tax upon theodore roosevelt's strength--starts on another grand hunting tour chapter xxiii the roosevelt family in the adirondacks--the pan-american exposition at buffalo--shooting of president mckinley--the vice-president's visit--death of the president chapter xxiv theodore roosevelt's tramp up mount marcy--a message of importance--wild midnight ride through the mountains--on the special trains from north creek to buffalo chapter xxv takes the oath as president--the new chief magistrate at the funeral of president mckinley--at the white house--how the first real working day was spent chapter xxvi continuing the work begun by president mckinley--the panama canal agitation--visit of prince henry of prussia--the president at the charleston exposition chapter xxvii destruction at st. pierre--american aid--the great coal strike--president roosevelt ends the difficulty--tour through new england--the trolley accident in the berkshires--a providential escape from death chapter xxviii new offices at the white house--sends a wireless message to king edward of england--end of the trouble in venezuela--the canadian boundary dispute--beginning of a trip to the west--in yellowstone park chapter xxix dedication of the fair buildings at st. louis--continuation of the trip to san francisco--up in the far northwest--back in washington--the post-office scandals--the new republic of panama--a canal at last--proclamation regarding the war between japan and russia--opening of the great fair chapter xxx personal characteristics of theodore roosevelt--the president's family--life at the white house--our country and its future appendix a. brief extracts from famous addresses delivered by theodore roosevelt b. list of theodore roosevelt's writings c. chronology of the life of theodore roosevelt from to illustrations colonel roosevelt at san juan hill _frontispiece_ facing page theodore roosevelt's birthplace house in which theodore roosevelt roomed while at harvard theodore roosevelt at graduation, miss alice lee roosevelt edith kermit roosevelt theodore roosevelt as a rough rider colonel roosevelt at montauk point the roosevelt homestead at oyster bay theodore roosevelt president mckinley and vice-president roosevelt president roosevelt at his desk the white house, showing new offices president roosevelt and cabinet, president roosevelt speaking at the unveiling of the statue of general sherman president roosevelt and his family american boys' life of theodore roosevelt chapter i birthplace and ancestry of theodore roosevelt--his father's philanthropy--city and country home--days at school--religious training "our country calls not for the life of ease, but for the life of strenuous endeavor. the twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations. if we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world. let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods. above all, let us not shrink from strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided that we are certain that the strife is justified; for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall ultimately win the goal of true national greatness." these words, taken from president roosevelt's remarkable speech on "the strenuous life," show well the character of the man, his lofty ideals, his sterling courage, his absolute honesty, and unwavering patriotism. he is a typical american in the best sense of the word, and his life is worthy of careful study. from it american boys of to-day, and in generations to come, may gain lessons that will do them much good. theodore roosevelt, the twenty-sixth president of our country, was born in new york city, october , . the place of his birth was the old family mansion at east twentieth street, in a neighborhood which, at that time, was the abode of wealth and culture. the building is one of a row, of a type to be seen in hundreds of other places, of brick and stone, four stories and a basement high, the upper floor being an attic. a heavy railing runs from in front of the basement up the broad front steps to the doorway. inside, the rooms are large and comfortably arranged, and there was, in those days, quite a nice garden in the rear. [illustration: theodore roosevelt's birthplace. e. th street, new york city.] it can truthfully be said that theodore roosevelt comes from a race of soldiers and statesmen, and that dutch, scotch, french, and irish blood flows in his veins. this being so, it is no wonder that, when the spanish-american war broke out, he closed his desk as assistant secretary of the navy, saying, "my duty here is done; my place is in the field," and went forth to win glory on the battle-field of san juan hill. five generations of roosevelts lived in or near new york previous to the birth of theodore roosevelt, the father of the president, in . nearly all were well-to-do, and many served the city and the state as aldermen and members of the legislature. during the revolution they followed under washington's banner, and their purses were wide open to further the cause of independence. theodore roosevelt the elder was a merchant and banker; a man broad in his views and filled with the spirit of genuine philanthropy. he founded one of the hospitals of the city and was at one time chairman of the state board of charities. a story is told of him which is probably true. one day charles loring brace came to him for financial assistance in establishing homes for the little waifs of the city. "i will see what i can do," said mr. roosevelt. "but you know that just at present i am busy with other charitable works." "i know that," said mr. brace. "but what i ask for is very much needed. the waifs and poor, homeless newsboys have no shelter." the next day, when returning from the establishment in which he was a partner, mr. roosevelt came upon a newsboy sitting on a doorstep, crying bitterly. "what is the matter, my little man?" he asked. "i lost me money; it dropped down into de sewer hole!" sobbed the ragged urchin. "every cent of it is gone." mr. roosevelt questioned the lad and found out that the boy had no home and that his only relative was a longshoreman who was hardly ever sober. he gave the lad some money to replace the amount lost, and the next day sent word to mr. brace that he would do all he possibly could toward establishing the waifs' shelters that were so much needed. the newsboys' lodging house of new york city is one of the results of mr. roosevelt's practical charities. he also did much to give criminals a helping hand when they came from prison, stating that that was the one time in their lives when they most needed help, for fear they might slip back into their previous bad habits. in theodore roosevelt the elder married miss martha bullock, of roswell, cobb county, georgia. miss bullock was the daughter of major james s. bullock and a direct descendant of archibald bullock, the first governor of georgia. it will thus be seen that the future president had both northern and southern blood in his make-up, and it may be added here that during the terrible civil war his relatives were to be found both in the union and the confederate ranks. mrs. roosevelt was a strong southern sympathizer, and when a certain gathering, during the civil war, was in progress at the roosevelt city home, she insisted upon displaying a confederate flag at one of the windows. "i am afraid it will make trouble," said mr. roosevelt; and he was right. soon a mob began to gather in the street, clamoring that the flag be taken down. "i shall not take it down," said mrs. roosevelt, bravely. "the room is mine, and the flag is mine. i love it, and nobody shall touch it. explain to the crowd that i am a southern woman and that i love my country." there being no help for it, mr. roosevelt went to the front door and explained matters as best he could. a few in the crowd grumbled, but when mrs. roosevelt came to the window and looked down on the gathering, one after another the men went away, and she and her flag remained unmolested. theodore roosevelt, the future president, was one of a family of four. he had a brother elliott and two sisters. his brother was several years younger than himself, but much more robust, and would probably have lived many years and have distinguished himself, had he not met death in a railroad accident while still a young man. in the years when theodore roosevelt was a boy, new york city was not what it is to-day. the neighborhood in which he lived was, as i have already mentioned, a fashionable one, and the same may be said of many other spots near to union square, where tall business blocks were yet unknown. the boys and girls loved to play in the little park and on the avenue, and here it was that the rather delicate schoolboy grew to know edith carew, who lived in fourteenth street and who was his school companion. little did they dream in those days, as they played together, that one day he would be president and she his loving wife, the mistress of the white house. mr. roosevelt was a firm believer in public institutions, and he did not hesitate to send his children to the public schools, especially his boys, that they might come in direct personal contact with the great outside world. so to a near-by institution of learning theodore and elliott trudged day after day, with their school-books under their arms, just as thousands of other schoolboys are doing to-day. but in those days there were few experiments being tried in the schools, and manual training and the like were unknown. the boys were well grounded in reading, writing, and arithmetic, as well as spelling, history, and geography, and there was great excitement when a "spelling-bee" was in progress, to see who could spell the rest of the class or the gathering down. it is said upon good authority that theodore roosevelt was a model scholar from the start. he loved to read cooper's "leatherstocking tales," and works of travel, and preferred books above anything else. but when he found that constant studying was ruining his constitution, he determined to build himself up physically as well as mentally. in the summer time the family often went to the old roosevelt "out of town" mansion on long island. this was called "tranquillity," a fine large place near oyster bay, set in a grove of beautiful trees. the journey to "tranquillity" was in those days a tedious one, but the roosevelt children did not mind it, and once at the old place they were certain of a good time so long as their vacation lasted. here it was that theodore roosevelt learned to ride on horseback and how to handle a gun. and here, too, the boys would go boating, fishing, and bathing, to their hearts' content. mr. theodore roosevelt the elder was a member of the dutch reformed church, and the religious teaching of his children was not neglected. at an early age the future president became a member of that denomination and has remained a member ever since. the church was on the east side, and had high-backed pews, and here were delivered sermons that were as long as they were full of strength and wisdom. that these sermons had their full effect upon the future president is shown by his addresses delivered before the young men's christian association of new york city and a church community of the west, years later. in addressing the young men's christian association mr. roosevelt, who was then governor of the state, said:-- "the vice of envy is not only dangerous, but also a mean vice, for it is always a confession of inferiority. it may provoke conduct which will be fruitful of wrong to others; and it must cause misery to the man who feels it. it will not be any the less fruitful of wrong and misery if, as is often the case with evil motives, it adopts some high-sounding alias. the truth is, gentlemen, that each one of us has in him certain passions and instincts which, if they gain the upper hand in his soul, would mean that the wild beast had come uppermost in him. envy, malice, and hatred are such passions, and they are just as bad if directed against a class or group of men as if directed against an individual." golden words, well worth remembering. a person who believes in them with all his heart cannot go far wrong in his actions, no matter what his station in life. chapter ii nicknamed teddy--goes to harvard college--member of many clubs--death of mr. roosevelt--anecdotes of college life the instincts of the hunter must have been born in theodore roosevelt. his first gun was given to him when he was ten years of age, and for the time being his books and his studies were forgotten, and he devoted his whole time and attention to shooting at a target set up in the garden of the country home and in going out with the older folks after such small game as were to be found in that vicinity. the horses on the place were his pets, and he knew the peculiarities of each as well as did the man who cared for them. riding and driving came to him as naturally as breathing, and the fact that a steed was mettlesome did not daunt him. "my father often drove four-in-hand," he has said. "i liked very much to go with him, and i liked to drive, too." theodore roosevelt's schoolboy days were not far out of the ordinary. he studied hard, and if he failed in a lesson he did his best to make it up the next time. it is well said that there is no royal road to learning, and even a future president must study just as hard as his classmates if he wants to keep up with them. sometimes he was absent from school on account of sickness, and then it was a sharp struggle to keep from dropping behind. "in those days nobody expected teddy roosevelt to amount to a great deal," some one has said. "he was thin, pale, and delicate, and suffered with his eyes. but he pulled through, and when he took to athletics, it was wonderful how he got stronger." by his intimate companions, and indeed by nearly everybody who knew him, he was called teddy, and this nickname clung to him when he went forth into the great world to become a governor and a president. how the nickname came first into use is not known. since those schoolboy days mr. roosevelt has been asked this question:-- "what did you expect to be, or dream of being, when you were a boy?" "i do not recollect that i dreamed at all or planned at all," was the answer. "i simply obeyed the injunction, 'whatever thy hand findeth to do, do that with all thy might,' and so i took up what came along as it came." in , while the great centennial exhibition was being held at philadelphia in commemoration of one hundred years of national liberty, theodore roosevelt took up his residence at cambridge, massachusetts, and became a student at harvard college. during the previous year his health had been poor indeed, but now he had taken hold of himself in earnest. "i determined to be strong and well, and did everything to make myself so," he has said. "by the time i entered harvard i was able to take part in whatever sports i liked." as perhaps some of my readers know, harvard college (now termed a university) is the oldest and largest institution of learning in the united states. it was founded in , and among its graduates numbered john quincy adams, sixth president of our country. the college proper is located in cambridge, but some of the attached schools are in boston. theodore roosevelt was rich enough to have lived in elegant style while at harvard, but he preferred unostentatious quarters, and took two rooms in the home of benj. h. richardson, at what was then no. and is now no. winthrop street. the residence is a neat and comfortable one, standing on the southwest corner of winthrop and holyoke streets. the young student had two rooms on the second floor,--one of good size, used for a study, and a small bedroom. in the whole four years he was at the college he occupied these rooms, and he spent a great deal of time in fixing them up to suit his own peculiar taste. on the walls were all sorts of pictures and photographs, along with foils and boxing-gloves, and the horns of wild animals. on a shelf rested some birds which he had himself stuffed, and books were everywhere. [illustration: house in which theodore roosevelt roomed while at harvard.] "it was a regular den, and typical of roosevelt to the last degree," a student of those times has said. "he had his gun there and his fishing rod, and often spoke of using them. he was noted for trying to get at the bottom of things, and i remember him well on one occasion when i found him with a stuffed bird in one hand and a natural history in the other, trying to decide if the description in the volume covered the specimen before him." when roosevelt graduated from college, he was one of a very few that took honors, and the subject of his essay was natural history. how his love of natural history continued will be shown later when we see him as a ranchman and hunter of the west. theodore roosevelt had decided to make the most of himself, and while at harvard scarcely a moment was wasted. if he was not studying, he was in the gymnasium or on the field, doing what he could to make himself strong. he was a firm believer in the saying that a sound body makes a sound mind, and he speedily became a good boxer, wrestler, jumper, and runner. he wrestled a great deal, and of this sport says:-- "i enjoyed it immensely and never injured myself. i think i was a good deal of a wrestler, and though i never won a championship, yet more than once i won my trial heats and got into the final rounds." at running he was equally good. "i remember once we had a stiff run out into the country," said a fellow-student. "roosevelt was behind at the start, but when all of the others got played out he forged ahead, and in the end he beat us by several minutes. but he never bragged about it. you see, it wasn't his style." with all his other sports, and his studying, the young collegian did not give up his love for driving. he had a good horse and a fancy cart,--one of the elevated sort with large wheels,--and in this turnout he was seen many a day, driving wherever it pleased him to go. sometimes he would get on the road with other students, and then there was bound to be more or less racing. with a strong love for natural history it was not surprising that he joined the natural history club of the college, and of this he was one of the most active members. he also joined the athletic association, of which he was a steward, and the art club, the rifle corps, the o.k. society, and the finance club. in his senior year he became a member of the porcellian club, the hasty pudding, and the alpha delta phi club, and also one of the editors of a college paper called the _advocate_. on sundays he taught a class of boys, first in a mission school, and then in a congregational sunday school. it was a life full of planning, full of study, and full of work, and it suited theodore roosevelt to the last degree. as he grew older his love of natural history was supplemented by a love for the history of nations, and particularly by a love of the history of his own country. the war of interested him intensely, and before he graduated he laid plans for writing a history of this war, which should go into all the details of the memorable naval conflicts. it was while in his third year at harvard that theodore roosevelt suffered the first heavy affliction of his life. on february , , his father died. it was a cruel blow to the family, and one from which the faithful wife scarcely recovered. the son at harvard felt his loss greatly, and it was some time before he felt able to resume his studies. the elder roosevelt's work as a philanthropist was well known, and many gathered at his bier to do him honor, while the public journals were filled with eulogies of the man. the poor mourned bitterly that he was gone, and even the newsboys were filled with regret over his taking away. in speaking of his parent, president roosevelt once said: "i can remember seeing him going down broadway, staid and respectable business man that he was, with a poor sick kitten in his coat pocket, which he had picked up in the street." such a man could not but have a heart overflowing with goodness. while at college theodore roosevelt often showed that self-reliance for which he has since become famous. to every study that he took up he applied himself closely, and if he was not at the head of the class, he was by no means near the foot. when he was sure of a thing, no amount of argument could convince him that he was wrong, and he did not hesitate at times to enter into a discussion even with some of the professors over him. although a close student, and also a good all-round athlete, theodore roosevelt did not forget his social opportunities. boston was but a short distance from his rooms in cambridge, and thither he often went to visit the people he had met or to whom he had letters of introduction. he was always welcome, for his manner was a winning one, and he usually had something to tell that was of interest--something of what he had seen or done, of the next foot-ball or base-ball game, of the coming boat races, of his driving or exploring, or of how he had added a new stuffed bird to his collection, or a new lizard, and of how a far-away friend had sent him a big turtle as a souvenir of an ocean trip in the south seas. there is a story that this big turtle got loose one night and alarmed the entire household by crawling through the hallway, looking for a pond or mud-hole in which to wallow. at first the turtle was mistaken for a burglar, but he soon revealed himself by his angry snapping, and it was hard work making him a prisoner once more. chapter iii marries miss alice lee--travels in europe--bold mountain-climbing--studying law in new york--elected to the assembly--personal encounter with the enemy it was a proud and happy day for theodore roosevelt when, in the summer of , he was graduated from harvard. he took scholarly as well as social honors, and came forth a phi beta kappa man. his fellow-students wished him well, and his family greeted him most affectionately. yet with it all there was just a bit of melancholy in this breaking away from a place that had been as a second home to him for four long years. the students were scattering to the four points of the compass, and he might never see some of them again. but others were there whom he was to meet later, and who were destined to march under him up the bullet-swept slopes of san juan in far-away cuba. but at that time there was no thought of war and carnage, only good-fellowship, with addresses and orations, music, flying flags, and huge bonfires and fireworks at night. happy college days were they, never to be forgotten. [illustration: theodore roosevelt at graduation, .] while a student at harvard, theodore roosevelt had become intimately acquainted with miss alice lee, of boston, a beautiful girl who was a member of an aristocratic family of that city. the young college student was a frequent visitor at the home of the lees, and on september , , the two were married. it had been decided that theodore roosevelt should travel in europe after graduating. his father had left the family well provided for, so there was no rush to get into something whereby a living might be earned. yet theodore roosevelt had long since determined not to be an idler. he would travel and improve his mind, and then settle down to that for which he seemed best fitted. to europe then he went, accompanied by his bride, to study a little and to visit the art galleries and museums, the palaces of kings and queens, and the many great cities of that continent. he travelled through italy, switzerland, germany, france, and the british isles, taking note of everything he saw and comparing it with what he had seen in his own country. when in lower europe, the spirit of adventure seized him, and he climbed those lofty mountains of the alps, the jungfrau and the matterhorn, and for those deeds of daring was made a member of the alpine club of london. it may be mentioned here that climbing the mountains mentioned is a very difficult feat, and that more than one traveller has lost his life in such attempts. the peaks are covered with snow and ice; the path from one cliff to the next is narrow and uncertain, and a fall into some dark and fearful hollow usually means death. but the danger only urged theodore roosevelt on, and added zest to the undertaking. he was intensely interested in all he saw, both in europe proper and in the british isles, but wrote that he was glad to get back home again, among his own people. to him there was no country like america, the land of _golden opportunity_, as one of our most noted writers has called it. in europe there was more or less a lack of personal liberty; here a man could try to make what he pleased of himself, be it cobbler or president. the young college graduate had an uncle in new york, named robert b. roosevelt, who was a well-known lawyer. on his return to this country theodore roosevelt entered his uncle's office, and likewise took up the study of law at columbia university, attending the lectures given by professor dwight. here again his search after what he termed "bottom facts" came to light, and he is well remembered as a member of the law class because of the way he frequently asked questions and called for explanations--accepting nothing as a fact until it was perfectly clear in his own mind. the interruptions did not always suit the professor or the other students, yet they were often the means of clearing up a point that was hazy to many others who had not the courage to thrust forth their inquiries as did theodore roosevelt. "he wants to know it all," said one student, in disgust. "well, never mind; i wish i knew it all," answered another. "i guess he knows what he is doing." and in this he was right; theodore roosevelt knew exactly what he was trying to accomplish. the young man was now twenty-three years of age, broad-shouldered, and in much better health than ever before. he had not abandoned his athletic training, and would often run out to the old home at oyster bay for a tramp into the woods or on a hunting tour. while still studying law, theodore roosevelt entered politics by taking an active part in a republican primary. he lived in the twenty-third assembly district of the state. the district included a great number of rich and influential citizens, and on that account was called the "diamond back district." "let us put up young roosevelt for assembly," said one of the politicians. "he's a clever fellow." "that may be," said another. "but i don't know that we can manage him. he seems a fellow who wants his own way." "yes, he'll want his own way, but i reckon that way will be the right way," put in a third speaker. no sooner had theodore roosevelt's name been mentioned as a possible candidate than there was a storm of opposition from some politicians who had in the past ruled the district with a rod of iron. it was a republican district, so that the contest for the place was entirely in the primary. "if he is nominated and elected, our power will be gone," they told themselves; and set to work without delay to throw the nomination into the hands of somebody else. theodore roosevelt suspected what was going on, but he said nothing to those who opposed him. with his friends he was very frank, and told them that if he was nominated he would do his best to win the election and serve them honestly in the legislature. his open-heartedness won him many friends, and when the primary was held, those who had opposed him were chagrined to see him win the nomination with votes to spare. some at once predicted that he would not be elected. "those who opposed him at the primary will not vote for him," they said. "they would rather help the democrats." but this prediction proved false. at the election theodore roosevelt was elected with a good majority. it was his first battle in the political arena and if he felt proud over it, who can blame him? the state capitol of new york is, as my young readers must know, at albany, on the upper hudson, and hither the young assemblyman journeyed. the assemblymen poured in from all over the state, and were made up of all sorts and conditions of men, including bankers, farmers, merchants, contractors, liquor dealers, and even prize-fighters. many of these men were thoroughly honest, but there were others who were there for gain only, and who cared little for the passing of just laws. the party to which theodore roosevelt belonged was in the minority, so that the young assemblyman found he would have to struggle hard if he expected to be heard at all. but the thoughts of such a struggle only put him on his mettle, and he plunged in with a vigor that astonished his opponents and caused great delight to his friends. "he is fearless," said one who had voted for him. "he will make things warm for those who don't want to act on the square." and he certainly did make it warm, until a certain class grew to fear and hate him to such a degree that they plotted to do him bodily harm. "he has got to learn that he must mind his own business," was the way one of these corruptionists reasoned. "but what can we do?" asked another. "he's as sharp on the floor of the assembly as a steel trap." "we'll get stubby to brush up against him," said a third. stubby was a bar-room loafer who had been at one time something of a pugilist. he was a thoroughly unprincipled fellow, and it was known that he would do almost anything for money. "sure, i'll fix him," said stubby. "you just leave him to me and see how i polish him off." the corruptionists and their tool met at the delavan house, an old-fashioned hotel at which politicians in and around the capital were wont to congregate, and waited for the young assemblyman. roosevelt was not long in putting in an appearance and was soon in deep discussion with some friends. "watch him, stubby," said one of the young assemblyman's enemies. "don't let him get away from you to-night." "i have me eye on him," answered stubby. roosevelt was on the way to the buffet of the hotel when the crowd, with stubby in front, pushed against him rudely. the young assemblyman stepped back and viewed those before him fearlessly. "say, what do yer mean, running into me that way?" demanded stubby, insolently. as he spoke he aimed a savage blow at theodore roosevelt. but the young assemblyman had not forgotten how to box, and he dodged with an agility that was astonishing. "this fellow needs to be taught a lesson," theodore roosevelt told himself, and then and there he proceeded to administer the lesson in a manner that stubby never forgot. he went down flat on his back, and when he got up, he went down again, with a bleeding nose and one eye all but closed. seeing this, several leaped in to his assistance, but it was an ill-fated move, for roosevelt turned on them also, and down they went, too; and then the encounter came to an end, with theodore roosevelt the victor. "and that wasn't the end of it," said one, who witnessed the affair. "after it was over young roosevelt was as smiling as ever. he walked straight over to some of his enemies who had been watching the mix-up from a distance and told them very plainly that he knew how the attack had originated, and he was much obliged to them, for he hadn't enjoyed himself so much for a year. phew! but weren't those fellows mad! and wasn't stubby mad when he learned that they had set him against one of the best boxers harvard ever turned out? but after that you can make sure they treated roosevelt with respect and gave him a wide berth." chapter iv theodore roosevelt and governor cleveland--good work as an assemblyman--some measures pushed through--birth of alice roosevelt--death of mr. roosevelt's mother the career of an assemblyman is not generally an interesting one, but mr. roosevelt managed to extract not a little pleasure and also some profit from it. the experience was just what he needed to fit himself for the larger positions he was, later on, to occupy. one happening is of peculiar interest to note. while theodore roosevelt was a member of the assembly, grover cleveland became governor of the state. mr. cleveland was a democrat, while mr. roosevelt was a republican, yet the two future presidents of the united states became warm friends,--a friendship that has endured to the present day. it is said that the friendship started in rather a peculiar manner. there was at the time a measure before the assembly to reduce the fare of the elevated roads in new york city from ten cents to five cents. after a great deal of talking, the bill passed the assembly and then the senate, and went to the governor for his signature. much to the surprise of the general public governor cleveland vetoed the bill, stating that when the capitalists had built the elevated roads they had understood that the fare was to be ten cents, and that it was not right to deprive them of their profits. at once those who wanted the measure to become a law decided to pass it over the governor's head. when this attempt was made, theodore roosevelt got up boldly and said he could not again vote for the bill--that he was satisfied that governor cleveland's view of the matter was correct. "these people would not have put their money in the elevated railroads had they not been assured that the fare was to be ten cents," said he. "we are under obligation to them, and we must keep our promises." and so the bill fell through. it was not in itself right that the fare should be ten cents, and it has long since been reduced to five cents, but it shows that theodore roosevelt was bound to do what was right and just, according to the dictates of his own conscience, and this won for him many friends, even among those who had opposed him politically. in a work of this kind, intended mainly for the use of young people, it is not necessary to do more than glance at the work which theodore roosevelt accomplished while a member of the new york assembly. he made a close study of the various political offices of new york county and discovered that many office-holders were drawing large sums of money in the shape of fees for which they were doing hardly any work. this he considered unfair, and by dint of hard labor helped to pass a law placing such offices on the salary list, making a saving to the county of probably half a million dollars a year. one of the best things done by theodore roosevelt at that time was the support given by him to a civil service law for the state. up to that time office-holding was largely in the hands of the party which happened to be in power. "this is all wrong," said the young assemblyman. "a clerk or anybody else doing his duty faithfully should not be thrown out as soon as there is a political change." the new law was passed, and this was the beginning of what is commonly called the merit system, whereby a large number of those who work for the state are judged solely by their capabilities and not by their political beliefs. this system has since been extended to other states and also to office-holding under the national government. another important measure pushed through the assembly by theodore roosevelt was what was known as the edson charter for new york city, giving to the mayor certain rights which in the past had rested in the board of aldermen. this measure was defeated during roosevelt's second term of office, but in he pressed it with such force that it overcame all opposition and became a law. many have considered this victory his very best work. by those who knew him at this time he is described as having almost a boyish figure, frank face, clear, penetrating eyes, and a smile of good-natured friendship and dry humor. when he talked it was with an earnestness that could not be mistaken. by those who were especially bitter against him he was sometimes called a dude and a silk stocking, but to these insinuations he paid no attention, and after the encounter at the delavan house his opponents were decidedly more careful as to how they addressed him. "take him all the way through he was generally even tempered," one has said who met him at that time. "but occasionally there was a flash from his eye that made his opponent draw back in quick order. he would stand a good deal, but there were some things he wouldn't take, and they knew it. one thing is certain, after he was in the assembly for a few months everybody knew perfectly that to come to him with any bill that was the least bit shady was a waste of time and effort. roosevelt wouldn't stand for it a minute." in those days theodore roosevelt did not give up his habits of athletic exercise, and nearly every day he could be seen taking long walks in the country around albany. in the meantime his "naval war of " was well under way, but he could spare only a few hours occasionally to complete his manuscript. his married life had thus far been a happy one, and its joy was greatly increased by the birth of his daughter alice. as will be seen later, mr. roosevelt is what is called a family man, and he took great comfort in this new addition to his little household. but his happiness was short-lived, for in , when the daughter was but a baby, the beloved wife died, and the little one had to be given over to the care of the grandparents in boston. not many months later mr. roosevelt's mother died also, heaping additional sorrow upon his head. with the conclusion of his third term in the assembly theodore roosevelt's work as a member of that body came to an end. if he had made some enemies, he had made more friends, and he was known as an ardent supporter of reform in all branches of politics. in recognition of his ability he was chosen as a delegate-at-large to the republican convention brought together to nominate a candidate to succeed president arthur. at that time james g. blaine from maine had served many years in the united states senate, and it was thought that he would surely be both nominated and elected. but many were opposed to blaine, thinking he would not support such reform measures as they wished to see advanced, and among this number was theodore roosevelt. "we must nominate mr. edmunds," said the young delegate-at-large, and did his best for the gentleman in question. "it cannot be done," said another delegate. the convention met at exposition hall in chicago, and mr. roosevelt was placed on the committee on resolutions. it was a stormy convention, and ballot after ballot had to be taken before a nomination could be secured. blaine led from the start, with senator edmunds a fairly close second. "if blaine is nominated, he will be defeated," said more than one. at last came the deciding vote, and james g. blaine was put up at the head of the ticket, with john a. logan for vice-president. at once blaine clubs were organized all over the country, and the republican party did all in its power to elect its candidate. he was called the plumed knight, and many political clubs wore plumes in his honor when on parade. in the meantime the democrats had nominated grover cleveland. the fight was exceedingly bitter up to the very evening of election day. when the votes were counted, it was found that blaine had been defeated by a large majority, and that grover cleveland, roosevelt's old friend, had won the highest gift in the hands of the nation. his work at the convention in chicago was theodore roosevelt's first entrance into national affairs, and his speeches on that occasion will not be readily forgotten. it was here that he came into contact with william mckinley, with whom, sixteen years later, he was to run on the same ticket. the records of that convention show that on one occasion mckinley spoke directly after roosevelt. thus were these two drawn together at that early day without knowing or dreaming that one was to succeed the other to the presidency. but though theodore roosevelt was disappointed over the nomination made at chicago, he did not desert his party. instead he did all he could to lead them to victory, until the death of his mother caused him to withdraw temporarily from public affairs. [illustration: signature: alice lee roosevelt] chapter v theodore roosevelt as a ranchman and hunter in the bad lands--bringing down his first buffalo--rattlesnakes, and a wild goose theodore roosevelt had now published his "naval history of the war of ," and it had created a decidedly favorable opinion among those critics who were best able to judge of the production. it is an authoritative work, and is to-day in the library of nearly every american war-ship afloat, as well as in numerous government libraries in this country, as at washington, west point, and annapolis, and also in leading libraries of england. being out of politics the young author thought of taking up his pen once more. but he was restless by nature, and the loss of his wife and his mother still weighed heavily upon him. so he took himself to the west, to where the little missouri river flows in winding form through what are called the bad lands of north dakota. here, on the edge of the cattle country, theodore roosevelt had become possessed of two ranches, one called the elkhorn and the other chimney butte. both were located by the river, which during the dry season was hardly of any depth at all, but which during the heavy rains, or during the spring freshets, became a roaring torrent. at one of these ranches theodore roosevelt settled down for the time being, to rough it in hunting and raising cattle. when the weather would not permit of his going abroad, or when the mood of the author seized him, he wrote. as a result of these experiences he has given us a delightful work called "the hunting trips of a ranchman," first published in , giving his adventures among the cattle and while on the hunt, sometimes alone and sometimes in company with the rude but honest cow punchers and plainsmen who surrounded him. mr. roosevelt has described the ranch at which he lived for the greater part of his time as a long, low, story-high house of hewn logs, clean and neat, and with many rooms. it faced the river, and in front was a long, low veranda, where one might idle on a clear, warm day to his heart's content. inside, the main room contained a shelf full of the owner's favorite outdoor books and the walls half-a-dozen pet pictures. rifles and shot-guns stood handy in corners, and on pegs and deer horns hung overcoats of wolf or coon skin and gloves of otter or beaver. that theodore roosevelt was a close observer of all that occurred around him is proved by his writings. with great minuteness he has described his life at the ranch home and while in the saddle, both in winter and summer, telling of his experiences while rounding up cattle and while bringing down waterfowl and larger game of various kinds. he likewise describes the trained hunters he has met at different seasons of the year, and tells of what they have done or were trying to do. at this time his favorite horse was a steed called manitou. but when on a round-up of cattle, many ponies were taken along, so that a fresh mount could be had at any time. it was a breezy, free life, and to it our president undoubtedly owes the rugged constitution that he possesses to-day. his observations led him to make many investigations concerning the smaller wild animals near his ranches and the larger beasts to be found farther off. the tales which were told to him by other ranchmen and hunters he always took "with a grain of salt," and he soon reached the conclusion that many of the so-styled mighty hunters were only such in name, and had brought down quantities of game only in years gone by when such game was plentiful and could be laid low without much trouble. once when a man told him he had brought down a certain beast at four hundred yards, roosevelt measured the distance and found it to be less than half that. "you couldn't fool him on much," said one of the persons who met him about that time. "he would take precious little for granted. he wanted to know the how of everything, and he wasn't satisfied until he did know." regarding his own powers as a hunter at that time, mr. roosevelt is very modest. he says his eyesight was rather poor, and his hand not over steady, so that "drawing a bead" on anything was not easy. yet he went into the sport with much enthusiasm, and if at times he came back at nightfall empty-handed, he did not complain, and he was almost certain to have something interesting to tell of what he had seen. theodore roosevelt had been in this territory before, although not to remain any great length of time. once he had come out to hunt buffalo, no easy thing to do, since this game was growing scarcer every day. he had a guide named ferris, who was not particularly struck with the appearance of the pale young man, plainly dressed, whom he met at the railroad station. "i sized him up as not being able to endure a long trip after a buffalo," said the guide, in speaking afterward of the meeting. "he was well mounted, but he looked as if he might play out before the sun went down." but in this the guide was mistaken. roosevelt proved that he could ride as well as anybody. the first night out found the hunters about thirty miles from any settlement. they went into camp on the open prairie, tethering their horses with ropes fastened to their saddles, which they used as pillows. all went well for an hour or two, when the improvised pillow was jerked from beneath theodore roosevelt's head, and he heard his horse bounding away in the distance. "wolves!" cried the guide. "they have frightened our horses!" so it proved; and the hunters lost no time in reaching for their firearms. but the wolves kept their distance, and soon theodore roosevelt was running after the horses, which, after a good deal of trouble, he secured and brought back. after that the guide no longer looked on him as a "tenderfoot." "a tenderfoot," said he, "would have been scared to death. but teddy roosevelt was as cool as a cucumber through it all--as if the happening wasn't in the least out of the ordinary." for several days the hunters remained on the prairie looking for buffalo, but without success. they were on the point of turning back when the guide noticed that the horses were growing uneasy. "some big game at hand," he announced. "come on to yonder washout and see if i am not right." with great caution the hunters advanced to the washout the guide had mentioned. dismounting, they crept forward in the shelter of the brushwood, and there, true enough, resting at his ease was a great buffalo bull. "hit him where the patch of red shows on his side," whispered the guide, and roosevelt nodded to show that he understood. with care and coolness he took aim and fired, and the buffalo bull leaped up and staggered forward with the blood streaming from his mouth and nose. "shall i give him another?" was the question asked, but before it could be answered the buffalo bull gave a plunge and fell dead. rattlesnakes are rather unpleasant reptiles to deal with, and theodore roosevelt has shown his bravery by the way in which he speaks of them in his accounts of outdoor life. he says to a man wearing alligator boots there is little danger, for the fang of the reptile cannot go through the leather, and the snake rarely strikes as high as one's knee. but he had at least one experience with a rattlesnake not readily forgotten. he was out on a hunt for antelope. the sage-brush in which he was concealing himself was so low that he had to crawl along flat on his breast, pushing himself forward with hands and feet as best he could. he was almost on the antelope when he heard a warning whirr close at his side, and glancing hastily in that direction, saw the reptile but a few feet away, coiled up and ready to attack. it was a thrilling and critical moment, and had the young hunter leaped up he might have been dangerously if not fatally struck. but by instinct he backed away silently and moved off in another direction through the brush. the rattlesnake did not follow, although it kept its piercing eyes on the hunter as long as possible. after the antelope stalk was over, roosevelt came back to the spot, made a careful search, and, watching his chance, fired on the rattlesnake, killing it instantly. in those days theodore roosevelt met colonel william cody, commonly known as "buffalo bill," and many other celebrated characters of the west. he never grew tired of listening to the stories these old trappers, hunters, scouts, and plainsmen had to tell, and some of these stories he afterward put into print, and they have made excellent reading. during many of his hunting expeditions at that time theodore roosevelt was accompanied by his foreman, a good shot and all-round ranchman named merrifield. merrifield had been in the west but five years, but the life fitted him exactly, and in him roosevelt the ranchman and hunter found a companion exactly to his liking, fearless and self-reliant to the last degree. as perhaps most of my young readers know, wild geese are generally brought down with a shot-gun, but in the bad lands it was not unusual to bring them down with a rifle, provided the hunter was quick and accurate enough in his aim. one morning, just before dawn, theodore roosevelt was riding along the edge of a creek when he heard a cackling that he knew must come from some geese, and he determined if possible to lay one low. it was easy work to dismount and crawl to the edge of the creek. but a fog lay over the water, and he could see the geese but indistinctly. leaving the creek bank, he ran silently to where the watercourse made a turn and then crawled forward in the brush. soon the fog lifted once more, and he saw the geese resting on the water close to the bend. he fired quickly and brought down the largest of the flock, while the others lost no time in disappearing. it was a good fat goose and made excellent eating. chapter vi grouse and other small game--the scotchman and the skunk--caught in a hailstorm on the prairie--bringing down black-tail deer it cannot be said that theodore roosevelt's venture as a ranchman was a very successful one, and it is doubtful if he expected to make much money out of it. he lost nothing in a financial way, and there is no doubt but that the experience was of great benefit to him. in this semi-wilderness he met all sorts and conditions of men, and grew to know them thoroughly. in the past his dealings had been almost entirely with people of large cities and towns, and with men of learning and large business affairs; here he fell in with the wildest kind of cowboys and frontiersmen. some he soon found were not fit to be associated with, but the majority proved as honest and hard-working fellows as could be met with anywhere. many of these loved the young "boss" from the start, and when, years later, the war with spain broke out, and there was a call to arms, not a few of them insisted upon joining the rough riders just to be near theodore roosevelt once more. around the ranches owned by theodore roosevelt there were more or less grouse of the sharp-tailed variety. as this sort of game made excellent eating, ranchmen and regular hunters did not hesitate to bring them down at every opportunity. one afternoon theodore roosevelt left his ranch to visit the shack of one of his herders, about thirty-five miles down the river. it was a cold, clear day, and he was finely mounted on a well-trained pony. he writes that he was after grouse, hoping to get quite a number of them. he had trusted to reach the shack long before sundown, but the way was bad, over bottoms covered with thin ice and snow, and soon darkness came on, leaving him practically lost in the cottonwoods that lined the watercourse. what to do the young ranchman did not know, and it is safe to say that he wished himself heartily out of the difficulty. it was so dark he could not see three yards ahead of him, and it was only by the merest accident that he struck the shack at last, and then he found it empty, for the herder had gone off elsewhere on business. so far roosevelt had seen no game, so he was without food, and what made matters worse, the larder of the shack proved to be empty. all he had with him was a little package of tea. it was a dismal outlook truly, and especially on such a cold night. but firewood was at hand, and after turning his pony loose to shift for itself, the future president of our country started up housekeeping for himself by lighting a fire, bringing in some water from under the ice of the river, and brewing himself a good, strong cup of tea! it was not a very nourishing meal, but it was all he had, and soon after that he went to sleep, trusting for better luck in the morning. he was up almost before daybreak, and my young readers can rest assured that by that time his appetite was decidedly keen. listening intently, he could hear the grouse drumming in the woods close by. "i must have some of them, and that directly," he told himself, and rifle in hand lost no time in making his way to the woods. by keeping out of sight behind the brushwood he managed to get quite close to the game, and so brought down one after another until he had five. such success was a great satisfaction to him, and returning to the shack he fixed himself a breakfast of broiled sharptails, to which he did full justice. it was not all play at the ranches, and sometimes theodore roosevelt went out with his men to round up the cattle and help "cut out" what was his own. this was hard work, for frequently the cattle did not want to be separated from the beasts belonging to another ranchman. more than once an angry cow or a bull would charge, and then there would be a lively scramble on pony-back or on foot to get out of the way. sometimes, too, the cattle would wander off and get lost, and then a long and hard hunt would be necessary in order to find them again. but there was fun as well as hard work, and mr. roosevelt has told one story about a skunk that is sure to be remembered. he says that skunks were very numerous, and that they were more feared than larger animals by the cowboys because the bite was sure to bring on hydrophobia. one night a number of the cowboys and mr. roosevelt were sleeping in a hut. a skunk came along, and after a time worked its way into the hut. it got among the pots and pans and made a noise which quickly awoke a scotchman named sandy. thinking something was wrong, sandy struck a light, and seeing the eyes of the skunk, fired. but his aim was bad, and the animal fled. "what were you firing at?" asked half a dozen of the other cowboys. the scotchman explained, and, satisfied that it had been a skunk, the others told him he had better leave the animal alone or there would be trouble. nobody thought the skunk would come back, but it did, and again sandy heard it among the pots and pans. this was too much for his scotch blood, and taking aim once more, he fired and gave the skunk a mortal wound. at once the hut was filled with a powerful odor that made all the inmates rush for the open air. "now see what you have done!" cried several, indignantly. "hoot mon!" answered the scotchman, holding his nose tightly, "a didna ken 'twould cause sec' a tragedee!" and after that we may be sure that sandy let skunks severely alone. hunting in the summer time, or when the weather was but moderately cold, was well enough, but hunting in the dead of winter was quite a different thing. then the thermometer would frequently drop to thirty and forty degrees below zero, and there would be a cutting "norther" fit to freeze the very marrow in one's bones. seldom was there much snow, but when it came, it caused a veritable blizzard, during which neither man nor beast felt like stirring out. it was during such weather that theodore roosevelt once had the tip of his nose and one cheek frozen--something that caused him not a little pain and trouble for a long time afterward. it was in those dreary days that the logs were piled high in the broad fireplace of the ranch home, and theodore roosevelt spent his days in reading and studying, in writing letters to his friends and relatives, and in penning some of the hunting sketches that have won him literary fame. one day, early in the winter, theodore roosevelt and his foreman went out to see if they could not bring in two white-tail deer which had been seen in the vicinity of the ranch the day before. one of the deer, a large buck, had been shot in the ankle by the foreman, so the beginning of the trail was easy to follow. the buck and his mate had gone into a thicket, and it was likely that there the pair had spent the night. "we'll have our own trouble finding the tracks again," said the foreman. and so it proved; for during the night some cattle and other animals had passed in and out of the thicket, which covered a large extent of territory. at last the hunters hit upon the right trail, and the foreman went ahead, leaving roosevelt to keep somewhat toward the outside of the cover. both were wide-awake and on the alert, and presently the foreman announced that he had found the spot where the wounded buck had passed the night. "he is not very far from here," said the foreman, and hardly had he said this than theodore roosevelt heard a cracking of fallen twigs and a breaking of the brush and lower limbs of the trees as the buck rushed through the thicket. he ran with all speed in the direction and took station behind a large tree. only a few seconds passed, and then the buck showed his head and antlers among the brushwood. he was gazing ahead anxiously, no doubt trying to decide if it would be safe to leap into the open and run up the trail. then he turned his gaze directly toward where theodore roosevelt was crouching, rifle in hand. another instant and it would have been too late. but just as the buck's head was turned and he sniffed the air suspiciously, the young ranchman pulled the trigger. "he turned his head sharply toward me as i raised the rifle," says mr. roosevelt, in writing of this adventure, "and the bullet went fairly into his throat, just under the jaw, breaking his neck, and bringing him down in his tracks with hardly a kick." the buck proved to be an extra fine one, and the two hunters lost no time in dressing the game and taking it to the ranch. not wishing to go back for their horses, the two dragged the game over the snow, each taking hold of an antler for that purpose. it was intensely cold, so that each of the hunters had to drag first with one hand and then with the other for fear of having his fingers frozen. this was one of the times when the young ranchman and hunter was successful in his quest. but mr. roosevelt has not hesitated to tell of the many times he has gone out on the hunt only to return empty-handed and glad enough to get back to a warm shelter and where he was sure of a good meal. "ranching and hunting was no bed of roses," some one who knew him at that time has said. "many a time he came back utterly fagged out and not a thing to show for his labor. but he never complained, and on the contrary could generally tell a pretty good story about something he had seen or had taken note of. in the summer he would examine the nests of birds and waterfowl with great care, and i have seen him with a horned frog before him, studying every point of the creature." once while on the prairie the young ranchman was caught in a heavy hailstorm. he was out with a number of others, when, with scarcely any warning, the sky began to grow dark, and the wind came up in fitful gusts. "we must get out of this, and quick too," said a companion. and all pushed onward as fast as they could. but soon the heavy fall of hail overtook them, and they were glad enough to seek even the slight shelter of a deep washout, where men and horses huddled close together for protection. the hailstones came down as large as marbles, causing the horses to jump around in a fashion that was particularly dangerous to themselves and to their owners. the time was august, yet the air grew very cold, and when the storm was over, some cattle were found completely benumbed. a few had been killed, and there had likewise been great slaughter among a flock of lambs that had been driven into the bad lands the year previous. mr. roosevelt tells us that the greatest number of black-tailed deer he ever killed in one day was three. he is a true sportsman in this respect and does not kill for the mere sake of killing. those who go out just to slaughter all they possibly can are not sportsmen, but butchers. to be sure, a hunter may have to play the butcher at times, when the meat is needed, but not otherwise. on the occasion when the three black-tails were laid low the young ranchman and his foreman started on the hunt very early in the morning, when the bright moon was still in the sky. it was late in november and stinging cold, so they allowed their horses to take their own pace, which was far from slow. the course of the hunters was up the bed of a dry creek, along which they passed the still sleeping cattle and also a drove of ponies. then they reached a spot where they left their own steeds, and, rifles in hand, hurried silently toward a great plateau which lay some distance before them. signs of deer could be seen on every hand, and both were certain that the day's outing would prove a grand success. theodore roosevelt had separated from his companion when of a sudden he caught sight of a beautiful doe. it was a fair shot, and dropping on one knee he took aim and fired. but to his intense chagrin the doe bounded off and disappeared in the brushwood. "hit anything?" sang out the foreman. "i am afraid not," was the answer. "never mind; better luck next time." and then both sank down behind a rock where they could get a good view of a hollow ahead of them. they had been behind the rock but a short time when they heard a cracking of twigs, and a fine black-tail buck came cautiously into view. both fired, and the buck rolled over, never to rise again. then another deer came into view and both fired again, but the game was not struck and lost no time in disappearing. "never mind; one isn't so bad," said theodore roosevelt, and his companion agreed with him. the hunters now decided to go forward into the hollow and look for the doe theodore roosevelt had missed. this was done, and soon the foreman pointed to some drops and splashes of blood. "must have hit her, after all," said the foreman. "we can take our time about following her up. we'll be sure to get her sooner or later." but locating the wounded doe proved not so easy, after all. the trail was followed for some time, but was lost on the hard ground higher up; and at last the two hunters agreed to look for new game. they had lunch, and then started out nearly as fresh as before when suddenly the foreman called out:-- "there's your game all right!" he pointed to a clump of bushes, and running forward, both saw the doe stretched out, stiff and cold. she had been mortally wounded, after all, much to both hunters' gratification. so far the hunting had been on foot, but now the hunters took again to their steeds. mr. roosevelt says he was wishing for just one more shot, to see if he could not do better than before, when his wish was gratified. just ahead a yearling black-tail buck leaped into view and cantered away. after the buck went both hunters, but theodore roosevelt was in the lead, and this time determined to make no miss or poor shot. he waited until the buck turned its side to him, then fired with especial care. the game staggered on, then fell. the bullet had gone clean through its body, and in a few seconds it breathed its last. chapter vii runs for mayor of new york city--marriage to edith kermit carew--hunting in the bighorn mountains--a wild chase after three elk although theodore roosevelt was devoting himself to ranching, hunting, and literary work in north dakota he had by no means given up his residence in new york or at oyster bay. more than this, he still continued his connection with the republican party in spite of the set-back at the last national convention. in , while grover cleveland was still president of the united states, there was an exceedingly sharp and bitter fight in new york city over the office of mayor. there was great discontent both in the republican and the democratic party, and nobody could tell what was going to happen on election day. "let us put up teddy roosevelt," said some of the republicans, and shortly after this theodore roosevelt was nominated for mayor of new york. his regular opponent was abram hewitt, while the independents put up henry george, the "single tax" man, well known as the author of a book entitled "progress and poverty." from the very start the campaign was an exceedingly hot one, and there was a good deal of parading and speech-making. many clubs were organized in behalf of theodore roosevelt, and clubs were likewise formed to support the other candidates. the supporters of henry george came from both regular parties, so political matters became very much mixed up. "there is no show for roosevelt unless george withdraws," said more than one old politician. "and george won't withdraw," added others. and so it proved. henry george was exceptionally strong with the poorer classes, and on election day he polled over , votes; , votes were cast for hewitt, while roosevelt received , votes. it was certainly a disheartening defeat, and many a man would have retired from the political field, never to show himself again. but theodore roosevelt was made of sterner stuff. he held his ground and went his way as before, resolved to do his duty as it should present itself. it was about this time that his intimacy with miss edith kermit carew was renewed. it will be remembered that she had been his playmate during his earlier days around union square. in the years that had followed she had been graduated from a young ladies' seminary and had travelled abroad, visiting london, paris, and other large cities. now she was home again, and on december , , she became mr. roosevelt's wife. mr. roosevelt's second marriage has been a very happy one. mrs. roosevelt is a loving wife and a gracious mistress of the white house. five children have come to bless their union, of which more will be said later. mrs. roosevelt at once took mr. roosevelt's daughter alice to her heart, and from that time to this the two have been as mother and daughter. theodore roosevelt had already produced his "naval war of " and his "hunting trips of a ranchman," both spoken of in previous pages. a short while after he was married the second time he brought out a "life of thomas benton," and a year later a "life of gouverneur morris." in addition to this he wrote a number of articles for the magazines, and also some short stories for young folks. all were well received and added not a little to his literary reputation. but the desire to be out in the open, to roam the prairie and to hunt, was in his veins, and again and again he visited his ranches in the bad lands, and took hunting trips in other directions. sometimes he cared little or nothing for the game brought down, and at others he went on the hunt with great deliberation, for "something worth while," as he expressed it. how careful he could be on the latter occasions is shown by his printed views on hunting, in which he discusses the best rifles, shot-guns, and pistols to use, the best knives to carry, how to dress with comfort, and how to follow up game, on horseback and on foot, in the open and when in the woods or in the short brush. he has also told us much about the habits of the beasts and birds that he has hunted, showing that he followed the sport intelligently and not in the haphazard fashion of many who go out merely to get a big bagful of game. [illustration: edith kermit roosevelt] hunting was not all fun in those days. we have already related how theodore roosevelt was caught in a heavy hailstorm. at another time he and his companions were caught in a three-days' rain-storm, during which the wind blew a hurricane. they were miles away from the ranch home, and it was utterly impossible to move in any direction. "reckon we are booked to stay here," said one of the cowboys, a fellow from the south. "it's a right smart storm, and it's going to stay by us." and stay by them it did, until the party were almost out of provisions. they got what shelter they could in something of a hollow overhung with trees and brush, but this was not very satisfactory, and all were soaked to the skin, and the blankets in which they rolled themselves at night were both wet and muddy. "teddy roosevelt didn't like that wetting, and i know it," one of the cowboys has said since. "but he didn't grumble near as much as some of the others. we had to take our medicine, and he took his like a man." there were no elk in the immediate vicinity of theodore roosevelt's ranches, nor were there many bears or buffaloes. but all of these animals were to be met with further westward, and the young ranchman had been after them during a previous year's hunting while on a trip to montana and wyoming. at that time the destination of the party was the bighorn mountains, which were reached only after a painful and disheartening journey over a very uncertain indian trail, during which one of the ponies fell into a washout and broke his neck, and a mule stuck fast in a mud-hole and was extricated only after hours of hard work. "it was on the second day of our journey into the mountains that i got my first sight of elk," says mr. roosevelt. the party was on the trail leading into a broad valley, moving slowly and cautiously along through a patch of pine trees. when the bottom of the valley was gained, mr. roosevelt saw a herd of cow elk at a great distance, and soon after took a shot at one, but failed to reach his mark. "i'm going after that herd," he said. and as soon as the party had pitched camp, he sallied forth in one direction, while his foreman, merrifield, took another. as theodore roosevelt had supposed, the elk had gone off in a bunch, and for some distance it was easy to follow them. but further on the herd had spread out, and he had to follow with more care, for fear of getting on the wrong trail, for elk tracks ran in all directions over the mountains. these tracks are there to-day, but the elk and the bears are fast disappearing, for ruthless hunters have done their best to exterminate the game. after passing along for several miles, theodore roosevelt felt he must be drawing close to the herd. just then his rifle happened to tap on the trunk of a tree, and instantly he heard the elk moving away in new alarm. his hunting blood was now aroused, and he rushed forward with all speed, but as silently as possible. by taking a short cut, the young ranchman managed to come up beside the running elk. they were less than twenty yards away, and had it not been for the many trees which were on every side, he would have had an excellent shot at them. as it was he brought low a fine, full-grown cow elk, and hit a bull calf in the hind leg. later on he took up the trail of the calf and finished that also. of this herd the foreman also brought down two, so that for the time being the hunters had all the meat they needed. but theodore roosevelt was anxious to obtain some elk horns as trophies of the chase, and day after day a watch was kept for bull elk, as the hunters moved the camp from one place to another. at last the long-looked-for opportunity arrived. three big bulls were seen, and roosevelt and his man went after them with all possible speed. they were on foot, and the trail led them over some soft ground, and then through a big patch of burnt timber. here running was by no means easy, and more than once both hunters pitched headlong into the dirt and soot, until they were covered from head to foot. but theodore roosevelt was bound to get the elk, and kept on until the sweat was pouring down his face and neck. shot after shot was fired, and all three of the animals were wounded, but still they kept on bounding away. "one is down!" shouted roosevelt at last. and the news proved true; the smallest of the bulls had rocked unsteadily for a few seconds and gone to earth. then on and on after the remaining game sped the hunters, panting and sweating as before. "the sweat streamed down in my eyes and made furrows in the sooty mud that covered my face, from having fallen full length down on the burnt earth," writes the dauntless hunter, in relating this story. "i sobbed for breath as i toiled at a shambling trot after them, as nearly done out as could well be." but he did not give up; and now the elk took a turn and went downhill, with theodore roosevelt pitching after them, ready to drop from exhaustion, but full of that grit to win out which has since won the admiration of all who know the man. the second bull fell; and now but one remained, and this dashed into a thicket. on its heels went the daring hunter, running the chance of having the elk turn on him as soon as cornered, in which case, had roosevelt's rifle been empty, the struggle for life on both sides would have been a fierce one. in the midst of the thicket the hunter had to pause, for the elk was now out of sight, and there was no telling what new course had been taken by the game. at a distance he saw a yellow body under the evergreen trees, and, taking hasty aim, fired. when he came up, he was somewhat dismayed to learn that he had not brought down the elk, but a black-tail deer instead. in the meantime, the elk got away, and it proved impossible to pick up the trail again. there is a valuable lesson to be learned from this hunting trip, and one that all young readers should take to heart. it shows what sticking at a thing can accomplish. mr. roosevelt had determined to get at least a portion of that game, no matter what the labor and hardship involved. many a hunter would have given up in disgust or despair after the first few shots were fired and it looked as if the elk were out of range and intended to keep out. but this determined young man did not give up thus easily. hard as was that run up hill and down, and regardless of the tumbles taken, and that he was so tired he could scarcely stand, he kept on until two elk were brought down, and it was firmly settled that the third could not be captured. the way to accomplish anything in this life is to _stick at it_. theodore roosevelt understood this truth even when he went to college, for in the harvard journal of which he was an editor he wrote, speaking of foot-ball practice, "what is most necessary is that every man should realize the necessity of faithful and honest work, _every afternoon_." he put "every afternoon" in italics himself, and he meant that every foot-ball player who hoped to win in the inter-collegiate foot-ball games should _stick at it_ until he had made himself as perfect a player as possible. a victory worth gaining is worth working for, and usually the hardest-earned victories are the sweetest. chapter viii bringing down a grizzly bear--back to new york--appointed a civil service commissioner--the work of the commission it was while in the bighorn mountains that theodore roosevelt got his first shot at a bear. he had been wanting such a chance for a good many years, but up to that date the bears had kept well out of his sight. in his writings he has said much about bears, both common and grizzly, and told of their habits, and how they have been tracked down and shot at various times of the year. he holds to the opinion that the average bear would rather run away than fight, yet he tells the story of how one bear faced the hunter who had shot him, and gave the man one blow with his powerful paw that proved fatal. one day his companion of the hunt came riding in with the carcass of a black bear killed in a network of hollows and ravines some miles from their present camp. "the hollows are full of bear tracks," said merrifield. "i am sure, if we go up there, we'll get one or more black bears and perhaps a grizzly." "then let us go by all means," responded theodore roosevelt. and no time was lost in moving to the new locality. the hunters had been out nearly all of the next day, when, on returning through the forest toward nightfall, roosevelt came across the footmarks of a large bear. he tried to follow them, but night closed in on him, and he had to return to camp. that very night the bear came around the camp, looking for something to eat. "let us try to bring him down," cried roosevelt, seizing his rifle, while his companion did the same. but outside it was pitch dark. "do you see him?" questioned merrifield. "no." "neither do i." "listen." both listened, and at a distance heard the bear lumbering off slowly through the woods. they went forward a short distance, then came to a halt. "we'll have to give it up for the present," said theodore roosevelt. "but i am going to have him, sooner or later, if the thing is possible." early the next morning both of the hunters sallied forth and discovered that the bear had been at the carcasses of some game left in the forest. the tracks were fresh. "he has been here, no doubt of it," said merrifield. "shall we wait for him to come again?" "we might as well," was the answer. "he'll get hungry again, sooner or later." so the pair sat down to watch. but the bear was shy, and kept his distance. then it grew dark once more, so that but little could be seen under the trees. "he knows enough to keep away," said roosevelt's companion. "hark!" was the reply and both strained their ears. there was a faint crackling of twigs, and they felt certain it was the bear. but it was too dark to see anything; so both shouldered their rifles and walked back to camp. here was another illustration of theodore roosevelt's method of sticking at a thing. two days had been spent in trying to get that bear, and yet he did not give up. on the following morning he sallied forth once more, as full of hope as before. the bear had been at the carcass again, and the trail was now one to be followed with ease. "i'm going to hunt him down to his lair," said theodore roosevelt, and stalked off with his companion beside him. soon they were again deep in the woods, walking perhaps where the foot of white man had never before trod. fallen trees were everywhere, and over these they often had to climb. "getting closer," whispered roosevelt's companion, and pointed to some fresh claw scratches on the bark of fallen trees. they now moved forward as silently as indians, sure that the bear could not be far off. suddenly merrifield dropped on his knee as if to take aim. roosevelt sprang to the front, with rifle raised. the bear was there, standing upright, only a few paces away. without hesitation theodore roosevelt fired. his aim was true, and the great beast fell with a bullet straight between the eyes. the leaden messenger had entered his brain, and he died with scarcely a struggle. "the whole thing was over in twenty seconds from the time i caught sight of the game," writes mr. roosevelt, in his book "hunting trips on the prairies" (part ii of "hunting trips of a ranchman"). "indeed it was over so quickly that the grizzly did not have time to show fight at all or come a step toward me. it was the first i had ever seen, and i felt not a little proud as i stood over the great brindled bulk which lay stretched out at length in the cool shade of the evergreens. he was a monstrous fellow, much larger than any i have seen since, whether alive or brought in dead by hunters. as near as we could estimate he must have weighed about twelve hundred pounds." there is a bear story for you, boys. and the best of it is, it is every word true. in later years theodore roosevelt brought down many more grizzlies, but i doubt if he was as proud of them as he was of that first capture. while theodore roosevelt was spending a large part of his time in hunting and in literary work, and in studying political economy, grover cleveland's first term as president came to an end, and benjamin harrison was inaugurated to fill the office of chief magistrate. at that time the question of civil service was again being agitated. theodore roosevelt was a warm advocate of the merit system, and knowing this, president harrison appointed him, in , a civil service commissioner, and this office he held for six years, until his resignation in . when benjamin harrison's term of office was up, and grover cleveland was reëlected to the presidency, it was thought that roosevelt would have to go, but his friend, the newly elected president, wished him to remain as a commissioner, and he did so for two years longer, thus serving both under a republican and a democratic administration. to some of my young readers the term civil service, as applied here, may be a bit perplexing. for the benefit of such let me state that civil service here applies to the thousands of persons who work for the government, such as post-office clerks, letter carriers, clerks in the various departments at washington, like the treasury, the congressional library, the government printing office, the war department, and the hundred and one other branches in which uncle sam needs assistance. for seventy or eighty years these various positions had been under what is commonly called the "spoils system." "to the victor belong the spoils," had been the old motto, which generally meant that the party happening to be in power could do as it pleased about dealing out employment to those under it. a worker might have been ever so faithful in the discharge of his duties, but if the administration was changed, he ran the risk of losing his position without any notice. statesmen of both great political parties had long seen the injustice of the spoils system, but few cared to take the matter up for fear of offending their political friends. but as matters grew worse, those who were honest said they would stand such a system no longer, and they began to advocate the merit plan, whereby each worker for our government should stand on his merit, so that he could not be removed from his position without just cause. this merit system is in operation to-day and is a most excellent thing, only becoming dangerous when extended too far. there were two other commissioners besides mr. roosevelt on the commission, but all worked together in harmony, although in many moves taken mr. roosevelt was the leader. about this work he has written a notable essay called "six years of civil service reform," in which he reviews much of the work done. in this essay, among many other things, he says:-- "no republic can permanently endure when its politics are corrupt and base; and the spoils system,--the application in political life of the degrading doctrine that to the victor belong the spoils,--produces corruption and degradation. the man who is in politics for the offices might just as well be in politics for the money he can get for his vote, so far as the general good is concerned." certainly wise words and well worth remembering. the work of the commission was by no means easy, and the members were often accused of doing some things merely to benefit their own particular party or friends. politicians of the old sort, who wanted everything they could lay hands on, fought civil service bitterly, and even those who might have been expected to help often held back, fearing they would lose their own popularity. yet on the other hand, some members of congress upheld the commission nobly, and when president garfield was assassinated by a half-crazy office-seeker many more came forward and clamored to put public offices on the merit system by all means. part of the work of the commission was to prosecute the head of any bureau or department where an employee had been discharged or had suffered without just cause. such cases came up in large numbers and were prosecuted with all the vigor of which the commission were capable. "we were not always successful in these trials," says mr. roosevelt. "but we won out in the majority of cases, and we gave the wrong-doing such a wide publicity that those who were guilty hesitated to repeat their actions." and he goes on to add that during his term of service not over one per cent. of those who worked for uncle sam were dismissed purely for political reasons. this was certainly an excellent record, and our government will do well to maintain such a high standard in the future. to give a further idea of the work required in the way of examinations for positions under our government, let me state that during the year from july , , to july , , applicants were examined for the departments service, for the customs service, for the postal service, for the railway mail service, making a total of nearly , , of which about , passed and the balance failed. since our war with spain, the work of the government has been vastly increased, and the places to be filled every year run up into figures that are startling. one of the best and wisest acts of the commission was to place the colored employees of the government on an equal footing with the white employees. in the past the colored employees had occupied their places merely through the whim or goodwill of those over them. now this was changed, and any colored man who could pass the examination, and who was willing to attend strictly to his labor, was as safe in his situation as anybody. chapter ix a trip to the shoshone mountains--caught in a driving snowstorm--back to work--resignation as civil service commissioner notwithstanding the great amount of labor involved as a civil service commissioner, theodore roosevelt did not forego the pleasures of the hunt, and in he made an extended trip to the shoshone mountains in wyoming, going after elk and such other game as might present itself. on this trip he was accompanied by his ranch partner, a skilled shot named ferguson, and two old hunters named woody and hofer. there was also in the party a young fellow who looked after the pack-horses, fourteen in number. the start was made on a beautiful day in september, and the party journeyed along at a gait that pleased them, bringing down everything that came to hand and which could be used as meat. two tents were carried, one for sheltering their packs at night and the other for sleeping purposes. in his book called "the wilderness hunter," mr. roosevelt has given many of the details of this grand hunt, which he says was one of the most exciting as well as most pleasurable undertaken. with an interest that cannot be mistaken, and which betrays the true sportsman at every turn, he gives minute descriptions of how the tents were erected, how everything in camp was put in its proper place, and how on wet days they would huddle around the camp-fire in the middle of the larger tent to keep warm and dry. he also tells how the packs on the horses were adjusted, and adds that the hunter who cannot take care of his outfit while on the hunt, or who must have all his game stalked for him, is a hunter in name only;--which is literally true, as every genuine sportsman knows. the young civil service commissioner went out garbed in a fitting hunting costume, consisting of a buckskin shirt, with stout leggings, and moccasins, or, when occasion required, alligator-leather boots. heavy overcoats were also carried and plenty of blankets, and for extra cold nights theodore roosevelt had a fur sleeping-bag, in which, no doubt, he slept "as snug as a bug in a rug." the horses of a pack-train in the wild west are not always thoroughly broken, and although the majority rarely do anything worse than lag behind or stray away, yet occasionally one or another will indulge in antics far from desired. this was true on the present occasion, when at different times the pack-beasts went on a "shindy" that upset all calculations and scattered packs far and wide, causing a general alarm and hard work on the part of all hands to restore quietness and order. for two days the hunters pushed on into the mountains with but little signs of game. then a rain-storm set in which made the outlook a dismal one. "going to have a big storm," said one of the old hunters. "never mind, we'll have to take it as it comes," was mr. roosevelt's philosophical answer. "we can't expect good weather every day." it was almost noon of that day when all heard the call of a bull elk, echoing over the hills. the sound came from no great distance, and in the face of the rain, theodore roosevelt and the hunter named woody set off on foot after the beast, who was still calling as loudly as ever. it was not long before the hunters could hear the bull plainly, as he pawed the earth, a challenge to another bull who was answering him from a great distance. "we are gettin' closer to him," said woody. "got to go slow now, or he'll take alarm and be off like a flash." the timber was rather thin, and the ground was covered with moss and fallen leaves, and over this the pair glided as silently as shadows, until woody declared that the bull was not over a hundred yards away. "and he's in a tearing rage, on account of that other bull," he added. "got to plug him fair and square or there will be trouble." without replying to this, theodore roosevelt took the lead, keeping eyes and ears wide open for anything that might come to hand. then through the trees he caught sight of the stately horns of the elk, as he stood with head thrown back, repeating his call in trumpet-like tones. as the hunters came closer, the elk faced around and caught sight of his human enemies. up went his antlers once more, as if to defy them. "he's coming!" shouted woody. and scarcely had he spoken when theodore roosevelt took aim and fired at the animal. there was a snort and a gasp, and the elk turned to run away. then roosevelt fired a second shot, and over went the monarch of the forest in his death agony. it was a fine bit of game to bring down, the antlers having twelve prongs. the head was cut off and taken back to camp, along with a small part of the best of the meat. after that the forward march was resumed in the face of a sweeping rain that wet everybody to the skin. on they went until, just as the rain ceased, they reached a bold plateau, overlooking what is called two-ocean pass, a wild and wonderful freak of nature, surrounded by lofty mountains and watered by streams and brooks flowing in several directions. far up the mountains could be seen the snow-drifts, while lower down were the heavy forests and underbrush, the haunts of the game they were seeking. in this wonderland theodore roosevelt hunted to his heart's content for many days--bringing down several more elk and also a fair variety of smaller game. it was now growing colder, and knowing that the winter season was close at hand, the hunters decided to strike camp and return homeward. the movement was made none too soon. the snow was already filling the air, and one morning, on coming from his tent, theodore roosevelt found the ground covered to a depth of a foot and a half. to add to his discomfort the pony he was riding began to buck that day and managed to dislocate his rider's thumb. but theodore roosevelt stuck to him and showed him who was master; and after that matters went better. the snow continued to come down, and before the end of the journey was reached, at great geyser basin, the hunters almost perished from the cold. such pictures as the above give us some idea of the varied life that theodore roosevelt has led. even at this early age--he was but thirty-three years old--he had been a college student, a traveller, an author, an assemblyman, a ranchman and hunter, and a civil service commissioner. he had travelled the length and breadth of europe and through a large section of our own country. he had visited the palaces of kings and the shacks of the humble cowboys of the far west, he had met men in high places and in low, and had seen them at their best and at their worst. surely if "experience is the school wherein man learns wisdom," then the future president had ample means of growing wise, and his works prove that those means were not neglected. as already mentioned, when grover cleveland became president a second time, he requested theodore roosevelt to retain his place on the civil service commission. this was a practical illustration of the workings of the merit system, and it made for mr. cleveland many friends among his former political enemies. by this movement the workings of the commission were greatly strengthened, so that by the time theodore roosevelt resigned, on may , , the commission had added twenty thousand places filled by government employees to those coming under the merit system. this number was larger than any placed under the system before that time, and the record has scarcely been equalled since. "he was a fighter for the system, day and night," says one who knew him at that time. "he was enthusiastic to the last degree, and had all sorts of statistics at his fingers' ends. if anybody in the government employ was doing wrong, he was willing to pitch into that person regardless of consequences. some few politicians thought he was a crank on the subject, but the results speak for themselves. some politicians, who wanted the old spoils system retained, were often after him like a swarm of angry hornets, but he never got out of their way, and when they tried to sting, he slapped them in a way that soon made them leave him alone. and more than that, he was very clever in the way that he presented his case to those representatives and senators who understood the real value of civil service reform. he made them appreciate what he and his fellow-commissioners were trying to do, and when the commission was attacked in congress it always had, as a consequence, a support that could not be easily overthrown." when theodore roosevelt resigned, president cleveland wrote as follows to him:-- "you are certainly to be congratulated upon the extent and permanency of civil service reform methods which you have so substantially aided in bringing about. the struggle for its firm establishment and recognition is past. its faithful application and reasonable expansion remain, subjects of deep interest to all who really desire the best attainable public service." it was high praise for the retiring commissioner, and it was well deserved. chapter x appointed police commissioner of new york city--corruptness of the department--strenuous efforts to make matters better--a "dry" sunday--enforcing the tenement house law and other measures during the time that theodore roosevelt was a civil service commissioner there were several important political changes made in new york city. in the past there had been a great deal of what is familiarly called "machine politics," and matters had been going from bad to worse. but now there was an upward turn by the election of william s. strong to the office of mayor. mr. strong was a man of high character, and was elected by a vote that combined the best elements of all the political parties. it was at a time when new york city was in urgent need of reform. those in power were doing but little to stop the corruption that was stalking abroad upon every hand. bribes were given and taken in nearly all departments, clerks were being paid large salaries for doing practically nothing, and contracts were put out, not to those who could do the best work, but to those who would pay the political tricksters the most money for them. the record of the police department was perhaps the blackest of the lot. it was to this department that the citizens looked for protection from crime, yet it was known that many in the department winked at all sorts of vice, providing they were properly paid for so doing. saloons and worse resorts were kept open in defiance of the law, and wickedness flaunted itself in the face of the public in a manner that was truly shocking. occasionally a private citizen would try to do something to mend matters, but his complaint was generally "pigeon-holed," and that would be the end of the matter. the rottenness, as it was well called, extended from the highest places in the department to the lowest, so that it was said not even a policeman could secure his appointment without paying several hundred dollars for it, and this he was, of course, expected to get back by blackmailing those who lived or did business on his beat. and get it back the policeman would, even if he had to make an italian fruit dealer pay him a dollar a month for having a stand on the sidewalk, where the walk was supposed to be free from obstruction. when william strong came into office, the first thing he did was to cast his eyes about him for reliable men who might aid him in purifying the city. he already knew of theodore roosevelt's work as an assemblyman and a civil service commissioner. "mr. roosevelt is just the man to take the office of police commissioner and put the department on an honorable basis," said the newly elected mayor, and he lost no time in tendering the office to mr. roosevelt. the tender was accepted, and theodore roosevelt was sworn into his new position on may , . the appointment of mr. roosevelt to the office of police commissioner was a great shock to nearly the entire police department. he was known for his sterling honesty, and it was felt that he would not condone crime in any shape or form. "there will be a grand shaking up," said more than one. "just you wait till he gets to the bottom of things. he'll turn the light on in a way that will make more than one officer tremble in his boots." on the board with mr. roosevelt were andrew d. parker, avery d. andrews, and frederick d. grant, the latter the son of former president grant. theodore roosevelt was chosen president, and the board lost no time in getting to work. "the new board found the department in a demoralized condition," says mr. roosevelt, in his report on the matter. "a recent grand jury had investigated the records of many officers, and many indictments had been found; vacancies existed in the department, and officers, including one inspector and five captains, were under suspension on account of indictment for crime." this was truly a sad state of affairs, and a horrible example to the other large cities of our union. the commissioners went to work with a will, and theodore roosevelt was the leading spirit in every move made. every branch of the police department was given an overhauling, and those who would not do their duty were promptly dismissed, while minor offences were met with heavy fines. by an act of the legislature the force of men was increased to eight hundred, to keep pace with the growth of the metropolis. the men who were particularly faithful in the discharge of their duties were rewarded by honorable mention, engrossed certificates, medals of honor, and by promotions. more than this, they were given to understand that if they did their duty faithfully they need not fear trouble from those over them, no matter what changes were made. no officer was allowed to accept blackmail money from those lower in the service; and above all, no politics were to interfere with the fair and square running of the whole department. it was a gigantic task, and it cannot be said that it was totally successful, for the opposition in some quarters was strong. more than once mr. roosevelt was threatened with violence, but, as when an assemblyman, he paid but scant attention to these mutterings. his habits of personally investigating matters still clung to him, and it is well remembered how he went around at odd hours of the day and night, and on sundays, seeing if the policemen were really doing their duty. there had been a boast that all policemen were at their posts at night. mr. roosevelt went out once and found just two out of an even dozen where they should be. then began that "shaking up" that has resulted in better police service in new york to this day. the effect of the new vigor in the police department was felt in many other ways. there was a tenement-house law regarding buildings which were unfit for human habitations. new york city was crowded with such buildings, but nobody had ordered them torn down, because either nobody wanted to bother, or the owners paid blackmail money to keep them standing for the rent they could get out of them. "those tenements must come down," said theodore roosevelt. "if you order them down, the owners will fight you to the bitter end," said another officer of the department. "i don't care if they do. the houses are a menace to life and health. they are filthy, and if a fire ever started in them, some would prove regular traps. they have got to go." and shortly after that about a hundred were seized, and the most destroyed. the enforcement of the sunday liquor law was another thing that occasioned great surprise during mr. roosevelt's term as police commissioner. in the past, saloons had been almost as wide open on sundays as on week days. on account of the cosmopolitan character of the population it was thought that to close up the saloons on sundays would be impossible. but the police force was given strict orders, and on one sunday in june, , new york city had the first "dry" sunday that it could remember in many years. this "dry" sunday provoked a new storm of opposition, especially from many of foreign birth, who were used to getting liquor as easily on that day as on any other. more threats were made against the vigorous commissioner, and on two occasions dynamite bombs were placed in his desk, evidently with the hope that they would explode and blow him to pieces. but the bombs were found in time, and no damage was done, and theodore roosevelt paid scant attention to them. after that he was attacked in a new way. some of the politicians laid traps for him whereby they hoped to bring discredit to his management of the department. the fight grew very hot and very bitter, and he was accused of doing many things, "just for the looks of them," rather than to benefit the public at large. but he kept on his way, and at last the opposition were silenced to such an extent that they merely growled behind his back. for many years a large number of shiftless and often lawless men, and women too, were attracted to the metropolis because of the "tramps' lodging houses" located there. these resorts were continually filled by vagrants who would not work and who were a constant menace to society at large. "we must get rid of those lodging houses," said mr. roosevelt. "they simply breed crime. no respectable man or woman, no matter how poor, will enter them." "but we'll have to have some sort of shelter for the poor people," said others. "to be sure--for those who are deserving. the others should be driven off and discouraged," answered mr. roosevelt. and one by one the tramps' lodging places were abolished. in their place the board of charities opened a municipal lodging house, where those who were deserving were received, were made to bathe, and given proper shelter and nourishment. a story is told that, during the excitement attending the closing of saloons on sunday, a friend came to mr. roosevelt and told about hearing some saloon-keepers plotting to harm him. "what can they do?" demanded the police commissioner. "i am afraid they can do a good deal," was the answer. "each of those men has a barkeeper who has been in jail for various crimes. they may attack you some dark night and kill you." "perhaps i won't give them the chance," answered the man who had been on many a dangerous hunt in the wild west. "if they can shoot, so can i." "but they may sneak up behind you and knock you out," insisted the visitor. "well, if they do that, i shall have died doing my duty," was the calm answer made by the future hero of the rough riders. chapter xi appointed first assistant secretary of the navy--the condition of affairs in cuba--preparing for war--theodore roosevelt's resolve while theodore roosevelt was serving as police commissioner of the city of new york, william mckinley ran for the presidency of the united states the first time and was elected. the young commissioner was a firm upholder of mckinley, for he did not believe in "free silver" as it was called, but in "sound money," which meant that in the future, as in the past, all national indebtedness should be made payable in gold, instead of in gold and silver, as many desired. as soon as the new president was inaugurated, march , , he appointed hon. john d. long to be secretary of the navy. mr. long knew theodore roosevelt well, and also knew of the "history of the naval war of ," which the energetic author and commissioner had written. "he is just the man we need here," said mr. long to president mckinley. "he has made a study of the navy, and he is not afraid of work," and without further delay theodore roosevelt was asked to resign his position in the metropolis and come to washington, where he was duly installed as first assistant secretary of the navy. in his new position, certainly a high one for such a young man to occupy, mr. roosevelt had much to do. as first assistant, nearly the whole responsibility of the real workings of the department fell upon his shoulders. he took up these responsibilities manfully, and how well he succeeded in the work, history has abundantly proved. "it was roosevelt's work that made dewey's victory at manila possible," one who knew of the inner workings of the department has said, and another has said that the victory off santiago bay was also due in part to roosevelt's watchfulness over the ships that took part in that conflict. at washington the assistant secretary found an era of extravagance equal to that which he had discovered in new york. the navy department was paying dearly for almost everything it bought, and many laborers and others were drawing high wages for doing little or no work. against this theodore roosevelt set his face uncompromisingly, so that inside of a year the actual saving to our government was twenty-five per cent. when it is remembered that the navy department spends each year millions of dollars, something of what such a saving means can be realized. for many years our country had been at peace with the whole world, but now a war cloud showed itself on the horizon, scarcely visible at first, but gradually growing larger and larger. those at washington watched it with great anxiety, wondering if it would burst, and what would be the result. cuba had been fighting for liberty for years. it was under spanish rule, and the people were frightfully oppressed. to spain they paid vast sums of money and got but little in return. money that should have gone into improvements--that should have supplied good roads and schools--went into the pockets of the royalty of spain. when a cuban tried to remonstrate, he could scarcely get a hearing, and this state of affairs went from bad to worse until, in sheer desperation, the cubans declared war on the mother-country, just as in our own nation threw off the yoke of england. as my young readers know, cuba lies only a short distance from the southeast coast of florida. being so close, it was but natural that our people should take an interest in the struggle at hand. everybody sympathized with the cubans, and some made offers of assistance. then, when many cubans were on the verge of starvation, we voted to send them relief in the way of something to eat. the action of the united states was viewed with suspicion by spain. the people of that country were certain we wanted to help cuba only in order to "gobble her up afterward," as the saying went. such was not our intention at all, and total cuban liberty to-day testifies to that fact. not knowing how far matters might go, president mckinley and his advisers deemed it wise to prepare for the worst. this meant to put the army and navy on the best possible footing in the least possible time. it was felt that should war come, it would be fought largely on the sea, and nobody realized this more than did theodore roosevelt. he was active day and night in the pursuit of his duty, seeing to it that this ship or that was properly manned, and this fortification and that put in proper order to resist attack. our ships were in all parts of the world, on the atlantic and the pacific, in the far north and the far south, in european waters and hong kong harbor. each had to be supplied with coal and ammunition and with provisions. those that were "out of commission," that is, laid up, generally for repairs, were put into commission with all speed. a thousand contracts had to be inspected, judged, and passed upon. outwardly the navy department at washington was moving along as peacefully as ever, internally it was more active than it had been at any time since the great civil war. "war may come at any moment," said mr. roosevelt to his friends. "and if it does come, there is nothing like being prepared for it." about one thing theodore roosevelt was very particular. in the past, gun practice on board of our war-ships had been largely a matter of simply going through the motions of handling the guns. "this will not do," said the assistant secretary. "our gunners will never make good marksmen in that way. they must practise with powder and ball, shot and shell." and after that they did. such practice cost a round sum of money, and the department was criticised for its wastefulness in this direction; but the worth of it was afterward proven when commodore dewey sank the spanish ships in manila bay, and the atlantic squadron likewise destroyed the enemy's ships that were trying to escape from santiago harbor. in those days at washington, theodore roosevelt made a warm, personal friend of dr. leonard wood. dr. wood was an army surgeon, who had seen considerable active service while under general miles in the campaigns against the apache indians. mr. roosevelt has himself told how he and dr. wood would often, after office hours, take long walks out of the city, or play foot-ball, or go snow-skating when the weather permitted, and during such pastimes their conversation was invariably about the situation in cuba, and what each intended to do should war break out. "if war actually comes, i intend, by hook or by crook, to get out into the field," said dr. wood. "i shall go with you," answered theodore roosevelt. "no more office work for me if there is any fighting to be done." in the meantime, as already mentioned, matters in cuba were rapidly approaching a crisis. spain could not send a large enough army to the island to conquer the people while they were at liberty to roam through the jungles and mountains, and so began to drive men, women, and children into various cities or camps, where they were kept, under penalty of death if they tried to escape. thus large numbers were torn from their homes, and sent miles and miles away, with no money, and nothing with which to support themselves. food became scarce and high in price, and many grown folks and children were literally starved to death. to help these starving people the congress of our country voted to expend fifty thousand dollars from the national treasury. this excited spain more than ever, and we were accused of trying to prolong the rebellion. but the deed was done, and many would have had us go farther, and recognize cuba as a free and independent nation. this desire was overruled on the ground that our government could not with propriety endanger the peace of the world by taking so serious a step at that time. but the strength of popular sympathy with an oppressed people was shown by the fact that many americans at grave personal risk went to cuba, and joined the army in one capacity or another, fighting as bravely as if for their own individual rights. chapter xii destruction of the _maine_--dewey's victory--theodore roosevelt becomes a soldier--organizing the rough riders--various men in the command "the _maine_ has been blown up!" such was the awful news which startled this whole nation in the middle of february, , and which caused the question of war with spain to crystallize without further deliberation. the _maine_ was a battleship of large size, that had been sent down to the harbor of havana, cuba, on nothing more than a friendly visit. the explosion that destroyed this noble vessel occurred about ten o'clock at night, and was heard for miles around. soon after the explosion, the war-ship began to sink, and over two hundred and fifty sailors and officers lost their lives. the entire nation was now aroused, and many wanted to go to war with spain immediately. but the spaniards professed to be ignorant of the cause of the explosion, and said it must have come from the _inside_ of the ship and not the _outside_. without delay a board of inquiry was established, and it was settled that the explosion had come from the outside, probably from a mine set by the spaniards in havana harbor. "this means war, and nothing but war," said even the wisest of our statesmen. and so it proved. without hesitation the whole nation sprang forward to uphold the administration, and in a few days congress passed an appropriation of fifty millions of dollars "for national defence." it may be added that this appropriation was passed unanimously, regardless of party politics and regardless of the differences which, in the past, had existed between the north and the south. we have already learned what had been done to prepare the navy for the conflicts to follow. now there was even more work on hand, to get the army into shape for service in cuba and on other foreign soil. the regular army at that time consisted of about twenty-five thousand men, scattered all over the united states,--on the frontier, at the indian reservations, and along the sea-coasts. many of these troops were hurried to camps in the southeast portion of our country, leaving but small garrisons in the far west. it was realized by president mckinley that our regular army could not cope with the troubles at hand, and soon came a call for one hundred and twenty-five thousand volunteers. these volunteers were to come from the various states and territories, each furnishing its proportion of soldiers according to its population. these soldiers were quickly collected and marched to the various state camps, there to be sworn into the service of the united states. the "war fever" was everywhere, and many private parties began to raise companies, while all sorts of independent commands, grand army, confederate veterans, italian-american guards, german singing societies, colored guards, and the like, offered their assistance. even the colleges caught the fever, and men went forth from yale, harvard, princeton, and other institutions of learning to battle for uncle sam. the first blow struck at spain was a most effective one. commodore, afterwards admiral, dewey was at hong kong when the trouble began, and he was directed by the war department to hunt for a spanish fleet somewhere among the philippine islands and engage it. on sunday, may , came the news that the gallant commodore had reached manila bay, fought the spanish fleet and sunk every hostile ship, and come out of the battle with all of his own ships safe and not a single man killed! "hurrah! that shows what our navy can do!" cried many citizens. and they were justly proud. in the past, foreign nations had looked with something akin to scorn on our vessels and the way they were manned. now such criticism was silenced; and this result was, in a certain measure, due to the work of theodore roosevelt, while first assistant secretary to secretary long. but theodore roosevelt was no longer in the department. he resigned and closed his desk, saying, "my duty here is done; my place is in the field." with such an active nature, it was impossible for him to remain a private citizen while stern war was a reality. in his own excellent work, "the rough riders," and in his sworn testimony before the commission of investigation of the spanish war, mr. roosevelt has given us graphic pictures of how the first united states volunteer cavalry, commonly called the rough riders, happened to be organized, and what it tried to do and did, and this testimony is supplemented by many who know the facts, and who took part in the battles which made the organization famous throughout the length and breadth of our land. at first theodore roosevelt thought to attach himself to the militia of new york, but found every place taken. "let us try one of my massachusetts regiments," said dr. wood. and this was also done, with a like result. "we could fill every place, did we want five times as many men," said one colonel. "everybody seems crazy to go." this shows how truly patriotic our nation can become when the occasion arises for going to the front. while theodore roosevelt and his intimate friend were wondering what to do next, congress authorized the raising of three cavalry regiments, to be composed of the daring riflemen and riders of new mexico, oklahoma, arizona, and indian territory. "there, that will just suit me," said theodore roosevelt. "i know many of those men, and i know we can raise a regiment in no time." and without delay he sought out secretary of war alger and told him of his hopes. "i am perfectly willing to give you command of one of those regiments," said the war secretary. "i know you are something of a rough rider yourself, and a good marksman to boot." this was certainly flattering, but theodore roosevelt's head was not turned by the offer. "i don't think i am quite ready to take command," said he. "i know that i can learn, and that quickly, but it will be precious time wasted." "well, what do you wish, mr. roosevelt?" asked the secretary of war, curiously. "what i should like best of all is for dr. wood to become colonel of the regiment, and for myself to become lieutenant-colonel." "very well; i will consult president mckinley on the subject," said the secretary. the request was granted, and in a few days more colonel wood and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt sallied forth to organize the rough riders, and fit them for service in cuba. leaving his family, which now consisted of his wife and six children, the lieutenant-colonel made his way to san antonio, texas, where the regiment was to gather. previous to going he spent a full week in washington, seeing to it that arrangements were completed for supplying the command with uniforms, carbines, saddles, and other articles which were needed. this was in itself quite a task, for all of the departments at the capitol were more than busy, and it took a great amount of "hustling" to get what one wanted. as soon as it was known that theodore roosevelt was going to help organize the rough riders, offers from everywhere began to pour in upon him. not alone did the men of the plains and ranch who knew him want to go, but likewise his old college chums at harvard. these men, of wealth and good families, were willing to serve in any capacity, if only they could be mustered in. there were crack base-ball and foot-ball players, yachtsmen, all-round athletes and men of fortune, all mixed in with hunters, cowboys, men who had served as sheriffs in the far west, where fighting was an everyday occurrence, some policemen who had served under roosevelt when he was a police commissioner in new york, and even some indians. nearly every nationality was represented when it came to blood, and the men ran from the best educated to the most ignorant. [illustration: theodore roosevelt as a rough rider (_photograph by pach bros., n.y._)] but there were three tests which every man, private or officer, had to pass. he had to be in perfect health, he had to know how to ride, and he had to know how to shoot. to these conditions were afterward added two more: each man had to learn his duty as quickly as he could and had to learn to obey his superiors. in such a collection of soldiers it was but natural that the real leaders soon asserted themselves. several of the captains had served in the united states army before; two were former famous western sheriffs; and all were full of that pluck and energy which is bound to command success. in this regiment were some men who had hunted with theodore roosevelt on more than one occasion. they knew him well and loved him, and did their best to serve him. to them he was really their commander, although they officially recognized colonel wood. they were preëminently "roosevelt's rough riders," and the great majority of the people of our nation call them such to this day. the majority of the command were rather young in years, although a few were of middle age. but all were tough and hardy, either from athletic training or from years spent in the open air of the great west. some of them could ride almost any kind of a horse, and "bronco busting," that is, breaking in a wild steed, was common sport among them. some had spent nearly their entire lives in the saddle, and some could exhibit remarkable skill with their firearms while riding at full speed. when the men began to come into san antonio, they found but little in the way of accommodations. but soon tents and blankets were procured. it is said that good shoes were scarce, but some of the soldiers did not mind going without them. the regiment was supplied with good rifles, but the cartridges were not made of smokeless powder, which was a bad thing, for smoke sometimes enables an enemy to locate the shooter, when, if smokeless powder were used, nothing could be seen. each man had also a six shooter, and was to have had a machete, but the long knives did not come. "on to cuba!" was the cry. and it was taken up every day. the rough riders were eager for the fray. alas! little did many of them realize that, once in the "bloody isle," they would never see their native land again. chapter xiii in camp at tampa--to port tampa in coal cars--theodore roosevelt's quick move to obtain a transport--the wait in the harbor--off for cuba at last that the path of the soldier is not always one full of glory can easily be proven by what happened to the rough riders when, late in may, they were ordered to tampa, florida, where a part of the army was gathering in readiness to be transported to cuba. "we were just wild to go," says one of the number, in speaking of that time. "we were tired of staying at san antonio and drilling day in and day out, rain or shine. i guess everybody felt like hurrahing when we piled on to the cars. "colonel roosevelt--he was only lieutenant-colonel then--had six troops under him, and he did all he could to make the boys comfortable. but the cars were crowded, and travelling was so slow it took us four days to reach tampa. then when we got there, we found everything in confusion. the railroad yard was chock-a-block with freight and passenger cars, and nobody was there to tell us where to go or where to find provisions. "the boys were hungry and tired out, for sleeping on the railroad had been almost out of the question. there wasn't a sign of rations in sight, and it looked as if we would have to stay hungry. but teddy roosevelt just put his hand into his own pocket and bought us about all we wanted. then he scurried around and found out where we were to go, and in another twenty-four hours we were settled in camp." even in camp the rough riders had to put up with continued discomfort. the weather was warm, flies and mosquitoes were numerous, and the drinking water was not of the best. the rations were plain, but the rough riders did not mind this, for many of them had often fared worse on the plains. although it was now a regular military camp that the rough riders were in, it was rather difficult to control some of the men, especially those who had been used to an unusually rough life. but they were held in check as much as possible by their commanders, and on sunday all attended a church service held by chaplain brown, who spoke to them in a manner that soon claimed their attention. after but a few days spent in the camp at tampa, within walking distance of many of the fashionable hotels, the command was ordered to port tampa, there to board a transport to sail for some destination not revealed. but the soldiers knew they were going to cuba, to fight the spaniards and to aid in freeing cuba, and again there was a loud hurrahing. but immediately on top of this came one of the hardest blows the rough riders had to endure, and one which some of them will probably never forget. as already stated, volunteers from all over our nation were anxious to get into the fight, and it was no easy matter for the authorities at washington to decide who should go and who should be left behind. "only eight troops of seventy men each of the rough riders will embark on the transport," was the order sent to colonel wood. more than this, it was ordered that the command should be on board of the transport by the following morning, otherwise it could not go. "four troops to be left behind!" exclaimed theodore roosevelt. "too bad," returned colonel wood. "every man expects to go, and wants to go." it was a hard task to tell some of the men that they could not go. mr. roosevelt tells us that many of them actually cried at the news. they were willing to go under any conditions. they did not want any pay, they did not want any pensions if they were disabled, and some, who had money, even offered to pay their way, just for the privilege of fighting for uncle sam. after such an exhibition, let nobody dare to say that true patriotism is dying out in this country. but orders were orders, and as quickly as possible those to go were selected. then the command marched to the railroad tracks to await the cars. none came, and they were given orders to march to another track. this they also did; but still no train appeared. "we'll be left, that is certain," said colonel wood, anxiously. "it certainly looks like it, unless we march the boys down to the port." "here comes a train!" was the cry. it was a train, but only of empty coal cars. it was about to pass by when the rough riders halted it. "what's the matter with riding down to the port in the coal cars?" was the question asked by several. "good enough!" came the answer. "into the cars, boys, and don't waste time!" and into the dirty coal cars they piled, and persuaded the engineer of the train to take them down to port tampa as quickly as he could. if there had been bustle and confusion up at tampa, it was far worse at the port. everybody was in a hurry, and ten thousand soldiers stood around, not knowing what to do with their baggage, and not knowing which of the many transports to board. at last the rough riders were told to go aboard the _yucatan_, and started to do so. "the _yucatan_?" exclaimed a member of another command. "that is our transport." "no, she has been allotted to us," put in an officer belonging to still another command. "how many men will she hold?" questioned a captain of the rough riders. "about a thousand." "then she can't take the three commands." theodore roosevelt overheard this talk, and at once made up his mind that it would be a question of what command got aboard of the transport first. without the loss of a moment he ran back to where his men were in waiting. "double-quick to the dock!" was his order. and forming quickly, the troops made their way to the wharf with all possible speed. in the meantime, colonel wood had gone out to the transport in a steam-launch and gotten the vessel to come up to the wharf. on board went the rough riders pell-mell, and not a minute too soon. "this is our boat!" cried an officer, as he came up with his command a minute later. "sorry for you, sir, but it is our boat," was colonel wood's firm answer. then the third command loomed up, and a three-handed dispute arose. but the rough riders remained aboard of the transport, taking four companies of another command in with them. i have told of the particulars of this affair to show my young readers what was needed at this time, and how well theodore roosevelt performed his duties. he had been a soldier and officer only a few weeks, yet he realized that army life on paper and army life in reality were two different things. he felt that an officer must do much besides leading his men in the field: that he must look after them constantly, see that their health was provided for, see that they got their rations, see that transportation was ready when needed, and even see to it that some were kept away from the temptations of drink, and that they did not quarrel among themselves. when going on board of the transport, the rough riders were supplied with twelve days' rations each. the most of the food was good, but the canned beef was very bad, just as it was found to be very bad in many other quarters, and it made a great number sick. added to this, somebody had forgotten to issue salt to the soldiers; so much had to be eaten without this very necessary seasoning. "but we took matters good-naturedly," said one of the number, in speaking of the trip that followed. "many of the boys were out for a lark, and when they growled, they did it good-naturedly. we had all sorts of men, and all sorts of nicknames. an irishman was called solomon levi, and a nice young jew old pork chop. one fellow who was particularly slow was called speedy william, and another who always spoke in a quick, jerky voice answered to the hail of 'slow-up peter.' one cowboy who was as rough as anybody in the command was christened the parson, and a fine, high-toned, well-educated college boy had to answer to the name of jimmy the tramp. some of the boys could sing, and they organized the rough rider quartette; and others could play, and they gave us music on the mouth harmonicas and other instruments they had managed to smuggle along." the war department had expected to send the troops to cuba without delay, but now came in a report that some spanish war-ships were hovering around, ready to sink the transports as soon as they should show themselves, and for five days the vessels remained in port tampa harbor, until it was ascertained that the report was untrue. those five days were important to theodore roosevelt and to the men under him. every day the young officer spent a certain portion of his time in studying military tactics and in drilling his soldiers. much had still to be learned, and the officers had their school of instructions as well as did those under them. the weather was broiling hot, and some were already suffering from fever or its symptoms. fortunately bathing was good, and many went in once or twice a day. bathing in the ocean was great sport to some of the plainsmen who had never seen anything larger than a river or creek, and they frolicked around like children, and got up races, with prizes for the best swimmers. at last came the orders for the transports to set sail for cuba. they numbered thirty-two in all, including a schooner which was towed along filled with drinking water, for water must be had, and that was the only place where it could be stowed. to protect the transports from a possible attack by the enemy, they were accompanied by five war-ships at first, and later on by fourteen. all told, there were on the transports eight hundred officers and sixteen thousand enlisted men. of the commands, the most were from the regular army, the volunteers numbering but three--the rough riders, the seventy-first new york infantry, and the second massachusetts infantry. chapter xiv life on the transport--the landing at daiquiri--the march to siboney--the trail through the jungle--the skirmish at la guasima while the army was preparing to invade cuba, matters so far as they concerned the navy had been moving along rapidly. commodore dewey had sunk the spanish fleet in manila bay; havana and the adjacent coasts were being blockaded, so no ships could pass in or out without running the risk of capture; and a large fleet of war-ships under admiral cervera, of the enemy's navy, had been "bottled up" in santiago harbor. it had been decided that the united states troops should be landed on the southeast coast of cuba, not far from the entrance to santiago bay, and from that point should make an advance on santiago, which is the second city of importance in the island. day after day the flotilla of transports kept on its way, spread out in a broad column during the time it was light, and coming in close together during the night. the war-ships hovered near, and at night swept the ocean with their powerful search-lights, rendering a surprise by the enemy impossible. the trip to the southeast coast of cuba lasted seven days. it was very hot, even for this time of the year, and those who could, slept on deck during the voyage. there was but little to do, and when not drilling, the men took it easy in the shade,--sleeping, chatting, or playing games. sometimes they would talk of the future and wonder how much of real fighting lay before them. "we didn't know even then where we were going," said one, in speaking of the trip. "i don't believe wood or roosevelt knew either. first we thought it might be havana, then we imagined it might be porto rico, but when we turned southward and ran around the eastern end of the island, we all knew we were bound for santiago." as the transports swept up toward the mouth of santiago bay, they came within sight of the american war-ships that were keeping admiral cervera's fleet "bottled up" in the harbor. a shout of recognition went up, and one of the bands struck up a patriotic air that was truly inspiring. the landing of the rough riders and many other commands was made at daiquiri, a small settlement on the coast east of santiago harbor. the _yucatan_ got closer to the shore than most of the other transports, and the men lost no time in disembarking, taking with them two colt's automatic guns and a dynamite gun of which they had become possessed. as there had not been transports enough, only the officers' horses had been brought along. these were thrown into the water and made to swim ashore. theodore roosevelt had two horses, but one was drowned. it was important that the landing should be guarded, and the war-ships sent in some shot and shell to dislodge any spaniards who might be in the vicinity. but none showed themselves, and soon nearly all of the soldiers were ashore, either at daiquiri or at a landing a short distance farther westward. no enemy was in sight, and the only persons who appeared were some cubans, soldiers and civilians, who wanted but one thing, food. the rough riders had been put into a brigade commanded by general s.b.m. young. there were two of these brigades, and it is worth noting that they formed a division under the command of major-general joseph wheeler, who had in years gone by fought so gallantly on the side of the confederacy. now, as brave as of old, he was fighting for old glory, the one banner of the north and the south alike. as the rough riders landed, they were marched up the beach, and here they went into temporary camp,--an easy matter, since each soldier carried his outfit with him, or, at least, as much as he could get of what belonged to him. theodore roosevelt had his weapons and ammunition, a mackintosh and a toothbrush, certainly much less than he had carried even when roughing it in the bad lands of the west. as soon as the larger portion of the army was landed, general lawton--he who was afterward to give his life for his flag in the philippines--threw out a strong detachment on the santiago road to the westward, and also detachments on the roads to the north and east. "on to santiago!" was the cry. and many were for pushing forward without delay. but the transports had still to unload their baggage, and word did not reach the rough riders to move on until the afternoon of the day after landing. it was a rocky, uneven country, with much brushwood and jungles of trees and vines. it had rained, but now the sun came out fiercely, and the rough riders (riders in name only, for only the officers were on horseback) suffered greatly through being clad in winter uniform. "it was a tough and tiresome march," said one who was there. "the air just quivered with heat, and many of the boys felt like throwing half of their clothing away. whenever we reached a drinking place, the crowd would swarm around for water like a lot of bees. "general lawton had his outposts pretty well advanced. our commander, old general wheeler, was just as anxious to make a showing, and he ordered general young to push on with the rough riders and some other troops. so away we went, with colonel wood at our head, and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt in command of one squadron and major brodie in command of the other. in some spots the road was frightful, full of mud-holes, with big land crabs crawling around in all directions, and with the trailing vines full of poisonous spiders. we didn't know but that the woods might be full of spaniards, and we were on the alert to give the dons as good as they sent, should they show themselves." by nightfall the rough riders reached the little village of siboney without having met the enemy. here they went into camp in the midst of a heavy thunder-storm in which every soldier and officer was drenched to the skin. fires could scarcely be lighted, and it was not until the storm had partly cleared away that the cooks could prepare anything to eat. surely being a soldier was not all glory after all. it had been learned that a portion of the spanish army was less than four miles away, and general young was ordered by general wheeler to move forward at daybreak and engage the enemy. colonel wood received orders to move the rough riders by a trail over a hill, beyond which the country sloped toward the bay and the city of santiago. the first encounter with the enemy occurred at a place called la guasima (or las guasimas), so called on account of trees of that name growing in the vicinity. here the spaniards had rifle-pits and mounds of earth to shelter them and had likewise the sugar-house of a plantation. they had been watching for the coming of the _americanos_ eagerly, and were determined to give our soldiers a lesson not to be forgotten. they knew that our army had not been in active warfare for years, and felt certain that they would soon be able to make the "paper" soldiers retreat. the rough riders found the way led up a steep hill, and the pace was so fast that before the firing line was reached some men fell out from exhaustion. theodore roosevelt was at the head of the first squadron and did his best to urge those under him forward. there was an advance guard, led by some men under sergeant hamilton fish, and captain capron's troop, and soon a crash of firearms notified all that a fight was on. orders were at once issued to fill the magazines of the guns, and this was done. then, while some troops moved to the left of the trail, lieutenant-colonel roosevelt was ordered to take three troops to the right. here the jungle was heavy, and no sooner had the rough riders advanced than the spaniards opened fire upon them. in speaking of the opening of this fight, mr. roosevelt himself writes:-- "the effect of the smokeless powder (used by the enemy) was remarkable. the air seemed full of the rustling sound of the mauser bullets, for the spaniards knew the trails by which we were advancing, and opened heavily on our position. but they themselves were entirely invisible. the jungle covered everything, and not the faintest trace of smoke was to be seen in any direction, to indicate from whence the bullets came." it was certainly a trying time--to stand up and be shot at without being able to return the compliment. roosevelt and all the other leaders knew that this would not do, and at a great risk they continued to advance, until some spaniards were at last discovered across a valley to the right of where the troops under lieutenant-colonel roosevelt were located. "there they are!" was the cry. "forward and at 'em, boys! down with the dons!" without delay some sharpshooters fired on the spaniards, and then the regular troops opened up, and at last the spaniards ran from cover. bullets were now flying in all directions, and both sides were making their shots tell. the americans had but scant protection, and it was not long before a number of them fell. some bullets came close to theodore roosevelt, and one hit a palm tree near where he was standing, filling his left eye and ear with the dust and splinters. had that mauser bullet come a few inches closer, the man who was destined to become the future president of our country might have been killed on the spot. in the midst of the skirmish--for the conflict proved to be nothing more--there was a report that colonel wood was dead, and theodore roosevelt took it upon himself to restore the fighting line of rough riders to order. but happily the report proved false; and a little while after this the skirmish came to an end, and both spaniards and americans betook themselves to positions of greater safety. in this skirmish, brief as it was, the rough riders lost eight men killed and nearly forty wounded. chapter xv along the jungle trail--fording the river--opening of the battle of san juan hill--bravery of the rough riders--personal experiences of theodore roosevelt during the battle taken as a whole, the skirmish at la guasima was quite an important one, for it showed the spaniards that our soldiers were bound to advance upon santiago, be the cost what it might. more than this, it showed that theodore roosevelt was brave under fire. during the skirmish he paid but scant attention to his own personal safety. he went wherever he thought he was needed, and the fact that mauser bullets were flying about in all directions did not daunt him. "he was about as cool a man as i ever saw in a fight," said one old soldier. "he did all he could to encourage the men, and had a kind word for every man he ran across who was wounded. once, in the thickest of the brush, he grabbed up a gun and began to shoot with us, and i reckon he fired as straight as anybody there, for he had had lots of practice while hunting." the spaniards had been driven from their pits and from the sugar-house of the plantation, and now took good care to keep out of sight. picket-guards were thrown out by the officers of the army, and those who had been in the fight took a much-needed rest, and looked after the dead and wounded. there was certainly a touching scene at the temporary hospital, where one soldier started to sing "my country, 'tis of thee," and many others joined in. on the following morning the dead were buried, the men gathering around the one common grave to sing "rock of ages" in a manner that brought tears to the eyes of many. from la guasima the rough riders moved to the bank of a small stream in the neighborhood. part of the army was ahead of them and the rest behind, and for several days nothing unusual occurred. but during that time general young caught the fever, whereupon colonel wood had to take charge of the brigade, and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt took command of the rough riders. it was now the end of june, and the weather was anything but agreeable. when the rain did not come down in torrents, the sun shone with a glare and a heat that was terrific. as said before, the uniforms of the rough riders were heavy, and much clothing had to be cast aside as unfit for use. to add to the discomfort, rations that were promised failed to appear, so that a good square meal was almost unknown. "this will not do; the men must have enough to eat, even if i have to buy it for them," said acting colonel roosevelt, and made two trips down to the seacoast in search of beans, tomatoes, and other things to eat. here he was informed that he could only buy stuff meant for the officers. "all right; i'll buy the things for the officers," he answered, and purchased as much as they would allow. when he got back, he turned the food over to the officers, but saw to it that they gave their men a fair share. "it was a kindness none of his men ever forgot," said a soldier who was there. "it wasn't any of his business to buy the grub,--the commissary department had to supply it free,--but he knew we might starve while the department was getting itself straightened out and ready to do the right thing. before he went on a hunt for food, all we had was salt pork, hardtack, and coffee, and some of the stuff wasn't fit to put in your mouth." and this testimony was the testimony of scores of others. the spaniards were strongly intrenched upon the outskirts of santiago, and as it was a rough, hilly country, with many shallow streams and much jungle, it was hard for the american army to advance. it was general shafter's idea to form a grand semicircle around santiago, starting from el caney on the north, and running in an irregular line to aguadores on the south. throughout this territory the spaniards had done everything possible to hinder the advance of our troops. barbed wire was strung in many directions, and often the brushwood would conceal dangerous pitfalls, so that any advance had to be made with great caution. the attack upon the spanish lines began on july , and the fighting took place in several quarters at once, but was unusually heavy at el caney and at san juan hill. at el caney the heroic general lawton was in command, and fought as gallantly as he afterward did in the philippines. some of the charges were terrific, and will ever be remembered by those who participated in them. the rough riders struck camp and moved along the trail on the last day of june. it was as hot as ever, with no sign of rain. the trail was filled with troops and provision wagons, and the progress, consequently, was slow. "let us get into the fight!" was the cry heard on every side. "don't keep us waiting any longer." "keep cool," said one of the officers. "you'll get all the fighting you want soon." and so it proved. at a little after eight o'clock in the evening the rough riders found themselves on el poso hill, and here the whole brigade to which they were attached went into camp. "it wasn't much of a camp," said one who was there. "we just threw out a strong picket-guard and went to sleep on our arms, and glad of it, after that day in the broiling sun. we had had to ford some pretty muddy streams, and all of us were water and mud up to our knees. but everybody was as enthusiastic to fight as ever." at sunrise the battle opened at el caney, and the rough riders could hear the booming of cannon. at once all was activity, and the men prepared to move ahead at a moment's notice. acting colonel roosevelt was with colonel wood at the time, and both were listening to the roar of the artillery. "i wish we could move--" began colonel wood, when, of a sudden, both he and theodore roosevelt heard a strange humming sound in the air. then came the explosion of a shrapnel shell over their heads, and both leaped to their feet. "this is getting warm!" cried theodore roosevelt, and ran toward his horse, when boom! came another explosion, and one of the bullets fell upon his wrist, making, as he himself says, "a bump about as big as a hickory nut." this same shell, he adds, wounded four of the men under him and two or three regulars, one of whom lost his leg. certainly another providential escape on the part of the future president. without loss of time theodore roosevelt ordered his troops into the underbrush, and here, for the time being, they were safe. on account of the smokeless powder they used, the spanish batteries could not be precisely located, so our own artillery were at a slight disadvantage. but now the blood of the americans was fully aroused, and soon came an order for a general advance,--something that was hailed with wild delight by the rough riders. "hurrah, now we'll show 'em what the yankees can do!" was the cry. "down with the dons! three cheers for uncle sam!" the rough riders had to ford the river, and while they were doing this, a balloon that had been used for observations came down in that vicinity and attracted the attention of the spanish sharpshooters. the firing was now heavy on all sides, and many a gallant soldier went down to rise no more. then came another wait of an hour, during which the rough riders rested in a hollow leading up from the river. again there was grumbling. with so much fighting on all sides, why could they not advance? "we'll get our turn," said theodore roosevelt. and soon after a staff officer dashed up with orders to move forward and support the cavalry of the regular army on the hills in front. "now to the front!" was the cry. "down with the dons!" and away went troop after troop on the double-quick, with acting colonel roosevelt leading them. shot and shell were hurling themselves through the air in all directions, and on all sides could be heard the shrieks and groans of the dead and the dying. it was a time long to be remembered. men went down in all directions, and with them not a few officers. it was so hot that roosevelt's orderly was prostrated from the heat and afterward died. roosevelt summoned another rough rider, and had just finished giving the man some orders when the soldier pitched forward upon his commander, killed by a bullet through the throat. as the troops advanced, theodore roosevelt urged his men forward and told them to do their best, to which they responded with a cheer. he was on horseback at the time, and soon came across a man lying in the shade, probably overcome by the heat. he started to speak to the rough rider when a bullet hit the fellow and killed him on the spot. "i suppose that bullet was meant for me," says mr. roosevelt, in writing of this incident. "i, who was on horseback in the open, was unhurt, and the man lying flat on the ground in the cover beside me was killed." the fight had now centred around the possession of san juan hill, upon which was located a spanish blockhouse. the bullets were flying as thickly as ever, when roosevelt was ordered to advance in support of another regiment. as the rough riders reached the spot where the other regiment was, they found the men lying down awaiting orders. "i am ordered to support your regiment," said theodore roosevelt to the first captain he met. "we are awaiting orders to advance," answered the captain of the regulars. "in my opinion we cannot take these hills by firing at them," returned the commander of the rough riders. "we must rush them." "my orders are to keep my men where they are." "where is your colonel?" "i don't know." "well, if he isn't here, then i am the ranking officer, and i give the order to charge," came quickly and positively from theodore roosevelt. "well, sir,--i--i have orders from our colonel--" began the captain of the regulars. "if you won't charge, let my men pass through, sir," cut in the acting colonel of the rough riders, and he ordered his men to move to the front. this was too much for the regulars, and up they sprang with shouts and yells, and rough riders and regulars went up san juan hill together. roosevelt was on horseback as before, but at a barbed-wire fence he leaped to the ground, swung his hat in the air, and joined his men on foot. the fight was now at its fiercest, and men were being mowed down in all directions. but the fever of battle was in the veins of all the american soldiers, and nothing could stop them. up the hill they went, loading and firing at random, and making as many shots as possible tell. the spaniards were in retreat, and soon old glory was planted in several places. some of the leading officers had been shot, and theodore roosevelt found himself at one time in command of five regiments, and doing his best to keep them in military order. strange as it may seem, with bullets flying all around him, he remained unharmed, saving for some slight scratches which, he tells us, "were of no consequence." with the top of the hill gained, the american soldiers could get a distant glimpse of santiago, several miles away, and some wanted to move still farther forward. but the spaniards had strong intrenchments to fall back upon, and it was deemed best to "let well enough alone." accordingly the american line was made as strong as possible, and by nightfall the battle was at an end, and the rough riders were told to hold the hill and intrench, and they did so. in the blockhouse they found some food belonging to some spanish officers, and upon this they feasted after their well-earned victory. chapter xvi results of the fight--life in the trenches--the spanish fleet in santiago harbor--another great naval victory--the rough riders and the spanish guerillas the fight had been a hard and heavy one. the rough riders had gone into the engagement just strong, and of that number were killed or wounded. the total loss to the americans was killed and wounded. the loss to the spanish was also heavy, but the exact figures will probably never be known. utterly tired out with their marching and fighting, the rough riders intrenched as best they could, cared for their wounded and dead, and then dropped down to get a well-earned rest. the night was misty and cold, and many who had been bathed in perspiration suffered accordingly. theodore roosevelt had a blanket taken from the spanish, and in this he rolled himself, and slept with others of his command. at three o'clock in the morning came an unexpected alarm. the spanish skirmishers were out in force, trying to drive the americans back. but there was no heavy attack, and presently all became as quiet as before. "they'll not give up yet," said one of the officers of the rough riders. "they mean to retake this hill if they can." just at daybreak the spaniards opened the attack on san juan hill once more. theodore roosevelt was resting under a little tree when a shrapnel shell burst close by, killing or wounding five men of the command. he at once ordered the eight troops under him to a safer position, where the spanish battery and the sharpshooters could not locate them so readily. if the fight had been hard, guarding the trenches was almost equally so. the sun beat down fiercely, and the newly turned up earth made many of the rough riders sick. added to this, provisions were, as usual, slow in arriving. those in the trenches were kept there six hours, and then relieved by the others who were farther to the rear. "running from the cover of brush to the trenches was no easy matter," says one rough rider who was there. "we had dug the trenches in a hurry, and had no passages from the rear leading to them. all we could do was to wait for a signal, and then rush, and when we did that, the spaniards would open a hot fire and keep it up for perhaps fifteen minutes. the sun was enough to turn a man's brain, and more than one poor fellow caught a fever there that proved fatal to him." through the entire day the firing continued, but no advances were made upon either side. the americans were waiting for reinforcements, and the spaniards were doing likewise. on our side a dynamite gun and two colt's guns were used, but with little success. but the gatling guns proved very effective, and caused a great loss to the enemy. the city of santiago lies on the northeast coast of a large bay of the same name. this bay is shaped somewhat like a bottle, with a long neck joining it to the caribbean sea. in the harbor, at the time of the battles just described, the spaniards had a fleet of war-ships under the command of admiral cervera, an old and able naval commander. in the fleet were four large cruisers and two torpedo-boats. three of the cruisers were of seven thousand tons burden each, and all could make from eighteen to nineteen knots an hour. each carried a crew of about five hundred men, and all were well supplied with guns and ammunition. to keep this fleet "bottled up," our own navy had a fleet of its own just outside of the harbor, where it had been stationed ever since admiral cervera had been discovered within. the american fleet consisted of the cruiser _brooklyn_, which was commodore schley's flag-ship, the battleships _texas_, _iowa_, _indiana_, and _oregon_ (the latter having sailed all the way from the pacific coast around cape horn to get into the fight), and the converted yachts _gloucester_ and _vixen_. there were also close at hand, but not near enough to get into the fight, the cruiser _new york_, admiral sampson's flag-ship, and several other vessels of lesser importance. for a long time it had been thought that cervera would try to escape from the harbor, in which he could not be reached because of the strong forts that protected the entrance. to bottle him up more effectively, the americans tried to block up the harbor entrance by sinking an old iron steamboat, the _merrimac_, in the channel. this heroic work was undertaken by lieutenant hobson with a crew of seven daring men, but the plan failed, for the _merrimac_, instead of sinking where intended, swung to one side of the main channel. when it was reported to him that the americans had taken the heights of el caney and san juan and were strongly intrenched in their positions, admiral cervera concluded that santiago bay might soon become too hot to hold him. the capture of the city would be followed by the taking of the forts at the harbor entrance, and then there would be nothing left for him to do but to surrender. san juan and el caney had been taken on friday, and all day saturday occurred the shooting at long range, as already described. in the meantime the war-ships outside of the harbor kept up a close watch on the harbor entrance, lying well out during the day, but coming in closer at night, and using their powerful search-lights from sundown to sunrise. sunday dawned bright and clear, and for the time being all was quiet both ashore and afloat. in the trenches the rough riders and other soldiers were still on guard, doing what they could for their wounded, and trying to get the rations which were still delayed. presently, those on board of the american fleet noticed a thick cloud of smoke hanging over the harbor, coming from the funnels of the spanish war-ships. then one of the enemy's vessels showed itself, quickly followed by the others, and all turned westward, to escape up the coast. "the enemy is escaping!" was the signal hoisted. and then one cannon after another boomed out, giving the signal to all our ships in that vicinity. the booming of the cannon was heard away eastward at siboney, whither admiral sampson had gone with his ship to confer with general shafter, and without delay the _new york_ raced madly back to get into the fight that followed. "remember the _maine!_" was the cry. "down with the spanish ships! give 'em what dewey did!" and this cry, "give 'em what dewey did!" was heard on every hand. the first vessel to go down was a torpedo-boat, sunk by the _gloucester_, and this was quickly followed by the sinking of the second torpedo-boat. in the meantime the larger vessels were pouring in their rain of steel upon the spanish cruisers with deadly effect, knocking great holes into the ships and killing scores of those on board. the spanish cruiser _teresa_ was the first to succumb to the heavy attack, and soon she turned in to shore to save her crew from drowning. then the _oquendo_ caught fire in several places, and burning fiercely from stem to stern, she, too, turned in. but two ships were now left to admiral cervera, the _vizcaya_ and the _colon_, and each had suffered much. both were doing their best to get out of reach of our guns and the marvellous accuracy of our gunners. "don't let 'em get away!" was the cry. "give 'em what dewey did!" forward went the war-ships of uncle sam, the powerful _oregon_ leading, with the _brooklyn_ and _texas_ not far behind. the rain of steel continued, and at last, burning like her sister ships, the _vizcaya_ turned shoreward, and many of her crew leaped overboard to save their lives. only the _colon_ now remained. she was still in fair condition, and it was the spaniards' ardent hope to save at least one ship from the dire calamity that had overtaken them. but this was not to be, and after a run of a few miles, during which the _oregon_ and _brooklyn_ continued to pound her with shot and shell, the spanish flag was lowered, and the _colon_ also ran ashore. it was assuredly a mighty victory, a fitting mate to the great victory won by admiral dewey, and when the news reached our country there was such a fourth of july celebration everywhere as will never be forgotten. twice had our navy met the ships of spain, and each time we had sunk every vessel without losing any of our own. more than this, while the spaniards had lost many men through shot and fire and drowning, our total loss was but one man killed and a handful wounded. the loss of her second fleet was a bitter blow to spain, and many predicted that the war would not continue much longer, and this prediction proved correct. during the rush made by the rough riders and our other soldiers, they had gone right through several bodies of spanish guerillas who were secreted in the trees of the jungle. these guerillas, really lawless fellows belonging to no particular command, could not get back into santiago because of the strong american guard at the intrenchments, and consequently they contented themselves with remaining out of sight and peppering our soldiers whenever the opportunity offered. "this will not do," said theodore roosevelt. "they are shooting down our men without giving them a chance to fire back. we'll have to get after them." and without delay he sent out a detachment of the best rough rider shots to be found. these sharpshooters searched the jungle back of the intrenchments thoroughly, and as a result killed eleven of the guerillas and wounded many more. after that the guerillas kept their distance, satisfied that the yankees could beat them at their own game. chapter xvii devotion of the rough riders to theodore roosevelt--his kindness to his men--last of the fighting--the truce and treaty of peace with the defeat of admiral cervera's fleet, a flag of truce was sent into santiago by the commander of our army, demanding the surrender of the city. while these negotiations were pending, all fighting came to an end, and the rough riders had but little to do outside of making themselves comfortable and caring for the many who were getting sick because of the lack of shelter and proper food. food was now coming in more rapidly, and soon all were supplied with tents and blankets. during this time theodore roosevelt's personal baggage appeared, and he celebrated the arrival by treating himself to a shave and a change of linen, something impossible to do since the fighting had begun. in his own writings, mr. roosevelt has spoken at great length of the devotion which all of the rough riders displayed toward him. they were anxious to wait on him at all hours of the day and night. some would pitch his tent, others would clean his weapons, and still others would go hunting and bring in such game as the vicinity afforded. when ordered to do anything, there was rarely a grumble. those in the hospital bore their sufferings with remarkable fortitude. in return for this, theodore roosevelt did all he could to make life less hard for those under him. the game that was brought to him he sent to the hospital, that the wounded might have proper nourishment; and he either went himself or sent somebody to the seacoast, to purchase food which the commissary department possessed, but which, through lack of organization, it was slow in distributing. when no shelter was to be had, he slept on the ground with his men, and when they had to work on the trenches at night, he was up and around superintending the labor. "he was one of us, and he let us know it," was said by one of the rough riders. "he ate the same food we did, and he was mighty good to the sick and the wounded. he paid for lots of things out of his own pocket, and i don't believe he has ever asked uncle sam to pay him back." there was no telling how soon the truce would come to an end and fighting would begin again, and night after night the rough riders were kept on guard. there was a standing order that each fourth man should keep awake while the others slept, and no matter how dark or rainy the night, theodore roosevelt tramped around from one trench to another, seeing to it that this order was obeyed. he also visited the intrenchments of other commands, to compare them and make certain that the grade of service was equally high among the rough riders. this shows distinctly that he was a natural-born military commander. the truce lasted a week, and while all operations were supposed to have come to an end, both the americans and the spaniards spent the time in strengthening their positions. at one time the americans constructed a fairly good defence, in which they placed two gatling guns and two automatic colt guns, and this was named fort roosevelt, in honor of the rough rider commander. on the tenth of july the fighting began once more, and again the batteries on both sides sent shot and shell into the camps of the enemy. it was largely fighting at long range, and the only rough riders who took part were those who manned the colt's guns, and a small body of sharpshooters stationed in a trench well to the front. on the next day the rough riders were ordered northward, to guard the road running from santiago to el caney. here some fighting was in progress, and the troopers expected to get into battle once more. but the skirmish came to an end before they arrived, very much to their disappointment. hardly had the rough riders settled in their new position than a storm came up which proved to be the heaviest yet experienced during the campaign. while theodore roosevelt was sleeping in his tent, the shelter was blown down and away, and all of his personal effects were scattered in the mud and wet. as best he could, he donned his clothing, saw to it that his men were safe, and then betook himself to a kitchen tent, where he finished the sleep of that night on a rude table recently taken from an abandoned spanish home in that vicinity. "on that night it rained cats and dogs and hammer-handles," said one of the soldiers afterward. "it was inky dark--darker than i have ever known it to be anywhere on the plains. the water made a muddy pond of the whole camp, and the trenches were half filled in no time. everything was blown helter-skelter by the furious wind, and some of our outfits we never recovered. in the midst of the confusion some fellows reported that the spaniards were trying to break through our lines, but the report was false,--the outsiders were starving cubans who had come in looking for shelter and something to eat. we gave them what we could--which was precious little, for we had next to nothing ourselves--and then got them to help us get things together again. one of the cubans was an old man, who could speak a little english. he said he had lost two daughters and three grandchildren by starvation since the war between spain and cuba had started. he himself was little more than a skeleton." that theodore roosevelt was warmhearted enough to look out for other soldiers besides those of his own command is proven by what took place on the day following the big storm. next to the rough riders were located a regiment of illinois volunteers. because of the muddy roads and swollen streams, they could get no rations, and scant as were their own supplies, colonel roosevelt had the rough riders furnish them with beans, coffee, and a few cases of hardtack, for which they were extremely grateful. later in the day the commander of the rough riders also got to them part of a mule train of provisions. the american position had been greatly strengthened, and many additional troops were now at the front. it was felt that an advance upon santiago would surely result in victory, although the losses might be large. but the spaniards were no longer in a position to continue the struggle, and on july the city formally surrendered. the surrendered territory covered many miles, and the spanish soldiers to lay down their arms numbered upward of twenty thousand. there was great cheering in the american trenches when the glad news was brought in, and soon old glory was planted on every height, while the trumpets sounded out triumphantly. possession of santiago was immediate, and in a few hours the stars and stripes floated from the flagstaff of the civil government buildings. our gallant army had won on the land just as our gallant navy had won on the sea. the war had been, for us, one of triumph from start to finish. in foreign countries the news was received with an astonishment that can scarcely be described. after dewey's wonderful victory in manila bay, many naval experts said that such a fight could not be duplicated, yet it was duplicated two months later off santiago bay in a manner that left no doubt of american supremacy on the sea. then when it came to fighting on land, our army was designated as "paper" soldiers, that is, soldiers on paper or in name only, and it was said that their guns would be found of little use against the mausers of spain. but this was likewise false; and to-day the army and navy of the united states are respected everywhere. and more than this, foreign powers have come to our country for many of their war-ships, asking us to build and equip them, and also asking us to make cannon and rifles for them. while the war was on in cuba, a part of the united states army under general miles was sent to porto rico, another island belonging to spain. here the inhabitants hailed the americans with delight, and the resistance by the spanish soldiers was only half-hearted. with the downfall of the navy and santiago, spain knew not what to do next, and gladly received the terms of peace offered by president mckinley and his advisers. the terms were accepted on august , and thus the short but sharp war came to a termination. by the treaty of peace cuba was given her liberty, and porto rico and the philippines passed into the possession of the united states. chapter xviii last days in cuba--the departure for home--arrival at montauk--caring for the sick and wounded--presentation to theodore roosevelt by his men--mustering-out of the rough riders four days after the surrender of santiago the rough riders found themselves in the hills four or five miles back from the intrenchments they had occupied during the last fight. other commands were scattered in various directions, for to let them go into the wretched city would have been out of the question. santiago was dirty in the extreme; the fever was there, and hundreds were on the verge of starvation. it was a trying time for everybody, and equally so for theodore roosevelt, who did all in his power, as before, to make his men comfortable. when it did not rain, the sun came out fiercely, causing a rapid evaporation that was thoroughly exhausting to the soldiers. the locality was not a healthy one, and soon scores of rough riders and others were down with malaria or fever. doctors and surgeons were scarce, and hospital accommodations were scanty, and again and again did colonel roosevelt send down on his own account to the seacoast and to santiago for food and medicines of which his command were in dire need. he was now colonel of the rough riders in reality, his promotion having been granted to him just one week after the heroic charge up san juan hill. his old colonel, wood, was installed at santiago as military governor. this, for the time being, left colonel roosevelt in command of the cavalry brigade, no small honor to one who had been, but a few months before, a stranger to military duties. during this time in camp, theodore roosevelt visited santiago and the forts at the entrance to the harbor, and with the pen of a skilled author he has, in one of his books, given us vivid pictures of the sights to be seen there at that time--the crooked streets with their queer shops, the wretched inhabitants, the grim and frowning forts, all hemmed in by the towering mountains and the sea. he likewise tells of his trips to the mountains, and how his companions were usually exhausted by the climbing done. for one who in his youth had been so delicate, he stood the exposure remarkably well, for which he was thankful. for some time the authorities at washington did not know what to do with the troops in cuba. it was suggested that they move up to higher ground, or to another neighborhood. but general shafter knew, and so did all of the officers under him, that to keep the army in the island would only mean more sickness and death. "i will go to the general with a protest," said colonel roosevelt. and he did so. meanwhile the other head officers drew up a letter of protest, and this was signed by all, including the commander of the rough riders. in his own letter roosevelt protested against the treatment of his men in the matter of rations, clothing, and hospital accommodations, and in the other letter, called by the officers a round robin, there was a protest about remaining in cuba longer, with the fever getting worse every day. these letters were made public through the press of the united states, with the result that the troops were ordered home without further delay. the rough riders left cuba on august , just six weeks and a half after landing. the time spent in the island had been short, but to many it seemed an age. none were sorry to depart, although sad to think that some of the sick had to be left behind. the transport used this time was the _miami_, and mr. roosevelt tells us that, taken as a whole, the accommodations were better than they had been on the _yucatan_. but on the trip much trouble was had with some of the stokers and engineers, who insisted upon drinking some liquor smuggled aboard. "i will not permit this," said colonel roosevelt. and he read the disorderly ones a strong lecture and made them give up their liquor. after that, as there was much grumbling, he set a guard; and that was the end of that trouble. the destination of the transport was montauk, on the extreme eastern shore of long island. the trip took nine days,--rather a dreary time to those anxious to see their native land once more. when an anchorage was gained, a gunboat came out to the transport with the welcome news that spain had agreed to our terms. the sick had still to be cared for; yet, taken as a whole, the month spent at the camp at montauk was pleasant enough. here colonel roosevelt met that part of the regiment that had been left behind in florida, and all the stories of the fights had to be told over and over again. "it was good to meet the rest of the regiment," says mr. roosevelt, in his book. "they all felt dreadfully at not having been in cuba. of course those who stayed had done their duty precisely as did those who went." which was true; yet, as he adds, those who had been left behind could not be comforted. colonel roosevelt was still in charge of the brigade while at montauk, and much of his time was taken up in getting out necessary reports, and seeing to it that the entire camp was kept in first-class sanitary condition. "and he was up to the mark," said one of those who were there. "he didn't allow the least bit of dirt, and everything had to be as shipshape as if we were at west point. and it was a good thing, too, for it kept the sickness from spreading." the sea-breeze is strong at montauk, and this soon began to tell upon all who were sick, putting in them new life and vigor. here every possible attention was given to those who were down, so that ere long many were up again and as well as ever. when he had a little time to himself, theodore roosevelt would gather a few friends around him, and either go to the beach to bathe or go off on a long horseback ride. war was to him a thing of the past, and he was once more willing to become a private citizen as of old. in those days the camp at montauk was constantly crowded with visitors from new york city and elsewhere, who poured in upon every train. all of the soldiers who had been to cuba were hailed as heroes, and had to tell their stories many times. "every soldier had a crowd following him," said one private. "the visitors wanted to know how we had fought, how we had been treated by the government, how things looked in cuba, and a hundred and one other things. most of the visitors, especially the ladies, wanted our autographs, and i had to write mine as many as forty times a day. i remember one of the men, a cowboy from oklahoma, couldn't write, and he got so upset over this that every time somebody asked him for his autograph he would run away, saying he had forgotten to do something that he had been ordered to do. when i and some chums went down to new york to look around, all the folks stared at us, and many insisted on shaking hands and treating." [illustration: colonel roosevelt at montauk point. (_photograph by pach bros., new york._)] the uniforms the rough riders had worn in cuba were in rags, and many had boarded the transport barefooted. the rags were saved as trophies of the occasion, and many are still in existence. at camp wykoff, as the place was called, there was a large hospital for the sick, and to this many came to do what they could for the sufferers, who were now given every possible attention. among the visitors was miss helen gould, who had used her ample means for the benefit of the sick all through the war, and who now continued to play the good samaritan. president mckinley and many of his cabinet likewise visited the camp, and saw to it that everything in the hospital and out of it was as it should be. the sick were presented with the best of fruits and other things, and many ladies assisted the nurses by reading to the patients and by writing letters for them. now that they had nothing to do in the shape of fighting, many of the rough riders were anxious to get back to the wild west. life in an ordinary camp did not suit them, and at every available opportunity they indulged in "horse play," working off many practical jokes upon each other. one day a report went the rounds that a member of another cavalry organization could not master a certain horse that had been assigned to him. the report was true, for the horse was what is called by ranchmen a "bad bucker." "i think sergeant darnell can master him," said colonel roosevelt. he referred to one of the best "bronco busters" among the rough riders, a man who had never yet allowed a steed to get the best of him. "all right, let darnell try him," said others. and a test was arranged for the day following. at that time secretary of war alger was in camp, and a great crowd of visitors, military men and others, gathered before colonel roosevelt's quarters to watch the contest. at the proper time the vicious horse was brought forth, and watching his chance, sergeant darnell leaped upon his back. then came such a bucking, leaping, and prancing as many had never witnessed before. "he'll be killed!" cried many of the ladies. "the horse will have him under in another moment." but such fears were groundless. darnell knew exactly what he was doing, and in the end the fiery steed had to give in, completely conquered. on the last sunday in camp, chaplain brown delivered an impressive sermon, to which all listened with grave attention. after he had finished, theodore roosevelt spoke to the men in a feeling way. "i told them how proud i was of them," he says. "but warned them not to think that they could go back and rest on their laurels, bidding them remember that though for ten days or so the world would be willing to treat them as heroes, yet after that time they would find they would have to get down to hard work just like anybody else, unless they were willing to be regarded as worthless do-nothings." this was the best possible advice, and it is believed that many of the soldiers profited by it. before the men were mustered out, they treated their beloved commander to a genuine surprise. they had had a fine bronze of a "bronco buster" made, and this was presented to colonel roosevelt on behalf of the whole regiment. it touched him deeply, and to-day this bronze is one of his most highly prized gifts. at last came news that the rough riders would be mustered out of the united states service the next day. that evening a great celebration took place, in which all of the men joined, each according to his own notion of what a celebration should be. large bonfires were lit, and here some delivered speeches, the soldiers from the colleges sang, those with indian blood in them gave a characteristic dance, and cowboys and ranchmen did "double-shuffles" and "cut up" as suited them. on the morning of september , four months after the rough riders had been organized, the colors were lowered in camp, the men were mustered out, and officers and privates shook hands and said good-by. "it was the greatest sight i ever saw," says one of the number. "not until that moment came did we realize what it meant to part with those who had fought with us in battle and suffered the hardships of life in the trenches. strange friendships had been formed, some between those who were very rich and very poor, and others between those who were well educated and very ignorant. one man who was studying for a professional life had as his particular chum a rough cowboy who had never spent six months over his books. but the two had stood by each other and suffered, and i really believe they were willing to lay down their lives for each other. "many of the men could hardly bear to part with colonel roosevelt. he had stuck by them through thick and thin, and they worshipped him. some shook hands half a dozen times, and some hardly dared to speak for fear of breaking down. i never expect to see the match of that scene again." chapter xix nominated for governor of new york--a rough rider way of campaigning--elected governor--important work at albany--the homestead at oyster bay--chopping down a tree for exercise the war with spain was at an end, and uncle sam had now to turn his attention to the philippines, where for many months to come military disturbances of a more or less serious nature were to take place. theodore roosevelt might have remained in the army, and had he done so there is no doubt but that he would have swiftly risen to a rank of importance. but the people of the state of new york willed otherwise. "he is a great military man," they said. "but he was likewise a fine police commissioner and a civil service commissioner, fighting continually for what was right and good. let us make him our next governor." the convention that nominated theodore roosevelt for the highest office in the empire state met at saratoga, september , , just twelve days after the rough riders were mustered out. at that time frank s. black was governor of the state, having been elected two years before by a large majority. the governor had many friends, and they said he deserved another term. "roosevelt is not a citizen of this state," said they. "he gave up his residence here when he went to washington to become assistant secretary of the navy." "we don't want him anyway," said other politicians, who had not forgotten how the rough rider had acted when in the assembly. "if he gets into office, it will be impossible to manage him." and they worked night and day to defeat the hero of san juan hill. on the day of the convention, the hall where it was held was jammed with people. the people were also crowded in the street outside, and on every hand were seen rough rider badges. "it was a roosevelt crowd from top to bottom," says one who was there. "you heard his name everywhere--in the hotels, on the streets, no matter where you went. every once in a while somebody would shout, 'three cheers for teddy!' and the cheers would be given with a will." as soon as the convention had settled down to business, governor black was put up for nomination, and then the hon. chauncey m. depew presented the name of theodore roosevelt. he spoke of what had been done in cuba, and added:-- "the rough riders endured no hardships nor dangers which were not shared by their colonel. he helped them dig their ditches; he stood beside them in the deadly dampness of the trenches. no floored tent for him if his comrades must sleep on the ground and under the sky. in that world-famed charge of the rough riders up the hill of san juan, their colonel was a hundred feet in advance." there was a prolonged cheering when theodore roosevelt's name was mentioned, and hundreds waved their handkerchiefs and flags. other speeches followed, and at last came the voting. out of the total number cast theodore roosevelt received seven hundred and fifty-three and governor black two hundred and eighteen. "i move we make the nomination of theodore roosevelt unanimous!" cried judge cady, who had previously presented the name of governor black. and amid continued cheering this was done. theodore roosevelt had been nominated on the regular republican ticket. in opposition, the democrats nominated augustus van wyck, also well known, and likewise of as old dutch stock as roosevelt himself. the campaign was a decidedly strenuous one. the democrats made every effort to win, while on the other hand the republicans who had wanted governor black for another term did not give to mr. roosevelt the support promised when his nomination had been made unanimous. "we shall be defeated," said more than one friend to roosevelt. "it seems a shame, but we cannot arouse the party as it should be aroused." "i will see what i can do myself," answered the former leader of the rough riders. and he arranged to make a complete tour of the state, taking in almost every city and town of importance. when some of the old campaign managers heard of this, they came to roosevelt in great alarm. "you mustn't do it," they said. "it will ruin you." "i will risk it," was the answer of the candidate. and forthwith he started on his tour, taking a handful of his rough rider friends with him. it was a brilliant stroke on the part of theodore roosevelt, and it told tremendously in his favor. wherever he went, the people turned out in large crowds to see him and to listen to what he or his rough rider companions had to say. citizens by the hundred came up to shake him by the hand and wish him success. parades were organized to do him honor, and at night there would be brilliant illuminations and fireworks. "we have aroused the party," said he, when the tour was at an end. and so it proved. although van wyck was popular, theodore roosevelt was elected to the high office of governor by seventeen thousand plurality. it was certainly a high position for such a young man to occupy. he was barely forty years of age, yet as governor of new york he ruled twice as many people as did george washington when first president of the united states. he entered on his new duties with as much zeal as he had displayed when organizing the rough riders, and in a few weeks had the reins of government well in hand. it is said that while he was governor he was never surprised by those who opposed him. when they wanted facts and figures he was able to produce them, and he never supported or vetoed a measure unless he was morally certain he was on the right side. he was open-faced to the last degree, and what he said he meant. during his term of office many measures of importance were considered, but in a work of this kind it is not necessary to go into details. for several important offices he nominated men of his own selection, despite the protests of some older politicians, and these selections proved first-class. during his term as governor, mr. roosevelt did a great work for many poor people in new york city, who worked in what are called "sweat shops,"--small, close quarters, not fit for working purposes, in which men, women, and children make clothing and other articles. he enforced what was known as the factory law, and the owners of the "sweat-shops" had to seek larger and more sanitary quarters for their employees. he also took a strong hand in reforming the administration of the canals, which had been one-sided and unfair. but perhaps his greatest work was in behalf of a measure meant to make the great corporations of new york state pay their fair share of the general taxes. in the past these corporations had had great rights conferred upon them, and they had paid little or nothing in return. "this is unjust," said governor roosevelt. "they should pay their taxes just as the poorest citizen is compelled to pay his tax." when the corporations heard this, many of the men in control were furious, and they threatened the governor in all sorts of ways. they would defeat him if he ever again came up for election, and defeat him so badly that he would never again be heard of. "do as you please, gentlemen," said the governor. "i am here to do my duty, and i intend to do it." and he called an extra session of the legislature for that purpose. it is said that much money was used by some corporations to defeat governor roosevelt's will, but in the end a modified form of the bill was passed. since that time other bills along similar lines have become laws; so that the great corporations have to pay millions of dollars which in the past they had escaped paying. such measures are of immense benefit to the ordinary citizen, and for his share in this work theodore roosevelt deserves great credit. it was while governor of new york that mr. roosevelt gave to the public his book entitled "the rough riders." it contains a history of that organization from his personal point of view, and makes the most fascinating kind of reading from beginning to end. it was well received, and added not a little to the laurels of the writer as an author. although much of his time was spent at albany as executive, theodore roosevelt had not given up the old homestead at oyster bay on long island, and thither he went for rest and recreation, taking his entire family, which, as has been said, consisted of his wife and six children, with him. the old roosevelt homestead is on a hill about three miles distant from the village. the road to the house winds upward through a wilderness of trees and brushwood. at the top of the hill, where the house stands, is a cleared space, free to the strong breezes of long island sound. it is on the north shore, about twenty-five miles from city hall, new york. the house is a large, three-story affair, with crossed gables, and a large semicircular veranda at one end. inside there is a wide hall, and all the rooms are of good size, with broad windows and inviting open fireplaces. one room is fitted up as mr. roosevelt's "den," with many bookcases filled with books, and with rare prints of washington, lincoln, and other celebrities on the walls, and with not a few trophies of the hunt added. in this room mr. roosevelt has done much of his work as an author. it is said that abraham lincoln not only chopped wood for a living, but that he rather enjoyed the outdoor exercise. be that as it may, it remains a fact that mr. roosevelt frequently goes forth into the woods on his estate to fell a tree, or split one up, just for the exercise thus afforded. this he did while he was governor of new york, and once astonished some newspaper men who had come to see him on business by the dexterity with which he cut a large tree trunk in two. he even invited his visitors to "take a hack at it" themselves, but they respectfully declined. he still kept up his athletic exercise, and one of his favorite amusements was to go on long horseback rides, either alone, or with some relative or friend. at other times he would go deep into the woods with his young sons, showing them how to bring down the nuts from the trees, or how to use their guns on any small game that chanced to show itself. his family life was then, as it has always been, a happy one; but of this let us speak later. [illustration: the roosevelt homestead at oyster bay. (_photograph by pach bros., n.y._)] chapter xx great reception to admiral dewey--governor roosevelt's increased popularity--last annual message as governor--visit to chicago--remarkable speech on the strenuous life although the war with spain was over, the people of the united states had not forgotten the wonderful work accomplished by admiral dewey and his men at manila, and when the dauntless naval fighter returned to this country, people everywhere arose to do him honor. "he well deserves it," said governor roosevelt. and he appointed september and , , as public holidays, to be observed throughout the entire state as days of general thanksgiving. these days were commonly called "dewey days." the reception to the admiral and to the other naval heroes was to take place in new york and vicinity, and for many days the citizens were busy decorating their homes and places of business with flags and bunting and pictures, and immense signs of "welcome," some in letters several feet long. at the junction of broadway, fifth avenue, and twenty-third street, an immense triumphal arch was erected, and reviewing stands stretched along the line of parade for many miles. on the day before the grand reception, governor roosevelt, with some members of his staff, called upon admiral dewey on board of the _olympia_, and offered the state's greeting. a pleasant time was had by all, and the governor assured the sea hero that the people of new york and vicinity were more than anxious to do him honor. it had been arranged that a naval parade should be held on the first day of the reception, and a land parade on the day following. the course of the naval parade was up the hudson river past grant's tomb, and the grand procession on the water included the _olympia_, the admiral's flag-ship, and the _new york_, _indiana_, _massachusetts_, _texas_, _brooklyn_, and a large number of other war-ships of lesser importance, besides an immense number of private steam-yachts and other craft. the day dawned clear and bright, and the banks of the hudson were lined from end to end with people. when the procession of war-ships swept up the stream, loud was the applause, while flags waved everywhere, and whistles blew constantly. when passing grant's tomb every war-ship fired a salute, and the mass of sound echoing across the water was positively deafening. as the _olympia_ swept up the river, fired her salute, and then came to anchor a short distance below the last resting-place of general grant, admiral dewey stood on the bridge of his flag-ship, a small, trim figure, with a smile and a wave of the hand for everybody. the surging people could see him but indistinctly, yet there was much hand clapping, and throats grew sore with cheering. but there was another figure in that naval parade, the person of one also dear to the hearts of the people. it was the figure of theodore roosevelt, dressed, not as a rough rider, but as a civilian, standing at the rail of a steamer used by the new york state officials. when the people saw and recognized that figure, the cheering was as wild as ever. "it is roosevelt!" ran from mouth to mouth. "the hero of san juan hill!" "hurrah for the rough riders and their gallant leader!" came from others. and the cheering was renewed. in the evening there was a grand display of fireworks and illuminated floats. the immense span of the brooklyn bridge was a mass of lights, and contained the words "welcome, dewey" in lettering which covered several hundred feet. all of the war-ships had their search-lights in operation, and it can truthfully be said that for once the metropolis was as light as day. but all of this was as nothing compared with the land parade which followed. never before had the streets of new york been so jammed with people. at many points it was impossible to move, yet the crowds were good-natured and patriotic to the core. the parade started at grant's tomb and ended at washington square, and was between five and six hours in passing. admiral dewey rode in a carriage with mayor van wyck, and received another ovation. at the triumphal arch the admiral reviewed the parade, and here he was accorded additional honors. in this parade governor roosevelt rode on horseback, in civilian dress. as he came down the street, the immense crowds recognized him from afar, and the hand clapping and cheering was tremendous, and lasted long after he was out of sight. "it's our own teddy roosevelt!" cried the more enthusiastic. "hurrah for the governor! hurrah for the colonel of the rough riders!" "hurrah for the coming president!" said another. and he spoke better than he knew. this demonstration came straight from the people's heart, and it could not help but affect theodore roosevelt. sitting astride of his dark-colored horse like a veteran, he bowed right and left. next to dewey, he was easily the greatest figure in the parade. on january , , governor roosevelt sent his last annual message to the state legislature. it was an able document, and as it was now recognized everywhere that he was a truly national figure, it was given careful attention. it treated of the corruption in canal management, of the franchise tax, of taxation in general, and a large portion was devoted to the trusts. at that time the trusts were receiving great attention everywhere, and it was felt that what the governor had to say about them, that they were largely over-capitalized, that they misrepresented the condition of their affairs, that they promoted unfair competition, and that they wielded increased power over the wage-earner, was strictly true. in chicago there is a wealthy organization known as the hamilton club, and the members were very anxious to have governor roosevelt as their guest on appomattox day, april , . a delegation went to new york to invite the governor, and he accepted the invitation with pleasure. "the middle west is very dear to me," said he. "it will be a pleasure to meet my many friends there." of course he was expected to speak, and said the subject of his address would be "the strenuous life,"--certainly a subject close to his own heart, considering the life he himself had led. when mr. roosevelt reached the metropolis of the great lakes, he found a large crowd waiting at the railroad station to receive him. the reception committee was on hand, with the necessary coaches, and people were crowded everywhere, anxious to catch a sight of the man who had made himself famous by the advance up san juan hill. but for the moment governor roosevelt did not see the reception committee, nor did he see the great mass of people. in a far corner of the platform he caught sight of six men, dressed in the faded and tattered uniform of the rough riders. they were not men of wealth or position, but they were men of his old command, and he had not forgotten them. "glad to see you, boys, glad to see you!" he shouted, as he elbowed his way toward them. "come up here and shake hands." "glad to see you, colonel," was the ready answer, and the faces of the men broke into broad smiles. they shook hands readily, and willingly answered all of the questions the governor put to them. he asked how each of them was doing, calling them by their names, and concluded by requesting them to come up to the auditorium later, "for an all-round chat." "it was a great meeting," said one who was there. "before the train came in, those old rough riders were nervous and showed it. they knew that roosevelt had become a great man, and they were just a little afraid he would pass them by. when the meeting was over, they went off as happy as a lot of children, and one of them said, 'say, fellows, teddy's just all right yet, ain't he?' and another answered: 'told you he would be. he's a white man through and through, none whiter anywhere.'" the banquet was held in the auditorium theatre building, and was said to be the largest ever given in chicago. many distinguished guests were present, both from the north and the south, and the place was a mass of flowers and brilliantly illuminated, while a fine orchestra discoursed music during the meal. when theodore roosevelt arose to speak, there was cheering that lasted fully a quarter of an hour. the speech made upon this occasion is one not likely to be forgotten. previous to that time the word "strenuous" had been heard but seldom, but ever since it has stood for something definite, and is much in use. in part mr. roosevelt spoke as follows:-- "i wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy peace, but to the man who does not shirk from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph." another paragraph is equally interesting and elevating:-- "we do not admire the man of timid peace. we admire the man who embodies victorious effort; the man who never wrongs his neighbor, who is prompt to help a friend; but who has those virile qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual life. it is hard to fail; but it is worse never to have tried to succeed." and to this he adds:-- "as it is with the individual so it is with the nation. it is a base untruth to say that happy is the nation that has no history. thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. far better is it to dare mighty things to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat."[ ] [footnote : for other extracts from this speech, see appendix a, p. .] [illustration: theodore roosevelt] chapter xxi the convention at philadelphia--theodore roosevelt seconds the nomination of president mckinley--becomes candidate for the vice-presidency--remarkable tours through many states as the time came on to nominate parties for the office of president and vice-president of the united states, in , there was considerable speculation in the republican party regarding who should be chosen for the second name on the ticket. it was felt by everybody that president mckinley had honestly earned a second term, not alone by his management of the war with spain, but also because of his stand touching the rebellion in the philippines, and on other matters of equal importance. about the vice-presidency the political managers were not so sure, and they mentioned several names. but in the hearts of the people there was but one name, and that was theodore roosevelt. "we must have him," was heard upon every side. "he will be just the right man in the right place. he will give to the office an importance never before attached to it, and an importance which it deserves." personally, governor roosevelt did not wish this added honor. as the executive of the greatest state in our union, he had started great reforms, and he wanted to finish them. "my work is here," he said to many. "let me do what i have been called to do, and then i will again be at the service of the whole nation once more." the national republican convention met in philadelphia, june , in exposition hall, beautifully decorated with flags and banners. senator mark hanna, president mckinley's warmest personal friend, was chairman, and the delegates, numbering over seven hundred, came, as usual at such conventions, from every state in the union. governor roosevelt himself was a delegate, and sat near the middle aisle, five or six seats from the front. he was recognized by everybody, and it is safe to say that he was the most conspicuous figure at the convention. up to the last minute many of the political leaders were, in a measure, afraid of theodore roosevelt. they understood his immense popularity, and were afraid that the convention might be "stampeded" in his favor. "if they once start to yell for roosevelt, it will be good-by to everybody else," said one old politician. "they are just crazy after the leader of the rough riders." but this man did not understand the stern moral honesty of the man under consideration. roosevelt believed in upholding william mckinley, and had said so, and it was no more possible for him to seek the presidential nomination by an underhanded trick than it was for president mckinley to do an equally base thing when he was asked to allow his name to be mentioned at the time he had pledged himself to support john sherman.[ ] both men were of equal loyalty, and the word of each was as good as his bond. [footnote : see "american boys' life of william mckinley," p. .] it was senator foraker who put up president mckinley for nomination, and the vigorous cheering at that time will never be forgotten. fifteen thousand throats yelled themselves hoarse, and then broke into the ringing words and music of "the union forever!" in a manner that made the very convention hall tremble. then came cries for roosevelt, "for our own teddy of the rough riders!" and, written speech in hand, he arose amid that vast multitude to second the candidacy of william mckinley. not once did he look at the paper he held in his hand, but with a force that could not be misunderstood he addressed the assemblage. "i rise to second the nomination of william mckinley, because with him as a leader this people has trod the path of national greatness and prosperity with the strides of a giant," said he, "and because under him we can and will succeed in the election. exactly as in the past we have remedied the evils which we undertook to remedy, so now when we say that a wrong shall be righted, it most assuredly will be righted. "we stand on the threshold of a new century, a century big with the fate of the great nations of the earth. it rests with us to decide now whether in the opening years of that century we shall march forward to fresh triumphs, or whether at the outset we shall deliberately cripple ourselves for the contest." his speech was the signal for another burst of applause, and when finally theodore roosevelt was named as the candidate for vice-president, the crowd yelled until it could yell no longer, while many sang "yankee doodle" and other more or less patriotic airs, keeping time with canes and flag-sticks. when the vote was cast, only one delegate failed to vote for theodore roosevelt, and that was theodore roosevelt himself. the platform of the party was largely a repetition of the platform of four years before. again the cry was for "sound money," and for the continuance of president mckinley's policy in the philippines. the campaign which followed was truly a strenuous one--to use a favorite word of the candidate. president mckinley decided not to make many speeches, and thus the hard work previous to election day fell upon theodore roosevelt. he did not shirk the task. as with everything he undertook, he entered into the campaign with vigor, resolved to deserve success even if he did not win it. "i will do my best in the interests of our party, and for the benefit of the people at large," said theodore roosevelt. "no man can do more than that." in the few short months between the time when he was nominated and when the election was held, governor roosevelt travelled over , miles by rail, visiting nearly towns, and addressing, on a rough estimate, fully , , of people! in that time he delivered speeches, some of them half an hour and some an hour in length. in his thousands of miles of travel the candidate for the vice-presidency visited many states, particularly those lying between new york and colorado. at nearly every town he was greeted by an immense crowd, all anxious to do the leader of the rough riders honor. in the large cities great banquets were held, and he was shown much respect and consideration. in many places those who had fought under him came to see and listen to him, and these meetings were of especial pleasure. often he would see an old rough rider hanging back in the crowd, and would call him to the front or do his best to reach the ex-soldier and shake him by the hand. one occurrence is worthy of special mention. the democratic party had nominated william jennings bryan as their candidate for president. there was a great labor picnic and demonstration at chicago, and both governor roosevelt and mr. bryan were invited to speak. "you had better not accept, governor," said some friends to theodore roosevelt. "there may be trouble." "i am not afraid," answered the former leader of the rough riders. "but mr. bryan and yourself are to be there at practically the same time." "that does not matter," said the governor. and he went to chicago on september , to attend the labor day celebrations. the picnic was held at electric park, and in the presence of fifteen thousand people governor roosevelt and mr. bryan "buried the hatchet" for the time being, and spoke to those surrounding them on the dignity of labor and the duties of the laboring man to better himself and his social conditions. in that motley collection of people there were frequent cries of "hurrah for teddy!" and "what's the matter with bryan? he's all right!" but there was no disturbance, and each speaker was listened to with respectful attention from start to finish. it was without a doubt a meeting to show true american liberty and free speech at its best. but all of the stops on his tours were not so pleasant to governor roosevelt. in every community there are those who are low-bred and bound to make an exhibition of their baseness. at waverly, new york, a stone was flung at him through the car window, breaking the glass but missing the candidate for whom it was intended. at once there was excitement. "are you hurt, governor?" was the question asked. "no," returned theodore roosevelt. and then he added, with a faint smile, "it's only a bouquet, but i wish, after this, they wouldn't make them quite so hard." there was also a demonstration against the candidate at haverstraw, new york, which threatened for a while to break up an intended meeting. but the worst rowdyism was encountered at victor, a small town in colorado, near the well-known mining centre of cripple creek. victor was full of miners who wanted not "sound money," but "free silver," for free silver, so styled, meant a great booming of silver mining. "we don't want him here," said these miners. "we have heard enough about him and his gold standard. he had better keep away, or he'll regret it." when theodore roosevelt was told he might have trouble in the mining camps, he merely shrugged his shoulders. "i know these men," he said. "the most of them are as honest and respectable as the citizens of new york. i am not afraid of the vicious element. the better class are bound to see fair play." the governor spoke at a place called armory hall, and the auditorium was packed. he had just begun his speech when there was a wild yelling and cat-calling, all calculated to drown him out. he waited for a minute, and then, as the noise subsided, tried to go on once more, when a voice cried out:-- "what about rotten beef?" referring to the beef furnished during the santiago campaign, which had, of course, come through a republican commissary department. "i ate that beef," answered the governor, quickly. and then he added to the fellow who had thus questioned him: "you will never get near enough to be hit with a bullet, or within five miles of it." at this many burst into applause, and the man, who was a coward at heart, sneaked from the hall in a hurry. he was no soldier and had never suffered the hardships of any campaign, and many hooted him as he deserved. but the trouble was not yet over. theodore roosevelt finished his address, and then started to leave the hall in company with a number of his friends. on the way to the train a crowd of rowdies followed the candidate's party, and threw all sorts of things at them. one man made a personal attack on the governor and hit him on the chest with a stick. he tried to leap away, but was knocked down by a personal friend of theodore roosevelt. "down with the gold bugs!" was the cry, and the violence of the mob increased. the friends of governor roosevelt rallied to his support, and blows were given and taken freely. but with it all the candidate reached his train in safety, and in a few minutes more had left the town far behind. he was not much disturbed, and the very next day went on with his speech-making as if nothing out of the ordinary had happened. the better classes of citizens of victor were much disturbed over the happening, and they sent many regrets to governor roosevelt, assuring him that such a demonstration would never again be permitted to occur. chapter xxii elected vice-president of the united states--presides over the senate--tax upon theodore roosevelt's strength--start on another grand hunting tour but the campaign, sharp and bitter as it had been, was not yet at an end. in new york city there followed a "sound money parade," which was perhaps the largest of its kind ever witnessed in the united states. it was composed of all sorts and conditions of men, from bankers and brokers of wall street to the humble factory and mill hands from up the river and beyond. the parade took several hours to pass, and was witnessed by crowds almost as great as had witnessed the dewey demonstration. in new york city, as the time drew closer for the election, there was every intimation that the contest would be an unusually "hot" one, and that there would be much bribery and corruption. it was said by some that police methods were very lax at that time, and that the saloons, which ought to be closed on election day, would be almost if not quite wide open. [illustration: _photograph by pach bros., n.y._ president mckinley and vice-president roosevelt.] "we must have an honest election," said governor roosevelt. and without loss of time he sent letters to mayor van wyck, and to the sheriff and the district attorney of the county of new york, calling their attention to the facts in the case, and telling them that he would hold them strictly responsible if they did not do their full duty. as a consequence the election was far more orderly than it might otherwise have been in the metropolitan district. the results of the long contest were speedily known. mckinley and roosevelt had been elected by a large plurality, and both they and their numerous friends and supporters were correspondingly happy. great parades were had in their honor, and it was predicted, and rightly, that the prosperity which our country had enjoyed for several years in the past would continue for many years to come. during those days the united states had but one outside difficulty, which was in china. there a certain set of people called the boxers arose in rebellion and threatened the lives of all foreigners, including american citizens. an international army was organized, including american, english, french, german, japanese, and other troops, and a quick attack was made upon tien-tsin and pekin, and the suffering foreigners in china were rescued. in this campaign the american soldiers did their full share of the work and added fresh laurels to the name of old glory. the tax upon the strength of the newly elected vice-president had been very great, and he was glad to surrender the duties of governor into the hands of his successor. but as vice-president, theodore roosevelt became the presiding officer of the united states senate, a position of equal if not greater importance. as president of the senate it is said that mr. roosevelt was kind yet firm, and ever on the alert to see that affairs ran smoothly. he occupied the position only for one short winter session, and during that time nothing came under discussion that was of prime importance, although my young readers must remember that all the work accomplished in our senate is of more or less magnitude. "he was very earnest in his work," says one who was in the senate at that time. "as was his usual habit, he took little for granted, but usually started to investigate for himself. he knew the rules thoroughly, and rarely made an error." for a long time the newly elected vice-president had been wanting to get back to his favorite recreation, hunting. despite the excitement of political life, he could not overcome his fondness for his rifle and the wilderness. he felt that an outing would do his system much good, and accordingly arranged for a five weeks' hunting trip in northwestern colorado. in this trip, which he has himself described in one of his admirable hunting papers, he had with him two companions, dr. gerald webb of colorado springs, and mr. philip k. stewart, an old friend who in former years had been captain of the yale base-ball team. the party went as far as the railroad would carry them, and then started for a settlement called meeker, forty miles distant. the weather was extremely cold, with the thermometer from ten to twenty degrees below zero, but the journey to meeker was made in safety, and here the hunters met their guide, a well-known hunter of that region named goff, and started with him for his ranch, several miles away. theodore roosevelt would have liked to bring down a bear on this trip, but the grizzlies were all in winter quarters and sleeping soundly, so the hunt was confined to bob-cats and cougars. the hunting began early, for on the way to the ranch the hounds treed a bob-cat, commonly known as a lynx, which was secured without much trouble, and a second bob-cat was secured the next day. the territory surrounding goff's ranch, called the keystone, was an ideal one for hunting, with clumps of cottonwoods and pines scattered here and there, and numerous cliffs and ravines, the hiding-places of game unnumbered. the ranch home stood at the foot of several well-wooded hills, a long, low, one-story affair, built of rough logs, but clean and comfortable within. the two days' ride in the nipping air had been a severe test of endurance, and all were glad, when the ranch was reached, to "thaw out" before the roaring fire, and sit down to the hot and hearty meal that had been prepared in anticipation of their coming. the hunters had some excellent hounds, trained especially for bob-cats and cougars, animals that were never allowed to go after small game under any circumstances. theodore roosevelt was much taken with them from the start, and soon got to know each by name. "in cougar hunting the success of the hunter depends absolutely upon his hounds," says mr. roosevelt. and he described each hound with great minuteness, showing that he allowed little to escape his trained eye while on this tour. on the day after the arrival at the ranch the party went out for its first cougar, which, as my young readers perhaps know, is an animal inhabiting certain wild parts of our west and southwest. the beast grows to a size of from six to nine feet in length, and weighs several hundred pounds. it is variously known as a puma and panther, the latter name sometimes being changed to "painter." when attacked, it is ofttimes exceedingly savage, and on certain occasions has been known to kill a man. in colorado the cougar is hunted almost exclusively with the aid of hounds, and this was the method adopted on the present occasion. with the pen of a true sportsman, mr. roosevelt tells us how the hounds were held back until a cougar trail less than thirty-six hours old was struck. then off went the pack along the cliffs and ravines, with the hunters following on horseback. the trail led up the mountain side and then across the valley opposite, and soon the hounds were out of sight. leading their steeds, the hunters went down the valley and followed the dogs, to find they had separated among the bare spots beyond. but soon came a welcome sound. "the cougar's treed," announced the guide. and so it proved. but when the hunters came closer, the cougar, an old female, leaped from the tree, outdistanced the dogs, and leaped into another tree. then, as the party again came up, the beast took another leap and started to run once more. but now the hounds were too quick, and in a trice they had the cougar surrounded. slipping in, theodore roosevelt ended the struggles of the wild beast by a knife-thrust behind the shoulder. the next day there was another hunt, and this had rather a tinge of sadness to it. the dogs tracked a mother cougar, who occupied her den with her three kittens. the hounds rushed into the hole, barking furiously, and presently one came out with a dead kitten in his mouth. "i had supposed a cougar would defend her young to the last," says mr. roosevelt, "but such was not the case in this instance. for some minutes she kept the dogs at bay, but gradually gave ground, leaving her three kittens." the dogs killed the kittens without loss of time, and then followed the cougar as she fled from the other end of her hole. but the hounds were too quick for her, and soon had her on the ground. theodore roosevelt rushed up, knife in one hand and rifle in the other. with the firearm he struck the beast in the jaws, and then ended the struggle by a knife-thrust straight into the heart. to many this may seem a cruel sport, and in a certain sense it assuredly is; but my young readers must remember that cougars and other wild beasts are a menace to civilization in the far west, and they have been shot down and killed at every available opportunity. more than this, as i have already mentioned, theodore roosevelt is more than a mere hunter delighting in bloodshed. he is a naturalist, and examines with care everything brought down and reports upon it, so that his hunting trips have added not a little to up-to-date natural history. the skulls of the various animals killed on this trip were forwarded to the biological survey, department of agriculture, washington, and in return mr. roosevelt received a letter, part of which stated:-- "your series of skulls from colorado is incomparably the largest, most complete, and most valuable series ever brought together from any single locality, and will be of inestimable value in determining the amount of individual variation." chapter xxiii the roosevelt family in the adirondacks--the pan-american exposition at buffalo--shooting of president mckinley--the vice-president's visit--death of the president theodore roosevelt's companions of the hunt remained with him for fourteen days, after which they departed, leaving him with goff, the ranchman and hunter already mentioned. when the pair were alone, they visited juniper mountain, said to be a great ground for cougars and bob-cats, and there hunted with great success. all together the trip of five weeks' hunting netted fourteen cougars, the largest of which was eight feet in length and weighed pounds. mr. roosevelt also brought down five bob-cats, showing that he was just as skilful with his rifle as ever. the hero of san juan hill fairly loved the outdoor exercise of the hunt, and spent three weeks in keen enjoyment after his companions had departed. during this time it snowed heavily, so that the hunters were often compelled to remain indoors. as luck would have it there were other ranches in that vicinity, with owners that were hospitable, so that they did not have to go into camp, as would otherwise have been the case. on the last day of the hunt, theodore roosevelt was able to bring down the largest cougar yet encountered. the hounds were on the trail of one beast when they came across that of another and took it up with but little warning. "we're going to get a big one now," said goff. "just you wait and see." "well, if we do, it will be a good ending to my outing," responded theodore roosevelt. the cougar was at last located by the hounds in a large pinyon on the side of a hill. it had run a long distance and was evidently out of breath, but as the hunters drew closer, it leaped to the ground and trotted away through the snow. away went the hounds on the new trail of the beast. "he's game, and he'll get away if he can," said the guide. at the top of another hill the cougar halted and one of the hounds leaped in, and was immediately sent sprawling by a savage blow of the wild animal's paw. then on went the cougar as before, the hounds barking wildly as they went in pursuit. when theodore roosevelt came up once more, the cougar was in another pinyon tree, with the hounds in a semicircle on the ground below. "now i think i've got him," whispered theodore roosevelt to his companion, and advanced on foot, with great cautiousness. at first he could see nothing, but at last made out the back and tail of the great beast, as it lay crouched among the branches. with great care he took aim and fired, and the cougar fell to the ground, shot through the back. at once the hounds rushed in and seized the game. but the cougar was not yet dead, and snapping and snarling the beast slipped over the ground and down a hillside, with the dogs all around it. theodore roosevelt came up behind, working his way through the brush with all speed. then, watching his chance, he jumped in, hunting-knife in hand, and despatched the game. "a good haul," cried goff. and later on he and his men came to the conclusion that it was the same cougar that had carried off a cow and a steer and killed a work horse belonging to one of the ranches near by. the five weeks spent in the far west strengthened theodore roosevelt a great deal, and it was with renewed energy that he took up his duties as vice-president of our nation. in the meantime, however, matters were not going on so well at home. among the children two had been very sick, and in the summer it was suggested that some pure mountain air would do them a great deal of good. "very well, we'll go to the mountains," said mr. roosevelt, and looked around to learn what place would be best to choose. among the adirondack mountains of new york state there is a reservation of ninety-six thousand acres leased by what is called the adirondack club, a wealthy organization of people who have numerous summer cottages built within the preserve. among the members was a mr. mcnaughten, an old friend of the roosevelt family, and he suggested that they occupy his cottage until the close of the season. this invitation was accepted, and the whole roosevelt family moved up to the spot, which was located at the foot of mount marcy, the largest of the mountains in that vicinity. here mr. roosevelt spent much time in hunting and fishing, and also in writing. the family were not forgotten, and he frequently went out with the whole party, rowing and exploring. sometimes they took baskets of lunch with them and had regular picnics in the woods, something the roosevelt children enjoyed very much. in the meantime the pan-american exposition at buffalo, new york, had been opened, and day after day it was thronged with visitors. vice-president roosevelt had assisted at the opening, and he was one of many who hoped the exposition would be a great success. at the exposition our government had a large exhibit, and it was thought highly proper that president mckinley should visit the ground in his official capacity and deliver an address. preparations were accordingly made, and the address was delivered on september to a most enthusiastic throng.[ ] [footnote : for this speech in full, and for what happened after it was delivered, see "american boys' life of mckinley."] on the following day the president was driven to the temple of music, on the exposition grounds, there to hold a public reception. the crowds were as great as ever, but perfectly orderly, and filed in at one side of the building and out at the other, each person in turn being permitted to grasp the chief magistrate's hand. for a while all went well, and nobody noticed anything unusual about a somewhat weak-faced individual who joined the crowd, and who had one hand covered with a handkerchief. as this rascal came up to shake hands, he raised the hand with the handkerchief and, using a concealed pistol, fired two shots at president mckinley. for an instant everybody was dazed. then followed a commotion, and while some went to the wounded executive's assistance, others leaped upon the dastardly assassin and made him a prisoner. there was an excellent hospital upon the exposition grounds, and to this president mckinley was carried. here it was found that both bullets had entered his body, one having struck the breastbone and the other having entered the abdomen. the physicians present did all they possibly could for him, and then he was removed to the residence of mr. millburn, the president of the exposition. in the meantime, all unconscious of the awful happening that was to have such an influence upon his future, mr. roosevelt had been enjoying himself with his family, and helping to take care of the children that were not yet totally recovered from their illness. all seemed to be progressing finely, and he had gone off on a little tour to vermont, to visit some points of interest and deliver a few addresses. he was at isle la motte, not far from burlington, when the news reached him that president mckinley had been shot. he had just finished an address, and for the moment he could not believe the sad news. "shot!" he said. "how dreadful!" and could scarcely say another word. he asked for the latest bulletin, and, forgetful of all else, took the first train he could get to buffalo, and then hastened to the side of his chief. it was truly a sad meeting. for many years these two men had known each other, and they were warm friends. their methods were somewhat different, but each stood for what was just and right and true, and each was ready to give his country his best service, no matter what the cost. it was a sad time for the whole nation, and men and women watched the bulletins eagerly, hoping and praying that president mckinley might recover. every hour there was some slight change, and people would talk it over in a whisper. in a few days there were hopeful signs, and the physicians, deceived by them, said they thought the president would recover. this was glad news to theodore roosevelt. yet he lingered on, fearful to go away, lest the news should prove untrue and he should be needed. but then there was a still brighter turn, and he thought of his own family, and of the fact that one of his children was again ill. "i will return to my family," said he to two of his closest friends. "but if i am needed here, let me know at once." and his friends promised to keep him informed. two days later he was back among the adirondacks, in the bosom of his family. the prayers of a whole nation were in vain. william mckinley's mission on earth was finished, and one week after he was shot he breathed his last. his wife came to bid him farewell, and so did his other relatives, and his friend of many years, mark hanna, and the members of his cabinet. "it is god's way," murmured the dying executive. "his will be done, not ours." then like a child going to sleep, he relapsed into unconsciousness, from which he did not recover. he died september , , at a little after two o'clock in the morning. it was the last of a truly great life. illustrious men may come and go, but william mckinley will be remembered so long as our nation endures. as a soldier and a statesman he gave his best talents to better the conditions of his fellow-creatures, and to place the united states where we justly belong, among the truly great nations of the world. chapter xxiv theodore roosevelt's tramp up mount marcy--a message of importance--wild midnight ride through the mountains--on the special trains from north creek to buffalo with a somewhat lighter heart, theodore roosevelt returned to the adirondacks and joined his family on wednesday, three days previous to president mckinley's death. the last report he had received from buffalo was the most encouraging of any, and he now felt almost certain that the president would survive the outrageous attack that had been made upon his person. "he will get well," said several who lived close by. "you need not worry about his condition any longer." on the following day it was planned to go up to colton lake, five miles from where the family was stopping. some friends went along, and in the party were mrs. roosevelt and several of the children. two guides accompanied them, and it was decided to spend the night at a camp on the lake, returning home the following day. the next morning it rained, but in spite of this drawback theodore roosevelt, leaving the ladies and children to return to the cottage, started to climb mount marcy. such an undertaking was exactly to his liking, and he went up the rough and uneven trail with the vigor of a trained woodsman, the guide leading the way and the other gentlemen of the party following. at last, high up on the side of mount marcy, the party reached a small body of water known as tear of the clouds, and here they rested for lunch. "you are certainly a great walker, mr. roosevelt," remarked one of the gentlemen during the progress of the lunch. "oh, i have to be," answered theodore roosevelt, jokingly. "a vice-president needs exercise to keep him alive. you see, when he is in the senate, all of his work is done sitting down." the words had scarcely been uttered when one of the party pointed to a man climbing up the mountain side toward them. the newcomer held some yellow telegram-slips in his hand, and theodore roosevelt quickly arose to receive them. he had soon mastered the contents of the messages. president mckinley was much worse; it was likely that he would not live. for fully a minute mr. roosevelt did not speak. he realized the great responsibility which rested upon his shoulders. then, in a voice filled with emotion, he read the messages aloud. "gentlemen," he continued, "i must return to the club-house at once." and without waiting, he turned and started down the mountain side along the trail by which he had come. it was a long, hard walk, but it is doubtful if theodore roosevelt took note of it. a thousand thoughts must have flashed through his mind. if william mckinley should indeed breathe his last, the nation would look to him as their chief magistrate. he could not make himself believe that his president was to die. it was not long before theodore roosevelt reached the club-house at the lake. he asked for further news, but none was forthcoming. "we will send to the lower club-house at once," said his friends. "you had better take a short rest, in case you have a sudden call to make the trip to buffalo." a misty rain was falling, and the atmosphere of the mountains was raw and penetrating. messengers were quickly despatched to the lower club-house, and by eleven o'clock that evening news came back that left no doubt of the true condition of affairs. president mckinley was sinking rapidly, and his death was now only a question of a few hours. "i must go, and at once," said theodore roosevelt. and soon a light wagon drove up to the club-house, and he leaped in. there was a short good-by to his family and his friends, the whip cracked, and the drive of thirty-five miles to the nearest railroad station was begun. it was a never-to-be-forgotten journey. for ten miles or more the road was fearfully rough and ran around the edges of overhanging cliffs, where a false turn might mean death. then at times the road went down into deep hollows and over rocky hills. all was pitch black, save for the tiny yellow light hanging over the dashboard of the turnout. crouched on the seat, mr. roosevelt urged the driver to go on, and go on they did, making better time during that rain and darkness than had before been made in broad daylight. at last a place called hunter's was reached, and theodore roosevelt alighted. "what news have you for me?" he asked of a waiting messenger, and the latest message was handed to him. there was no new hope,--president mckinley was sinking faster than ever. new horses were obtained, and the second part of the journey, from hunter's to aiden lair, was begun. and during that wild, swift ride of nine miles, when it seemed to theodore roosevelt as if he were racing against death, the angel of life everlasting claimed william mckinley, and the man crouched in the wagon, wet from the rain, hurrying to reach him, became the next president of the united states. it was a little after three in the morning when aiden lair was reached. the sufferer at buffalo had breathed his last, but theodore roosevelt did not know it, and he still hoped for the best. more fresh horses, and now the last sixteen miles of the rough journey were made on a buckboard. in spots the road was worse than it had previously been, and the driver was tempted to go slow. "go on!" cried mr. roosevelt, and held his watch in hand. "go on!" and the driver obeyed, the buckboard dancing up and down over the rocks and swinging dangerously from side to side around the curves of ravines. but theodore roosevelt's mind was not on the road nor on the peril of that ride, but in that room in buffalo where the great tragedy had just seen its completion. at last, a little after five in the morning, the turnout came in sight of the railroad station at north creek. a special train was in waiting for him. he gazed anxiously at the little knot of people assembled. their very faces told him the sorrowful truth. president mckinley was dead. with bowed head he entered a private car of the special train, and without delay the train started on its journey southward for albany. no time was lost on this portion of the trip, and at seven o'clock theodore roosevelt reached the city in which but a short time before he had presided as governor of the state. at albany he was met by secretary of state hay, who informed him officially that president mckinley was no more. he likewise informed the vice-president that, considering the excitement, it might be best that mr. roosevelt be sworn in as president without delay. another special train was in waiting at albany, and this was rushed westward with all possible speed, arriving in buffalo at half-past one in the afternoon. in order to avoid the tremendous crowd at the union railroad station, mr. roosevelt alighted at the terrace station. here he was met by several friends with a carriage and also a detachment of the fourth signal corps and a squad of mounted police. without loss of time theodore roosevelt was driven to the millburn house. here he found a great many friends and relatives of the dead president assembled. all were too shocked over what had occurred to say much, and shook the hand of the coming president in silence. thousands of eyes were upon theodore roosevelt, but he noticed them not. entering the millburn house, he thought only of the one who had surrendered his life while doing his duty, and of that kind and patient woman now left to fight the battles of this world alone. he offered what consolation he could to mrs. mckinley, heard the little that had not yet been told of that final struggle to fight off death, and then took his departure, to assume the high office thus suddenly and unexpectedly thrust upon him. chapter xxv takes the oath as president--the new chief magistrate at the funeral of president mckinley--at the white house--how the first real working day was spent the new president took the oath of office at the residence of mr. ansley wilcox in buffalo. it is a fine, substantial mansion and has ever since been of historic interest to sight-seers. when he arrived at the wilcox home, he found a number of members of the mckinley cabinet awaiting him, as well as judge john r. hazel, of the united states district court, who administered the oath; and ten or a dozen others. the scene was truly an affecting one. secretary root could scarcely control himself, for, twenty years before, he had been at a similar scene, when vice-president arthur became chief magistrate, after the assassination of president garfield. in a voice filled with emotion he requested vice-president roosevelt, on behalf of the cabinet as a whole, to take the prescribed oath. it is recorded by an eye-witness that theodore roosevelt was pale, and that his eyes were dim with tears, as he stepped forward to do as bidden. his hand was uplifted, and then in a solemn voice the judge began the oath:-- "i do solemnly swear that i will faithfully execute the office of president of the united states, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the united states." the words were repeated in a low but distinct voice by theodore roosevelt, and a moment of utter silence followed. "mr. president, please attach your signature," went on the judge. and in a firm hand the new chief executive wrote "theodore roosevelt" at the bottom of the all-important document which made him the president of our beloved country. standing in that room, the president felt the great responsibility which now rested on his shoulders, and turning to those before him, he spoke as follows:-- "in this hour of deep and terrible bereavement, i wish to state that it shall be my aim to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of president mckinley for the peace and prosperity and honor of our country." these were no mere words, as his actions immediately afterward prove. on reaching washington he assembled the cabinet at the home of commander cowles, his brother-in-law, and there spoke to them somewhat in this strain:-- "i wish to make it clear to you, gentlemen, that what i said at buffalo i meant. i want each of you to remain as a member of my cabinet. i need your advice and counsel. i tender you the office in the same manner that i would tender it if i were entering upon the discharge of my duties as the result of an election by the people." having thus declared himself, the newly made president asked each member personally to stay with him. it was a sincere request, and the cabinet members all agreed to remain by mr. roosevelt and aid him exactly as they had been aiding mr. mckinley. thus was it shown to the world at large, and especially to the anarchists, of which the assassin of mckinley had been one, that though the president might be slain, the government still lived. the entire country was prostrate over the sudden death of president mckinley, and one of the first acts of theodore roosevelt, after assuming the responsibilities of his office, was to issue the following proclamation:-- "a terrible bereavement has befallen our people. the president of the united states has been struck down; a crime committed not only against the chief magistrate, but against every law-abiding and liberty-loving citizen. "president mckinley crowned a life of largest love for his fellow-men, of most earnest endeavor for their welfare, by a death of christian fortitude; and both the way in which he lived his life and the way in which, in the supreme hour of trial, he met his death, will remain forever a precious heritage of our people. "it is meet that we, as a nation, express our abiding love and reverence for his life, our deep sorrow for his untimely death. "now, therefore, i, theodore roosevelt, president of the united states, do appoint thursday next, september , the day in which the body of the dead president will be laid in its last earthly resting-place, a day of mourning and prayer throughout the united states. "i earnestly recommend all the people to assemble on that day in their respective places of divine worship, there to bow down in submission to the will of almighty god, and to pay out of full hearts their homage of love and reverence to the great and good president whose death has smitten the nation with bitter grief." the funeral of president mckinley was a most imposing one. the body was at first laid in state in the city hall at buffalo, where president roosevelt and fully a hundred and fifty thousand men, women, and children went to view the remains. from buffalo the remains were taken by special funeral train to washington, and there placed in the rotunda of the capitol. here the crowd was equally great, and here the services were attended by representatives from almost every civilized nation on the globe. outside a marine band was stationed, playing the dead president's favorite hymns, "lead, kindly light" and "nearer, my god, to thee," and in the singing of these thousands of mourners joined, while the tears of sorrow streamed down their faces. from washington the body of the martyred president was taken to canton, ohio, where had been his private home. here his friends and neighbors assembled to do him final honor, and great arches of green branches and flowers were erected, under which the funeral cortege passed. as the body was placed in the receiving vault, business throughout the entire united states was suspended. in spirit, eighty millions of people were surrounding the mortal clay left by the passing of a soul to the place whence it had come. it was truly a funeral of which the greatest of kings might well be proud. the taking-off of president mckinley undoubtedly had a great effect upon president roosevelt. during the presidential campaign the vice-presidential nominee had made many speeches in behalf of his fellow candidate, showing the high personal character of mckinley, and what might be expected from the man in case he was elected once more to the office of chief magistrate. more than this, when assistant secretary of the navy, mr. roosevelt had done his best to carry out the plans formulated by the president. the two were close friends, and in the one brief session of the senate when he was vice-president, mr. roosevelt gave to president mckinley many evidences of his high regard. on returning to washington, president roosevelt did not at once take up his residence at the white house, preferring that the place should be left to mrs. mckinley until she had sufficiently recovered from her terrible shock to arrange for the removal of the family's personal effects. as it may interest some of my young readers to know how president roosevelt's first day as an active president was spent, i append the following, taken down at the time by a reporter for a press association:-- "reached the white house from canton, on september , , at . a.m. went at once to the private office formerly occupied by president mckinley, and, as speedily as possible, settled down for the business of the day. "met secretary long of the navy in the cabinet room and held a discussion concerning naval matters; received colonel sanger to talk over some army appointments; signed appointments of general j. m. bell and others; met senators cullom and proctor. "at a.m. called for the first time formal meeting of the cabinet and transacted business of that body until . p.m. "received his old friend, general wood, and held conference with him and with secretary root in regard to cuban election laws. "president roosevelt left the white house at . p.m. to take lunch with secretary hay at the latter's residence. he was alone, disregarding the services of a body-guard. "returned to the white house at . p.m. and transacted business with some officials and received a few personal friends. "engaged with secretary cortelyou from p.m. to . p.m. in the transaction of public business, disposal of mail, etc. "left the white house unattended at . p.m. and walked through the semi-dark streets of washington to n street, n.w., the residence of his brother-in-law, commander cowles. dined in private with the family. "late in the evening received a few close friends. retired at p.m." it will be observed that special mention is made of the fact that president roosevelt travelled around alone. immediately after the terrible tragedy at buffalo many citizens were of the opinion that the chief magistrate of our nation ought to be strongly protected, for fear of further violence, but to this theodore roosevelt would not listen. "i am not afraid," he said calmly. "we are living in a peaceful country, and the great mass of our people are orderly, law-abiding citizens. i can trust them, and take care of myself." and to this he held, despite the protestations of his closest friends. of course he is scarcely ever without some guard or secret service detective close at hand, but no outward display of such protection is permitted. and let it be added to the credit of our people that, though a few cranks and crazy persons have caused him a little annoyance, he has never, up to the present time, been molested in any way. chapter xxvi continuing the work begun by president mckinley--the panama canal agitation--visit of prince henry of prussia--the president at the charleston exposition president roosevelt had said he would continue the policy inaugurated by president mckinley, and one of the important steps in this direction was to appoint many to office who had been expecting appointment at the hands of the martyred president. this gained him many friends, and soon some who had kept themselves at a distance flocked around, to aid him in every possible manner. late in september the last of the mckinley effects were taken from the white house, and some days later the newly made president moved in, with his family, who had come down from the adirondacks some time previous. in washington the family were joined by mr. roosevelt's two brothers-in-law, commander wm. sheffield cowles and mr. douglas robinson, and their wives, and the relatives remained together for some days. it was at first feared by some politicians that president roosevelt would be what is termed a "sectional president,"--that is, that he would favor one section of our country to the exclusion of the others, but he soon proved that he was altogether too noble for such baseness. "i am going to be president of the whole united states," he said. "i don't care for sections or sectional lines. i was born in the north, but my mother was from the south, and i have spent much of my time in the west, so i think i can fairly represent the whole country." president roosevelt sympathized deeply with the condition of the negroes in the south, and for the purpose of learning the true state of affairs sent for mr. booker t. washington, one of the foremost colored men of this country and founder of the tuskegee industrial school for colored people. they had a long conference at the white house, which mr. washington enjoyed very much. for this action many criticised the president severely, but to this he paid no attention, satisfied that he had done his duty as his conscience dictated. [illustration: president roosevelt at his desk.] president roosevelt's first message to congress was awaited with considerable interest. it was remembered that he was the youngest executive our white house had ever known, and many were curious to know what he would say and what he proposed to do. the fifty-seventh congress of the united states assembled at washington, december , , and on the day following, president roosevelt's first annual message was read in both senate and house of representatives. it proved to be a surprisingly long and strong state paper, and by many was considered one of the best messages sent to congress in many years. it touched upon general conditions in our country, spoke for improvements in the army and the navy, called for closer attention to civil service reform, for a correction of the faults in the post-office system, and for a clean administration in the philippines, hawaii, and porto rico. it spoke of several great needs of the government, and added that the gold standard act had been found timely and judicious. "president roosevelt is all right," was the general comment, after the message had been printed in the various papers of our country. "he is looking ahead, and he knows exactly what this country wants and needs. we are prosperous now, and if we want to continue so, we must keep our hands on the plough, and not look backward." the first break in the old cabinet occurred on december , when postmaster general charles e. smith resigned. his place was immediately filled by the appointment of henry c. payne, of wisconsin. soon after this secretary gage of the treasury resigned, and his place was filled by former governor leslie m. shaw, of iowa. for a long time there had been before the american people various suggestions to build a canal across central america, to join the atlantic and the pacific oceans, so that the ships wanting to go from one body of water to the other would not have to take the long and expensive trip around cape horn. in years gone by the french had also contemplated such a canal, and had even gone to work at the isthmus of panama, making an elaborate survey and doing not a little digging. but the work was beyond them, and the french canal company soon ran out of funds and went into the hands of a receiver. "we ought to take hold and dig a canal," was heard on all sides in the united states. but where to dig the canal was a question. some said the isthmus of panama was the best place, while others preferred a route through nicaragua. the discussion waxed very warm, and at last a commission was appointed to go over both routes and find out which would be the more satisfactory from every point of view. the commission was not very long in reaching a decision. the panama canal company was willing to sell out all its interest in the work already done for forty millions of dollars, and it was recommended that the united states accept this offer. president roosevelt received the report, and lost no time in submitting it to congress. at the beginning of the new year, , there was a grand ball at the white house, attended by a large gathering of people, including many of the foreign representatives accredited to washington. the occasion was the introduction into society of miss alice roosevelt, and the affair was a most pleasing one from beginning to end. one of the president's sons, theodore roosevelt, jr., had been sent to a boarding school at groton, massachusetts. early in february he was taken down with a cold that developed into pneumonia. it looked as if the youth might die, and both mrs. roosevelt and the president lost no time in leaving washington and going to his bedside. the sympathy of the whole country was with the anxious parents, and when it was announced that the crisis had been passed in safety there was much relief in all quarters. before this illness occurred there came to the roosevelts an invitation which pleased them, and especially miss alice, not a little. the german emperor william was having a yacht built in this country, at shooter's island. he sent his brother, prince henry of prussia, over to attend the launching, and requested miss roosevelt to christen the yacht, which was to be called the _meteor_. the arrival of prince henry was made a gala day by many who wished to see the friendship between the united states and germany more firmly cemented than ever, and the royal visitor was treated with every consideration wherever he went. from new york he journeyed to washington, where he dined with the president. he returned to new york with president roosevelt and with miss roosevelt, and on february the launching occurred, in the presence of thousands of people and a great many craft of all sorts. miss roosevelt performed the christening in appropriate style, and this was followed by music from a band and the blowing of hundreds of steam whistles. after these ceremonies were over, there followed an elaborate dinner given by the mayor of new york, and then the prince started on a tour of the country lasting two weeks. his visit made a good impression wherever he went, and he was universally put down as a right good fellow. it was about this time that president roosevelt showed he was not to be led altogether by what his party did. so far he had not vetoed any measures sent to him for his signature. now, however, a bill came to him touching the desertion of a sailor in the navy. congress was willing to strike the black record of the sailor from the books, but president roosevelt would not have it. "the sailor did wrong," he said. "he knew what he was doing, too. the record against him must stand." and he vetoed the bill. on the other hand he was prompt to recognize real worth in those who had served the government, and when over two hundred private pension bills came before him for his approval, he signed them without a murmur. the people of charleston, south carolina, had been arranging for a long time to hold an exposition which should set forth the real advance and worth of the leading southern industries. this exposition was now open to the public, and president roosevelt and his wife were invited to attend the exhibit. with so much southern blood in his veins, the president could not think of refusing, and he and mrs. roosevelt visited the exposition early in april. it was a gala day at charleston, and the president and mrs. roosevelt were received with every honor due their rank, and with great personal consideration. governor mcsweeney of the state was assisted by governor aycock, of north carolina, in receiving president roosevelt. a stirring patriotic speech was made by the president during his visit, and a feature of the trip was the presentation of a sword to major micah jenkins of the rough riders. a great number of president roosevelt's former troopers were present, and all were glad, as of old, to crowd around and take him by the hand. chapter xxvii destruction of st. pierre--american aid--the great coal strike--president roosevelt ends the difficulty--tour through new england--the trolley accident in the berkshires--a providential escape from death during the summer of two matters of great importance occurred in which the whole people of our nation were deeply interested. early in may occurred tremendous volcanic eruptions on the islands of martinique and st. vincent. at the former island, mont pelee threw such a rain of fire upon the town of st. pierre that the entire place, with about thirty thousand people, was wiped out of existence in a minute. at other points the eruptions were not so bad, yet hundreds lost their lives, and all of the islands of the lesser antilles were thrown into a state bordering upon panic. it was felt that something must be done, and at once, for the sufferers, and a large fund for relief was gathered, of which the americans contributed their full share. the volcanic disturbances continued for some time, and as it was thought they might also cover certain portions of central america, nothing was done further concerning a canal to unite the two oceans. the other event of importance was the strike of thousands upon thousands of coal-miners, working in pennsylvania and other states. the miners did not think they were being treated rightly and went out in a body, and for many weeks not a pound of coal of any kind was mined. this produced a double hardship, for people could get no coal either for the fall or winter, and the miners were, in some cases, reduced almost to the verge of starvation. neither the workmen nor the operators of the mines would give in, and soon there was more or less violence, and some soldiers had to be called out in an effort to preserve order. as matters went from bad to worse, and it looked as if the entire eastern section of our country would have to go without coal for the winter, there were loud demands that the government take hold of the difficulty and settle the matter, if not in one way, then in another. at last, early in october, the whole country was aroused, for it was felt that with no coal a winter of untold suffering stared the people in the face. president roosevelt held a conference at washington with the mine operators and the representatives of the miners. "we must get together, gentlemen," said he. "the country cannot do without coal, and you must supply it to us." and he laid down the law in a manner not to be misunderstood. another conference followed, and then a third, and at last the coal operators asked the president to appoint a commission to decide upon the points in dispute. to this the representative of the mine workers agreed, and as a result a commission was appointed by president roosevelt, which was to settle all points in dispute, and by its decision each side was to abide. in the meantime, while the commission was at work, the mine workers were to resume their labors. the mines were thereupon once more put in operation, after a strike lasting over five months. this is the greatest coal strike known in american history, and it is not likely that the people at large will ever again permit themselves to suffer for the want of coal as they did during that fall and the winter which followed. early in june occurred the centennial celebration of the founding of the united states military academy at west point. the occasion was made one of great interest, and among the many distinguished visitors were president roosevelt and general miles, head of our army at that time. the president reviewed the cadets and made a speech to them, complimenting them on their truly excellent showing as soldiers. although very busy with matters of state, president roosevelt received an urgent call to deliver a fourth of july oration at pittsburg. he consented, and spoke to a vast assemblage on the rights and duties of american citizens. to remain in washington during the hot summer months was out of the question with president roosevelt and his family, and early in the season he removed to oyster bay, there to enjoy himself as best he might during the short time allowed him for recreation. that the business of the administration might not be too seriously interrupted, he hired a few rooms over a bank building in the village of oyster bay, and these were fitted up for himself and his several secretaries and assistants. to the bank building he rode or drove every day, spending an hour or more over the routine work required. by this means undesirable visitors were kept away from his private residence, and he was permitted to enjoy himself as he pleased in company with his family. while mr. roosevelt was summering at oyster bay, it was arranged that he should make a short tour through new england, to last from august to september . the trip covered every new england state, and was one of great pleasure to the president until the last day. everywhere he went he was greeted by enthusiastic crowds, and, of course, had to make one of his characteristic speeches, accompanied by a great deal of hand-shaking. on the last day of the trip he was at dalton, massachusetts, the home of governor crane. it had been planned to drive from dalton to lenox, a beautiful spot, adjoining laurel lake, where are located the summer homes of many american millionnaires. the trip was begun without a thought of what was to follow. in the party, besides president roosevelt, were governor crane, secretary cortelyou (afterward made a member of the cabinet), united states secret service officer william craig, and the driver of the carriage. it may be mentioned here that william craig was detailed as a special guard for the president, and had been with him since the tour was begun. there are a number of trolley lines in this section of massachusetts, all centring in pittsfield. as the mass of the people were very anxious to see president roosevelt, the trolleys going to the points where he would pass were crowded, and the cars were run with more than usual speed. as the carriage containing the president and his companions attempted to cross the trolley tracks a car came bounding along at a rapid rate of speed. there seemed to be no time in which to stop the car, and in an instant the long and heavy affair crashed into the carriage with all force, hurling the occupants to the street in all directions. the secret service officer, william craig, was instantly killed, and the driver of the carriage was seriously hurt. there was immediate and great excitement, and for the time being it was feared that president roosevelt had been seriously injured. he had been struck a sharp blow on the leg, and had fallen on his face, cutting it not a little. the shock was a severe one, but in a little while he was himself once more, although his face was much swollen. later still a small abscess formed on the injured limb, but this was skilfully treated by his physician, and soon disappeared. the others in the carriage escaped with but a few bruises and a general shaking-up. the result of this accident, small as it was to the president personally, showed well how firmly he was seated in the affection of his fellow-citizens. from all over the country, as well as from his friends in foreign climes, telegrams of congratulation came pouring in. everybody was glad that he had escaped, and everybody wished to show how he felt over the affair. "president roosevelt was much affected by the messages received," said one who was in a position to know. "it showed him that his friends were in every walk of life, from the highest to the lowest. had he met death, as did the secret service officer detailed to guard over him, the shock to the people, coming so soon after the assassination of president mckinley, would have been tremendous." the president had already been persuaded to consent to a short trip to the south, from september to , and then a trip to the west, lasting until september , or longer. the trips came to an end on september , in indiana, because of the abscess on the lower limb already mentioned, yet on november he was given a grand reception by the people of memphis, tennessee, who flocked around him and were glad to see him as well as ever. "we are so glad you escaped from that trolley accident!" was heard a hundred times. "we can't afford to lose you, mr. president," said others. "really good men are too scarce." and then a cheer would go up for "the hero of san juan hill!" his speeches on these trips were largely about the trusts and monopolies that are trying to control various industries of our country. it is an intricate subject, yet it can be said that mr. roosevelt understands it as well as any one, and is laboring hard to do what is right and best, both for the consumer and the capitalist. congress had, some time before, voted a large sum for the extension and improvement of the white house, and while mr. roosevelt and his family were at oyster bay these improvements were begun. they continued during the fall, and the president made his temporary home at a private residence in the capital city. here it was he was treated for his wounded limb, and here he ended the coal strike, as already chronicled. chapter xxviii new offices at the white house--sends a wireless message to king edward of england--end of the trouble in venezuela--the canadian boundary dispute--beginning of a trip to the west--in yellowstone park the end of the year found president roosevelt in the best of health, despite the accident some weeks previous. the improvements at the white house were now complete, and the family of the chief magistrate took possession. a separate set of offices for the president and his cabinet had been built at the western end of the executive mansion, and the rooms formerly used for this purpose were turned into living apartments. the changes made have been approved by many who have seen them, and they have wondered why the alterations were not made a long time ago. on december , congress assembled for a new session, and on the day following the president's message was read. it was a masterly state paper, dealing with the trust question, our relations with the new government of cuba (for the island was now free, just as we had meant it to be when the war with spain started), the creation of a new department of commerce and labor, needs of the army and navy, and the all-important matter of how the philippines should be governed. it may be added here that not long after this a department of commerce and labor was created by congress, and mr. george b. cortelyou, the secretary to the president, became its first official head. when mr. cortelyou left his post as secretary, mr. william loeb, jr., who had been the president's private secretary for some time, became the regular first secretary to the chief magistrate, a place he occupies to-day. just about this time there was considerable trouble in indianola, mississippi. a colored young lady had been appointed postmistress, and the people in that vicinity refused to recognize her. the post-office department did what it could in the matter, and then referred the case to the president. [illustration: the white house, showing new offices.] "as she has been regularly appointed, the people will have to accept her," said mr. roosevelt. and when there was more trouble, he sent forward an order that the post-office be shut up entirely. this was done, and for a long time the people of that vicinity had to get their mail elsewhere, a great inconvenience to them. on january , , the new cable to the hawaiian islands was completed, and president roosevelt received a message from governor dole, and sent a reply to the same. about two weeks later the president sent a wireless, or rather cableless, message to king edward of england. this helped to mark the beginning of a new era in message-sending which may cause great changes in the transmission of messages in the future. for some time past there had been a small-sized war going on in venezuela, south america, between that nation on one hand and england, germany, and italy on the other. this war had caused much disturbance to american trade. pressure was brought to bear upon the several nations through president roosevelt, and at last it was agreed to leave matters to be settled by arbitration at the hague. the agreements to this end were signed at washington, much to the president's satisfaction. all trouble then ceased, and american commerce was resumed as before. for many years there had been a dispute between the united states and canada, regarding a certain boundary line. this country claimed a long strip of territory next to the sea, near the seaports of dyea and skagway, and canada claimed that this strip, about thirty miles in width, belonged to her domain. there had been endless disputes about the claim, and considerable local trouble, especially during the rush to the klondike after gold. many americans contended that we had absolute right to the territory, and when arbitration was spoken of, said we had nothing to arbitrate. this was, in the main, president roosevelt's view of the matter, yet, as things grew more disturbed, he realized, as a good business man, that something must be done. we did not wish to fight canada and england for the strip of land, and neither did they wish to fight, so at last a board of arbitration was agreed upon, and the claims of both parties were carefully investigated. in the end nearly every point claimed by the united states was granted to us. it was a great satisfaction to have this long-standing dispute settled; and how much better it was to do it by arbitration than by going to war. the regular session of congress came to an end on march , , but president roosevelt had already called an extra session, to consider a bill for reciprocity in our dealing with the new government of cuba and to ratify a treaty with colombia concerning the panama canal. there was a great deal of debating at this session of congress. the bill concerning cuba caused but little trouble, but many wanted the canal placed in nicaragua instead of panama, and did not wish to pay the forty millions of dollars asked for the work already accomplished by the old french canal company. but in the end the bill passed the united states senate by a vote of seventy-three to five, with the proviso that should we fail to make a satisfactory arrangement about the panama canal, then the government should build the canal through nicaragua. president roosevelt was enthusiastic over a canal at the isthmus, and lost no time in arranging to push the work further. the people of the far west were very anxious to meet the chief ruler of our nation, and early in the year it was arranged that president roosevelt should leave washington on april for a tour to last until june. in that time he was to visit more than twenty states, and make over one hundred stops. the people in the west awaited his coming with much pleasure. the president was justly entitled to this outing, for the nation was now at peace with the entire world, and never had business been so prosperous. more than this, our affairs with other nations had been so handled that throughout the entire civilized world no ruler was more popular than was theodore roosevelt. in england he was spoken of with the highest praise, and the regards of the germans had already been shown in the visit of prince henry to this country. he was known to be vigorous to the last degree, but it was likewise realized that he was thoroughly honest and straight-forward. the first stop of the president in his trip west was made at chicago, where during the day he laid the corner-stone of the new law building of the university of chicago, which university conferred upon him the degree of ll.d. (doctor of laws). in the evening he addressed an unusually large crowd at the auditorium building, speaking upon the monroe doctrine. from chicago the president journeyed to milwaukee, and then to st. paul and minneapolis. at the first-named city he made a forceful address on the trusts, giving his hearers a clear idea of how the great corporations of to-day were brought into existence, and what may be done to control them, and in the last-named city he spoke on the ever-important question of tariff. it was an eventful week, and when sunday came the chief magistrate was glad enough to take a day of rest at sioux falls, south dakota. from there he journeyed to gardiner, montana, one of the entrances to that greatest of all american wonderlands, yellowstone park. it was understood that president roosevelt wished to visit the park without a great following of the general public, and this wish was carried out to the letter. mr. roosevelt had with him the well-known naturalist, mr. john burroughs, and for about two weeks he enjoyed himself to his heart's content, visiting many of the spots of interest and taking it easy whenever he felt so disposed. it was not a hunting trip, although big game is plentiful enough in the park. it was just getting "near to nature's heart," and mr. roosevelt afterward declared it to be one of the best outings he had ever experienced. [illustration: cortelyou. payne. moody. hay. roosevelt. hitchcock. root. shaw. wilson. knox. president roosevelt and cabinet, .] chapter xxix dedication of the fair buildings at st. louis--continuation of the trip to san francisco--up in the far north-west--back in washington--the post-office scandals--the new republic of panama--a canal at last--proclamation regarding the war between japan and russia--opening of the great fair after the refreshing tour of yellowstone park, president roosevelt journeyed across nebraska to omaha, then across iowa to keokuk, and from the latter city to st. louis. as before, he delivered a number of addresses, and wherever he spoke great crowds came to see and to hear him. in these crowds were people of all political tendencies, but it made no difference if they were republicans, democrats, or populists, all were equally glad to greet the president of the united states and the hero of san juan hill. on this trip he frequently met some of the rough riders, and they invariably did all in their power to make him feel at home. on the other hand he showed that he had not forgotten them. "by george, i am glad to see you!" he would exclaim, catching an old comrade by the hand. and his tone of voice would show that he meant just what he said. for a long time the people of st. louis had been preparing for a grand fair, to be known as the louisiana purchase exposition, to commemorate the purchasing from france of all that vast territory of the united states which lies between the mississippi river and the rocky mountains and the gulf of mexico and british america. the purchase was made in for fifteen millions of dollars, and it was hoped to hold the exposition on the one hundredth anniversary, in , but matters were delayed, and so the fair was postponed until . the dedication of the fair buildings at the exposition grounds was held on april , , and was made a gala occasion by those interested. president roosevelt was invited to speak, and also ex-president cleveland, and both made addresses of remarkable interest. following the dedication exercises a grand banquet was given at which the scene of good-fellowship was one not readily forgotten. the president wished the exposition well, and promised to do all in his power to make it a success. although the president had already travelled many miles, the greater part of his western trip still lay before him. from st. louis he went to kansas city and to topeka, where the citizens were as anxious to meet him as anywhere. he stopped at sharon springs over sunday, and then went to denver, and to various towns in colorado and in new mexico. while in new mexico he became interested in the systems of irrigation there, and told the people what they might do if their systems of watering the ground were increased. having passed through the grand cañon, the second week in may found him in southern california. he visited los angeles, reviewing the annual floral parade, and many other points, and at claremont addressed a great gathering of school children in a beautiful park filled with shrubs and flowers. the children were decidedly enthusiastic over the meeting, and when mr. roosevelt went away, some pelted him with flowers, which bombardment he took in good part. president roosevelt's visit to leland stanford jr. university in california came next, and here the students cheered him with vigor. he visited many of the more important buildings, and was entertained by members of the faculty. his face was now set toward the golden gate, and san francisco was all alive to give him an ovation. it was his first official visit to the pacific coast, and all whom he met vied with each other to do him honor, while they listened with great attention to what he had to say. three days were spent in san francisco and vicinity, and three days more in a tour of the yosemite valley. president roosevelt was particularly anxious to see some of the big trees of the state, and was driven to several that are well known. the steps of the chief magistrate were now turned northward, to oregon, and a week was spent at portland, and in the towns and cities of the puget sound territory, and beyond. here he saw much that was new and novel in the lumber trade and in the salmon industry, and was received with a warmth that could not be mistaken. "he is a president for the whole country, no mistake about that," said more than one. "he makes you feel he is your friend the minute you lay eyes on him," would put in another. to many in this far corner of our country, this visit of the president will ever remain as a pleasant memory. they could never hope to get to washington, more than three thousand miles away, and to have him come out to see them was worth remembering. the journey eastward was made through montana to salt lake city and then to cheyenne, where additional addresses were delivered. from the latter point a fast train bore him homeward, and by the next sunday he was back in the white house once more, as fresh and hearty as ever, and well prepared to undertake whatever important work might come to hand. and work was there in plenty. among the first things taken up by the president was a scandal in the post-office department. without loss of time president roosevelt ordered postmaster general payne to make a thorough investigation, with the result that many contracts which were harmful to our post-office system were annulled, and some wrong-doers were brought to justice. toward the end of july there was considerable disturbance in the government printing office at washington because a certain assistant foreman, who had been discharged, was reinstated. all of the bookbinders were on the point of striking because they did not want the man returned, as he did not belong to their union. but president roosevelt was firm in the matter; and in the end the man went back, and there was no strike. this affair caused an almost endless discussion in labor circles, some claiming that the union should have been upheld, while others thought differently. during the summer, as was his usual habit, president roosevelt, with his family, spent part of his time at his country home at oyster bay. this time the visit to the old homestead was of unusual interest, for, on august , the north atlantic fleet of the navy visited that vicinity, for review and inspection by the president. it was a gala occasion, and the fleet presented a handsome appearance as it filed past and thundered out a presidential salute. many distinguished guests were present, and all without exception spoke of the steady improvement in our navy as a whole. president roosevelt was equally enthusiastic, and well he might be, for he had used every means in his power to make our navy all it should be. late in september president roosevelt returned to washington, and on october delivered the principal address at the unveiling of a statue of that grand military hero, general sherman. here once more he was listened to with tremendous interest, delivering a speech that was patriotic to the core and full of inspiration. for some time past matters in colombia had been in a very mixed-up condition. the united states were willing to take hold of the panama canal, as already mentioned, but although a treaty had been made to that effect, the colombian government would not ratify the agreement. on november , the trouble in colombia reached its culminating point. on that day the state of panama declared itself free and independent. the people of that state wanted the canal built by the united states, and were very angry when the rest of the colombian states would not agree to the treaty which had been made. at once there were strong rumors of war, and a few slight attacks were really made. the united states forbade the transportation of soldiers on the panama railroad, and a few days later recognized panama as an independent republic. the new republic was likewise recognized by france, and, later still, by england. on november , panama appointed a commission to negotiate a canal treaty with our country, and this treaty was signed and sealed at washington by secretary of state hay, acting for the united states, and m. bunau-varilla, acting for panama. the president's next message to congress went at great length into the question of the panama canal, and in defence of the recognition of the new republic. it also told of what the new department of commerce and labor had accomplished, especially the branch devoted to corporations. [illustration: president roosevelt speaking at the unveiling of the statue of general sherman. (_photograph by clinedinst, washington, d.c._)] "we need not be over-sensitive about the welfare of corporations which shrink from the light," wrote mr. roosevelt. and in this statement every one who had the best interests of our nation at heart agreed. to accomplish great works great corporations are often necessary, but they must conduct business in such a fashion that they are not ashamed to show their methods to the public at large. at the opening of the year there were strong rumors of a war between japan and russia, over the occupation of korea, and this war started early in february by a battle on the sea, wherein the russian fleet lost several war-ships. this contest was followed by others of more or less importance, and it looked as if, sooner or later, other nations might become involved in the struggle. "we must keep our hands off," said president roosevelt, and at once issued a proclamation, calling on all good citizens to remain strictly neutral, and warning those who might take part that they could hope for no aid from the united states should they get into trouble personally or have any property confiscated. this proclamation was followed by some excellent work of our state department, whereby it was agreed among the leading nations that the zone of fighting should be a limited one,--that is, that neither japan nor russia should be allowed to carry it beyond a certain defined territory. for many weeks congress had debated the panama canal treaty and the action of president roosevelt regarding the new republic of panama. on february , , a vote was taken in the senate, and the panama canal treaty was ratified in all particulars. without delay some united states troops were despatched to panama, to guard the strip of land ten miles wide through which the canal is to run, and preparations were made to push the work on the waterway without further delay. on saturday, april , the great world's fair at st. louis was formally opened to the public. it had cost over fifty millions of dollars and was designed to eclipse any fair held in the past. the opening was attended by two hundred thousand visitors, all of whom were more than pleased with everything to be seen. it had been arranged that president roosevelt should formally open the exposition by means of telegraphic communications from the white house to the fair grounds. a key of ivory and gold was used for the purpose, and as soon as it was touched a salute of twenty-one guns roared forth in the exposition's honor. around the president were assembled the members of his cabinet and representatives of many foreign nations. before touching the key which was to set the machinery of the wonderful fair in motion, president roosevelt spoke as follows:-- "i have received from the exposition grounds the statement that the management of the louisiana purchase exposition awaits the pressing of the button which is to transmit the electric energy which is to unfurl the flag and start the machinery of the exposition. "i wish now to greet all present, and especially the representatives of the foreign nations here represented, in the name of the american people, and to thank these representatives for the parts their several countries have taken in being represented in this centennial anniversary of the greatest step in the movement which transformed the american republic from a small confederacy of states lying along the atlantic seaboard into a continental nation. "this exposition is one primarily intended to show the progress in the industry, the science, and the art, not only of the american nation, but of all other nations, in the great and wonderful century which has just closed. every department of human activity will be represented there, and perhaps i may be allowed, as honorary president of the athletic association which, under european management, started to revive the memory of the olympic games, to say that i am glad that, in addition to paying proper heed to the progress of industry, of science, of art, we have also paid proper heed to the development of the athletic pastimes which are useful in themselves as showing that it is wise for nations to be able to relax. "i greet you all. i appreciate your having come here on this occasion, and in the presence of you, representing the american government and the governments of the foreign nations, i here open the louisiana exposition." chapter xxx personal characteristics of theodore roosevelt--the president's family--life at the white house--our country and its future in reading over the foregoing pages the question may occur to some of my young readers, how is it possible for president roosevelt to accomplish so much and still have time in which to occasionally enjoy himself by travelling or by going on a hunting tour? the answer is a very simple one. mr. roosevelt works systematically, as do all who want their labor to amount to something. years ago, when he was physically weak, he determined to make himself strong. he persisted in vigorous exercise, especially in the open air, and in the end attained a bodily health which any ordinary man may well envy. the president does each day's work as it comes before him. he does not borrow trouble or cross a bridge before he comes to it. whatever there is to do he does to the very best of his ability, and he allows future complications to take care of themselves. if a mistake is made, he does not worry continually over it, but keeps it in mind, so that a like mistake shall not occur again. when once his hand is on the plough, he does not believe in turning back. he has unlimited faith in the future of our glorious country, and a like faith in the honor and courage of his fellow-citizens. any man to be an intelligent worker cannot be dissipated, and the president is a good illustration of this. he has a good appetite, but eats moderately, and does not depend upon stimulants or tobacco to "brace him up" when the work is extra heavy. he goes out nearly every day for a walk, a ride on horseback, or a drive with some members of his family, and as a result of this, when night comes, sleeps soundly and arises the next morning as bright and fresh as ever. this is the first time that a president with a large family has occupied the white house. other presidents have had a few children, but mr. roosevelt took possession with six, a hearty, romping crowd, the younger members of which thought it great fun to explore the executive mansion when first they moved in. the president loves his children dearly, and is not above "playing bear" with the little ones when time permits and they want some fun. of mrs. roosevelt it can truthfully be said that she makes a splendid "first lady in the land." she takes a great interest in all social functions, and an equal interest in what is best for her boys and girls and their friends. she is very charitable, and each year contributes liberally to hundreds of bazaars and fairs held throughout our country. the oldest child of the president is miss alice lee roosevelt, named after her mother, the first wife of the chief magistrate. although but a step-daughter to the present mrs. roosevelt, the two are as intimate and loving as if of the same flesh and blood. miss roosevelt has already made her debut in washington society, and assisted at several gatherings at the white house. all of the other children were born after mr. roosevelt's second marriage. his oldest son is theodore roosevelt, jr., commonly called by his chums, teddy, jr. he is a lad of sixteen, bright and clever, and has been attending a college preparatory school at groton, massachusetts, as already mentioned. he loves outdoor games, and is said to possess many tastes in common with his father. the other members of the family are, kermit, fourteen, ethel carew, twelve, archibald bullock, nine, and a lively little boy named quentin, who is six. some time ago a distinguished member of the english educational commission visited this country and made an inspection of our school system. when asked what had impressed him most deeply, he answered:-- "the children of the president of the united states sitting side by side with the children of your workingmen in the public schools." this simple little speech speaks volumes for the good, hard common sense of our president. he believes thoroughly in our public institutions, and knows the real value of sending out his boys to fight their own battles in the world at large. he does not believe in pampering children, but in making them self-reliant. all love to go out with him, and when at oyster bay he frequently takes the boys and their cousins for a day's tramp through the woods or along the beach, or else for a good hard row on the bay. the president prefers rowing to sailing, and frequently rows for several miles at a stretch. his enjoyment of bathing is as great as ever, and his boys love to go into the water with him. christmas time at the white house is just as full of joy there as it is anywhere. the younger children hang up their stockings, and scream with delight over every new toy received. for some days previous to christmas one of the rooms is turned into a storeroom, and to this only mrs. roosevelt and one of the maids hold the key. presents come in from everywhere, including many for the president, for his friends far and near insist upon remembering him. these presents are arranged on a large oval table near one of the broad windows, and on christmas morning the distribution begins. the president, in his trips to the woods, has seen the great harm done by cutting down promising evergreens, so he does not believe very much in having a christmas tree. but a year ago a great surprise awaited him. "i'm going to fix up a tree," said little archie, and managed to smuggle a small evergreen into the house and place it in a large closet that was not being used. here he and his younger brother quentin worked for several days in arranging the tree just to suit them. on christmas morning, after the presents were given out, both asked their father to come to where the closet was located. "what is up now?" asked mr. roosevelt, curiously. "come and see!" they shouted. and he went, followed by all the others of the family. then the closet door was thrown open, and there stood the tree, blazing with lights. it was certainly a great surprise, and mr. roosevelt enjoyed it as much as anybody. the children of washington, and especially those whose fathers occupy public positions, always look forward with anticipations of great pleasure to the children's parties given by mrs. roosevelt, and these parties are of equal interest to those living at the mansion. [illustration: president roosevelt and his family. (_photograph by pach bros., n.y._)] such a party was given during the last holidays, and was attended by several hundred children, all of whom, of course, came arrayed in their best. they were received by mrs. roosevelt, who had a hand-shake and a kind word for each, and then some of the cabinet ladies, who were assisting, gave to each visitor a button, set in ribbon and tinsel and inscribed "merry christmas and happy new year." the big main dining-room of the white house had been prepared for the occasion. there was a christmas tree at one side of the room, and the table was filled with fruit, cake, and candy. the president came in and helped to pass the ice-cream and cake, and theodore, jr. and some of the others passed the candy and other good things. after this the visitors were asked to go to the east room and dance. the marine band furnished the music, and while the children were dancing, the president came in to look at them. the entertainment lasted until the end of the afternoon, and when the visitors departed, president roosevelt was at the door to shake hands and bid them good-by. and here let us bid good-by ourselves, wishing theodore roosevelt and his family well. what the future holds in store for our president no man can tell. that he richly deserves the honors that have come to him, is beyond question. he has done his best to place and keep our united states in the front rank of the nations of the world. under him, as under president mckinley, progress has been remarkably rapid. in the uttermost parts of the world our flag is respected as it was never respected before. perhaps some few mistakes have been made, but on the whole our advancement has been justified, and is eminently satisfactory. the future is large with possibilities, and it remains for the generation i am addressing to rise up and embrace those opportunities and make the most of them. appendix a brief extracts from famous addresses delivered by theodore roosevelt "if we are to be a really great people, we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world. we cannot avoid meeting great issues. all that we can determine for ourselves is whether we shall meet them well or ill." "all honor must be paid to the architects of our material prosperity; to the captains of industry who have built our factories and our railroads; to the strong men who toil for wealth with brain or hand; for great is the debt of the nation to these and their kind. but our debt is still greater to the men whose highest type is to be found in a statesman like lincoln, a soldier like grant." "a man's first duty is to his own home, but he is not thereby excused from doing his duty to the state; for if he fails in this second duty it is under the penalty of ceasing to be a freeman." --_extracts from "the strenuous life."_ "is america a weakling to shrink from the work that must be done by the world's powers? no! the young giant of the west stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an ocean in either hand. our nation, glorious in youth and strength, looks into the future with eager and fearless eyes, and rejoices, as a strong man to run the race." --_extract from speech seconding the nomination of william mckinley for president._ "poverty is a bitter thing, but it is not as bitter as the existence of restless vacuity and physical, moral, and intellectual flabbiness to which those doom themselves who elect to spend all their years in that vainest of all vain pursuits, the pursuit of mere pleasure." "our interests are at bottom common; in the long run we go up or go down together." "the first essential of civilization is law. anarchy is simply the hand-maiden and forerunner of tyranny and despotism. law and order, enforced by justice and by strength, lie at the foundation of civilization." --_extracts from a speech delivered at minneapolis, minnesota, september , ._ "we hold work, not as a curse, but as a blessing, and we regard the idler with scornful pity." "each man must choose, so far as the conditions allow him, the path to which he is bidden by his own peculiar powers and inclinations. but if he is a man, he must in some way or shape do a man's work." "it is not given to us all to succeed, but it is given to us all to strive manfully to deserve success." "we cannot retain the full measure of our self-respect if we do not retain pride in our citizenship." --_extracts from an address on "manhood and statehood."_ "the true welfare of the nation is indissolubly bound up in the welfare of the farmer and wage-worker; of the man who tills the soil, and of the mechanic, the handicraftsman, and the laborer. the poorest motto upon which an american can act is the motto of 'some men down,' and the safest to follow is that of 'all men up.'" --_extract from speech delivered at the dedication of the pan-american fair buildings._ "the men we need are the men of strong, earnest, solid character--the men who possess the homely virtues, and who to these virtues add rugged courage, rugged honesty, and high resolve." --_extract from speech delivered upon the life of general grant._ appendix b list of theodore roosevelt's writings books: the naval war of , volumes. ( .) the winning of the west, volumes. ( - .) hunting trips of a ranchman. ( .) hunting trips on the prairie. (companion volume to that above. .) the wilderness hunter. ( .) hunting the grisly. (companion volume to that above. .) the rough riders. ( .) life of oliver cromwell. ( .) the strenuous life--essays and addresses. ( .) american ideals. ( .) administration--civil service. ( .) life of thomas hart benton. ( .) new york. (historic towns series. .) life of gouverneur morris. ( .) ranch life and the hunting trail. ( .) essays on practical politics. ( .) written by theodore roosevelt and henry cabot lodge: hero tales from american history. ( .) written by theodore roosevelt and g.b. grinnell: trail and camp fire. ( .) hunting in many lands. ( .) principal magazine articles: admiral dewey. (mcclure's magazine.) military preparedness and unpreparedness. (century magazine.) mad anthony wayne's victory. (harper's magazine.) st. clair's defeat. (harper's magazine.) fights between iron clads. (century magazine.) need of a new navy. (review of reviews.) appendix c chronology of the life of theodore roosevelt from to . october . theodore roosevelt born in new york city, son of theodore roosevelt and martha (bullock) roosevelt. . sent to public school, and also received some private instruction; spent summers at oyster bay, new york. . became a member of the dutch reformed church; has been a member ever since. . september. entered harvard college. member of numerous clubs and societies. . february . death of theodore roosevelt, sr. . june. graduated from harvard college; a phi beta kappa man. september . married miss alice lee, of boston, massachusetts. travelled extensively in europe; climbed the alps; made a member of the alpine club of london. . elected a member of the new york assembly, and served for three terms in succession. . birth of daughter, alice lee roosevelt. death of mrs. alice (lee) roosevelt, mr. roosevelt's first wife. death of mrs. martha (bullock) roosevelt, mr. roosevelt's mother. made delegate-at-large to the republican national convention that nominated james g. blaine for president. . became a ranchman and hunter. . ran for office of mayor of new york city, and was defeated by abram hewitt. spent additional time in hunting. december . married edith kermit carew, of new york city. . birth of son, theodore roosevelt, jr. september. grand hunt in the selkirk mountains. . may. appointed by president harrison a member of the civil service commission; served for six years, four under president harrison and two under president cleveland. . birth of son, kermit roosevelt. . september. grand hunt at two-ocean pass, wyoming. . birth of daughter, ethel carew roosevelt. . may . appointed police commissioner of new york city by mayor william strong. served until april, . birth of son, archibald bullock roosevelt. . april. made first assistant secretary of the navy, under secretary long and president mckinley. birth of son, quentin roosevelt. . april . congress declared war with spain. roosevelt resigned his position in the navy department. may. helped to organize the rough riders, and was appointed lieutenant-colonel, may . may . the rough riders left san antonio, texas, for tampa, florida. june . in camp at tampa. june . move by coal cars to port tampa; four companies left behind; board transport _yucatan_. june . start for cuba, without horses. june . landing of the rough riders at daiquiri. june . march to siboney. june . advance to la guasima (las guasimas). first fight with the spanish troops. july . battles of san juan and el caney. roosevelt leads the rough riders up san juan hill. july . fighting in the trenches by the rough riders, roosevelt in command. july . sinking of the spanish fleet off santiago bay. july . roosevelt made colonel of the rough riders. august . departure of the rough riders from cuba. august . spain accepts terms of peace offered by the united states. august . arrival of the rough riders at montauk, long island. september . mustering out of the rough riders. september . nominated by the republican party for governor of new york. october. grand campaigning tour through the empire state. november. elected governor of new york by seventeen thousand plurality. . january . assumed office as governor of new york. april . delivered famous address on "the strenuous life," at chicago. september and . governor appointed these days as holidays in honor of a reception to admiral dewey; grand water and land processions. . june . republican convention met at philadelphia; roosevelt seconded the nomination of mckinley for president (second term), and was nominated for the vice-presidency. july, august, and september. governor roosevelt travelled , miles, delivering political speeches at nearly cities and towns. november . mckinley and roosevelt carried states, democratic opponents carried states; republican electoral votes, , democratic and scattering combined, . december. presided over one short session of the united states senate. . january . started on a five weeks' hunting tour in northwest colorado; bringing down many cougars. april. attended the dedication of the pan-american exposition buildings at buffalo, new york, and delivered an address. september . received word, while at isle la motte, vermont, that president mckinley had been shot; hurried at once to buffalo; assured that the president would recover, joined his family in the adirondacks. september . death of president mckinley. roosevelt returned to buffalo; took the oath of office as president of the united states at the house of ansley wilcox; retained the mckinley cabinet. september to . funeral of president mckinley, at buffalo, washington, and canton, ohio. president roosevelt attended. september . first regular working day of president roosevelt at the white house. december . first annual message delivered to congress. december . senate received hay-pauncefote canal treaty from the president. december . first break in the mckinley cabinet. postmaster general smith resigned; was succeeded by h.c. payne. . january . grand ball at the white house, miss alice roosevelt formally presented to washington society. january . secretary gage of the treasury resigned; was succeeded by ex-governor leslie m. shaw, of iowa. january . the president transmitted to congress report of canal commission, recommending buying of rights for $ , , . february . serious sickness of theodore roosevelt, jr. president in attendance at groton, massachusetts, several days. february . reception to prince henry of prussia. february . launching of german emperor's yacht, which was christened by miss alice roosevelt. march . president signed a bill creating a permanent pension bureau. may . beginning of the great coal strike; largest in the history of the united states. may . president unveiled a monument at arlington cemetery, erected in memory of those who fell in the spanish-american war. june . president reviewed west point cadets at the centennial celebration of that institution. july . addressed a great gathering at pittsburg. july . removed his business offices to oyster bay for the summer. august . retirement of justice gray of the supreme court; the president named oliver wendell holmes as his successor. august . the president began a twelve days' tour of new england. september . narrow escape from death near pittsfield, massachusetts. trolley car ran down carriage, killing secret service attendant. september and . president visited chattanooga, tennessee, and delivered addresses. october . president called conference at washington concerning coal strike. october . as a result of several meetings between the president, the mine operators, and the mine workers the miners resumed work, and a commission was appointed by the president to adjust matters in dispute. november . grand reception to the president at memphis, tennessee. december . president's message to congress was read by both branches. . january . president signed the free coal bill passed by congress. january . president signed the bill for the reorganization of the military system. march . special session of congress called by the president to consider cuban reciprocity bill and panama canal treaty with colombia. march . president appointed a commission to report on organization, needs, and conditions of government work. march . president received report of coal commission. april . president received degree of ll.d. from the university of chicago. beginning of long trip to the west. april . president addressed minnesota legislature at st. paul. april . president delivered address at dedication of buildings of the louisiana purchase exposition, at st. louis. june . president ordered an investigation into the post-office department scandals. july . first message around the world, via new pacific cable, received by president at oyster bay. july . the president refused to consider charges made by a bookbinders' union against a workman in the government printing office, thereby declaring for an "open" shop. august . grand naval review by the president, on long island sound, near oyster bay. september . president delivered an address at the dedication of a monument to new jersey soldiers, on the battle-field of antietam. october . president delivered an address at unveiling of statue to general sherman, at washington. october . president called extra session of congress to consider a commercial treaty with cuba. november . panama proclaimed independent of colombia. november . the united states government formally recognized the independence of the state of panama. november . opening of extra session of congress called by president to consider commercial treaty with cuba. november . a new canal treaty was formally signed at washington by secretary hay, of the united states, and m. bunau-varilla, acting for panama. december . the canal treaty was ratified at panama. december . the president sent regular message to congress especially defending the administration policy regarding panama and the canal. . january . the president sent a special message to congress regarding the recognition of the new republic of panama. this was followed for weeks by debates, for and against the action of the administration. february. war broke out between japan and russia; the president issued a proclamation declaring the neutrality of the united states. february . the president and family assisted at a washington's birthday tree-planting at the white house grounds. february . the united states ratified all the provisions of the panama canal treaty; preparations were made, under the directions of the president, to begin work without delay. april . president, at washington, delivered address and pressed telegraphic key opening world's fair at st. louis. american boys' life of william mckinley by edward stratemeyer. pages. illustrated by a.b. shute, and from photographs $ . [illustration] here is told the whole story of mckinley's boyhood days, his life at school and at college, his work as a school teacher, his glorious career in the army, his struggles to obtain a footing as a lawyer, his efforts as a congressman, and lastly his prosperous career as our president. there are many side lights on the work at the white house during the war with spain, and in china, all told in a style particularly adapted to boys and young men. the book is full of interesting anecdotes, all taken from life, showing fully the sincere, honest, painstaking efforts of a life cut all too short. the volume will prove an inspiration to all boys and young men, and should be in every one's library. _for sale by all booksellers, or sent postpaid, on receipt of price, by the publishers._ lee and shepard boston the famous "old glory series" by edward stratemeyer _author of "the bound to succeed series," "the ship and shore series," "colonial series," "pan-american series," etc._ six volumes. cloth. illustrated. price per volume $ . [illustration] under dewey at manila or the war fortunes of a castaway a young volunteer in cuba or fighting for the single star fighting in cuban waters or under schley on the brooklyn under otis in the philippines or a young officer in the tropics the campaign of the jungle or under lawton through luzon under macarthur in luzon or last battles in the philippines "a boy once addicted to stratemeyer stays by him."--_the living church._ "the boys' delight--the 'old glory series.'"--_the christian advocate, new york._ "stratemeyer's style suits the boys."--john terhune, _supt. of public instruction, bergen co., new jersey._ "mr. stratemeyer is in a class by himself when it comes to writing about american heroes, their brilliant doings on land and sea."--_times, boston._ "mr. stratemeyer has written a series of books which, while historically correct and embodying the most important features of the spanish-american war and the rebellion of the filipinos, are sufficiently interwoven with fiction to render them most entertaining to young readers."--_the call, san francisco._ _for sale by all booksellers, or sent, postpaid, on receipt of price by_ lee and shepard, publishers, boston the colonial series by edward stratemeyer _author of "pan-american series," "old glory series," "great american industries series," "american boys' biographical series," etc._ four volumes. cloth. illustrated by a.b. shute. price per volume, $ . [illustration] with washington in the west or a soldier boy's battles in the wilderness marching on niagara or the soldier boys of the old frontier at the fall of montreal or a soldier boy's final victory on the trail of pontiac or the pioneer boys of the ohio "mr. stratemeyer has put his best work into the 'colonial series.'"--_christian register, boston._ "a series that doesn't fall so very far short of being history itself."--_boston courier._ "the tales of war are incidental to the dramatic adventures of two boys, so well told that the historical facts are all the better remembered."--_boston globe._ "edward stratemeyer has in many volumes shown himself master of the art of producing historic studies in the pleasing story form."--_minneapolis journal._ "the author, edward stratemeyer, has used his usual care in matters of historical detail and accuracy, and gives a splendid picture of the times in general."--_milwaukee sentinel._ "told by one who knows how to write so as to interest boys, while still having a care as to accuracy."--_commercial advertiser, new york._ _for sale by all booksellers, or sent, postpaid, on receipt of price by_ lee and shepard, publishers boston two good war stories by edward stratemeyer _on to pekin, or old glory in china_ cloth. pages. illustrated by a. burnham shute. $ . [illustration] the hero, gilbert pennington, has become a lieutenant in the regular army, and goes from the philippines with the ninth regiment to take part in the rescue of the beleaguered british embassy at pekin by the international forces. mr. stratemeyer has risen to the occasion by giving, in addition to one of his very best stories, a store of information concerning china and the chinese, conveyed in a natural and entertaining manner. mr. stratemeyer gives his youthful readers plenty of adventures, but there is little that might not easily happen. his books are eminently "safe" ones, and their patriotic spirit will be considered admirable.--_home journal, boston._ _between boer and briton or two boys' adventures in south africa_ illustrated by a. burnham shute pages price $ . relates the experiences of two boys, cousins to each other, one american and the other english, whose fathers are engaged in the transvaal, one in farming and the other in mining operations. while the two boys are off on a hunting trip after big game, the war between the boers and britons suddenly breaks out, and the boys find themselves placed between hostile armies, where their thrilling experiences are brought out in mr. stratemeyer's best style. exhibits the same qualities which have given popularity to his former writings.--_the times, pittsburg, pa._ a stirring story of the south african war.--_the journal, indianapolis, ind._ the kind of story to please boys and give them a fair idea of a great historical event.--_st. louis post-despatch._ great american industries series by edward stratemeyer volume one _two young lumbermen or from maine to oregon for fortune_ pages. cloth. illustrated. price $ . net [illustration] a splendid new story, undoubtedly the best mr. stratemeyer has yet penned. it covers the whole of the great lumber industry of our country, the scene shifting from maine to michigan and the great lakes, and then to the columbia and the great northwest. the heroes are two sturdy youths who have been brought up among the lumbermen of their native state, and who strike out in an honest endeavor to better their condition. as mill hands, fellers, log drivers, and general camp workers they have a variety of adventures, absorbing in the extreme. an ideal volume for the library of every wide-awake american who wishes to know what our great lumber industry is to-day. boys are acquiring the stratemeyer habit.--_post, chicago._ mr. stratemeyer's books are not only entertaining but instructive.--_daily press, portland, me._ he knows how to attract and hold boy readers.--_evening standard, new bedford, mass._ the demands of boy readers are peculiar, and the author who can satisfy them, not once or twice, but uniformly, must possess rare ability in an extremely difficult field. such an author is edward stratemeyer.--_sunday news, newark, n.j._ pan-american series by edward stratemeyer volume one _lost on the orinoco or american boys in venezuela_ mo. cloth. illustrated. price $ . this volume tells of five american youths, who, with their tutor, sail from new york to la guayra, touching at curaçao on the way. they visit caracas, the capital, macuto, the fashionable seaside resort, go westward to the gulf of maracaibo and lake of the same name, and at last find themselves in the region of the mighty orinoco, and of course they have some exciting experiences, one of which gives name to the book. just the book boys and young men should read, in view of the general interest in matters pan-american. its pictures of south american life and scenery are novel and instructive.--_the literary world, boston._ the scenes described are of the sort to charm the hearts of adventurous boys.--_the outlook, n.y._ volume two _the young volcano explorers or american boys in the west indies_ mo. cloth. illustrated. price $ . this is a complete tale in itself, but has the same characters which have appeared so successfully in "lost on the orinoco." the boys, with their tutor, sail from venezuela to the west indies, stopping at jamaica, cuba, hayti, and porto rico. they have numerous adventures on the way, and then set out for st. pierre, martinique, where they encounter the effects of the eruption of mt. pelee, and two of the boys are left on a raft to shift for themselves. life in the west indies is well portrayed, and the tale will appeal to many an older person as well as to the boys. proofreaders the angel of lonesome hill a story of a president by frederick landis author of "the glory of his country" [illustration: those who passed by night were grateful for the lamp] it was a handful of people in the country--a simple-hearted handful. there was no railroad--only a stage which creaked through the gullies and was late. once it had a hot-box, and the place drifted through space, a vagrant atom. time swung on a lazy hinge. children came; young folks married; old ones died; indian creek overflowed the bottom-land; crops failed; one by one the stage bore boys and girls away to seek their fortunes in the far-off world; at long intervals some tragedy streaked the yellow clay monotony with red; january blew petals from her silver garden; april poured her vase of life; august crawled her snail length; years passed, leaving rusty streaks back to a dull horizon. the sky seemed higher than anywhere else; clouds hurried over this place called "cold friday." a mile to the east was "lonesome hill." indians once built signal fires upon it, and in this later time travellers alighted as their horses struggled up the steep approach. at the top was a cabin; it was whitewashed, and so were the apple-trees round it. a gourd vine clung to its chimney; pigeons fluttered upon its shingles, and june flung a crimson rose mantle over its side and half-way up the roof. one wished to stop and rest beneath its weeping willow by the white stone milk house. those who passed by day were accustomed to a woman's face at the window--a calm face which looked on life as evening looks on day--such a face as one might use to decorate a fancy of the old frontier. those who passed by night were grateful for the lamp which protested against nature's apparent consecration of the place to solitude. this home held aloof from "cold friday"; many times curiosity went in, but conjecture alone came out, for through the years the man and woman of this cabin merely said, "we came from back yonder." nobody knew where "yonder" was. but the law of compensation was in force--even in "cold friday." with acquaintanceships as with books, the ecstasy of cutting leaves is not always sustained in the reading, and the silence of this man and woman was the life of village wonder. it gave "friday's" chimney talk a spice it otherwise had never known; the back log seldom crumbled into ashes till the bones of these cabin dwellers lay bleaching on the plains of "perhaps." john dale was seventy-five years or more, but worked his niggard hillside all the day, and seldom came to town. his aged wife was kind; the flowers of her life she gave away, but none could glance upon the garden. she seemed to know when neighbors were ill; hers was the dignity of being indispensable. many the mother of that region who, standing beneath some cloud, thanked god as this slender, white-haired soul with star shine in her face, hurried over the fields with an old volume pasted full of quaint remedies. she made a call of another kind--just once--when the "hitchenses" brought the first organ to "cold friday." she remained only long enough to go straight to the cabinet, which the assembled neighbors regarded with distant awe, and play several pieces "without the book." on her leaving with the same quiet indifference, mrs. ephraim fivecoats peered owlishly toward mrs. rome lukens and rendered the following upon her favorite instrument: "well! if that woman ever gits the fever an' gits deliriums, i want to be round, handy like. i'll swan there'll be more interestin' things told than we've heerd in our born days--that woman is allus thinkin'!" in this final respect, the judgment of the lady of the house of fivecoats was sound. how gallant the mind is! if the past be sad, it mingles with diversion's multitude till sadness is lost; if the present be unhappy, it has a magic thrift of joys, and unhappiness is hushed by memory's laughter; if both past and present have a grief, it seeks amid its scanty store for some event, for instance, whose recurrence brings some brightness; to greet this it sends affectionate anticipations--and were its quiver empty, it would battle still some way! so the wife of dale looked forward to doctor johnston's visits, yet there were so many doors between her silence and the world, she did not turn as he entered one eventful day. doctors are nature's confessors, and down the memory of this one wandered a camel of sympathy upon which the sick had heaped their secret woes for years, though one added naught to the burden. it was the tale he wished to hear, and when some fugitive phrase promised revelation, he folded the powders slowly; but when it ended in a sigh, he strapped up bottles and expectations and went away, reflecting how poor the world where one might hear all things save those which interested. but time is a patient locksmith to whom all doors swing open. "i always sit by this window," she began as he removed the fever thermometer; "i've looked so long, i see nothing in a way--and at night i always put the light here. if he should come in the dark i want him to see--here is a letter." the doctor read and returned it with a look of infinite pity. "i had a dream last night; i may be superstitious or it may be the fever--but it was so real. i saw it all; it was just like my prayer. i believe in god, you know." she smiled in half reproach. "yes, in spite of all. "in that dream something touched my hand and a voice whispered the word, 'now.' oh, how anxious it was! i awoke, sitting up; the lamp had gone out, yet it was not empty--and there was no wind." john dale stumbled into the room, his arms full of wood, and an old dog, lying before the fireplace, thumped his tail against the floor with diminishing vigor. she arose. "i'll get you a bite to eat, doctor." "never mind! i must be going." he made a sign to dale, who followed to the gate. "john, i've been calling here a long time--" "i know i ought to pay somethin'," dale started to say. "it isn't that--i've just diagnosed the case; only one man can cure it." "would he--on credit?" dale anxiously inquired. "he never charges." johnston smiled sorrowfully at the old man's despair. "who is he?" "the president; the president of the united states," he added as dale's eyes filled with questions. "i came out of college a sceptic, john, and i'd be an infidel outright but for that wife of yours--she's nearer the sky, somehow, than any other mortal i've seen. i don't believe in anything, of course--but that dream--if i were you i'd trust it--i'd follow where it led." with his foot on the hub, the farmer slowly whetted his knife on his boot. "i'll go with you, doctor." * * * * * "i called at the office, but it was locked, and so i'm here," apologized dale as judge long opened the door of his old-fashioned stone house in point elizabeth, the county seat. "glad to see you--had your supper?" hearing voices in the dining-room, he answered in the affirmative. "then have a cigar and wait in the library; the folks are having a little company." the old man surveyed the room; the books alone were worth more than his earthly possessions. from a desk loomed a bust of webster. shadows seemed to leap from it; the sombre lips bespoke the futility of striving against stern realities. there was gayety in the dining-room; judge long was a fountain of mirth, a favorite at taverns, while riding the circuit--before juries--wherever people gathered. a gale of laughter greeted his last anecdote and the diners protested as he arose. dale told his story excitedly, and at the conclusion judge long slowly brushed away the tobacco smoke. "i'm sorry, john, but we did all we could last month--and we failed; there's just one thing to do--face the matter. it's hard, but this world is chiefly water, and what isn't water is largely rock--it's for fish and fossils, i suppose." "but we will win now!" the old man's hand fell with decision. "why do you say that?" "mother had another dream last night." "but, you know, she had one a month ago," quietly protested long. "yes--and it came true--we didn't do our part just right. we can't fail this time; there must be a day of justice!" "well, as to that, john, this game of life is strange; we bring nothing with us, so how can we lose? we take nothing away, so how can we win? we think; we plan; we stack these plans with precision, but chance always sits at our right, waiting to cut the cards. you speak of 'justice.' it's a myth. the statue above the court-house stands first on one foot, then on the other, tired of waiting, tired of the sharp rocks of technicality, tired of the pompous farce. why, dale," he waved a hand toward an opposite corner, "if old daniel webster were here he couldn't do anything!" when an american lawyer cites that mighty shade it is conclusive, but the effect was lost on dale. he was not a lawyer, neither had he read the "dartmouth college case" nor the "reply to hayne." in fact his relations with the "sage of marshfield" were so formal he believed his fame to rest chiefly on having left behind a multitude of busts. besides, he was impatient; the judge's peroration having lifted his head so suddenly that cigar ashes fell upon the deep rug at his feet. "you won't go again, judge?" he leaned forward perplexed. "it's no use." "well, mebbe you can't do anything--mebbe dan'l webster couldn't--but john dale can!" long arose, astonished. "how foolish! reason for a moment--any presentation of this matter calls for the highest ability; it involves sifting of evidence; symmetry of arrangement; cohesiveness of method, logic of argument, persuasiveness of advocacy, subtleties of acumen, charms of eloquence--all the elements of the greatest profession among men!" dale leaned heavily against the table, his eyes following the judge as he walked back and forth. "well, i've got 'em--i can't call 'em by name, but i've got the whole damned list--and i'm goin'!" long stood at bay, his hand on the door, his face glowing with animation. "dale, you're old enough to be my father, but you shall listen. you'd fail before a justice of the peace, and before the president of the united states--it's absurd. you'd go down there, get mad, probably be arrested and kill any hope we might have; why, you're guilty of contempt of court right now. i had a strong influence, yet i failed." the old farmer of "lonesome hill" would listen no more. "then wait, john. this letter may at least save you from jail--and you haven't any money; will this do?" "it's more than i need, judge." "no, keep it all--and keep your temper too." as the judge stood in the doorway, watching the venerable figure disappear in the drizzling night, a young woman from the dining-room stole to his side and heard him muse: "after all, who knows? a briton clad in skins once humbled a roman emperor." "is he in trouble?" she asked. "yes, great trouble, and it isn't his fault. fate's a poor shot. she never strikes one who is guilty without wounding two who are innocent." * * * * * dale was an admirable volunteer and strangely resourceful; he had something more than courage. the train did not leave for two hours. he sat in the station till the clatter of the telegraph drove him out, when he walked toward the yards with their colored lights, and through his brain raced speculation's myriad fiends, all brandishing lanterns like those before him. when, at last, the train did start, it seemed to roll slowly, though it could suffer delay and reach the capital by daybreak. he read the letter of introduction several times, and wondered what kind of man the president was; he thought of what he would say--and how it would end. at intervals a ghost would extend a long, bony hand and wring drops of blood from his heart; at such times the president was hostile--the trip very foolish--he regretted his anger at judge long's house; and once, had the engine been a horse, he might have turned back. at other times gleams of victory came from somewhere and yet from nowhere, and routed the gypsies from his brain, and the president stood before him, a sympathetic gentleman. once he knew it, and through excess of spirits walked up and down the aisle, studying the sleeping passengers; for john dale travelled in a common "day coach." at last he yielded to fatigue, and far off on the horizon of consciousness dimly flashed the duel of his hopes and fears. rest was impossible, and after a long time the dawn drifted between his half-closed lids; a glorious dome floated out of the sky and the porter shouted, "all out for washington!" the cabmen who besieged the well-dressed passengers paid scant homage to the old man, who walked uncertainly out of the smoky shed and stood for a moment in pennsylvania avenue--on one hand the capitol, on the other the treasury and white house. a great clock above him struck the hour of six; he hesitated, then went toward the scene of conflict. the waking traffic, the great buildings, the pulse of this strange life filled him with depression. he came to a beautiful park and gazed upon lafayette and rochambeau, then the equestrian statue of jackson. as he sat facing the snow-white building with columned portico, the magnolia blossoms were as incense. then he could wait no longer and crossed to the president's office. a policeman stopped him at the steps. he explained that he had a letter from judge long. what! did this policeman not know judge long? he sat under a tree, and the policeman walked a few paces away to turn anon and survey the waiting pilgrim. when the doors opened he entered. the president would not come for another hour; he would be busy--possibly he might see him by noon--provided he had credentials. with a sigh he sank into a chair and was soon asleep. "come--this is no cheap lodging house!" the greeting was shaken into him by a clerk with hair parted in the middle, who disdainfully surveyed the sleeper's attire. he who has much on his mind little cares what he has on his back, and when the youth exploded, "who are you?" the old fellow's self-reliance came forth. leading the way to the door dale pointed a trembling finger. "see that buildin', 'bub'--and that one yonder, and that patch over there with andy jackson in it? well, i'm one of the folks that made it all--and paid for it; and you're one of my hired hands. i've got to keep so many of you down here i can't afford one on the farm. i want to see the president--give him this letter--it's from judge sylvester long, of point elizabeth!" the youth vanished and dale resumed his chair. he was looking across the lawn when a sudden alertness came into the scene; the silk-hatted line of callers stepped aside; those who were seated arose; newspaper correspondents turned with vigilant ears. a nervous voice inquired, "where is mr. john dale?" the president stood before him, dressed in white flannel, then smilingly grasped his hand with a blast of welcome: "i'm delighted to meet the friend of judge long!" taking his arm the executive escorted him through the cabinet room thronged with senators, representatives, and tourists. they entered the private office. "take the sofa, mr. dale--it's the easiest thing in the place. i hope your business is such that you can excuse me for a little while." a smile came over dale's white face. could the poorest farmer of the "cold friday" region wait for the most powerful character in the world? nor was the old man in the linen duster the only one who smiled. a member of the russian embassy turned to his companion--a distinguished visitor from the court of st. petersburg: "what would a peasant say to the czar?" the president now entered the cabinet room, shaking hands with the many, guiding a few into his private office. dale listened; now it was an introduction and a message to an old friend in the west. then a decisive "no" dashed some hope of patronage; again, it was a discussion of poetry, aerial navigation, or the relics of the aztecs. it was a long stride from "lonesome hill," and for the time dale was novelty's captive. he glanced round the room. it was not as fine as the director's office of the point elizabeth bank! above the mantel--the place of honor--was the painting of a martyr. he wondered whether another stroke of the brush would have brought a smile to the face, or an expression of sadness. the hands were very large--they had once broken iron bands. in one corner was a shot-gun; tennis rackets in another; on a chair were snow-shoes and on the desk a sheaf of roses. those whom the president had sifted into his office from the crowd outside engaged in conversation. a senator discussed the ball game with a supreme court justice; a general advised an author to try deep breathing. the president returned more animated than before. he placed a hand on dale's shoulder: "be comfortable--and stay for lunch; nobody but us." the crowd paid sudden respect to the homespun citizen of an older day, and a great happiness came into his heart--it was like the unfolding of one of the roses. not that he was to lunch with the president, though dale's was the village estimate of human greatness. a vaster issue was before him, and this was a token of success--a success which would bind up his remaining years with peace, and give glorious recompense to the companion of his few joys and many griefs. the president hurriedly signed his name to parchments. "i'm making a few postmasters." he smiled toward the sofa. "it's no trouble here--that's all at the other end of the line." without stopping the pen, he discussed matters with one statesman after another, his lips snapping with metallic positiveness. a member of the senate committee on foreign relations protested against the course pursued in santo domingo. "if i were making a world, senator, i'd try to get along without putting in any santo domingos, but as things stand, we must make her be decent or let somebody else do it." another brings up the question of taxing incomes and inheritances. "i favor them both," declared the president. "they are taxes on good luck; bad luck is its own tax." a statesman from the pacific slope protests against federal interference in the school question. "it is a local matter as you say, senator, and yours is a 'sovereign state'--they all are till they get into trouble. if we should have war with japan, your state would speedily become an integral part of the union." a group of gentlemen now object to an aspirant for a federal judgeship on the ground that he has not a "judicial temperament." "as i understand it," the president begins, "judicial temperament is largely a fragrance rising from the recollection of corporate employment; it is the ability to throw a comma under the wheels of progress and upset public welfare; i am glad to learn that mr. l---- has _not_ a 'judicial temperament'; i shall send his name to the senate to-day." the gentlemen retired. "come, mr. dale, let us go." this president had been accused of a lack of dignity. is it a less valuable trait which puts the john dales of our land at instant ease in the "state dining-room" of the white house? "well, sir, no man ever had a better friend than judge long," said the president when they were seated. "'ves' long, i mean," he added with a smile. "i met him in the west; he had a ranch; mine was near it. we saw much of each other; we hunted together--and that's where you learn a man's mettle. he never complained of dogs, luck, or weather. we saw rough times; it was glorious. we'd wake up with snow on the bed, and when 'ves' introduced me at point elizabeth in my first campaign he said we often found rabbit tracks on the quilts--but then 'ves' had a remarkable eye. "some say, 'blood is thicker than water.' that depends somewhat on the quality of the water; i like him; there's nothing i wouldn't do for him!" dale grew suddenly sick at heart. if long had only come! recalling his discouraging words, a shadow crept over the old man's mind. could it be possible he had not tried the month before? such misgivings soon vanished. "this is a trying office, mr. dale. with all my feelings i had to hold in abeyance the only favor he ever asked; it was about a pardon in a murder case over thirty-five years ago. he said it was the most cruel case of circumstantial evidence in the books--possibly you may know about the case." the old man struggled back in his chair, then arose, his rough hand brushing thin locks back from a temple where the veins seemed swelling to the danger point. he was unable to summon more than a whisper from his shrunken throat. "yes, mr. president, i do--he's my boy!" "your--boy! yes--that's the name--how stupid of me--i beg your pardon, mr. dale--a thousand times." they stared a long while at each other and dale felt the fears which had fled before his gracious reception returning to grip him by the heart; the speech he had prepared had fled; it had all happened so differently. at last the president spoke: "congress is just going out; it's the busy season, but i'll go through the papers to-night myself." dale walked to the window; perspiration was on his face, but he was very cold. he stood with locked brain, and into his eyes came filmy clouds; then through these he saw, with sudden strangeness, a cabin far away, and a woman with pallid cheeks looked straight at him. the president gazed intently as the old man wiped the window pane, nodded his head, and turned to face the table. he cleared his throat, then opened a flannel collar, already loose, and his eyes glistened. "you're sick!" exclaimed the president rising. "waiter--some brandy!" "no--just a little dizzy. "mr. president," he slowly began, "this is a case that all the papers in the world can't tell--nor all the men--there's none just like it. "it's not for the boy--it's not for me. i took her from her folks against their will, and i've not panned out lucky--but that's not to the point. she's sick; the doctor can't help her--nobody can but you--i wish you might have seen her from the window yonder." the half-finished luncheon was disregarded; the president had sunk into his chair, and the keen discrimination of a king of affairs was struggling with a strange fascination. "long ago, mr. president, i had an enemy--bill hartsell--we shot each other." he held up a withered hand. "it's been a feud ever since. his boy and mine went to war in the same company--both as brave as ever wore the blue. when they were waitin' to be mustered out bill's boy was murdered in his tent--in his sleep. bill was there and swore he saw my richard do it. "one night, a month ago, my woman--she's a great woman, mr. president--the sick folks down in my country call her 'the angel of lonesome hill'--well, she had a dream that bill hartsell wanted to see me. i hadn't laid eyes on him for years. i strapped on my six-shooter and she said, 'no--it isn't that kind of a trip--it's peace.' "i put down the shootin' iron and went--it was a long way--two days on horseback. i got to bill's cabin at night; i went in without a knock; i wasn't afraid. bill's folks were round the bed. he arose and cried out: 'john, i sent for you; it was a damn lie i told--your boy didn't do it'--and then bill died." for the moment the old man's agitation mastered him. "i remember, mr. dale. 'ves' told me; he brought the statements of the family--and yours. i've been thinking of it ever since--and a great deal these last two days. tell me, why did you happen to come?" "mother had a dream that said the time was up." dale spoke as calmly as though delivering a message from a neighbor. fear was not even a memory now. he stood erect; the stone he had slowly pushed up many steep years was near the summit--one mighty effort might hurl it down the past forever. "just a word about that boy, mr. president. at cold harbor his regiment stood in hell all day; he was one of those who pinned his name to his coat so his body could be identified--after the charge. well, in that charge the flag went down, and a man went out to get it--and he fell; then another--and he fell; and then a thin, pale fellow that the doctors almost refused sprang forward like a panther--and he fell. they were askin' for a volunteer when a staff officer called out: 'good god! he's alive! he's got it! he's crawlin' back!' "they had to lift him off the colors; he didn't know anything, . . . and that was my boy, mr. president--that was dick! "funny how he enlisted," dale resumed after a moment. "he'd been tryin' to get in, but i kept him out. one night his mother sent him for a dime's worth of clothes-line--and he never came back. he's not bad, mr. president; he's good--he gets it from his mother." dale lifted his head with pride: "when i was on the jury i heard judge long say no one could be punished if their name wasn't written in the indictment. now, they didn't only convict dick--they convicted his mother--this whole world's her prison--and it's illegal, mr. president--her name wasn't written in that indictment--and it's her pardon i want." the president arose and walked the floor. "how could the man who saved those colors shoot a comrade in his sleep? mr. dale, my faith in human nature tells me that's a lie!" he stood for an instant at the window, looking over the fountain, the river, the tall white washington needle which pierced the sky, then quickly stepped to the table and lifted a glass: "mr. dale, i propose a toast--'the angel of lonesome hill' . . . her liberty!" * * * * * as they returned to the office there was nothing extraordinary in the president's vigorous step--that was known the world around. there was something most unusual, however, in the radiant soul--the splendid ancient youth of the quaint figure by his side. at the door where the policeman had watched the waiting pilgrim the president shook the old man's hand. "come again, mr. dale, and tell 'ves' long i'll go hunting with him this fall and bring along a man he'll like--a man who catches wolves with his hands." * * * * * john dale knew every fence corner in that region, but the night was so dark he stopped at times to "feel where he was." the man with him could not aid him; he was a stranger--a strange stranger who spoke but once--"how far is it?" long habit had made him silent; he was in the upper fifties, but long absence from the sun had pinched his face into the white mask of great age. at the village store the stranger entered, returning with a package. when the road turned there was a light high ahead and a moment later the two men entered the cabin. the stranger paused. "mother, you sent me for a clothes-line--i've been delayed--but here it is." her hand trembled as she raised the lamp from the table. "my boy--my dream--the president!" * * * * * when she lifted her face it was glorified. theodore roosevelt an autobiography by theodore roosevelt by theodore roosevelt preparer's note this etext was prepared from a edition, published by charles scribner's sons. the book was first published in . contents forward boyhood and youth the vigor of life practical politics in cowboy land applied idealism the new york police the war of america the unready the new york governorship outdoors and indoors the presidency; making an old party progressive the natural resources of the nation the big stick and the square deal social and industrial justice the monroe doctrine and the panama canal the peace of righteousness foreword naturally, there are chapters of my autobiography which cannot now be written. it seems to me that, for the nation as for the individual, what is most important is to insist on the vital need of combining certain sets of qualities, which separately are common enough, and, alas, useless enough. practical efficiency is common, and lofty idealism not uncommon; it is the combination which is necessary, and the combination is rare. love of peace is common among weak, short-sighted, timid, and lazy persons; and on the other hand courage is found among many men of evil temper and bad character. neither quality shall by itself avail. justice among the nations of mankind, and the uplifting of humanity, can be brought about only by those strong and daring men who with wisdom love peace, but who love righteousness more than peace. facing the immense complexity of modern social and industrial conditions, there is need to use freely and unhesitatingly the collective power of all of us; and yet no exercise of collective power will ever avail if the average individual does not keep his or her sense of personal duty, initiative, and responsibility. there is need to develop all the virtues that have the state for their sphere of action; but these virtues are as dust in a windy street unless back of them lie the strong and tender virtues of a family life based on the love of the one man for the one woman and on their joyous and fearless acceptance of their common obligation to the children that are theirs. there must be the keenest sense of duty, and with it must go the joy of living; there must be shame at the thought of shirking the hard work of the world, and at the same time delight in the many-sided beauty of life. with soul of flame and temper of steel we must act as our coolest judgment bids us. we must exercise the largest charity towards the wrong-doer that is compatible with relentless war against the wrong-doing. we must be just to others, generous to others, and yet we must realize that it is a shameful and a wicked thing not to withstand oppression with high heart and ready hand. with gentleness and tenderness there must go dauntless bravery and grim acceptance of labor and hardship and peril. all for each, and each for all, is a good motto; but only on condition that each works with might and main to so maintain himself as not to be a burden to others. we of the great modern democracies must strive unceasingly to make our several countries lands in which a poor man who works hard can live comfortably and honestly, and in which a rich man cannot live dishonestly nor in slothful avoidance of duty; and yet we must judge rich man and poor man alike by a standard which rests on conduct and not on caste, and we must frown with the same stern severity on the mean and vicious envy which hates and would plunder a man because he is well off and on the brutal and selfish arrogance which looks down on and exploits the man with whom life has gone hard. theodore roosevelt. sagamore hill, october , . theodore roosevelt chapter i boyhood and youth my grandfather on my father's side was of almost purely dutch blood. when he was young he still spoke some dutch, and dutch was last used in the services of the dutch reformed church in new york while he was a small boy. about his ancestor klaes martensen van roosevelt came to new amsterdam as a "settler"--the euphemistic name for an immigrant who came over in the steerage of a sailing ship in the seventeenth century instead of the steerage of a steamer in the nineteenth century. from that time for the next seven generations from father to son every one of us was born on manhattan island. my father's paternal ancestors were of holland stock; except that there was one named waldron, a wheelwright, who was one of the pilgrims who remained in holland when the others came over to found massachusetts, and who then accompanied the dutch adventurers to new amsterdam. my father's mother was a pennsylvanian. her forebears had come to pennsylvania with william penn, some in the same ship with him; they were of the usual type of the immigration of that particular place and time. they included welsh and english quakers, an irishman,--with a celtic name, and apparently not a quaker,--and peace-loving germans, who were among the founders of germantown, having been driven from their rhineland homes when the armies of louis the fourteenth ravaged the palatinate; and, in addition, representatives of a by-no-means altogether peaceful people, the scotch irish, who came to pennsylvania a little later, early in the eighteenth century. my grandmother was a woman of singular sweetness and strength, the keystone of the arch in her relations with her husband and sons. although she was not herself dutch, it was she who taught me the only dutch i ever knew, a baby song of which the first line ran, "trippe troppa tronjes." i always remembered this, and when i was in east africa it proved a bond of union between me and the boer settlers, not a few of whom knew it, although at first they always had difficulty in understanding my pronunciation--at which i do not wonder. it was interesting to meet these men whose ancestors had gone to the cape about the time that mine went to america two centuries and a half previously, and to find that the descendants of the two streams of emigrants still crooned to their children some at least of the same nursery songs. of my great-grandfather roosevelt and his family life a century and over ago i know little beyond what is implied in some of his books that have come down to me--the letters of junius, a biography of john paul jones, chief justice marshall's "life of washington." they seem to indicate that his library was less interesting than that of my wife's great-grandfather at the same time, which certainly included such volumes as the original _edinburgh review_, for we have them now on our own book-shelves. of my grandfather roosevelt my most vivid childish reminiscence is not something i saw, but a tale that was told me concerning him. in _his_ boyhood sunday was as dismal a day for small calvinistic children of dutch descent as if they had been of puritan or scotch covenanting or french huguenot descent--and i speak as one proud of his holland, huguenot, and covenanting ancestors, and proud that the blood of that stark puritan divine jonathan edwards flows in the veins of his children. one summer afternoon, after listening to an unusually long dutch reformed sermon for the second time that day, my grandfather, a small boy, running home before the congregation had dispersed, ran into a party of pigs, which then wandered free in new york's streets. he promptly mounted a big boar, which no less promptly bolted and carried him at full speed through the midst of the outraged congregation. by the way, one of the roosevelt documents which came down to me illustrates the change that has come over certain aspects of public life since the time which pessimists term "the earlier and better days of the republic." old isaac roosevelt was a member of an auditing committee which shortly after the close of the revolution approved the following bill: the state of new york, to john cape dr. to a dinner given by his excellency the governor and council to their excellencies the minnister of france and general washington & co. december to dinners at : : to bottles madira : : " ditto port : : " ditto english beer : : " bouls punch : : " dinners for musick : : " ditto for sarvts : : " wine glasses broken : : " cutt decanters broken : : " coffee for gentlemen : : " music fees &ca : : " fruit & nuts : : : : by cash . . . : : : : we a committee of council having examined the above account do certify it (amounting to one hundred and fifty-six pounds ten shillings) to be just. december th . isaac roosevelt jas. duane egbt. benson fred. jay received the above contents in full new york th december john cape think of the governor of new york now submitting such a bill for such an entertainment of the french ambassador and the president of the united states! falstaff's views of the proper proportion between sack and bread are borne out by the proportion between the number of bowls of punch and bottles of port, madeira, and beer consumed, and the "coffee for eight gentlemen"--apparently the only ones who lasted through to that stage of the dinner. especially admirable is the nonchalant manner in which, obviously as a result of the drinking of said bottles of wine and bowls of punch, it is recorded that eight cut-glass decanters and sixty wine-glasses were broken. during the revolution some of my forefathers, north and south, served respectably, but without distinction, in the army, and others rendered similar service in the continental congress or in various local legislatures. by that time those who dwelt in the north were for the most part merchants, and those who dwelt in the south, planters. my mother's people were predominantly of scotch, but also of huguenot and english, descent. she was a georgian, her people having come to georgia from south carolina before the revolution. the original bulloch was a lad from near glasgow, who came hither a couple of centuries ago, just as hundreds of thousands of needy, enterprising scotchmen have gone to the four quarters of the globe in the intervening two hundred years. my mother's great-grandfather, archibald bulloch, was the first revolutionary "president" of georgia. my grandfather, her father, spent the winters in savannah and the summers at roswell, in the georgia uplands near atlanta, finally making roswell his permanent home. he used to travel thither with his family and their belongings in his own carriage, followed by a baggage wagon. i never saw roswell until i was president, but my mother told me so much about the place that when i did see it i felt as if i already knew every nook and corner of it, and as if it were haunted by the ghosts of all the men and women who had lived there. i do not mean merely my own family, i mean the slaves. my mother and her sister, my aunt, used to tell us children all kinds of stories about the slaves. one of the most fascinating referred to a very old darky called bear bob, because in the early days of settlement he had been partially scalped by a black bear. then there was mom' grace, who was for a time my mother's nurse, and whom i had supposed to be dead, but who greeted me when i did come to roswell, very respectable, and apparently with years of life before her. the two chief personages of the drama that used to be repeated to us were daddy luke, the negro overseer, and his wife, mom' charlotte. i never saw either daddy luke or mom' charlotte, but i inherited the care of them when my mother died. after the close of the war they resolutely refused to be emancipated or leave the place. the only demand they made upon us was enough money annually to get a new "critter," that is, a mule. with a certain lack of ingenuity the mule was reported each christmas as having passed away, or at least as having become so infirm as to necessitate a successor--a solemn fiction which neither deceived nor was intended to deceive, but which furnished a gauge for the size of the christmas gift. my maternal grandfather's house was on the line of sherman's march to the sea, and pretty much everything in it that was portable was taken by the boys in blue, including most of the books in the library. when i was president the facts about my ancestry were published, and a former soldier in sherman's army sent me back one of the books with my grandfather's name in it. it was a little copy of the poems of "mr. gray"--an eighteenth-century edition printed in glasgow. on october , , i was born at no. east twentieth street, new york city, in the house in which we lived during the time that my two sisters and my brother and i were small children. it was furnished in the canonical taste of the new york which george william curtis described in the _potiphar papers_. the black haircloth furniture in the dining-room scratched the bare legs of the children when they sat on it. the middle room was a library, with tables, chairs, and bookcases of gloomy respectability. it was without windows, and so was available only at night. the front room, the parlor, seemed to us children to be a room of much splendor, but was open for general use only on sunday evening or on rare occasions when there were parties. the sunday evening family gathering was the redeeming feature in a day which otherwise we children did not enjoy--chiefly because we were all of us made to wear clean clothes and keep neat. the ornaments of that parlor i remember now, including the gas chandelier decorated with a great quantity of cut-glass prisms. these prisms struck me as possessing peculiar magnificence. one of them fell off one day, and i hastily grabbed it and stowed it away, passing several days of furtive delight in the treasure, a delight always alloyed with fear that i would be found out and convicted of larceny. there was a swiss wood-carving representing a very big hunter on one side of an exceedingly small mountain, and a herd of chamois, disproportionately small for the hunter and large for the mountain, just across the ridge. this always fascinated us; but there was a small chamois kid for which we felt agonies lest the hunter might come on it and kill it. there was also a russian moujik drawing a gilt sledge on a piece of malachite. some one mentioned in my hearing that malachite was a valuable marble. this fixed in my mind that it was valuable exactly as diamonds are valuable. i accepted that moujik as a priceless work of art, and it was not until i was well in middle age that it occurred to me that i was mistaken. now and then we children were taken round to our grandfather's house; a big house for the new york of those days, on the corner of fourteenth street and broadway, fronting union square. inside there was a large hall running up to the roof; there was a tessellated black-and-white marble floor, and a circular staircase round the sides of the hall, from the top floor down. we children much admired both the tessellated floor and the circular staircase. i think we were right about the latter, but i am not so sure as to the tessellated floor. the summers we spent in the country, now at one place, now at another. we children, of course, loved the country beyond anything. we disliked the city. we were always wildly eager to get to the country when spring came, and very sad when in the late fall the family moved back to town. in the country we of course had all kinds of pets--cats, dogs, rabbits, a coon, and a sorrel shetland pony named general grant. when my younger sister first heard of the real general grant, by the way, she was much struck by the coincidence that some one should have given him the same name as the pony. (thirty years later my own children had _their_ pony grant.) in the country we children ran barefoot much of the time, and the seasons went by in a round of uninterrupted and enthralling pleasures--supervising the haying and harvesting, picking apples, hunting frogs successfully and woodchucks unsuccessfully, gathering hickory-nuts and chestnuts for sale to patient parents, building wigwams in the woods, and sometimes playing indians in too realistic manner by staining ourselves (and incidentally our clothes) in liberal fashion with poke-cherry juice. thanksgiving was an appreciated festival, but it in no way came up to christmas. christmas was an occasion of literally delirious joy. in the evening we hung up our stockings--or rather the biggest stockings we could borrow from the grown-ups--and before dawn we trooped in to open them while sitting on father's and mother's bed; and the bigger presents were arranged, those for each child on its own table, in the drawing-room, the doors to which were thrown open after breakfast. i never knew any one else have what seemed to me such attractive christmases, and in the next generation i tried to reproduce them exactly for my own children. my father, theodore roosevelt, was the best man i ever knew. he combined strength and courage with gentleness, tenderness, and great unselfishness. he would not tolerate in us children selfishness or cruelty, idleness, cowardice, or untruthfulness. as we grew older he made us understand that the same standard of clean living was demanded for the boys as for the girls; that what was wrong in a woman could not be right in a man. with great love and patience, and the most understanding sympathy and consideration, he combined insistence on discipline. he never physically punished me but once, but he was the only man of whom i was ever really afraid. i do not mean that it was a wrong fear, for he was entirely just, and we children adored him. we used to wait in the library in the evening until we could hear his key rattling in the latch of the front hall, and then rush out to greet him; and we would troop into his room while he was dressing, to stay there as long as we were permitted, eagerly examining anything which came out of his pockets which could be regarded as an attractive novelty. every child has fixed in his memory various details which strike it as of grave importance. the trinkets he used to keep in a little box on his dressing-table we children always used to speak of as "treasures." the word, and some of the trinkets themselves, passed on to the next generation. my own children, when small, used to troop into my room while i was dressing, and the gradually accumulating trinkets in the "ditty-box"--the gift of an enlisted man in the navy--always excited rapturous joy. on occasions of solemn festivity each child would receive a trinket for his or her "very own." my children, by the way, enjoyed one pleasure i do not remember enjoying myself. when i came back from riding, the child who brought the bootjack would itself promptly get into the boots, and clump up and down the room with a delightful feeling of kinship with jack of the seven-league strides. the punishing incident i have referred to happened when i was four years old. i bit my elder sister's arm. i do not remember biting her arm, but i do remember running down to the yard, perfectly conscious that i had committed a crime. from the yard i went into the kitchen, got some dough from the cook, and crawled under the kitchen table. in a minute or two my father entered from the yard and asked where i was. the warm-hearted irish cook had a characteristic contempt for "informers," but although she said nothing she compromised between informing and her conscience by casting a look under the table. my father immediately dropped on all fours and darted for me. i feebly heaved the dough at him, and, having the advantage of him because i could stand up under the table, got a fair start for the stairs, but was caught halfway up them. the punishment that ensued fitted the crime, and i hope--and believe--that it did me good. i never knew any one who got greater joy out of living than did my father, or any one who more whole-heartedly performed every duty; and no one whom i have ever met approached his combination of enjoyment of life and performance of duty. he and my mother were given to a hospitality that at that time was associated more commonly with southern than northern households; and, especially in their later years when they had moved up town, in the neighborhood of central park, they kept a charming, open house. my father worked hard at his business, for he died when he was forty-six, too early to have retired. he was interested in every social reform movement, and he did an immense amount of practical charitable work himself. he was a big, powerful man, with a leonine face, and his heart filled with gentleness for those who needed help or protection, and with the possibility of much wrath against a bully or an oppressor. he was very fond of riding both on the road and across the country, and was also a great whip. he usually drove four-in-hand, or else a spike team, that is, a pair with a third horse in the lead. i do not suppose that such a team exists now. the trap that he drove we always called the high phaeton. the wheels turned under in front. i have it yet. he drove long-tailed horses, harnessed loose in light american harness, so that the whole rig had no possible resemblance to anything that would be seen now. my father always excelled in improving every spare half-hour or three-quarters of an hour, whether for work or enjoyment. much of his four-in-hand driving was done in the summer afternoons when he would come out on the train from his business in new york. my mother and one or perhaps two of us children might meet him at the station. i can see him now getting out of the car in his linen duster, jumping into the wagon, and instantly driving off at a rattling pace, the duster sometimes bagging like a balloon. the four-in-hand, as can be gathered from the above description, did not in any way in his eyes represent possible pageantry. he drove it because he liked it. he was always preaching caution to his boys, but in this respect he did not practice his preaching overmuch himself; and, being an excellent whip, he liked to take chances. generally they came out all right. occasionally they did not; but he was even better at getting out of a scrape than into it. once when we were driving into new york late at night the leaders stopped. he flicked them, and the next moment we could dimly make out that they had jumped. it then appeared that the street was closed and that a board had been placed across it, resting on two barrels, but without a lantern. over this board the leaders had jumped, and there was considerable excitement before we got the board taken off the barrels and resumed our way. when in the city on thanksgiving or christmas, my father was very apt to drive my mother and a couple of friends up to the racing park to take lunch. but he was always back in time to go to the dinner at the newsboys' lodging-house, and not infrequently also to miss sattery's night school for little italians. at a very early age we children were taken with him and were required to help. he was a staunch friend of charles loring brace, and was particularly interested in the newsboys' lodging-house and in the night schools and in getting the children off the streets and out on farms in the west. when i was president, the governor of alaska under me, governor brady, was one of these ex-newsboys who had been sent from new york out west by mr. brace and my father. my father was greatly interested in the societies to prevent cruelty to children and cruelty to animals. on sundays he had a mission class. on his way to it he used to drop us children at our sunday-school in dr. adams's presbyterian church on madison square; i remember hearing my aunt, my mother's sister, saying that when he walked along with us children he always reminded her of greatheart in bunyan. under the spur of his example i taught a mission class myself for three years before going to college and for all four years that i was in college. i do not think i made much of a success of it. but the other day on getting out of a taxi in new york the chauffeur spoke to me and told me that he was one of my old sunday-school pupils. i remembered him well, and was much pleased to find that he was an ardent bull mooser! my mother, martha bulloch, was a sweet, gracious, beautiful southern woman, a delightful companion and beloved by everybody. she was entirely "unreconstructed" to the day of her death. her mother, my grandmother, one of the dearest of old ladies, lived with us, and was distinctly overindulgent to us children, being quite unable to harden her heart towards us even when the occasion demanded it. towards the close of the civil war, although a very small boy, i grew to have a partial but alert understanding of the fact that the family were not one in their views about that conflict, my father being a strong lincoln republican; and once, when i felt that i had been wronged by maternal discipline during the day, i attempted a partial vengeance by praying with loud fervor for the success of the union arms, when we all came to say our prayers before my mother in the evening. she was not only a most devoted mother, but was also blessed with a strong sense of humor, and she was too much amused to punish me; but i was warned not to repeat the offense, under penalty of my father's being informed--he being the dispenser of serious punishment. morning prayers were with my father. we used to stand at the foot of the stairs, and when father came down we called out, "i speak for you and the cubby-hole too!" there were three of us young children, and we used to sit with father on the sofa while he conducted morning prayers. the place between father and the arm of the sofa we called the "cubby-hole." the child who got that place we regarded as especially favored both in comfort and somehow or other in rank and title. the two who were left to sit on the much wider expanse of sofa on the other side of father were outsiders for the time being. my aunt anna, my mother's sister, lived with us. she was as devoted to us children as was my mother herself, and we were equally devoted to her in return. she taught us our lessons while we were little. she and my mother used to entertain us by the hour with tales of life on the georgia plantations; of hunting fox, deer, and wildcat; of the long-tailed driving horses, boone and crockett, and of the riding horses, one of which was named buena vista in a fit of patriotic exaltation during the mexican war; and of the queer goings-on in the negro quarters. she knew all the "br'er rabbit" stories, and i was brought up on them. one of my uncles, robert roosevelt, was much struck with them, and took them down from her dictation, publishing them in _harper's_, where they fell flat. this was a good many years before a genius arose who in "uncle remus" made the stories immortal. my mother's two brothers, james dunwoodie bulloch and irvine bulloch, came to visit us shortly after the close of the war. both came under assumed names, as they were among the confederates who were at that time exempted from the amnesty. "uncle jimmy" bulloch was a dear old retired sea-captain, utterly unable to "get on" in the worldly sense of that phrase, as valiant and simple and upright a soul as ever lived, a veritable colonel newcome. he was an admiral in the confederate navy, and was the builder of the famous confederate war vessel alabama. my uncle irvine bulloch was a midshipman on the _alabama_, and fired the last gun discharged from her batteries in the fight with the _kearsarge_. both of these uncles lived in liverpool after the war. my uncle jimmy bulloch was forgiving and just in reference to the union forces, and could discuss all phases of the civil war with entire fairness and generosity. but in english politics he promptly became a tory of the most ultra-conservative school. lincoln and grant he could admire, but he would not listen to anything in favor of mr. gladstone. the only occasions on which i ever shook his faith in me were when i would venture meekly to suggest that some of the manifestly preposterous falsehoods about mr. gladstone could not be true. my uncle was one of the best men i have ever known, and when i have sometimes been tempted to wonder how good people can believe of me the unjust and impossible things they do believe, i have consoled myself by thinking of uncle jimmy bulloch's perfectly sincere conviction that gladstone was a man of quite exceptional and nameless infamy in both public and private life. i was a sickly, delicate boy, suffered much from asthma, and frequently had to be taken away on trips to find a place where i could breathe. one of my memories is of my father walking up and down the room with me in his arms at night when i was a very small person, and of sitting up in bed gasping, with my father and mother trying to help me. i went very little to school. i never went to the public schools, as my own children later did, both at the "cove school" at oyster bay and at the "ford school" in washington. for a few months i attended professor mcmullen's school in twentieth street near the house where i was born, but most of the time i had tutors. as i have already said, my aunt taught me when i was small. at one time we had a french governess, a loved and valued "mam'selle," in the household. when i was ten years old i made my first journey to europe. my birthday was spent in cologne, and in order to give me a thoroughly "party" feeling i remember that my mother put on full dress for my birthday dinner. i do not think i gained anything from this particular trip abroad. i cordially hated it, as did my younger brother and sister. practically all the enjoyment we had was in exploring any ruins or mountains when we could get away from our elders, and in playing in the different hotels. our one desire was to get back to america, and we regarded europe with the most ignorant chauvinism and contempt. four years later, however, i made another journey to europe, and was old enough to enjoy it thoroughly and profit by it. while still a small boy i began to take an interest in natural history. i remember distinctly the first day that i started on my career as zoologist. i was walking up broadway, and as i passed the market to which i used sometimes to be sent before breakfast to get strawberries i suddenly saw a dead seal laid out on a slab of wood. that seal filled me with every possible feeling of romance and adventure. i asked where it was killed, and was informed in the harbor. i had already begun to read some of mayne reid's books and other boys' books of adventure, and i felt that this seal brought all these adventures in realistic fashion before me. as long as that seal remained there i haunted the neighborhood of the market day after day. i measured it, and i recall that, not having a tape measure, i had to do my best to get its girth with a folding pocket foot-rule, a difficult undertaking. i carefully made a record of the utterly useless measurements, and at once began to write a natural history of my own, on the strength of that seal. this, and subsequent natural histories, were written down in blank books in simplified spelling, wholly unpremeditated and unscientific. i had vague aspirations of in some way or another owning and preserving that seal, but they never got beyond the purely formless stage. i think, however, i did get the seal's skull, and with two of my cousins promptly started what we ambitiously called the "roosevelt museum of natural history." the collections were at first kept in my room, until a rebellion on the part of the chambermaid received the approval of the higher authorities of the household and the collection was moved up to a kind of bookcase in the back hall upstairs. it was the ordinary small boy's collection of curios, quite incongruous and entirely valueless except from the standpoint of the boy himself. my father and mother encouraged me warmly in this, as they always did in anything that could give me wholesome pleasure or help to develop me. the adventure of the seal and the novels of mayne reid together strengthened my instinctive interest in natural history. i was too young to understand much of mayne reid, excepting the adventure part and the natural history part--these enthralled me. but of course my reading was not wholly confined to natural history. there was very little effort made to compel me to read books, my father and mother having the good sense not to try to get me to read anything i did not like, unless it was in the way of study. i was given the chance to read books that they thought i ought to read, but if i did not like them i was then given some other good book that i did like. there were certain books that were taboo. for instance, i was not allowed to read dime novels. i obtained some surreptitiously and did read them, but i do not think that the enjoyment compensated for the feeling of guilt. i was also forbidden to read the only one of ouida's books which i wished to read--"under two flags." i did read it, nevertheless, with greedy and fierce hope of coming on something unhealthy; but as a matter of fact all the parts that might have seemed unhealthy to an older person made no impression on me whatever. i simply enjoyed in a rather confused way the general adventures. i think there ought to be children's books. i think that the child will like grown-up books also, and i do not believe a child's book is really good unless grown-ups get something out of it. for instance, there is a book i did not have when i was a child because it was not written. it is laura e. richard's "nursery rhymes." my own children loved them dearly, and their mother and i loved them almost equally; the delightfully light-hearted "man from new mexico who lost his grandmother out in the snow," the adventures of "the owl, the eel, and the warming-pan," and the extraordinary genealogy of the kangaroo whose "father was a whale with a feather in his tail who lived in the greenland sea," while "his mother was a shark who kept very dark in the gulf of caribee." as a small boy i had _our young folks_, which i then firmly believed to be the very best magazine in the world--a belief, i may add, which i have kept to this day unchanged, for i seriously doubt if any magazine for old or young has ever surpassed it. both my wife and i have the bound volumes of _our young folks_ which we preserved from our youth. i have tried to read again the mayne reid books which i so dearly loved as a boy, only to find, alas! that it is impossible. but i really believe that i enjoy going over _our young folks_ now nearly as much as ever. "cast away in the cold," "grandfather's struggle for a homestead," "the william henry letters," and a dozen others like them were first-class, good healthy stories, interesting in the first place, and in the next place teaching manliness, decency, and good conduct. at the cost of being deemed effeminate, i will add that i greatly liked the girls' stories--"pussy willow" and "a summer in leslie goldthwaite's life," just as i worshiped "little men" and "little women" and "an old-fashioned girl." this enjoyment of the gentler side of life did not prevent my reveling in such tales of adventure as ballantyne's stories, or marryat's "midshipman easy." i suppose everybody has kinks in him, and even as a child there were books which i ought to have liked and did not. for instance, i never cared at all for the first part of "robinson crusoe" (and although it is unquestionably the best part, i do not care for it now); whereas the second part, containing the adventures of robinson crusoe, with the wolves in the pyrenees, and out in the far east, simply fascinated me. what i did like in the first part were the adventures before crusoe finally reached his island, the fight with the sallee rover, and the allusion to the strange beasts at night taking their improbable bath in the ocean. thanks to being already an embryo zoologist, i disliked the "swiss family robinson" because of the wholly impossible collection of animals met by that worthy family as they ambled inland from the wreck. even in poetry it was the relation of adventures that most appealed to me as a boy. at a pretty early age i began to read certain books of poetry, notably longfellow's poem, "the saga of king olaf," which absorbed me. this introduced me to scandinavian literature; and i have never lost my interest in and affection for it. among my first books was a volume of a hopelessly unscientific kind by mayne reid, about mammals, illustrated with pictures no more artistic than but quite as thrilling as those in the typical school geography. when my father found how deeply interested i was in this not very accurate volume, he gave me a little book by j. g. wood, the english writer of popular books on natural history, and then a larger one of his called "homes without hands." both of these were cherished possessions. they were studied eagerly; and they finally descended to my children. the "homes without hands," by the way, grew to have an added association in connection with a pedagogical failure on my part. in accordance with what i believed was some kind of modern theory of making education interesting and not letting it become a task, i endeavored to teach my eldest small boy one or two of his letters from the title-page. as the letter "h" appeared in the title an unusual number of times, i selected that to begin on, my effort being to keep the small boy interested, not to let him realize that he was learning a lesson, and to convince him that he was merely having a good time. whether it was the theory or my method of applying it that was defective i do not know, but i certainly absolutely eradicated from his brain any ability to learn what "h" was; and long after he had learned all the other letters of the alphabet in the old-fashioned way, he proved wholly unable to remember "h" under any circumstances. quite unknown to myself, i was, while a boy, under a hopeless disadvantage in studying nature. i was very near-sighted, so that the only things i could study were those i ran against or stumbled over. when i was about thirteen i was allowed to take lessons in taxidermy from a mr. bell, a tall, clean-shaven, white-haired old gentleman, as straight as an indian, who had been a companion of audubon's. he had a musty little shop, somewhat on the order of mr. venus's shop in "our mutual friend," a little shop in which he had done very valuable work for science. this "vocational study," as i suppose it would be called by modern educators, spurred and directed my interest in collecting specimens for mounting and preservation. it was this summer that i got my first gun, and it puzzled me to find that my companions seemed to see things to shoot at which i could not see at all. one day they read aloud an advertisement in huge letters on a distant billboard, and i then realized that something was the matter, for not only was i unable to read the sign but i could not even see the letters. i spoke of this to my father, and soon afterwards got my first pair of spectacles, which literally opened an entirely new world to me. i had no idea how beautiful the world was until i got those spectacles. i had been a clumsy and awkward little boy, and while much of my clumsiness and awkwardness was doubtless due to general characteristics, a good deal of it was due to the fact that i could not see and yet was wholly ignorant that i was not seeing. the recollection of this experience gives me a keen sympathy with those who are trying in our public schools and elsewhere to remove the physical causes of deficiency in children, who are often unjustly blamed for being obstinate or unambitious, or mentally stupid. this same summer, too, i obtained various new books on mammals and birds, including the publications of spencer baird, for instance, and made an industrious book-study of the subject. i did not accomplish much in outdoor study because i did not get spectacles until late in the fall, a short time before i started with the rest of the family for a second trip to europe. we were living at dobbs ferry, on the hudson. my gun was a breech-loading, pin-fire double-barrel, of french manufacture. it was an excellent gun for a clumsy and often absent-minded boy. there was no spring to open it, and if the mechanism became rusty it could be opened with a brick without serious damage. when the cartridges stuck they could be removed in the same fashion. if they were loaded, however, the result was not always happy, and i tattooed myself with partially unburned grains of powder more than once. when i was fourteen years old, in the winter of ' and ' , i visited europe for the second time, and this trip formed a really useful part of my education. we went to egypt, journeyed up the nile, traveled through the holy land and part of syria, visited greece and constantinople; and then we children spent the summer in a german family in dresden. my first real collecting as a student of natural history was done in egypt during this journey. by this time i had a good working knowledge of american bird life from the superficially scientific standpoint. i had no knowledge of the ornithology of egypt, but i picked up in cairo a book by an english clergyman, whose name i have now forgotten, who described a trip up the nile, and in an appendix to his volume gave an account of his bird collection. i wish i could remember the name of the author now, for i owe that book very much. without it i should have been collecting entirely in the dark, whereas with its aid i could generally find out what the birds were. my first knowledge of latin was obtained by learning the scientific names of the birds and mammals which i collected and classified by the aid of such books as this one. the birds i obtained up the nile and in palestine represented merely the usual boy's collection. some years afterward i gave them, together with the other ornithological specimens i had gathered, to the smithsonian institution in washington, and i think some of them also to the american museum of natural history in new york. i am told that the skins are to be found yet in both places and in other public collections. i doubt whether they have my original labels on them. with great pride the directors of the "roosevelt museum," consisting of myself and the two cousins aforesaid, had printed a set of roosevelt museum labels in pink ink preliminary to what was regarded as my adventurous trip to egypt. this bird-collecting gave what was really the chief zest to my nile journey. i was old enough and had read enough to enjoy the temples and the desert scenery and the general feeling of romance; but this in time would have palled if i had not also had the serious work of collecting and preparing my specimens. doubtless the family had their moments of suffering--especially on one occasion when a well-meaning maid extracted from my taxidermist's outfit the old tooth-brush with which i put on the skins the arsenical soap necessary for their preservation, partially washed it, and left it with the rest of my wash kit for my own personal use. i suppose that all growing boys tend to be grubby; but the ornithological small boy, or indeed the boy with the taste for natural history of any kind, is generally the very grubbiest of all. an added element in my case was the fact that while in egypt i suddenly started to grow. as there were no tailors up the nile, when i got back to cairo i needed a new outfit. but there was one suit of clothes too good to throw away, which we kept for a "change," and which was known as my "smike suit," because it left my wrists and ankles as bare as those of poor smike himself. when we reached dresden we younger children were left to spend the summer in the house of herr minckwitz, a member of either the municipal or the saxon government--i have forgotten which. it was hoped that in this way we would acquire some knowledge of the german language and literature. they were the very kindest family imaginable. i shall never forget the unwearied patience of the two daughters. the father and mother, and a shy, thin, student cousin who was living in the flat, were no less kind. whenever i could get out into the country i collected specimens industriously and enlivened the household with hedge-hogs and other small beasts and reptiles which persisted in escaping from partially closed bureau drawers. the two sons were fascinating students from the university of leipsic, both of them belonging to dueling corps, and much scarred in consequence. one, a famous swordsman, was called _der rothe herzog_ (the red duke), and the other was nicknamed _herr nasehorn_ (sir rhinoceros) because the tip of his nose had been cut off in a duel and sewn on again. i learned a good deal of german here, in spite of myself, and above all i became fascinated with the nibelungenlied. german prose never became really easy to me in the sense that french prose did, but for german poetry i cared as much as for english poetry. above all, i gained an impression of the german people which i never got over. from that time to this it would have been quite impossible to make me feel that the germans were really foreigners. the affection, the _gemuthlichkeit_ (a quality which cannot be exactly expressed by any single english word), the capacity for hard work, the sense of duty, the delight in studying literature and science, the pride in the new germany, the more than kind and friendly interest in three strange children--all these manifestations of the german character and of german family life made a subconscious impression upon me which i did not in the least define at the time, but which is very vivid still forty years later. when i got back to america, at the age of fifteen, i began serious study to enter harvard under mr. arthur cutler, who later founded the cutler school in new york. i could not go to school because i knew so much less than most boys of my age in some subjects and so much more in others. in science and history and geography and in unexpected parts of german and french i was strong, but lamentably weak in latin and greek and mathematics. my grandfather had made his summer home in oyster bay a number of years before, and my father now made oyster bay the summer home of his family also. along with my college preparatory studies i carried on the work of a practical student of natural history. i worked with greater industry than either intelligence or success, and made very few additions to the sum of human knowledge; but to this day certain obscure ornithological publications may be found in which are recorded such items as, for instance, that on one occasion a fish-crow, and on another an ipswich sparrow, were obtained by one theodore roosevelt, jr., at oyster bay, on the shore of long island sound. in the fall of i entered harvard, graduating in . i thoroughly enjoyed harvard, and i am sure it did me good, but only in the general effect, for there was very little in my actual studies which helped me in after life. more than one of my own sons have already profited by their friendship with certain of their masters in school or college. i certainly profited by my friendship with one of my tutors, mr. cutler; and in harvard i owed much to the professor of english, mr. a. s. hill. doubtless through my own fault, i saw almost nothing of president eliot and very little of the professors. i ought to have gained much more than i did gain from writing the themes and forensics. my failure to do so may have been partly due to my taking no interest in the subjects. before i left harvard i was already writing one or two chapters of a book i afterwards published on the naval war of . those chapters were so dry that they would have made a dictionary seem light reading by comparison. still, they represented purpose and serious interest on my part, not the perfunctory effort to do well enough to get a certain mark; and corrections of them by a skilled older man would have impressed me and have commanded my respectful attention. but i was not sufficiently developed to make myself take an intelligent interest in some of the subjects assigned me--the character of the gracchi, for instance. a very clever and studious lad would no doubt have done so, but i personally did not grow up to this particular subject until a good many years later. the frigate and sloop actions between the american and british sea-tigers of were much more within my grasp. i worked drearily at the gracchi because i had to; my conscientious and much-to-be-pitied professor dragging me through the theme by main strength, with my feet firmly planted in dull and totally idea-proof resistance. i had at the time no idea of going into public life, and i never studied elocution or practiced debating. this was a loss to me in one way. in another way it was not. personally i have not the slightest sympathy with debating contests in which each side is arbitrarily assigned a given proposition and told to maintain it without the least reference to whether those maintaining it believe in it or not. i know that under our system this is necessary for lawyers, but i emphatically disbelieve in it as regards general discussion of political, social, and industrial matters. what we need is to turn out of our colleges young men with ardent convictions on the side of the right; not young men who can make a good argument for either right or wrong as their interest bids them. the present method of carrying on debates on such subjects as "our colonial policy," or "the need of a navy," or "the proper position of the courts in constitutional questions," encourages precisely the wrong attitude among those who take part in them. there is no effort to instill sincerity and intensity of conviction. on the contrary, the net result is to make the contestants feel that their convictions have nothing to do with their arguments. i am sorry i did not study elocution in college; but i am exceedingly glad that i did not take part in the type of debate in which stress is laid, not upon getting a speaker to think rightly, but on getting him to talk glibly on the side to which he is assigned, without regard either to what his convictions are or to what they ought to be. i was a reasonably good student in college, standing just within the first tenth of my class, if i remember rightly; although i am not sure whether this means the tenth of the whole number that entered or of those that graduated. i was given a phi beta kappa "key." my chief interests were scientific. when i entered college, i was devoted to out-of-doors natural history, and my ambition was to be a scientific man of the audubon, or wilson, or baird, or coues type--a man like hart merriam, or frank chapman, or hornaday, to-day. my father had from the earliest days instilled into me the knowledge that i was to work and to make my own way in the world, and i had always supposed that this meant that i must enter business. but in my freshman year (he died when i was a sophomore) he told me that if i wished to become a scientific man i could do so. he explained that i must be sure that i really intensely desired to do scientific work, because if i went into it i must make it a serious career; that he had made enough money to enable me to take up such a career and do non-remunerative work of value _if i intended to do the very best work there was in me_; but that i must not dream of taking it up as a dilettante. he also gave me a piece of advice that i have always remembered, namely, that, if i was not going to earn money, i must even things up by not spending it. as he expressed it, i had to keep the fraction constant, and if i was not able to increase the numerator, then i must reduce the denominator. in other words, if i went into a scientific career, i must definitely abandon all thought of the enjoyment that could accompany a money-making career, and must find my pleasures elsewhere. after this conversation i fully intended to make science my life-work. i did not, for the simple reason that at that time harvard, and i suppose our other colleges, utterly ignored the possibilities of the faunal naturalist, the outdoor naturalist and observer of nature. they treated biology as purely a science of the laboratory and the microscope, a science whose adherents were to spend their time in the study of minute forms of marine life, or else in section-cutting and the study of the tissues of the higher organisms under the microscope. this attitude was, no doubt, in part due to the fact that in most colleges then there was a not always intelligent copying of what was done in the great german universities. the sound revolt against superficiality of study had been carried to an extreme; thoroughness in minutiae as the only end of study had been erected into a fetish. there was a total failure to understand the great variety of kinds of work that could be done by naturalists, including what could be done by outdoor naturalists--the kind of work which hart merriam and his assistants in the biological survey have carried to such a high degree of perfection as regards north american mammals. in the entirely proper desire to be thorough and to avoid slipshod methods, the tendency was to treat as not serious, as unscientific, any kind of work that was not carried on with laborious minuteness in the laboratory. my taste was specialized in a totally different direction, and i had no more desire or ability to be a microscopist and section-cutter than to be a mathematician. accordingly i abandoned all thought of becoming a scientist. doubtless this meant that i really did not have the intense devotion to science which i thought i had; for, if i had possessed such devotion, i would have carved out a career for myself somehow without regard to discouragements. as regards political economy, i was of course while in college taught the _laissez-faire_ doctrines--one of them being free trade--then accepted as canonical. most american boys of my age were taught both by their surroundings and by their studies certain principles which were very valuable from the standpoint of national interest, and certain others which were very much the reverse. the political economists were not especially to blame for this; it was the general attitude of the writers who wrote for us of that generation. take my beloved _our young folks_, the magazine of which i have already spoken, and which taught me much more than any of my text-books. everything in this magazine instilled the individual virtues, and the necessity of character as the chief factor in any man's success--a teaching in which i now believe as sincerely as ever, for all the laws that the wit of man can devise will never make a man a worthy citizen unless he has within himself the right stuff, unless he has self-reliance, energy, courage, the power of insisting on his own rights and the sympathy that makes him regardful of the rights of others. all this individual morality i was taught by the books i read at home and the books i studied at harvard. but there was almost no teaching of the need for collective action, and of the fact that in addition to, not as a substitute for, individual responsibility, there is a collective responsibility. books such as herbert croly's "promise of american life" and walter e. weyl's "new democracy" would generally at that time have been treated either as unintelligible or else as pure heresy. the teaching which i received was genuinely democratic in one way. it was not so democratic in another. i grew into manhood thoroughly imbued with the feeling that a man must be respected for what he made of himself. but i had also, consciously or unconsciously, been taught that socially and industrially pretty much the whole duty of the man lay in thus making the best of himself; that he should be honest in his dealings with others and charitable in the old-fashioned way to the unfortunate; but that it was no part of his business to join with others in trying to make things better for the many by curbing the abnormal and excessive development of individualism in a few. now i do not mean that this training was by any means all bad. on the contrary, the insistence upon individual responsibility was, and is, and always will be, a prime necessity. teaching of the kind i absorbed from both my text-books and my surroundings is a healthy anti-scorbutic to the sentimentality which by complacently excusing the individual for all his shortcomings would finally hopelessly weaken the spring of moral purpose. it also keeps alive that virile vigor for the lack of which in the average individual no possible perfection of law or of community action can ever atone. but such teaching, if not corrected by other teaching, means acquiescence in a riot of lawless business individualism which would be quite as destructive to real civilization as the lawless military individualism of the dark ages. i left college and entered the big world owing more than i can express to the training i had received, especially in my own home; but with much else also to learn if i were to become really fitted to do my part in the work that lay ahead for the generation of americans to which i belonged. chapter ii the vigor of life looking back, a man really has a more objective feeling about himself as a child than he has about his father or mother. he feels as if that child were not the present he, individually, but an ancestor; just as much an ancestor as either of his parents. the saying that the child is the father to the man may be taken in a sense almost the reverse of that usually given to it. the child is father to the man in the sense that his individuality is separate from the individuality of the grown-up into which he turns. this is perhaps one reason why a man can speak of his childhood and early youth with a sense of detachment. having been a sickly boy, with no natural bodily prowess, and having lived much at home, i was at first quite unable to hold my own when thrown into contact with other boys of rougher antecedents. i was nervous and timid. yet from reading of the people i admired--ranging from the soldiers of valley forge, and morgan's riflemen, to the heroes of my favorite stories--and from hearing of the feats performed by my southern forefathers and kinsfolk, and from knowing my father, i felt a great admiration for men who were fearless and who could hold their own in the world, and i had a great desire to be like them. until i was nearly fourteen i let this desire take no more definite shape than day-dreams. then an incident happened that did me real good. having an attack of asthma, i was sent off by myself to moosehead lake. on the stage-coach ride thither i encountered a couple of other boys who were about my own age, but very much more competent and also much more mischievous. i have no doubt they were good-hearted boys, but they were boys! they found that i was a foreordained and predestined victim, and industriously proceeded to make life miserable for me. the worst feature was that when i finally tried to fight them i discovered that either one singly could not only handle me with easy contempt, but handle me so as not to hurt me much and yet to prevent my doing any damage whatever in return. the experience taught me what probably no amount of good advice could have taught me. i made up my mind that i must try to learn so that i would not again be put in such a helpless position; and having become quickly and bitterly conscious that i did not have the natural prowess to hold my own, i decided that i would try to supply its place by training. accordingly, with my father's hearty approval, i started to learn to box. i was a painfully slow and awkward pupil, and certainly worked two or three years before i made any perceptible improvement whatever. my first boxing-master was john long, an ex-prize-fighter. i can see his rooms now, with colored pictures of the fights between tom hyer and yankee sullivan, and heenan and sayers, and other great events in the annals of the squared circle. on one occasion, to excite interest among his patrons, he held a series of "championship" matches for the different weights, the prizes being, at least in my own class, pewter mugs of a value, i should suppose, approximating fifty cents. neither he nor i had any idea that i could do anything, but i was entered in the lightweight contest, in which it happened that i was pitted in succession against a couple of reedy striplings who were even worse than i was. equally to their surprise and to my own, and to john long's, i won, and the pewter mug became one of my most prized possessions. i kept it, and alluded to it, and i fear bragged about it, for a number of years, and i only wish i knew where it was now. years later i read an account of a little man who once in a fifth-rate handicap race won a worthless pewter medal and joyed in it ever after. well, as soon as i read that story i felt that that little man and i were brothers. this was, as far as i remember, the only one of my exceedingly rare athletic triumphs which would be worth relating. i did a good deal of boxing and wrestling in harvard, but never attained to the first rank in either, even at my own weight. once, in the big contests in the gym, i got either into the finals or semi-finals, i forget which; but aside from this the chief part i played was to act as trial horse for some friend or classmate who did have a chance of distinguishing himself in the championship contests. i was fond of horseback-riding, but i took to it slowly and with difficulty, exactly as with boxing. it was a long time before i became even a respectable rider, and i never got much higher. i mean by this that i never became a first-flight man in the hunting field, and never even approached the bronco-busting class in the west. any man, if he chooses, can gradually school himself to the requisite nerve, and gradually learn the requisite seat and hands, that will enable him to do respectably across country, or to perform the average work on a ranch. of my ranch experiences i shall speak later. at intervals after leaving college i hunted on long island with the meadowbrook hounds. almost the only experience i ever had in this connection that was of any interest was on one occasion when i broke my arm. my purse did not permit me to own expensive horses. on this occasion i was riding an animal, a buggy horse originally, which its owner sold because now and then it insisted on thoughtfully lying down when in harness. it never did this under the saddle; and when he turned it out to grass it would solemnly hop over the fence and get somewhere where it did not belong. the last trait was what converted it into a hunter. it was a natural jumper, although without any speed. on the hunt in question i got along very well until the pace winded my ex-buggy horse, and it turned a somersault over a fence. when i got on it after the fall i found i could not use my left arm. i supposed it was merely a strain. the buggy horse was a sedate animal which i rode with a snaffle. so we pounded along at the tail of the hunt, and i did not appreciate that my arm was broken for three or four fences. then we came to a big drop, and the jar made the bones slip past one another so as to throw the hand out of position. it did not hurt me at all, and as the horse was as easy to sit as a rocking-chair, i got in at the death. i think august belmont was master of the hunt when the above incident occurred. i know he was master on another occasion on which i met with a mild adventure. on one of the hunts when i was out a man was thrown, dragged by one stirrup, and killed. in consequence i bought a pair of safety stirrups, which i used the next time i went out. within five minutes after the run began i found that the stirrups were so very "safe" that they would not stay in at all. first one went off at one jump, and then the other at another jump--with a fall for me on each occasion. i hated to give up the fun so early, and accordingly finished the run without any stirrups. my horse never went as fast as on that run. doubtless a first-class horseman can ride as well without stirrups as with them. but i was not a first-class horseman. when anything unexpected happened, i was apt to clasp the solemn buggy horse firmly with my spurred heels, and the result was that he laid himself out to do his best in the way of galloping. he speedily found that, thanks to the snaffle bit, i could not pull him in, so when we came to a down grade he would usually put on steam. then if there was a fence at the bottom and he checked at all, i was apt to shoot forward, and in such event we went over the fence in a way that reminded me of leech's picture, in _punch_, of mr. tom noddy and his mare jumping a fence in the following order: mr. tom noddy, i; his mare, ii. however, i got in at the death this time also. i was fond of walking and climbing. as a lad i used to go to the north woods, in maine, both in fall and winter. there i made life friends of two men, will dow and bill sewall: i canoed with them, and tramped through the woods with them, visiting the winter logging camps on snow-shoes. afterward they were with me in the west. will dow is dead. bill sewall was collector of customs under me, on the aroostook border. except when hunting i never did any mountaineering save for a couple of conventional trips up the matterhorn and the jungfrau on one occasion when i was in switzerland. i never did much with the shotgun, but i practiced a good deal with the rifle. i had a rifle-range at sagamore hill, where i often took friends to shoot. once or twice when i was visited by parties of released boer prisoners, after the close of the south african war, they and i held shooting matches together. the best man with both pistol and rifle who ever shot there was stewart edward white. among the many other good men was a stanch friend, baron speck von sternberg, afterwards german ambassador at washington during my presidency. he was a capital shot, rider, and walker, a devoted and most efficient servant of germany, who had fought with distinction in the franco-german war when barely more than a boy; he was the hero of the story of "the pig dog" in archibald forbes's volume of reminiscences. it was he who first talked over with me the raising of a regiment of horse riflemen from among the ranchmen and cowboys of the plains. when ambassador, the poor, gallant, tender-hearted fellow was dying of a slow and painful disease, so that he could not play with the rest of us, but the agony of his mortal illness never in the slightest degree interfered with his work. among the other men who shot and rode and walked with me was cecil spring-rice, who has just been appointed british ambassador to the united states. he was my groomsman, my best man, when i was married--at st. george's, hanover square, which made me feel as if i were living in one of thackeray's novels. my own experience as regards marksmanship was much the same as my experience as regards horsemanship. there are men whose eye and hand are so quick and so sure that they achieve a perfection of marksmanship to which no practice will enable ordinary men to attain. there are other men who cannot learn to shoot with any accuracy at all. in between come the mass of men of ordinary abilities who, if they choose resolutely to practice, can by sheer industry and judgment make themselves fair rifle shots. the men who show this requisite industry and judgment can without special difficulty raise themselves to the second class of respectable rifle shots; and it is to this class that i belong. but to have reached this point of marksmanship with the rifle at a target by no means implies ability to hit game in the field, especially dangerous game. all kinds of other qualities, moral and physical, enter into being a good hunter, and especially a good hunter after dangerous game, just as all kinds of other qualities in addition to skill with the rifle enter into being a good soldier. with dangerous game, after a fair degree of efficiency with the rifle has been attained, the prime requisites are cool judgment and that kind of nerve which consists in avoiding being rattled. any beginner is apt to have "buck fever," and therefore no beginner should go at dangerous game. buck fever means a state of intense nervous excitement which may be entirely divorced from timidity. it may affect a man the first time he has to speak to a large audience just as it affects him the first time he sees a buck or goes into battle. what such a man needs is not courage but nerve control, cool-headedness. this he can get only by actual practice. he must, by custom and repeated exercise of self-mastery, get his nerves thoroughly under control. this is largely a matter of habit, in the sense of repeated effort and repeated exercise of will power. if the man has the right stuff in him, his will grows stronger and stronger with each exercise of it--and if he has not the right stuff in him he had better keep clear of dangerous game hunting, or indeed of any other form of sport or work in which there is bodily peril. after he has achieved the ability to exercise wariness and judgment and the control over his nerves _which will make him shoot as well at the game as at a target_, he can begin his essays at dangerous game hunting, and he will then find that it does not demand such abnormal prowess as the outsider is apt to imagine. a man who can hit a soda-water bottle at the distance of a few yards can brain a lion or a bear or an elephant at that distance, and if he cannot brain it when it charges he can at least bring it to a standstill. all he has to do is to shoot as accurately as he would at a soda-water bottle; and to do this requires nerve, at least as much as it does physical address. having reached this point, the hunter must not imagine that he is warranted in taking desperate chances. there are degrees in proficiency; and what is a warrantable and legitimate risk for a man to take when he has reached a certain grade of efficiency may be a foolish risk for him to take before he has reached that grade. a man who has reached the degree of proficiency indicated above is quite warranted in walking in at a lion at bay, in an open plain, to, say, within a hundred yards. if the lion has not charged, the man ought at that distance to knock him over and prevent his charging; and if the lion is already charging, the man ought at that distance to be able to stop him. but the amount of prowess which warrants a man in relying on his ability to perform this feat does not by any means justify him in thinking that, for instance, he can crawl after a wounded lion into thick cover. i have known men of indifferent prowess to perform this latter feat successfully, but at least as often they have been unsuccessful, and in these cases the result has been unpleasant. the man who habitually follows wounded lions into thick cover must be a hunter of the highest skill, or he can count with certainty on an ultimate mauling. the first two or three bucks i ever saw gave me buck fever badly, but after i had gained experience with ordinary game i never had buck fever at all with dangerous game. in my case the overcoming of buck fever was the result of conscious effort and a deliberate determination to overcome it. more happily constituted men never have to make this determined effort at all--which may perhaps show that the average man can profit more from my experiences than he can from those of the exceptional man. i have shot only five kinds of animals which can fairly be called dangerous game--that is, the lion, elephant, rhinoceros, and buffalo in africa, and the big grizzly bear a quarter of a century ago in the rockies. taking into account not only my own personal experience, but the experiences of many veteran hunters, i regard all the four african animals, but especially the lion, elephant, and buffalo, as much more dangerous than the grizzly. as it happened, however, the only narrow escape i personally ever had was from a grizzly, and in africa the animal killed closest to me as it was charging was a rhinoceros--all of which goes to show that a man must not generalize too broadly from his own personal experiences. on the whole, i think the lion the most dangerous of all these five animals; that is, i think that, if fairly hunted, there is a larger percentage of hunters killed or mauled for a given number of lions killed than for a given number of any one of the other animals. yet i personally had no difficulties with lions. i twice killed lions which were at bay and just starting to charge, and i killed a heavy-maned male while it was in full charge. but in each instance i had plenty of leeway, the animal being so far off that even if my bullet had not been fatal i should have had time for a couple more shots. the african buffalo is undoubtedly a dangerous beast, but it happened that the few that i shot did not charge. a bull elephant, a vicious "rogue," which had been killing people in the native villages, did charge before being shot at. my son kermit and i stopped it at forty yards. another bull elephant, also unwounded, which charged, nearly got me, as i had just fired both cartridges from my heavy double-barreled rifle in killing the bull i was after--the first wild elephant i had ever seen. the second bull came through the thick brush to my left like a steam plow through a light snowdrift, everything snapping before his rush, and was so near that he could have hit me with his trunk. i slipped past him behind a tree. people have asked me how i felt on this occasion. my answer has always been that i suppose i felt as most men of like experience feel on such occasions. at such a moment a hunter is so very busy that he has no time to get frightened. he wants to get in his cartridges and try another shot. rhinoceros are truculent, blustering beasts, much the most stupid of all the dangerous game i know. generally their attitude is one of mere stupidity and bluff. but on occasions they do charge wickedly, both when wounded and when entirely unprovoked. the first i ever shot i mortally wounded at a few rods' distance, and it charged with the utmost determination, whereat i and my companion both fired, and more by good luck than anything else brought it to the ground just thirteen paces from where we stood. another rhinoceros may or may not have been meaning to charge me; i have never been certain which. it heard us and came at us through rather thick brush, snorting and tossing its head. i am by no means sure that it had fixedly hostile intentions, and indeed with my present experience i think it likely that if i had not fired it would have flinched at the last moment and either retreated or gone by me. but i am not a rhinoceros mind reader, and its actions were such as to warrant my regarding it as a suspicious character. i stopped it with a couple of bullets, and then followed it up and killed it. the skins of all these animals which i thus killed are in the national museum at washington. but, as i said above, the only narrow escape i met with was not from one of these dangerous african animals, but from a grizzly bear. it was about twenty-four years ago. i had wounded the bear just at sunset, in a wood of lodge-pole pines, and, following him, i wounded him again, as he stood on the other side of a thicket. he then charged through the brush, coming with such speed and with such an irregular gait that, try as i would, i was not able to get the sight of my rifle on the brain-pan, though i hit him very hard with both the remaining barrels of my magazine winchester. it was in the days of black powder, and the smoke hung. after my last shot, the first thing i saw was the bear's left paw as he struck at me, so close that i made a quick movement to one side. he was, however, practically already dead, and after another jump, and while in the very act of trying to turn to come at me, he collapsed like a shot rabbit. by the way, i had a most exasperating time trying to bring in his skin. i was alone, traveling on foot with one very docile little mountain mare for a pack pony. the little mare cared nothing for bears or anything else, so there was no difficulty in packing her. but the man without experience can hardly realize the work it was to get that bearskin off the carcass and then to pack it, wet, slippery, and heavy, so that it would ride evenly on the pony. i was at the time fairly well versed in packing with a "diamond hitch," the standby of rocky mountain packers in my day; but the diamond hitch is a two-man job; and even working with a "squaw hitch," i got into endless trouble with that wet and slippery bearskin. with infinite labor i would get the skin on the pony and run the ropes over it until to all seeming it was fastened properly. then off we would start, and after going about a hundred yards i would notice the hide beginning to bulge through between two ropes. i would shift one of them, and then the hide would bulge somewhere else. i would shift the rope again; and still the hide would flow slowly out as if it was lava. the first thing i knew it would come down on one side, and the little mare, with her feet planted resolutely, would wait for me to perform my part by getting that bearskin back in its proper place on the mcclellan saddle which i was using as a makeshift pack saddle. the feat of killing the bear the previous day sank into nothing compared with the feat of making the bearskin ride properly as a pack on the following three days. the reason why i was alone in the mountains on this occasion was because, for the only time in all my experience, i had a difficulty with my guide. he was a crippled old mountain man, with a profound contempt for "tenderfeet," a contempt that in my case was accentuated by the fact that i wore spectacles--which at that day and in that region were usually held to indicate a defective moral character in the wearer. he had never previously acted as guide, or, as he expressed it, "trundled a tenderfoot," and though a good hunter, who showed me much game, our experience together was not happy. he was very rheumatic and liked to lie abed late, so that i usually had to get breakfast, and, in fact, do most of the work around camp. finally one day he declined to go out with me, saying that he had a pain. when, that afternoon, i got back to camp, i speedily found what the "pain" was. we were traveling very light indeed, i having practically nothing but my buffalo sleeping-bag, my wash kit, and a pair of socks. i had also taken a flask of whisky for emergencies--although, as i found that the emergencies never arose and that tea was better than whisky when a man was cold or done out, i abandoned the practice of taking whisky on hunting trips twenty years ago. when i got back to camp the old fellow was sitting on a tree-trunk, very erect, with his rifle across his knees, and in response to my nod of greeting he merely leered at me. i leaned my rifle against a tree, walked over to where my bed was lying, and, happening to rummage in it for something, i found the whisky flask was empty. i turned on him at once and accused him of having drunk it, to which he merely responded by asking what i was going to do about it. there did not seem much to do, so i said that we would part company--we were only four or five days from a settlement--and i would go in alone, taking one of the horses. he responded by cocking his rifle and saying that i could go alone and be damned to me, but i could not take any horse. i answered "all right," that if i could not i could not, and began to move around to get some flour and salt pork. he was misled by my quietness and by the fact that i had not in any way resented either his actions or his language during the days we had been together, and did not watch me as closely as he ought to have done. he was sitting with the cocked rifle across his knees, the muzzle to the left. my rifle was leaning against a tree near the cooking things to his right. managing to get near it, i whipped it up and threw the bead on him, calling, "hands up!" he of course put up his hands, and then said, "oh, come, i was only joking"; to which i answered, "well, i am not. now straighten your legs and let your rifle go to the ground." he remonstrated, saying the rifle would go off, and i told him to let it go off. however, he straightened his legs in such fashion that it came to the ground without a jar. i then made him move back, and picked up the rifle. by this time he was quite sober, and really did not seem angry, looking at me quizzically. he told me that if i would give him back his rifle, he would call it quits and we could go on together. i did not think it best to trust him, so i told him that our hunt was pretty well through, anyway, and that i would go home. there was a blasted pine on the trail, in plain view of the camp, about a mile off, and i told him that i would leave his rifle at that blasted pine if i could see him in camp, but that he must not come after me, for if he did i should assume that it was with hostile intent and would shoot. he said he had no intention of coming after me; and as he was very much crippled with rheumatism, i did not believe he would do so. accordingly i took the little mare, with nothing but some flour, bacon, and tea, and my bed-roll, and started off. at the blasted pine i looked round, and as i could see him in camp, i left his rifle there. i then traveled till dark, and that night, for the only time in my experience, i used in camping a trick of the old-time trappers in the indian days. i did not believe i would be followed, but still it was not possible to be sure, so, after getting supper, while my pony fed round, i left the fire burning, repacked the mare and pushed ahead until it literally became so dark that i could not see. then i picketed the mare, slept where i was without a fire until the first streak of dawn, and then pushed on for a couple of hours before halting to take breakfast and to let the little mare have a good feed. no plainsman needs to be told that a man should not lie near a fire if there is danger of an enemy creeping up on him, and that above all a man should not put himself in a position where he can be ambushed at dawn. on this second day i lost the trail, and toward nightfall gave up the effort to find it, camped where i was, and went out to shoot a grouse for supper. it was while hunting in vain for a grouse that i came on the bear and killed it as above described. when i reached the settlement and went into the store, the storekeeper identified me by remarking: "you're the tenderfoot that old hank was trundling, ain't you?" i admitted that i was. a good many years later, after i had been elected vice-president, i went on a cougar hunt in northwestern colorado with johnny goff, a famous hunter and mountain man. it was midwinter. i was rather proud of my achievements, and pictured myself as being known to the few settlers in the neighborhood as a successful mountain-lion hunter. i could not help grinning when i found out that they did not even allude to me as the vice-president-elect, let alone as a hunter, but merely as "johnny goff's tourist." of course during the years when i was most busy at serious work i could do no hunting, and even my riding was of a decorous kind. but a man whose business is sedentary should get some kind of exercise if he wishes to keep himself in as good physical trim as his brethren who do manual labor. when i worked on a ranch, i needed no form of exercise except my work, but when i worked in an office the case was different. a couple of summers i played polo with some of my neighbors. i shall always believe we played polo in just the right way for middle-aged men with stables of the general utility order. of course it was polo which was chiefly of interest to ourselves, the only onlookers being the members of our faithful families. my two ponies were the only occupants of my stable except a cart-horse. my wife and i rode and drove them, and they were used for household errands and for the children, and for two afternoons a week they served me as polo ponies. polo is a good game, infinitely better for vigorous men than tennis or golf or anything of that kind. there is all the fun of football, with the horse thrown in; and if only people would be willing to play it in simple fashion it would be almost as much within their reach as golf. but at oyster bay our great and permanent amusements were rowing and sailing; i do not care for the latter, and am fond of the former. i suppose it sounds archaic, but i cannot help thinking that the people with motor boats miss a great deal. if they would only keep to rowboats or canoes, and use oar or paddle themselves, they would get infinitely more benefit than by having their work done for them by gasoline. but i rarely took exercise merely as exercise. primarily i took it because i liked it. play should never be allowed to interfere with work; and a life devoted merely to play is, of all forms of existence, the most dismal. but the joy of life is a very good thing, and while work is the essential in it, play also has its place. when obliged to live in cities, i for a long time found that boxing and wrestling enabled me to get a good deal of exercise in condensed and attractive form. i was reluctantly obliged to abandon both as i grew older. i dropped the wrestling earliest. when i became governor, the champion middleweight wrestler of america happened to be in albany, and i got him to come round three or four afternoons a week. incidentally i may mention that his presence caused me a difficulty with the comptroller, who refused to audit a bill i put in for a wrestling-mat, explaining that i could have a billiard-table, billiards being recognized as a proper gubernatorial amusement, but that a wrestling-mat symbolized something unusual and unheard of and could not be permitted. the middleweight champion was of course so much better than i was that he could not only take care of himself but of me too and see that i was not hurt--for wrestling is a much more violent amusement than boxing. but after a couple of months he had to go away, and he left as a substitute a good-humored, stalwart professional oarsman. the oarsman turned out to know very little about wrestling. he could not even take care of himself, not to speak of me. by the end of our second afternoon one of his long ribs had been caved in and two of my short ribs badly damaged, and my left shoulder-blade so nearly shoved out of place that it creaked. he was nearly as pleased as i was when i told him i thought we would "vote the war a failure" and abandon wrestling. after that i took up boxing again. while president i used to box with some of the aides, as well as play single-stick with general wood. after a few years i had to abandon boxing as well as wrestling, for in one bout a young captain of artillery cross-countered me on the eye, and the blow smashed the little blood-vessels. fortunately it was my left eye, but the sight has been dim ever since, and if it had been the right eye i should have been entirely unable to shoot. accordingly i thought it better to acknowledge that i had become an elderly man and would have to stop boxing. i then took up jiu-jitsu for a year or two. when i was in the legislature and was working very hard, with little chance of getting out of doors, all the exercise i got was boxing and wrestling. a young fellow turned up who was a second-rate prize-fighter, the son of one of my old boxing teachers. for several weeks i had him come round to my rooms in the morning to put on the gloves with me for half an hour. then he suddenly stopped, and some days later i received a letter of woe from him from the jail. i found that he was by profession a burglar, and merely followed boxing as the amusement of his lighter moments, or when business was slack. naturally, being fond of boxing, i grew to know a good many prize-fighters, and to most of those i knew i grew genuinely attached. i have never been able to sympathize with the outcry against prize-fighters. the only objection i have to the prize ring is the crookedness that has attended its commercial development. outside of this i regard boxing, whether professional or amateur, as a first-class sport, and i do not regard it as brutalizing. of course matches can be conducted under conditions that make them brutalizing. but this is true of football games and of most other rough and vigorous sports. most certainly prize-fighting is not half as brutalizing or demoralizing as many forms of big business and of the legal work carried on in connection with big business. powerful, vigorous men of strong animal development must have some way in which their animal spirits can find vent. when i was police commissioner i found (and jacob riis will back me up in this) that the establishment of a boxing club in a tough neighborhood always tended to do away with knifing and gun-fighting among the young fellows who would otherwise have been in murderous gangs. many of these young fellows were not naturally criminals at all, but they had to have some outlet for their activities. in the same way i have always regarded boxing as a first-class sport to encourage in the young men's christian association. i do not like to see young christians with shoulders that slope like a champagne bottle. of course boxing should be encouraged in the army and navy. i was first drawn to two naval chaplains, fathers chidwick and rainey, by finding that each of them had bought half a dozen sets of boxing-gloves and encouraged their crews in boxing. when i was police commissioner, i heartily approved the effort to get boxing clubs started in new york on a clean basis. later i was reluctantly obliged to come to the conclusion that the prize ring had become hopelessly debased and demoralized, and as governor i aided in the passage of and signed the bill putting a stop to professional boxing for money. this was because some of the prize-fighters themselves were crooked, while the crowd of hangers-on who attended and made up and profited by the matches had placed the whole business on a basis of commercialism and brutality that was intolerable. i shall always maintain that boxing contests themselves make good, healthy sport. it is idle to compare them with bull-fighting; the torture and death of the wretched horses in bull-fighting is enough of itself to blast the sport, no matter how great the skill and prowess shown by the bull-fighters. any sport in which the death and torture of animals is made to furnish pleasure to the spectators is debasing. there should always be the opportunity provided in a glove fight or bare-fist fight to stop it when one competitor is hopelessly outclassed or too badly hammered. but the men who take part in these fights are hard as nails, and it is not worth while to feel sentimental about their receiving punishment which as a matter of fact they do not mind. of course the men who look on ought to be able to stand up with the gloves, or without them, themselves; i have scant use for the type of sportsmanship which consists merely in looking on at the feats of some one else. some as good citizens as i know are or were prize-fighters. take mike donovan, of new york. he and his family represent a type of american citizenship of which we have a right to be proud. mike is a devoted temperance man, and can be relied upon for every movement in the interest of good citizenship. i was first intimately thrown with him when i was police commissioner. one evening he and i--both in dress suits--attended a temperance meeting of catholic societies. it culminated in a lively set-to between myself and a tammany senator who was a very good fellow, but whose ideas of temperance differed radically from mine, and, as the event proved, from those of the majority of the meeting. mike evidently regarded himself as my backer--he was sitting on the platform beside me--and i think felt as pleased and interested as if the set-to had been physical instead of merely verbal. afterward i grew to know him well both while i was governor and while i was president, and many a time he came on and boxed with me. battling nelson was another stanch friend, and he and i think alike on most questions of political and industrial life; although he once expressed to me some commiseration because, as president, i did not get anything like the money return for my services that he aggregated during the same term of years in the ring. bob fitzsimmons was another good friend of mine. he has never forgotten his early skill as a blacksmith, and among the things that i value and always keep in use is a penholder made by bob out of a horseshoe, with an inscription saying that it is "made for and presented to president theodore roosevelt by his friend and admirer, robert fitzsimmons." i have for a long time had the friendship of john l. sullivan, than whom in his prime no better man ever stepped into the ring. he is now a massachusetts farmer. john used occasionally to visit me at the white house, his advent always causing a distinct flutter among the waiting senators and congressmen. when i went to africa he presented me with a gold-mounted rabbit's foot for luck. i carried it through my african trip; and i certainly had good luck. on one occasion one of my prize-fighting friends called on me at the white house on business. he explained that he wished to see me alone, sat down opposite me, and put a very expensive cigar on the desk, saying, "have a cigar." i thanked him and said i did not smoke, to which he responded, "put it in your pocket." he then added, "take another; put both in your pocket." this i accordingly did. having thus shown at the outset the necessary formal courtesy, my visitor, an old and valued friend, proceeded to explain that a nephew of his had enlisted in the marine corps, but had been absent without leave, and was threatened with dishonorable discharge on the ground of desertion. my visitor, a good citizen and a patriotic american, was stung to the quick at the thought of such an incident occurring in his family, and he explained to me that it must not occur, that there must not be the disgrace to the family, although he would be delighted to have the offender "handled rough" to teach him a needed lesson; he added that he wished i would take him and handle him myself, for he knew that i would see that he "got all that was coming to him." then a look of pathos came into his eyes, and he explained: "that boy i just cannot understand. he was my sister's favorite son, and i always took a special interest in him myself. i did my best to bring him up the way he ought to go. but there was just nothing to be done with him. his tastes were naturally low. he took to music!" what form this debasing taste for music assumed i did not inquire; and i was able to grant my friend's wish. while in the white house i always tried to get a couple of hours' exercise in the afternoons--sometimes tennis, more often riding, or else a rough cross-country walk, perhaps down rock creek, which was then as wild as a stream in the white mountains, or on the virginia side along the potomac. my companions at tennis or on these rides and walks we gradually grew to style the tennis cabinet; and then we extended the term to take in many of my old-time western friends such as ben daniels, seth bullock, luther kelly, and others who had taken part with me in more serious outdoor adventures than walking and riding for pleasure. most of the men who were oftenest with me on these trips--men like major-general leonard wood; or major-general thomas henry barry; or presley marion rixey, surgeon-general of the navy; or robert bacon, who was afterwards secretary of state; or james garfield, who was secretary of the interior; or gifford pinchot, who was chief of the forest service--were better men physically than i was; but i could ride and walk well enough for us all thoroughly to enjoy it. often, especially in the winters and early springs, we would arrange for a point to point walk, not turning aside for anything--for instance, swimming rock creek or even the potomac if it came in our way. of course under such circumstances we had to arrange that our return to washington should be when it was dark, so that our appearance might scandalize no one. on several occasions we thus swam rock creek in the early spring when the ice was floating thick upon it. if we swam the potomac, we usually took off our clothes. i remember one such occasion when the french ambassador, jusserand, who was a member of the tennis cabinet, was along, and, just as we were about to get in to swim, somebody said, "mr. ambassador, mr. ambassador, you haven't taken off your gloves," to which he promptly responded, "i think i will leave them on; we might meet ladies!" we liked rock creek for these walks because we could do so much scrambling and climbing along the cliffs; there was almost as much climbing when we walked down the potomac to washington from the virginia end of the chain bridge. i would occasionally take some big-game friend from abroad, selous or st. george littledale or captain radclyffe or paul niedicke, on these walks. once i invited an entire class of officers who were attending lectures at the war college to come on one of these walks; i chose a route which gave us the hardest climbing along the rocks and the deepest crossings of the creek; and my army friends enjoyed it hugely--being the right sort, to a man. on march , , three days before leaving the presidency, various members of the tennis cabinet lunched with me at the white house. "tennis cabinet" was an elastic term, and of course many who ought to have been at the lunch were, for one reason or another, away from washington; but, to make up for this, a goodly number of out-of-town honorary members, so to speak, were present--for instance, seth bullock; luther kelly, better known as yellowstone kelly in the days when he was an army scout against the sioux; and abernathy, the wolf-hunter. at the end of the lunch seth bullock suddenly reached forward, swept aside a mass of flowers which made a centerpiece on the table, and revealed a bronze cougar by proctor, which was a parting gift to me. the lunch party and the cougar were then photographed on the lawn. some of the younger officers who were my constant companions on these walks and rides pointed out to me the condition of utter physical worthlessness into which certain of the elder ones had permitted themselves to lapse, and the very bad effect this would certainly have if ever the army were called into service. i then looked into the matter for myself, and was really shocked at what i found. many of the older officers were so unfit physically that their condition would have excited laughter, had it not been so serious, to think that they belonged to the military arm of the government. a cavalry colonel proved unable to keep his horse at a smart trot for even half a mile, when i visited his post; a major-general proved afraid even to let his horse canter, when he went on a ride with us; and certain otherwise good men proved as unable to walk as if they had been sedentary brokers. i consulted with men like major-generals wood and bell, who were themselves of fine physique, with bodies fit to meet any demand. it was late in my administration; and we deemed it best only to make a beginning--experience teaches the most inveterate reformer how hard it is to get a totally non-military nation to accept seriously any military improvement. accordingly, i merely issued directions that each officer should prove his ability to walk fifty miles, or ride one hundred, in three days. this is, of course, a test which many a healthy middle-aged woman would be able to meet. but a large portion of the press adopted the view that it was a bit of capricious tyranny on my part; and a considerable number of elderly officers, with desk rather than field experience, intrigued with their friends in congress to have the order annulled. so one day i took a ride of a little over one hundred miles myself, in company with surgeon-general rixey and two other officers. the virginia roads were frozen and in ruts, and in the afternoon and evening there was a storm of snow and sleet; and when it had been thus experimentally shown, under unfavorable conditions, how easy it was to do in one day the task for which the army officers were allowed three days, all open objection ceased. but some bureau chiefs still did as much underhanded work against the order as they dared, and it was often difficult to reach them. in the marine corps captain leonard, who had lost an arm at tientsin, with two of his lieutenants did the fifty miles in one day; for they were vigorous young men, who laughed at the idea of treating a fifty-mile walk as over-fatiguing. well, the navy department officials rebuked them, and made them take the walk over again in three days, on the ground that taking it in one day did not comply with the regulations! this seems unbelievable; but leonard assures me it is true. he did not inform me at the time, being afraid to "get in wrong" with his permanent superiors. if i had known of the order, short work would have been made of the bureaucrat who issued it.[*] [*] one of our best naval officers sent me the following letter, after the above had appeared:-- "i note in your autobiography now being published in the outlook that you refer to the reasons which led you to establish a physical test for the army, and to the action you took (your -mile ride) to prevent the test being abolished. doubtless you did not know the following facts: " . the first annual navy test of miles in three days was subsequently reduced to miles in two days in each quarter. " . this was further reduced to miles each month, which is the present 'test,' and there is danger lest even this utterly insufficient test be abolished. "i enclose a copy of a recent letter to the surgeon general which will show our present deplorable condition and the worse condition into which we are slipping back. "the original test of miles in three days did a very great deal of good. it decreased by thousands of dollars the money expended on street car fare, and by a much greater sum the amount expended over the bar. it eliminated a number of the wholly unfit; it taught officers to walk; it forced them to learn the care of their feet and that of their men; and it improved their general health and was rapidly forming a taste for physical exercise." the enclosed letter ran in part as follows:-- "i am returning under separate cover 'the soldiers' foot and the military shoe.' "the book contains knowledge of a practical character that is valuable for the men who have to march, who have suffered from foot troubles, and who must avoid them in order to attain efficiency. "the words in capitals express, according to my idea, the gist of the whole matter as regards military men. "the army officer whose men break down on test gets a black eye. the one whose men show efficiency in this respect gets a bouquet. "to such men the book is invaluable. there is no danger that they will neglect it. they will actually learn it, for exactly the same reasons that our fellows learn the gunnery instructions--or did learn them before they were withdrawn and burned. "b u t, i have not been able to interest a single naval officer in this fine book. they will look at the pictures and say it is a good book, but they won't read it. the marine officers, on the contrary, are very much interested, because they have to teach their men to care for their feet and they must know how to care for their own. but the naval officers feel no such necessity, simply because their men do not have to demonstrate their efficiency by practice marches, and they themselves do not have to do a stunt that will show up their own ignorance and inefficiency in the matter. "for example, some time ago i was talking with some chaps about shoes--the necessity of having them long enough and wide enough, etc., and one of them said: 'i have no use for such shoes, as i never walk except when i have to, and any old shoes do for the -mile-a-month stunt,' so there you are! "when the first test was ordered, edmonston (washington shoe man) told me that he sold more real walking shoes to naval officers in three months than he had in the three preceding years. i know three officers who lost both big-toe nails after the first test, and another who walked nine miles in practice with a pair of heavy walking shoes that were too small and was laid up for three days--could not come to the office. i know plenty of men who after the first test had to borrow shoes from larger men until their feet 'went down' to their normal size. "this test may have been a bit too strenuous for old hearts (of men who had never taken any exercise), but it was excellent as a matter of instruction and training of handling feet--and in an emergency (such as we soon may have in mexico) sound hearts are not much good if the feet won't stand. "however, the -mile test in two days each quarter answered the same purpose, for the reason that . miles will produce sore feet with bad shoes, and sore feet and lame muscles even with good shoes, if there has been no practice marching. "it was the necessity of doing . more miles on the second day with sore feet and lame muscles that made 'em sit up and take notice--made 'em practice walking, made 'em avoid street cars, buy proper shoes, show some curiosity about sox and the care of the feet in general. "all this passed out with the introduction of the last test of miles a month. as one fellow said: 'i can do that in sneakers'--but he couldn't if the second day involved a tramp on the sore feet. "the point is that whereas formerly officers had to practice walking a bit and give some attention to proper footgear, now they don't have to, and the natural consequence is that they don't do it. "there are plenty of officers who do not walk any more than is necessary to reach a street car that will carry them from their residences to their offices. some who have motors do not do so much. they take no exercise. they take cocktails instead and are getting beefy and 'ponchy,' and something should be done to remedy this state of affairs. "it would not be necessary if service opinion required officers so to order their lives that it would be common knowledge that they were 'hard,' in order to avoid the danger of being selected out. "we have no such service opinion, and it is not in process of formation. on the contrary, it is known that the 'principal dignitaries' unanimously advised the secretary to abandon all physical tests. he, a civilian, was wise enough not to take the advice. "i would like to see a test established that would oblige officers to take sufficient exercise to pass it without inconvenience. for the reasons given above, miles in two days every other month would do the business, while miles each month does not touch it, simply because nobody has to walk on 'next day' feet. as for the proposed test of so many hours 'exercise' a week, the flat foots of the pendulous belly muscles are delighted. they are looking into the question of pedometers, and will hang one of these on their wheezy chests and let it count every shuffling step they take out of doors. "if we had an adequate test throughout years, there would at the end of that time be few if any sacks of blubber at the upper end of the list; and service opinion against that sort of thing would be established." these tests were kept during my administration. they were afterwards abandoned; not through perversity or viciousness; but through weakness, and inability to understand the need of preparedness in advance, if the emergencies of war are to be properly met, when, or if, they arrive. in no country with an army worth calling such is there a chance for a man physically unfit to stay in the service. our countrymen should understand that every army officer--and every marine officer--ought to be summarily removed from the service unless he is able to undergo far severer tests than those which, as a beginning, i imposed. to follow any other course is to put a premium on slothful incapacity, and to do the gravest wrong to the nation. i have mentioned all these experiences, and i could mention scores of others, because out of them grew my philosophy--perhaps they were in part caused by my philosophy--of bodily vigor as a method of getting that vigor of soul without which vigor of the body counts for nothing. the dweller in cities has less chance than the dweller in the country to keep his body sound and vigorous. but he can do so, if only he will take the trouble. any young lawyer, shopkeeper, or clerk, or shop-assistant can keep himself in good condition if he tries. some of the best men who have ever served under me in the national guard and in my regiment were former clerks or floor-walkers. why, johnny hayes, the marathon victor, and at one time world champion, one of my valued friends and supporters, was a floor-walker in bloomingdale's big department store. surely with johnny hayes as an example, any young man in a city can hope to make his body all that a vigorous man's body should be. i once made a speech to which i gave the title "the strenuous life." afterwards i published a volume of essays with this for a title. there were two translations of it which always especially pleased me. one was by a japanese officer who knew english well, and who had carried the essay all through the manchurian campaign, and later translated it for the benefit of his countrymen. the other was by an italian lady, whose brother, an officer in the italian army who had died on duty in a foreign land, had also greatly liked the article and carried it round with him. in translating the title the lady rendered it in italian as _vigor di vita_. i thought this translation a great improvement on the original, and have always wished that i had myself used "the vigor of life" as a heading to indicate what i was trying to preach, instead of the heading i actually did use. there are two kinds of success, or rather two kinds of ability displayed in the achievement of success. there is, first, the success either in big things or small things which comes to the man who has in him the natural power to do what no one else can do, and what no amount of training, no perseverance or will power, will enable any ordinary man to do. this success, of course, like every other kind of success, may be on a very big scale or on a small scale. the quality which the man possesses may be that which enables him to run a hundred yards in nine and three-fifths seconds, or to play ten separate games of chess at the same time blindfolded, or to add five columns of figures at once without effort, or to write the "ode to a grecian urn," or to deliver the gettysburg speech, or to show the ability of frederick at leuthen or nelson at trafalgar. no amount of training of body or mind would enable any good ordinary man to perform any one of these feats. of course the proper performance of each implies much previous study or training, but in no one of them is success to be attained save by the altogether exceptional man who has in him the something additional which the ordinary man does not have. this is the most striking kind of success, and it can be attained only by the man who has in him the quality which separates him in kind no less than in degree from his fellows. but much the commoner type of success in every walk of life and in every species of effort is that which comes to the man who differs from his fellows not by the kind of quality which he possesses but by the degree of development which he has given that quality. this kind of success is open to a large number of persons, if only they seriously determine to achieve it. it is the kind of success which is open to the average man of sound body and fair mind, who has no remarkable mental or physical attributes, but who gets just as much as possible in the way of work out of the aptitudes that he does possess. it is the only kind of success that is open to most of us. yet some of the greatest successes in history have been those of this second class--when i call it second class i am not running it down in the least, i am merely pointing out that it differs in kind from the first class. to the average man it is probably more useful to study this second type of success than to study the first. from the study of the first he can learn inspiration, he can get uplift and lofty enthusiasm. from the study of the second he can, if he chooses, find out how to win a similar success himself. i need hardly say that all the successes i have ever won have been of the second type. i never won anything without hard labor and the exercise of my best judgment and careful planning and working long in advance. having been a rather sickly and awkward boy, i was as a young man at first both nervous and distrustful of my own prowess. i had to train myself painfully and laboriously not merely as regards my body but as regards my soul and spirit. when a boy i read a passage in one of marryat's books which always impressed me. in this passage the captain of some small british man-of-war is explaining to the hero how to acquire the quality of fearlessness. he says that at the outset almost every man is frightened when he goes into action, but that the course to follow is for the man to keep such a grip on himself that he can act just as if he was not frightened. after this is kept up long enough it changes from pretense to reality, and the man does in very fact become fearless by sheer dint of practicing fearlessness when he does not feel it. (i am using my own language, not marryat's.) this was the theory upon which i went. there were all kinds of things of which i was afraid at first, ranging from grizzly bears to "mean" horses and gun-fighters; but by acting as if i was not afraid i gradually ceased to be afraid. most men can have the same experience if they choose. they will first learn to bear themselves well in trials which they anticipate and which they school themselves in advance to meet. after a while the habit will grow on them, and they will behave well in sudden and unexpected emergencies which come upon them unawares. it is of course much pleasanter if one is naturally fearless, and i envy and respect the men who are naturally fearless. but it is a good thing to remember that the man who does not enjoy this advantage can nevertheless stand beside the man who does, and can do his duty with the like efficiency, if he chooses to. of course he must not let his desire take the form merely of a day-dream. let him dream about being a fearless man, and the more he dreams the better he will be, always provided he does his best to realize the dream in practice. he can do his part honorably and well provided only he sets fearlessness before himself as an ideal, schools himself to think of danger merely as something to be faced and overcome, and regards life itself as he should regard it, not as something to be thrown away, but as a pawn to be promptly hazarded whenever the hazard is warranted by the larger interests of the great game in which we are all engaged. chapter iii practical politics when i left harvard, i took up the study of law. if i had been sufficiently fortunate to come under professor thayer, of the harvard law school, it may well be that i would have realized that the lawyer can do a great work for justice and against legalism. but, doubtless chiefly through my own fault, some of the teaching of the law books and of the classroom seemed to me to be against justice. the _caveat emptor_ side of the law, like the _caveat emptor_ side of business, seemed to me repellent; it did not make for social fair dealing. the "let the buyer beware" maxim, when translated into actual practice, whether in law or business, tends to translate itself further into the seller making his profit at the expense of the buyer, instead of by a bargain which shall be to the profit of both. it did not seem to me that the law was framed to discourage as it should sharp practice, and all other kinds of bargains except those which are fair and of benefit to both sides. i was young; there was much in the judgment which i then formed on this matter which i should now revise; but, then as now, many of the big corporation lawyers, to whom the ordinary members of the bar then as now looked up, held certain standards which were difficult to recognize as compatible with the idealism i suppose every high-minded young man is apt to feel. if i had been obliged to earn every cent i spent, i should have gone whole-heartedly into the business of making both ends meet, and should have taken up the law or any other respectable occupation--for i then held, and now hold, the belief that a man's first duty is to pull his own weight and to take care of those dependent upon him; and i then believed, and now believe, that the greatest privilege and greatest duty for any man is to be happily married, and that no other form of success or service, for either man or woman, can be wisely accepted as a substitute or alternative. but it happened that i had been left enough money by my father not to make it necessary for me to think solely of earning bread for myself and my family. i had enough to get bread. what i had to do, if i wanted butter and jam, was to provide the butter and jam, but to count their cost as compared with other things. in other words, i made up my mind that, while i must earn money, i could afford to make earning money the secondary instead of the primary object of my career. if i had had no money at all, then my first duty would have been to earn it in any honest fashion. as i had some money i felt that my need for more money was to be treated as a secondary need, and that while it was my business to make more money where i legitimately and properly could, yet that it was also my business to treat other kinds of work as more important than money-making. almost immediately after leaving harvard in i began to take an interest in politics. i did not then believe, and i do not now believe, that any man should ever attempt to make politics his only career. it is a dreadful misfortune for a man to grow to feel that his whole livelihood and whole happiness depend upon his staying in office. such a feeling prevents him from being of real service to the people while in office, and always puts him under the heaviest strain of pressure to barter his convictions for the sake of holding office. a man should have some other occupation--i had several other occupations--to which he can resort if at any time he is thrown out of office, or if at any time he finds it necessary to choose a course which will probably result in his being thrown out, unless he is willing to stay in at cost to his conscience. at that day, in , a young man of my bringing up and convictions could join only the republican party, and join it i accordingly did. it was no simple thing to join it then. that was long before the era of ballot reform and the control of primaries; long before the era when we realized that the government must take official notice of the deeds and acts of party organizations. the party was still treated as a private corporation, and in each district the organization formed a kind of social and political club. a man had to be regularly proposed for and elected into this club, just as into any other club. as a friend of mine picturesquely phrased it, i "had to break into the organization with a jimmy." under these circumstances there was some difficulty in joining the local organization, and considerable amusement and excitement to be obtained out of it after i had joined. it was over thirty-three years ago that i thus became a member of the twenty-first district republican association in the city of new york. the men i knew best were the men in the clubs of social pretension and the men of cultivated taste and easy life. when i began to make inquiries as to the whereabouts of the local republican association and the means of joining it, these men--and the big business men and lawyers also--laughed at me, and told me that politics were "low"; that the organizations were not controlled by "gentlemen"; that i would find them run by saloon-keepers, horse-car conductors, and the like, and not by men with any of whom i would come in contact outside; and, moreover, they assured me that the men i met would be rough and brutal and unpleasant to deal with. i answered that if this were so it merely meant that the people i knew did not belong to the governing class, and that the other people did--and that i intended to be one of the governing class; that if they proved too hard-bit for me i supposed i would have to quit, but that i certainly would not quit until i had made the effort and found out whether i really was too weak to hold my own in the rough and tumble. the republican association of which i became a member held its meetings in morton hall, a large, barn-like room over a saloon. its furniture was of the canonical kind: dingy benches, spittoons, a dais at one end with a table and chair and a stout pitcher for iced water, and on the walls pictures of general grant, and of levi p. morton, to whose generosity we owed the room. we had regular meetings once or twice a month, and between times the place was treated, at least on certain nights, as a kind of club-room. i went around there often enough to have the men get accustomed to me and to have me get accustomed to them, so that we began to speak the same language, and so that each could begin to live down in the other's mind what bret harte has called "the defective moral quality of being a stranger." it is not often that a man can make opportunities for himself. but he can put himself in such shape that when or if the opportunities come he is ready to take advantage of them. this was what happened to me in connection with my experiences in morton hall. i soon became on good terms with a number of the ordinary "heelers" and even some of the minor leaders. the big leader was jake hess, who treated me with rather distant affability. there were prominent lawyers and business men who belonged, but they took little part in the actual meetings. what they did was done elsewhere. the running of the machine was left to jake hess and his captains of tens and of hundreds. among these lesser captains i soon struck up a friendship with joe murray, a friendship which is as strong now as it was thirty-three years ago. he had been born in ireland, but brought to new york by his parents when he was three or four years old, and, as he expressed it, "raised as a barefooted boy on first avenue." when not eighteen he had enlisted in the army of the potomac and taken part in the campaign that closed the civil war. then he came back to first avenue, and, being a fearless, powerful, energetic young fellow, careless and reckless, speedily grew to some prominence as leader of a gang. in that district, and at that time, politics was a rough business, and tammany hall held unquestioned sway. the district was overwhelmingly democratic, and joe and his friends were democrats who on election day performed the usual gang work for the local democratic leader, whose business it was to favor and reward them in return. this same local leader, like many other greater leaders, became puffed up by prosperity, and forgot the instruments through which he had achieved prosperity. after one election he showed a callous indifference to the hard work of the gang and complete disregard of his before-election promises. he counted upon the resentment wearing itself out, as usual, in threats and bluster. but joe murray was not a man who forgot. he explained to his gang his purposes and the necessity of being quiet. accordingly they waited for their revenge until the next election day. they then, as joe expressed it, decided "to vote furdest away from the leader"--i am using the language of joe's youth--and the best way to do this was to vote the republican ticket. in those days each party had a booth near the polling-place in each election district, where the party representative dispensed the party ballots. this had been a district in which, as a rule, very early in the day the republican election leader had his hat knocked over his eyes and his booth kicked over and his ballots scattered; and then the size of the democratic majority depended on an elastic appreciation of exactly how much was demanded from headquarters. but on this day things went differently. the gang, with a roman sense of duty, took an active interest in seeing that the republican was given his full rights. moreover, they made the most energetic reprisals on their opponents, and as they were distinctly the tough and fighting element, justice came to her own with a whoop. would-be repeaters were thrown out on their heads. every person who could be cajoled or, i fear, intimidated, was given the republican ticket, and the upshot was that at the end of the day a district which had never hitherto polled more than two or three per cent of its vote republican broke about even between the two parties. to joe it had been merely an act of retribution in so far as it was not simply a spree. but the leaders at the republican headquarters did not know this, and when they got over their paralyzed astonishment at the returns, they investigated to find out what it meant. somebody told them that it represented the work of a young man named joseph murray. accordingly they sent for him. the room in which they received him was doubtless some place like morton hall, and the men who received him were akin to those who had leadership in morton hall; but in joe's eyes they stood for a higher civilization, for opportunity, for generous recognition of successful effort--in short, for all the things that an eager young man desires. he was received and patted on the back by a man who was a great man to the world in which he lived. he was introduced to the audience as a young man whose achievement was such as to promise much for the future, and moreover he was given a place in the post-office--as i have said, this was long before the day of civil service reform. now, to the wrong kind of man all this might have meant nothing at all. but in joe murray's case it meant everything. he was by nature as straight a man, as fearless and as stanchly loyal, as any one whom i have ever met, a man to be trusted in any position demanding courage, integrity, and good faith. he did his duty in the public service, and became devotedly attached to the organization which he felt had given him his chance in life. when i knew him he was already making his way up; one of the proofs and evidences of which was that he owned a first-class racing trotter--"alice lane"--behind which he gave me more than one spin. during this first winter i grew to like joe and his particular cronies. but i had no idea that they especially returned the liking, and in the first row we had in the organization (which arose over a movement, that i backed, to stand by a non-partisan method of street-cleaning) joe and all his friends stood stiffly with the machine, and my side, the reform side, was left with only some half-dozen votes out of three or four hundred. i had expected no other outcome and took it good-humoredly, but without changing my attitude. next fall, as the elections drew near, joe thought he would like to make a drive at jake hess, and after considerable planning decided that his best chance lay in the fight for the nomination to the assembly, the lower house of the legislature. he picked me as the candidate with whom he would be most likely to win; and win he did. it was not my fight, it was joe's; and it was to him that i owe my entry into politics. i had at that time neither the reputation nor the ability to have won the nomination for myself, and indeed never would have thought of trying for it. jake hess was entirely good-humored about it. in spite of my being anti-machine, my relations with him had been friendly and human, and when he was beaten he turned in to help joe elect me. at first they thought they would take me on a personal canvass through the saloons along sixth avenue. the canvass, however, did not last beyond the first saloon. i was introduced with proper solemnity to the saloon-keeper--a very important personage, for this was before the days when saloon-keepers became merely the mortgaged chattels of the brewers--and he began to cross-examine me, a little too much in the tone of one who was dealing with a suppliant for his favor. he said he expected that i would of course treat the liquor business fairly; to which i answered, none too cordially, that i hoped i should treat all interests fairly. he then said that he regarded the licenses as too high; to which i responded that i believed they were really not high enough, and that i should try to have them made higher. the conversation threatened to become stormy. messrs. murray and hess, on some hastily improvised plea, took me out into the street, and then joe explained to me that it was not worth my while staying in sixth avenue any longer, that i had better go right back to fifth avenue and attend to my friends there, and that he would look after my interests on sixth avenue. i was triumphantly elected. once before joe had interfered in similar fashion and secured the nomination of an assemblyman; and shortly after election he had grown to feel toward this assemblyman that he must have fed on the meat which rendered caesar proud, as he became inaccessible to the ordinary mortals whose place of resort was morton hall. he eyed me warily for a short time to see if i was likely in this respect to follow in my predecessor's footsteps. finding that i did not, he and all my other friends and supporters assumed toward me the very pleasantest attitude that it was possible to assume. they did not ask me for a thing. they accepted as a matter of course the view that i was absolutely straight and was trying to do the best i could in the legislature. they desired nothing except that i should make a success, and they supported me with hearty enthusiasm. i am a little at a loss to know quite how to express the quality in my relationship with joe murray and my other friends of this period which rendered that relationship so beneficial to me. when i went into politics at this time i was not conscious of going in with the set purpose to benefit other people, but of getting for myself a privilege to which i was entitled in common with other people. so it was in my relationship with these men. if there had lurked in the innermost recesses of my mind anywhere the thought that i was in some way a patron or a benefactor, or was doing something noble by taking part in politics, or that i expected the smallest consideration save what i could earn on my own merits, i am certain that somehow or other the existence of that feeling would have been known and resented. as a matter of fact, there was not the slightest temptation on my part to have any such feeling or any one of such feelings. i no more expected special consideration in politics than i would have expected it in the boxing ring. i wished to act squarely to others, and i wished to be able to show that i could hold my own as against others. the attitude of my new friends toward me was first one of polite reserve, and then that of friendly alliance. afterwards i became admitted to comradeship, and then to leadership. i need hardly say how earnestly i believe that men should have a keen and lively sense of their obligations in politics, of their duty to help forward great causes, and to struggle for the betterment of conditions that are unjust to their fellows, the men and women who are less fortunate in life. but in addition to this feeling there must be a feeling of real fellowship with the other men and women engaged in the same task, fellowship of work, with fun to vary the work; for unless there is this feeling of fellowship, of common effort on an equal plane for a common end, it will be difficult to keep the relations wholesome and natural. to be patronized is as offensive as to be insulted. no one of us cares permanently to have some one else conscientiously striving to do him good; what we want is to work with that some one else for the good of both of us--any man will speedily find that other people can benefit him just as much as he can benefit them. neither joe murray nor i nor any of our associates at that time were alive to social and industrial needs which we now all of us recognize. but we then had very clearly before our minds the need of practically applying certain elemental virtues, the virtues of honesty and efficiency in politics, the virtue of efficiency side by side with honesty in private and public life alike, the virtues of consideration and fair dealing in business as between man and man, and especially as between the man who is an employer and the man who is an employee. on all fundamental questions joe murray and i thought alike. we never parted company excepting on the question of civil service reform, where he sincerely felt that i showed doctrinaire affinities, that i sided with the pharisees. we got back again into close relations as soon as i became police commissioner under mayor strong, for joe was then made excise commissioner, and was, i believe, the best excise commissioner the city of new york ever had. he is now a farmer, his boys have been through columbia college, and he and i look at the questions, political, social, and industrial, which confront us in from practically the same standpoint, just as we once looked at the questions that confronted us in . there are many debts that i owe joe murray, and some for which he was only unconsciously responsible. i do not think that a man is fit to do good work in our american democracy unless he is able to have a genuine fellow-feeling for, understanding of, and sympathy with his fellow-americans, whatever their creed or their birthplace, the section in which they live, or the work which they do, provided they possess the only kind of americanism that really counts, the americanism of the spirit. it was no small help to me, in the effort to make myself a good citizen and good american, that the political associate with whom i was on closest and most intimate terms during my early years was a man born in ireland, by creed a catholic, with joe murray's upbringing; just as it helped me greatly at a later period to work for certain vitally necessary public needs with arthur von briesen, in whom the spirit of the "acht-und-vierziger" idealists was embodied; just as my whole life was influenced by my long association with jacob riis, whom i am tempted to call the best american i ever knew, although he was already a young man when he came hither from denmark. i was elected to the legislature in the fall of , and found myself the youngest man in that body. i was reelected the two following years. like all young men and inexperienced members, i had considerable difficulty in teaching myself to speak. i profited much by the advice of a hard-headed old countryman--who was unconsciously paraphrasing the duke of wellington, who was himself doubtless paraphrasing somebody else. the advice ran: "don't speak until you are sure you have something to say, and know just what it is; then say it, and sit down." my first days in the legislature were much like those of a boy in a strange school. my fellow-legislators and i eyed one another with mutual distrust. each of us chose his seat, each began by following the lead of some veteran in the first routine matters, and then, in a week or two, we began to drift into groups according to our several affinities. the legislature was democratic. i was a republican from the "silk stocking" district, the wealthiest district in new york, and i was put, as one of the minority members, on the committee of cities. it was a coveted position. i did not make any effort to get on, and, as far as i know, was put there merely because it was felt to be in accordance with the fitness of things. a very short experience showed me that, as the legislature was then constituted, the so-called party contests had no interest whatever for me. there was no real party division on most of the things that were of concern in state politics, both republicans and democrats being for and against them. my friendships were made, not with regard to party lines, but because i found, and my friends found, that we had the same convictions on questions of principle and questions of policy. the only difference was that there was a larger proportion of these men among the republicans than among the democrats, and that it was easier for me at the outset to scrape acquaintance, among the men who felt as i did, with the republicans. they were for the most part from the country districts. my closest friend for the three years i was there was billy o'neill, from the adirondacks. he kept a small crossroads store. he was a young man, although a few years older than i was, and, like myself, had won his position without regard to the machine. he had thought he would like to be assemblyman, so he had taken his buggy and had driven around franklin county visiting everybody, had upset the local ring, and came to the legislature as his own master. there is surely something in american traditions that does tend toward real democracy in spite of our faults and shortcomings. in most other countries two men of as different antecedents, ancestry, and surroundings as billy o'neill and i would have had far more difficulty in coming together. i came from the biggest city in america and from the wealthiest ward of that city, and he from a backwoods county where he kept a store at a crossroads. in all the unimportant things we seemed far apart. but in all the important things we were close together. we looked at all questions from substantially the same view-point, and we stood shoulder to shoulder in every legislative fight during those three years. he abhorred demagogy just as he abhorred corruption. he had thought much on political problems; he admired alexander hamilton as much as i did, being a strong believer in a powerful national government; and we both of us differed from alexander hamilton in being stout adherents of abraham lincoln's views wherever the rights of the people were concerned. any man who has met with success, if he will be frank with himself, must admit that there has been a big element of fortune in the success. fortune favored me, whereas her hand was heavy against billy o'neill. all his life he had to strive hard to wring his bread from harsh surroundings and a reluctant fate; if fate had been but a little kinder, i believe he would have had a great political career; and he would have done good service for the country in any position in which he might have been put. there were other republicans, like isaac hunt and jonas van duzer and walter howe and henry sprague, who were among my close friends and allies; and a gigantic one-eyed veteran of the civil war, a gallant general, curtis from st. lawrence county; and a capital fellow, whom afterwards, when governor, i put on the bench, kruse, from cattaraugus county. kruse was a german by birth; as far as i know, the only german from cattaraugus county at that time; and, besides being a german, he was also a prohibitionist. among the democrats were hamden robb and thomas newbold, and tom welch of niagara, who did a great service in getting the state to set aside niagara falls park--after a discouraging experience with the first governor before whom we brought the bill, who listened with austere patience to our arguments in favor of the state establishing a park, and then conclusively answered us by the question, "but, gentlemen, why should we spend the people's money when just as much water will run over the falls without a park as with it?" then there were a couple of members from new york and brooklyn, mike costello and pete kelly. mike costello had been elected as a tammany man. he was as fearless as he was honest. he came from ireland, and had accepted the tammany fourth of july orations as indicating the real attitude of that organization towards the rights of the people. a month or two in albany converted him to a profound distrust of applied tammany methods. he and i worked hand in hand with equal indifference to our local machines. his machine leaders warned him fairly that they would throw him out at the next election, which they did; but he possessed a seasoned-hickory toughness of ability to contend with adverse circumstances, and kept his head well above water. a better citizen does not exist; and our friendship has never faltered. peter kelly's fate was a tragedy. he was a bright, well-educated young fellow, an ardent believer in henry george. at the beginning he and i failed to understand each other or to get on together, for our theories of government were radically opposed. after a couple of months spent in active contests with men whose theories had nothing whatever to do with their practices, kelly and i found in our turn that it really did not make much difference what our abstract theories were on questions that were not before the legislature, in view of the fact that on the actual matters before the legislature, the most important of which involved questions of elementary morality, we were heartily at one. we began to vote together and act together, and by the end of the session found that in all practical matters that were up for action we thought together. indeed, each of us was beginning to change his theories, so that even in theory we were coming closer together. he was ardent and generous; he was a young lawyer, with a wife and children, whose ambition had tempted him into politics, and who had been befriended by the local bosses under the belief that they could count upon him for anything they really wished. unfortunately, what they really wished was often corrupt. kelly defied them, fought the battles of the people with ardor and good faith, and when the bosses refused him a renomination, he appealed from them to the people. when we both came up for reelection, i won easily in my district, where circumstances conspired to favor me; and kelly, with exactly the same record that i had, except that it was more creditable because he took his stand against greater odds, was beaten in his district. defeat to me would have meant merely chagrin; to kelly it meant terrible material disaster. he had no money. like every rigidly honest man, he had found that going into politics was expensive and that his salary as assemblyman did not cover the financial outgo. he had lost his practice and he had incurred the ill will of the powerful, so that it was impossible at the moment to pick up his practice again; and the worry and disappointment affected him so much that shortly after election he was struck down by sickness. just before christmas some of us were informed that kelly was in such financial straits that he and his family would be put out into the street before new year. this was prevented by the action of some of his friends who had served with him in the legislature, and he recovered, at least to a degree, and took up the practice of his profession. but he was a broken man. in the legislature in which he served one of his fellow-democrats from brooklyn was the speaker--alfred c. chapin, the leader and the foremost representative of the reform democracy, whom kelly zealously supported. a few years later chapin, a very able man, was elected mayor of brooklyn on a reform democratic ticket. shortly after his election i was asked to speak at a meeting in a brooklyn club at which various prominent citizens, including the mayor, were present. i spoke on civic decency, and toward the close of my speech i sketched kelly's career for my audience, told them how he had stood up for the rights of the people of brooklyn, and how the people had failed to stand up for him, and the way he had been punished, precisely because he had been a good citizen who acted as a good citizen should act. i ended by saying that the reform democracy had now come into power, that mr. chapin was mayor, and that i very earnestly hoped recognition would at last be given to kelly for the fight he had waged at such bitter cost to himself. my words created some impression, and mayor chapin at once said that he would take care of kelly and see that justice was done him. i went home that evening much pleased. in the morning, at breakfast, i received a brief note from chapin in these words: "it was nine last evening when you finished speaking of what kelly had done, and when i said that i would take care of him. at ten last night kelly died." he had been dying while i was making my speech, and he never knew that at last there was to be a tardy recognition of what he had done, a tardy justification for the sacrifices he had made. the man had fought, at heavy cost to himself and with entire disinterestedness, for popular rights; but no recognition for what he had done had come to him from the people, whose interest he had so manfully upheld. where there is no chance of statistical or mathematical measurement, it is very hard to tell just the degree to which conditions change from one period to another. this is peculiarly hard to do when we deal with such a matter as corruption. personally i am inclined to think that in public life we are on the whole a little better and not a little worse than we were thirty years ago, when i was serving in the new york legislature. i think the conditions are a little better in national, in state, and in municipal politics. doubtless there are points in which they are worse, and there is an enormous amount that needs reformation. but it does seem to me as if, on the whole, things had slightly improved. when i went into politics, new york city was under the control of tammany, which was from time to time opposed by some other--and evanescent--city democratic organization. the up-country democrats had not yet fallen under tammany sway, and were on the point of developing a big country political boss in the shape of david b. hill. the republican party was split into the stalwart and half-breed factions. accordingly neither party had one dominant boss, or one dominant machine, each being controlled by jarring and warring bosses and machines. the corruption was not what it had been in the days of tweed, when outside individuals controlled the legislators like puppets. nor was there any such centralization of the boss system as occurred later. many of the members were under the control of local bosses or local machines. but the corrupt work was usually done through the members directly. of course i never had anything in the nature of legal proof of corruption, and the figures i am about to give are merely approximate. but three years' experience convinced me, in the first place, that there were a great many thoroughly corrupt men in the legislature, perhaps a third of the whole number; and, in the next place, that the honest men outnumbered the corrupt men, and that, if it were ever possible to get an issue of right and wrong put vividly and unmistakably before them in a way that would arrest their attention and that would arrest the attention of their constituents, we could count on the triumph of the right. the trouble was that in most cases the issue was confused. to read some kinds of literature one would come to the conclusion that the only corruption in legislative circles was in the form of bribery by corporations, and that the line was sharp between the honest man who was always voting against corporations and the dishonest man who was always bribed to vote for them. my experience was the direct contrary of this. for every one bill introduced (not passed) corruptly to favor a corporation, there were at least ten introduced (not passed, and in this case not intended to be passed) to blackmail corporations. the majority of the corrupt members would be found voting for the blackmailing bills if they were not paid, and would also be found voting in the interests of the corporation if they were paid. the blackmailing, or, as they were always called, the "strike" bills, could themselves be roughly divided into two categories: bills which it would have been proper to pass, and those that it would not have been proper to pass. some of the bills aimed at corporations were utterly wild and improper; and of these a proportion might be introduced by honest and foolish zealots, whereas most of them were introduced by men who had not the slightest intention of passing them, but who wished to be paid not to pass them. the most profitable type of bill to the accomplished blackmailer, however, was a bill aimed at a real corporate abuse which the corporation, either from wickedness or folly, was unwilling to remedy. of the measures introduced in the interest of corporations there were also some that were proper and some that were improper. the corrupt legislators, the "black horse cavalry," as they were termed, would demand payment to vote as the corporations wished, no matter whether the bill was proper or improper. sometimes, if the bill was a proper one, the corporation would have the virtue or the strength of mind to refuse to pay for its passage, and sometimes it would not. a very slight consideration of the above state of affairs will show how difficult it was at times to keep the issue clear, for honest and dishonest men were continually found side by side voting now against and now for a corporation measure, the one set from proper and the other set from grossly improper motives. of course part of the fault lay in the attitudes of outsiders. it was very early borne in upon me that almost equal harm was done by indiscriminate defense of, and indiscriminate attack on, corporations. it was hard to say whether the man who prided himself upon always antagonizing the corporations, or the man who, on the plea that he was a good conservative, always stood up for them, was the more mischievous agent of corruption and demoralization. in one fight in the house over a bill as to which there was a bitter contest between two new york city street railway organizations, i saw lobbyists come down on the floor itself and draw venal men out into the lobbies with almost no pretense of concealing what they were doing. in another case in which the elevated railway corporations of new york city, against the protest of the mayor and the other local authorities, rushed through a bill remitting over half their taxes, some of the members who voted for the measure probably thought it was right; but every corrupt man in the house voted with them; and the man must indeed have been stupid who thought that these votes were given disinterestedly. the effective fight against this bill for the revision of the elevated railway taxes--perhaps the most openly crooked measure which during my time was pushed at albany--was waged by mike costello and myself. we used to spend a good deal of time in industrious research into the various bills introduced, so as to find out what their authors really had in mind; this research, by the way, being highly unappreciated and much resented by the authors. in the course of his researches mike had been puzzled by an unimportant bill, seemingly related to a constitutional amendment, introduced by a local saloon-keeper, whose interests, as far as we knew, were wholly remote from the constitution, or from any form of abstract legal betterment. however, the measure seemed harmless; we did not interfere; and it passed the house. mike, however, followed its career in the senate, and at the last moment, almost by accident, discovered that it had been "amended" by the simple process of striking out everything after the enacting clause and unobtrusively substituting the proposal to remit the elevated railway taxes! the authors of the change wished to avoid unseemly publicity; their hope was to slip the measure through the legislature and have it instantly signed by the governor, before any public attention was excited. in the senate their plan worked to perfection. there was in the senate no fighting leadership of the forces of decency; and for such leadership of the non-fighting type the representatives of corruption cared absolutely nothing. by bold and adroit management the substitution in the senate was effected without opposition or comment. the bill (in reality, of course, an absolutely new and undebated bill) then came back to the house nominally as a merely amended measure, which, under the rules, was not open to debate unless the amendment was first by vote rejected. this was the great bill of the session for the lobby; and the lobby was keenly alive to the need of quick, wise action. no public attention whatever had so far been excited. every measure was taken to secure immediate and silent action. a powerful leader, whom the beneficiaries of the bill trusted, a fearless and unscrupulous man, of much force and great knowledge of parliamentary law, was put in the chair. costello and i were watched; and when for a moment we were out of the house, the bill was brought over from the senate, and the clerk began to read it, all the black horse cavalry, in expectant mood, being in their seats. but mike costello, who was in the clerk's room, happened to catch a few words of what was being read. in he rushed, despatched a messenger for me, and began a single-handed filibuster. the speaker pro tem called him to order. mike continued to speak and protest; the speaker hammered him down; mike continued his protests; the sergeant-at-arms was sent to arrest and remove him; and then i bounced in, and continued the protest, and refused to sit down or be silent. amid wild confusion the amendment was declared adopted, and the bill was ordered engrossed and sent to the governor. but we had carried our point. the next morning the whole press rang with what had happened; every detail of the bill, and every detail of the way it had been slipped through the legislature, were made public. all the slow and cautious men in the house, who had been afraid of taking sides, now came forward in support of us. another debate was held on the proposal to rescind the vote; the city authorities waked up to protest; the governor refused to sign the bill. two or three years later, after much litigation, the taxes were paid; in the newspapers it was stated that the amount was over $ , , . it was mike costello to whom primarily was due the fact that this sum was saved the public, and that the forces of corruption received a stinging rebuff. he did not expect recognition or reward for his services; and he got none. the public, if it knew of what he had done, promptly forgot it. the machine did not forget it, and turned him down at the next election. one of the stand-by "strikes" was a bill for reducing the elevated railway fare, which at that time was ten cents, to five cents. in one legislature the men responsible for the introduction of the bill suffered such an extraordinary change of heart that when the bill came up--being pushed by zealous radicals who really were honest--the introducers actually voted against it! a number of us who had been very doubtful about the principle of the bill voted for it simply because we were convinced that money was being used to stop it, and we hated to seem to side with the corruptionists. then there came a wave of popular feeling in its favor, the bill was reintroduced at the next session, the railways very wisely decided that they would simply fight it on its merits, and the entire black horse cavalry contingent, together with all the former friends of the measure, voted against it. some of us, who in our anger at the methods formerly resorted to for killing the bill had voted for it the previous year, with much heart-searching again voted for it, as i now think unwisely; and the bill was vetoed by the then governor, grover cleveland. i believe the veto was proper, and those who felt as i did supported the veto; for although it was entirely right that the fare should be reduced to five cents, which was soon afterwards done, the method was unwise, and would have set a mischievous precedent. an instance of an opposite kind occurred in connection with a great railway corporation which wished to increase its terminal facilities in one of our great cities. the representatives of the railway brought the bill to me and asked me to look into it, saying that they were well aware that it was the kind of bill that lent itself to blackmail, and that they wished to get it through on its merits, and invited the most careful examination. i looked carefully into it, found that the municipal authorities and the property-owners whose property was to be taken favored it, and also found that it was an absolute necessity from the standpoint of the city no less than from the standpoint of the railway. so i said i would take charge of it if i had guarantees that no money should be used and nothing improper done in order to push it. this was agreed to. i was then acting as chairman of the committee before which the bill went. a very brief experience proved what i had already been practically sure of, that there was a secret combination of the majority of the committee on a crooked basis. on one pretext or another the crooked members of the committee held the bill up, refusing to report it either favorably or unfavorably. there were one or two members of the committee who were pretty rough characters, and when i decided to force matters i was not sure that we would not have trouble. there was a broken chair in the room, and i got a leg of it loose and put it down beside me where it was not visible, but where i might get at it in a hurry if necessary. i moved that the bill be reported favorably. this was voted down without debate by the "combine," some of whom kept a wooden stolidity of look, while others leered at me with sneering insolence. i then moved that it be reported unfavorably, and again the motion was voted down by the same majority and in the same fashion. i then put the bill in my pocket and announced that i would report it anyhow. this almost precipitated a riot, especially when i explained, in answer to statements that my conduct would be exposed on the floor of the legislature, that in that case i should give the legislature the reasons why i suspected that the men holding up all report of the bill were holding it up for purposes of blackmail. the riot did not come off; partly, i think, because the opportune production of the chair-leg had a sedative effect, and partly owing to wise counsels from one or two of my opponents. accordingly i got the bill reported to the legislature and put on the calendar. but here it came to a dead halt. i think this was chiefly because most of the newspapers which noticed the matter at all treated it in such a cynical spirit as to encourage the men who wished to blackmail. these papers reported the introduction of the bill, and said that "all the hungry legislators were clamoring for their share of the pie"; and they accepted as certain the fact that there was going to be a division of "pie." this succeeded in frightening honest men, and also in relieving the rogues; the former were afraid they would be suspected of receiving money if they voted for the bill, and the latter were given a shield behind which to stand until they were paid. i was wholly unable to move the bill forward in the legislature, and finally a representative of the railway told me that he thought he would like to take the bill out of my hands, that i did not seem able to get it through, and that perhaps some "older and more experienced" leader could be more successful. i was pretty certain what this meant, but of course i had no kind of proof, and moreover i was not in a position to say that i could promise success. accordingly, the bill was given into the charge of a veteran, whom i believe to have been a personally honest man, but who was not inquisitive about the motives influencing his colleagues. this gentleman, who went by a nickname which i shall incorrectly call "the bald eagle of weehawken," was efficient and knew his job. after a couple of weeks a motion to put the bill through was made by "the bald eagle"; the "black horse cavalry," whose feelings had undergone a complete change in the intervening time, voted unanimously for it, in company with all the decent members; and that was the end. now here was a bit of work in the interest of a corporation and in the interest of a community, which the corporation at first tried honestly to have put through on its merits. the blame for the failure lay primarily in the supine indifference of the community to legislative wrong-doing, so long as only the corporations were blackmailed. except as above mentioned, i was not brought in contact with big business, save in the effort to impeach a certain judge. this judge had been used as an instrument in their business by certain of the men connected with the elevated railways and other great corporations at that time. we got hold of his correspondence with one of these men, and it showed a shocking willingness to use the judicial office in any way that one of the kings of finance of that day desired. he had actually held court in one of that financier's rooms. one expression in one of the judge's letters to this financier i shall always remember: "i am willing to go to the very verge of judicial discretion to serve your vast interests." the curious thing was that i was by no means certain that the judge himself was corrupt. he may have been; but i am inclined to think that, aside from his being a man of coarse moral fiber, the trouble lay chiefly in the fact that he had a genuine--if i had not so often seen it, i would say a wholly inexplicable--reverence for the possessor of a great fortune as such. he sincerely believed that business was the end of existence, and that judge and legislator alike should do whatever was necessary to favor it; and the bigger the business the more he desired to favor it. big business of the kind that is allied with politics thoroughly appreciated the usefulness of such a judge, and every effort was strained to protect him. we fought hard--by "we" i mean some thirty or forty legislators, both republicans and democrats--but the "black horse cavalry," and the timid good men, and the dull conservative men, were all against us; and the vote in the legislature was heavily against impeachment. the minority of the committee that investigated him, with chapin at its head, recommended impeachment; the argument for impeachment before the committee was made by francis lynde stetson. it was my first experience of the kind. various men whom i had known well socially and had been taught to look up to, prominent business men and lawyers, acted in a way which not only astounded me, but which i was quite unable to reconcile with the theories i had formed as to their high standing--i was little more than a year out of college at the time. generally, as has been always the case since, they were careful to avoid any direct conversation with me on a concrete case of what we now call "privilege" in business and in politics, that is, of the alliance between business and politics which represents improper favors rendered to some men in return for improper conduct on the part of others being ignored or permitted. one member of a prominent law firm, an old family friend, did, however, take me out to lunch one day, evidently for the purpose of seeing just what it was that i wished and intended to do. i believe he had a genuine personal liking for me. he explained that i had done well in the legislature; that it was a good thing to have made the "reform play," that i had shown that i possessed ability such as would make me useful in the right kind of law office or business concern; but that i must not overplay my hand; that i had gone far enough, and that now was the time to leave politics and identify myself with the right kind of people, the people who would always in the long run control others and obtain the real rewards which were worth having. i asked him if that meant that i was to yield to the ring in politics. he answered somewhat impatiently that i was entirely mistaken (as in fact i was) about there being merely a political ring, of the kind of which the papers were fond of talking; that the "ring," if it could be called such--that is, the inner circle--included certain big business men, and the politicians, lawyers, and judges who were in alliance with and to a certain extent dependent upon them, and that the successful man had to win his success by the backing of the same forces, whether in law, business, or politics. this conversation not only interested me, but made such an impression that i always remembered it, for it was the first glimpse i had of that combination between business and politics which i was in after years so often to oppose. in the america of that day, and especially among the people whom i knew, the successful business man was regarded by everybody as preeminently the good citizen. the orthodox books on political economy, not only in america but in england, were written for his especial glorification. the tangible rewards came to him, the admiration of his fellow-citizens of the respectable type was apt to be his, and the severe newspaper moralists who were never tired of denouncing politicians and political methods were wont to hold up "business methods" as the ideal which we were to strive to introduce into political life. herbert croly, in "the promise of american life," has set forth the reasons why our individualistic democracy--which taught that each man was to rely exclusively on himself, was in no way to be interfered with by others, and was to devote himself to his own personal welfare--necessarily produced the type of business man who sincerely believed, as did the rest of the community, that the individual who amassed a big fortune was the man who was the best and most typical american. in the legislature the problems with which i dealt were mainly problems of honesty and decency and of legislative and administrative efficiency. they represented the effort, the wise, the vitally necessary effort, to get efficient and honest government. but as yet i understood little of the effort which was already beginning, for the most part under very bad leadership, to secure a more genuine social and industrial justice. nor was i especially to blame for this. the good citizens i then knew best, even when themselves men of limited means--men like my colleague billy o'neill, and my backwoods friends sewall and dow--were no more awake than i was to the changing needs the changing times were bringing. their outlook was as narrow as my own, and, within its limits, as fundamentally sound. i wish to dwell on the soundness of our outlook on life, even though as yet it was not broad enough. we were no respecters of persons. where our vision was developed to a degree that enabled us to see crookedness, we opposed it whether in great or small. as a matter of fact, we found that it needed much more courage to stand up openly against labor men when they were wrong than against capitalists when they were wrong. the sins against labor are usually committed, and the improper services to capitalists are usually rendered, behind closed doors. very often the man with the moral courage to speak in the open against labor when it is wrong is the only man anxious to do effective work for labor when labor is right. the only kinds of courage and honesty which are permanently useful to good institutions anywhere are those shown by men who decide all cases with impartial justice on grounds of conduct and not on grounds of class. we found that in the long run the men who in public blatantly insisted that labor was never wrong were the very men who in private could not be trusted to stand for labor when it was right. we grew heartily to distrust the reformer who never denounced wickedness unless it was embodied in a rich man. human nature does not change; and that type of "reformer" is as noxious now as he ever was. the loud-mouthed upholder of popular rights who attacks wickedness only when it is allied with wealth, and who never publicly assails any misdeed, no matter how flagrant, if committed nominally in the interest of labor, has either a warped mind or a tainted soul, and should be trusted by no honest man. it was largely the indignant and contemptuous dislike aroused in our minds by the demagogues of this class which then prevented those of us whose instincts at bottom were sound from going as far as we ought to have gone along the lines of governmental control of corporations and governmental interference on behalf of labor. i did, however, have one exceedingly useful experience. a bill was introduced by the cigar-makers' union to prohibit the manufacture of cigars in tenement-houses. i was appointed one of a committee of three to investigate conditions in the tenement-houses and see if legislation should be had. of my two colleagues on the committee, one took no interest in the measure and privately said he did not think it was right, but that he had to vote for it because the labor unions were strong in his district and he was pledged to support the bill. the other, a sporting tammany man who afterwards abandoned politics for the race-track, was a very good fellow. he told me frankly that he had to be against the bill because certain interests which were all-powerful and with which he had dealings required him to be against it, but that i was a free agent, and that if i would look into the matter he believed i would favor the legislation. as a matter of fact, i had supposed i would be against the legislation, and i rather think that i was put on the committee with that idea, for the respectable people i knew were against it; it was contrary to the principles of political economy of the _laissez-faire_ kind; and the business men who spoke to me about it shook their heads and said that it was designed to prevent a man doing as he wished and as he had a right to do with what was his own. however, my first visits to the tenement-house districts in question made me feel that, whatever the theories might be, as a matter of practical common sense i could not conscientiously vote for the continuance of the conditions which i saw. these conditions rendered it impossible for the families of the tenement-house workers to live so that the children might grow up fitted for the exacting duties of american citizenship. i visited the tenement-houses once with my colleagues of the committee, once with some of the labor union representatives, and once or twice by myself. in a few of the tenement-houses there were suites of rooms ample in number where the work on the tobacco was done in rooms not occupied for cooking or sleeping or living. in the overwhelming majority of cases, however, there were one, two, or three room apartments, and the work of manufacturing the tobacco by men, women, and children went on day and night in the eating, living, and sleeping rooms--sometimes in one room. i have always remembered one room in which two families were living. on my inquiry as to who the third adult male was i was told that he was a boarder with one of the families. there were several children, three men, and two women in this room. the tobacco was stowed about everywhere, alongside the foul bedding, and in a corner where there were scraps of food. the men, women, and children in this room worked by day and far on into the evening, and they slept and ate there. they were bohemians, unable to speak english, except that one of the children knew enough to act as interpreter. instead of opposing the bill i ardently championed it. it was a poorly drawn measure, and the governor, grover cleveland, was at first doubtful about signing it. the cigar-makers' union then asked me to appear before the governor and argue for it. i accordingly did so, acting as spokesman for the battered, undersized foreigners who represented the union and the workers. the governor signed the bill. afterwards this tenement-house cigar legislation was declared invalid by the court of appeals in the jacobs decision. jacobs was one of the rare tenement-house manufacturers of cigars who occupied quite a suite of rooms, so that in his case the living conditions were altogether exceptional. what the reason was which influenced those bringing the suit to select the exceptional instead of the average worker i do not know; of course such action was precisely the action which those most interested in having the law broken down were anxious to see taken. the court of appeals declared the law unconstitutional, and in their decision the judges reprobated the law as an assault upon the "hallowed" influences of "home." it was this case which first waked me to a dim and partial understanding of the fact that the courts were not necessarily the best judges of what should be done to better social and industrial conditions. the judges who rendered this decision were well-meaning men. they knew nothing whatever of tenement-house conditions; they knew nothing whatever of the needs, or of the life and labor, of three-fourths of their fellow-citizens in great cities. they knew legalism, but not life. their choice of the words "hallowed" and "home," as applicable to the revolting conditions attending the manufacture of cigars in tenement-houses, showed that they had no idea what it was that they were deciding. imagine the "hallowed" associations of a "home" consisting of one room where two families, one of them with a boarder, live, eat, and work! this decision completely blocked tenement-house reform legislation in new york for a score of years, and hampers it to this day. it was one of the most serious setbacks which the cause of industrial and social progress and reform ever received. i had been brought up to hold the courts in especial reverence. the people with whom i was most intimate were apt to praise the courts for just such decisions as this, and to speak of them as bulwarks against disorder and barriers against demagogic legislation. these were the same people with whom the judges who rendered these decisions were apt to foregather at social clubs, or dinners, or in private life. very naturally they all tended to look at things from the same standpoint. of course it took more than one experience such as this tenement cigar case to shake me out of the attitude in which i was brought up. but various decisions, not only of the new york court but of certain other state courts and even of the united states supreme court, during the quarter of a century following the passage of this tenement-house legislation, did at last thoroughly wake me to the actual fact. i grew to realize that all that abraham lincoln had said about the dred scott decision could be said with equal truth and justice about the numerous decisions which in our own day were erected as bars across the path of social reform, and which brought to naught so much of the effort to secure justice and fair dealing for workingmen and workingwomen, and for plain citizens generally. some of the wickedness and inefficiency in public life was then displayed in simpler fashion than would probably now be the case. once or twice i was a member of committees which looked into gross and widely ramifying governmental abuses. on the whole, the most important part i played was in the third legislature in which i served, when i acted as chairman of a committee which investigated various phases of new york city official life. the most important of the reform measures our committee recommended was the bill taking away from the aldermen their power of confirmation over the mayor's appointments. we found that it was possible to get citizens interested in the character and capacity of the head of the city, so that they would exercise some intelligent interest in his conduct and qualifications. but we found that as a matter of fact it was impossible to get them interested in the aldermen and other subordinate officers. in actual practice the aldermen were merely the creatures of the local ward bosses or of the big municipal bosses, and where they controlled the appointments the citizens at large had no chance whatever to make their will felt. accordingly we fought for the principle, which i believe to be of universal application, that what is needed in our popular government is to give plenty of power to a few officials, and to make these few officials genuinely and readily responsible to the people for the exercise of that power. taking away the confirming power of the board of aldermen did not give the citizens of new york good government. we knew that if they chose to elect the wrong kind of mayor they would have bad government, no matter what the form of the law was. but we did secure to them the chance to get good government if they desired, and this was impossible as long as the old system remained. the change was fought in the way in which all similar changes always are fought. the corrupt and interested politicians were against it, and the battle-cries they used, which rallied to them most of the unthinking conservatives, were that we were changing the old constitutional system, that we were defacing the monuments of the wisdom of the founders of the government, that we were destroying that distinction between legislative and executive power which was the bulwark of our liberties, and that we were violent and unscrupulous radicals with no reverence for the past. of course the investigations, disclosures, and proceedings of the investigating committee of which i was chairman brought me into bitter personal conflict with very powerful financiers, very powerful politicians, and with certain newspapers which these financiers and politicians controlled. a number of able and unscrupulous men were fighting, some for their financial lives, and others to keep out of unpleasantly close neighborhood to state's prison. this meant that there were blows to be taken as well as given. in such political struggles, those who went in for the kind of thing that i did speedily excited animosities among strong and cunning men who would stop at little to gratify their animosity. any man engaged in this particular type of militant and practical reform movement was soon made to feel that he had better not undertake to push matters home unless his own character was unassailable. on one of the investigating committees on which i served there was a countryman, a very able man, who, when he reached new york city, felt as certain americans do when they go to paris--that the moral restraints of his native place no longer applied. with all his ability, he was not shrewd enough to realize that the police department was having him as well as the rest of us carefully shadowed. he was caught red-handed by a plain-clothes man doing what he had no business to do; and from that time on he dared not act save as those who held his secret permitted him to act. thenceforth those officials who stood behind the police department had one man on the committee on whom they could count. i never saw terror more ghastly on a strong man's face than on the face of this man on one or two occasions when he feared that events in the committee might take such a course as to force him into a position where his colleagues would expose him even if the city officials did not. however, he escaped, for we were never able to get the kind of proof which would warrant our asking for the action in which this man could not have joined. traps were set for more than one of us, and if we had walked into these traps our public careers would have ended, at least so far as following them under the conditions which alone make it worth while to be in public life at all. a man can of course hold public office, and many a man does hold public office, and lead a public career of a sort, even if there are other men who possess secrets about him which he cannot afford to have divulged. but no man can lead a public career really worth leading, no man can act with rugged independence in serious crises, nor strike at great abuses, nor afford to make powerful and unscrupulous foes, if he is himself vulnerable in his private character. nor will clean conduct by itself enable a man to render good service. i have always been fond of josh billings's remark that "it is much easier to be a harmless dove than a wise serpent." there are plenty of decent legislators, and plenty of able legislators; but the blamelessness and the fighting edge are not always combined. both qualities are necessary for the man who is to wage active battle against the powers that prey. he must be clean of life, so that he can laugh when his public or his private record is searched; and yet being clean of life will not avail him if he is either foolish or timid. he must walk warily and fearlessly, and while he should never brawl if he can avoid it, he must be ready to hit hard if the need arises. let him remember, by the way, that the unforgivable crime is soft hitting. do not hit at all if it can be avoided; but never hit softly. like most young men in politics, i went through various oscillations of feeling before i "found myself." at one period i became so impressed with the virtue of complete independence that i proceeded to act on each case purely as i personally viewed it, without paying any heed to the principles and prejudices of others. the result was that i speedily and deservedly lost all power of accomplishing anything at all; and i thereby learned the invaluable lesson that in the practical activities of life no man can render the highest service unless he can act in combination with his fellows, which means a certain amount of give-and-take between him and them. again, i at one period began to believe that i had a future before me, and that it behooved me to be very far-sighted and scan each action carefully with a view to its possible effect on that future. this speedily made me useless to the public and an object of aversion to myself; and i then made up my mind that i would try not to think of the future at all, but would proceed on the assumption that each office i held would be the last i ever should hold, and that i would confine myself to trying to do my work as well as possible while i held that office. i found that for me personally this was the only way in which i could either enjoy myself or render good service to the country, and i never afterwards deviated from this plan. as regards political advancement the bosses could of course do a good deal. at that time the warring stalwart and half-breed factions of the republican party were supporting respectively president arthur and senator miller. neither side cared for me. the first year in the legislature i rose to a position of leadership, so that in the second year, when the republicans were in a minority, i received the minority nomination for speaker, although i was still the youngest man in the house, being twenty-four years old. the third year the republicans carried the legislature, and the bosses at once took a hand in the speakership contest. i made a stout fight for the nomination, but the bosses of the two factions, the stalwarts and the half-breeds, combined and i was beaten. i was much chagrined for the moment. but the fact that i had fought hard and efficiently, even though defeated, and that i had made the fight single-handed, with no machine back of me, assured my standing as floor leader. my defeat in the end materially strengthened my position, and enabled me to accomplish far more than i could have accomplished as speaker. as so often, i found that the titular position was of no consequence; what counted was the combination of the opportunity with the ability to accomplish results. the achievement was the all-important thing; the position, whether titularly high or low, was of consequence only in so far as it widened the chance for achievement. after the session closed four of us who looked at politics from the same standpoint and were known as independent or anti-machine republicans were sent by the state convention as delegates-at-large to the republican national convention of , where i advocated, as vigorously as i knew how, the nomination of senator george f. edmunds. mr. edmunds was defeated and mr. blaine nominated. mr. blaine was clearly the choice of the rank and file of the party; his nomination was won in fair and aboveboard fashion, because the rank and file of the party stood back of him; and i supported him to the best of my ability in the ensuing campaign. the speakership contest enlightened me as regards more things than the attitude of the bosses. i had already had some exasperating experiences with the "silk stocking" reformer type, as abraham lincoln called it, the gentlemen who were very nice, very refined, who shook their heads over political corruption and discussed it in drawing-rooms and parlors, but who were wholly unable to grapple with real men in real life. they were apt vociferously to demand "reform" as if it were some concrete substance, like cake, which could be handed out at will, in tangible masses, if only the demand were urgent enough. these parlor reformers made up for inefficiency in action by zeal in criticising; and they delighted in criticising the men who really were doing the things which they said ought to be done, but which they lacked the sinewy power to do. they often upheld ideals which were not merely impossible but highly undesirable, and thereby played into the hands of the very politicians to whom they professed to be most hostile. moreover, if they believed that their own interests, individually or as a class, were jeoparded, they were apt to show no higher standards than did the men they usually denounced. one of their shibboleths was that the office should seek the man and not the man the office. this is entirely true of certain offices at certain times. it is entirely untrue when the circumstances are different. it would have been unnecessary and undesirable for washington to have sought the presidency. but if abraham lincoln had not sought the presidency he never would have been nominated. the objection in such a case as this lies not to seeking the office, but to seeking it in any but an honorable and proper manner. the effect of the shibboleth in question is usually merely to put a premium on hypocrisy, and therefore to favor the creature who is willing to rise by hypocrisy. when i ran for speaker, the whole body of machine politicians was against me, and my only chance lay in arousing the people in the different districts. to do this i had to visit the districts, put the case fairly before the men whom i saw, and make them understand that i was really making a fight and would stay in the fight to the end. yet there were reformers who shook their heads and deplored my "activity" in the canvass. of course the one thing which corrupt machine politicians most desire is to have decent men frown on the activity, that is, on the efficiency, of the honest man who genuinely wishes to reform politics. if efficiency is left solely to bad men, and if virtue is confined solely to inefficient men, the result cannot be happy. when i entered politics there were, as there always had been--and as there always will be--any number of bad men in politics who were thoroughly efficient, and any number of good men who would like to have done lofty things in politics but who were thoroughly inefficient. if i wished to accomplish anything for the country, my business was to combine decency and efficiency; to be a thoroughly practical man of high ideals who did his best to reduce those ideals to actual practice. this was my ideal, and to the best of my ability i strove to live up to it. to a young man, life in the new york legislature was always interesting and often entertaining. there was always a struggle of some kind on hand. sometimes it was on a naked question of right and wrong. sometimes it was on a question of real constructive statesmanship. moreover, there were all kinds of humorous incidents, the humor being usually of the unconscious kind. in one session of the legislature the new york city democratic representatives were split into two camps, and there were two rivals for leadership. one of these was a thoroughly good-hearted, happy-go-lucky person who was afterwards for several years in congress. he had been a local magistrate and was called judge. generally he and i were friendly, but occasionally i did something that irritated him. he was always willing to vote for any other member's bill himself, and he regarded it as narrow-minded for any one to oppose one of his bills, especially if the opposition was upon the ground that it was unconstitutional--for his views of the constitution were so excessively liberal as to make even me feel as if i belonged to the straitest sect of strict constructionists. on one occasion he had a bill to appropriate money, with obvious impropriety, for the relief of some miscreant whom he styled "one of the honest yeomanry of the state." when i explained to him that it was clearly unconstitutional, he answered, "me friend, the constitution don't touch little things like that," and then added, with an ingratiating smile, "anyhow, i'd never allow the constitution to come between friends." at the time i was looking over the proofs of mr. bryce's "american commonwealth," and i told him the incident. he put it into the first edition of the "commonwealth"; whether it is in the last edition or not, i cannot say. on another occasion the same gentleman came to an issue with me in a debate, and wound up his speech by explaining that i occupied what "lawyers would call a quasi position on the bill." his rival was a man of totally different type, a man of great natural dignity, also born in ireland. he had served with gallantry in the civil war. after the close of the war he organized an expedition to conquer canada. the expedition, however, got so drunk before reaching albany that it was there incarcerated in jail, whereupon its leader abandoned it and went into new york politics instead. he was a man of influence, and later occupied in the police department the same position as commissioner which i myself at one time occupied. he felt that his rival had gained too much glory at my expense, and, walking over with ceremonious solemnity to where the said rival was sitting close beside me, he said to him: "i would like you to know, mr. cameron [cameron, of course, was not the real name], that mr. roosevelt knows more law in a wake than you do in a month; and, more than that, michael cameron, what do you mane by quoting latin on the floor of this house when you don't know the alpha and omayga of the language?" there was in the legislature, during the deadlock above mentioned, a man whom i will call brogan. he looked like a serious elderly frog. i never heard him speak more than once. it was before the legislature was organized, or had adopted any rules; and each day the only business was for the clerk to call the roll. one day brogan suddenly rose, and the following dialogue occurred: brogan. misther clu-r-r-k! the clerk. the gentleman from new york. brogan. i rise to a point of ordher under the rules! the clerk. there are no rules. brogan. thin i object to them! the clerk. there are no rules to object to. brogan. oh! [nonplussed; but immediately recovering himself]. thin i move that they be amended until there ar-r-re! the deadlock was tedious; and we hailed with joy such enlivening incidents as the above. during my three years' service in the legislature i worked on a very simple philosophy of government. it was that personal character and initiative are the prime requisites in political and social life. it was not only a good but an absolutely indispensable theory as far as it went; but it was defective in that it did not sufficiently allow for the need of collective action. i shall never forget the men with whom i worked hand in hand in these legislative struggles, not only my fellow-legislators, but some of the newspaper reporters, such as spinney and cunningham; and then in addition the men in the various districts who helped us. we had made up our minds that we must not fight fire with fire, that on the contrary the way to win out was to equal our foes in practical efficiency and yet to stand at the opposite plane from them in applied morality. it was not always easy to keep the just middle, especially when it happened that on one side there were corrupt and unscrupulous demagogues, and on the other side corrupt and unscrupulous reactionaries. our effort was to hold the scales even between both. we tried to stand with the cause of righteousness even though its advocates were anything but righteous. we endeavored to cut out the abuses of property, even though good men of property were misled into upholding those abuses. we refused to be frightened into sanctioning improper assaults upon property, although we knew that the champions of property themselves did things that were wicked and corrupt. we were as yet by no means as thoroughly awake as we ought to have been to the need of controlling big business and to the damage done by the combination of politics with big business. in this matter i was not behind the rest of my friends; indeed, i was ahead of them, for no serious leader in political life then appreciated the prime need of grappling with these questions. one partial reason--not an excuse or a justification, but a partial reason--for my slowness in grasping the importance of action in these matters was the corrupt and unattractive nature of so many of the men who championed popular reforms, their insincerity, and the folly of so many of the actions which they advocated. even at that date i had neither sympathy with nor admiration for the man who was merely a money king, and i did not regard the "money touch," when divorced from other qualities, as entitling a man to either respect or consideration. as recited above, we did on more than one occasion fight battles, in which we neither took nor gave quarter, against the most prominent and powerful financiers and financial interests of the day. but most of the fights in which we were engaged were for pure honesty and decency, and they were more apt to be against that form of corruption which found its expression in demagogy than against that form of corruption which defended or advocated privilege. fundamentally, our fight was part of the eternal war against the powers that prey; and we cared not a whit in what rank of life these powers were found. to play the demagogue for purposes of self-interest is a cardinal sin against the people in a democracy, exactly as to play the courtier for such purposes is a cardinal sin against the people under other forms of government. a man who stays long in our american political life, if he has in his soul the generous desire to do effective service for great causes, inevitably grows to regard himself merely as one of many instruments, all of which it may be necessary to use, one at one time, one at another, in achieving the triumph of those causes; and whenever the usefulness of any one has been exhausted, it is to be thrown aside. if such a man is wise, he will gladly do the thing that is next, when the time and the need come together, without asking what the future holds for him. let the half-god play his part well and manfully, and then be content to draw aside when the god appears. nor should he feel vain regrets that to another it is given to render greater services and reap a greater reward. let it be enough for him that he too has served, and that by doing well he has prepared the way for the other man who can do better. chapter iv in cowboy land though i had previously made a trip into the then territory of dakota, beyond the red river, it was not until that i went to the little missouri, and there took hold of two cattle ranches, the chimney butte and the elkhorn. it was still the wild west in those days, the far west, the west of owen wister's stories and frederic remington's drawings, the west of the indian and the buffalo-hunter, the soldier and the cow-puncher. that land of the west has gone now, "gone, gone with lost atlantis," gone to the isle of ghosts and of strange dead memories. it was a land of vast silent spaces, of lonely rivers, and of plains where the wild game stared at the passing horseman. it was a land of scattered ranches, of herds of long-horned cattle, and of reckless riders who unmoved looked in the eyes of life or of death. in that land we led a free and hardy life, with horse and with rifle. we worked under the scorching midsummer sun, when the wide plains shimmered and wavered in the heat; and we knew the freezing misery of riding night guard round the cattle in the late fall round-up. in the soft springtime the stars were glorious in our eyes each night before we fell asleep; and in the winter we rode through blinding blizzards, when the driven snow-dust burned our faces. there were monotonous days, as we guided the trail cattle or the beef herds, hour after hour, at the slowest of walks; and minutes or hours teeming with excitement as we stopped stampedes or swam the herds across rivers treacherous with quicksands or brimmed with running ice. we knew toil and hardship and hunger and thirst; and we saw men die violent deaths as they worked among the horses and cattle, or fought in evil feuds with one another; but we felt the beat of hardy life in our veins, and ours was the glory of work and the joy of living. it was right and necessary that this life should pass, for the safety of our country lies in its being made the country of the small home-maker. the great unfenced ranches, in the days of "free grass," necessarily represented a temporary stage in our history. the large migratory flocks of sheep, each guarded by the hired shepherds of absentee owners, were the first enemies of the cattlemen; and owing to the way they ate out the grass and destroyed all other vegetation, these roving sheep bands represented little of permanent good to the country. but the homesteaders, the permanent settlers, the men who took up each his own farm on which he lived and brought up his family, these represented from the national standpoint the most desirable of all possible users of, and dwellers on, the soil. their advent meant the breaking up of the big ranches; and the change was a national gain, although to some of us an individual loss. i first reached the little missouri on a northern pacific train about three in the morning of a cool september day in . aside from the station, the only building was a ramshackle structure called the pyramid park hotel. i dragged my duffle-bag thither, and hammered at the door until the frowsy proprietor appeared, muttering oaths. he ushered me upstairs, where i was given one of the fourteen beds in the room which by itself constituted the entire upper floor. next day i walked over to the abandoned army post, and, after some hours among the gray log shacks, a ranchman who had driven into the station agreed to take me out to his ranch, the chimney butte ranch, where he was living with his brother and their partner. the ranch was a log structure with a dirt roof, a corral for the horses near by, and a chicken-house jabbed against the rear of the ranch house. inside there was only one room, with a table, three or four chairs, a cooking-stove, and three bunks. the owners were sylvane and joe ferris and william j. merrifield. later all three of them held my commissions while i was president. merrifield was marshal of montana, and as presidential elector cast the vote of that state for me in ; sylvane ferris was land officer in north dakota, and joe ferris postmaster at medora. there was a fourth man, george meyer, who also worked for me later. that evening we all played old sledge round the table, and at one period the game was interrupted by a frightful squawking outside which told us that a bobcat had made a raid on the chicken-house. after a buffalo hunt with my original friend, joe ferris, i entered into partnership with merrifield and sylvane ferris, and we started a cow ranch, with the maltese cross brand--always known as "maltee cross," by the way, as the general impression along the little missouri was that "maltese" must be a plural. twenty-nine years later my four friends of that night were delegates to the first progressive national convention at chicago. they were among my most constant companions for the few years next succeeding the evening when the bobcat interrupted the game of old sledge. i lived and worked with them on the ranch, and with them and many others like them on the round-up; and i brought out from maine, in order to start the elkhorn ranch lower down the river, my two backwoods friends sewall and dow. my brands for the lower ranch were the elkhorn and triangle. i do not believe there ever was any life more attractive to a vigorous young fellow than life on a cattle ranch in those days. it was a fine, healthy life, too; it taught a man self-reliance, hardihood, and the value of instant decision--in short, the virtues that ought to come from life in the open country. i enjoyed the life to the full. after the first year i built on the elkhorn ranch a long, low ranch house of hewn logs, with a veranda, and with, in addition to the other rooms, a bedroom for myself, and a sitting-room with a big fire-place. i got out a rocking-chair--i am very fond of rocking-chairs--and enough books to fill two or three shelves, and a rubber bathtub so that i could get a bath. and then i do not see how any one could have lived more comfortably. we had buffalo robes and bearskins of our own killing. we always kept the house clean--using the word in a rather large sense. there were at least two rooms that were always warm, even in the bitterest weather; and we had plenty to eat. commonly the mainstay of every meal was game of our own killing, usually antelope or deer, sometimes grouse or ducks, and occasionally, in the earlier days, buffalo or elk. we also had flour and bacon, sugar, salt, and canned tomatoes. and later, when some of the men married and brought out their wives, we had all kinds of good things, such as jams and jellies made from the wild plums and the buffalo berries, and potatoes from the forlorn little garden patch. moreover, we had milk. most ranchmen at that time never had milk. i knew more than one ranch with ten thousand head of cattle where there was not a cow that could be milked. we made up our minds that we would be more enterprising. accordingly, we started to domesticate some of the cows. our first effort was not successful, chiefly because we did not devote the needed time and patience to the matter. and we found that to race a cow two miles at full speed on horseback, then rope her, throw her, and turn her upside down to milk her, while exhilarating as a pastime, was not productive of results. gradually we accumulated tame cows, and, after we had thinned out the bobcats and coyotes, more chickens. the ranch house stood on the brink of a low bluff overlooking the broad, shallow bed of the little missouri, through which at most seasons there ran only a trickle of water, while in times of freshet it was filled brimful with the boiling, foaming, muddy torrent. there was no neighbor for ten or fifteen miles on either side of me. the river twisted down in long curves between narrow bottoms bordered by sheer cliff walls, for the bad lands, a chaos of peaks, plateaus, and ridges, rose abruptly from the edges of the level, tree-clad, or grassy, alluvial meadows. in front of the ranch-house veranda was a row of cottonwood trees with gray-green leaves which quivered all day long if there was a breath of air. from these trees came the far-away, melancholy cooing of mourning doves, and little owls perched in them and called tremulously at night. in the long summer afternoons we would sometimes sit on the piazza, when there was no work to be done, for an hour or two at a time, watching the cattle on the sand-bars, and the sharply channeled and strangely carved amphitheater of cliffs across the bottom opposite; while the vultures wheeled overhead, their black shadows gliding across the glaring white of the dry river-bed. sometimes from the ranch we saw deer, and once when we needed meat i shot one across the river as i stood on the piazza. in the winter, in the days of iron cold, when everything was white under the snow, the river lay in its bed fixed and immovable as a bar of bent steel, and then at night wolves and lynxes traveled up and down it as if it had been a highway passing in front of the ranch house. often in the late fall or early winter, after a hard day's hunting, or when returning from one of the winter line camps, we did not reach the ranch until hours after sunset; and after the weary tramping in the cold it was keen pleasure to catch the first red gleam of the fire-lit windows across the snowy wastes. the elkhorn ranch house was built mainly by sewall and dow, who, like most men from the maine woods, were mighty with the ax. i could chop fairly well for an amateur, but i could not do one-third the work they could. one day when we were cutting down the cottonwood trees, to begin our building operations, i heard some one ask dow what the total cut had been, and dow not realizing that i was within hearing, answered: "well, bill cut down fifty-three, i cut forty-nine, and the boss he beavered down seventeen." those who have seen the stump of a tree which has been gnawed down by a beaver will understand the exact force of the comparison. in those days on a cow ranch the men were apt to be away on the various round-ups at least half the time. it was interesting and exciting work, and except for the lack of sleep on the spring and summer round-ups it was not exhausting work; compared to lumbering or mining or blacksmithing, to sit in the saddle is an easy form of labor. the ponies were of course grass-fed and unshod. each man had his own string of nine or ten. one pony would be used for the morning work, one for the afternoon, and neither would again be used for the next three days. a separate pony was kept for night riding. the spring and early summer round-ups were especially for the branding of calves. there was much hard work and some risk on a round-up, but also much fun. the meeting-place was appointed weeks beforehand, and all the ranchmen of the territory to be covered by the round-up sent their representatives. there were no fences in the west that i knew, and their place was taken by the cowboy and the branding-iron. the cattle wandered free. each calf was branded with the brand of the cow it was following. sometimes in winter there was what we called line riding; that is, camps were established and the line riders traveled a definite beat across the desolate wastes of snow, to and fro from one camp to another, to prevent the cattle from drifting. but as a rule nothing was done to keep the cattle in any one place. in the spring there was a general round-up in each locality. each outfit took part in its own round-up, and all the outfits of a given region combined to send representatives to the two or three round-ups that covered the neighborhoods near by into which their cattle might drift. for example, our little missouri round-up generally worked down the river from a distance of some fifty or sixty miles above my ranch toward the kildeer mountains, about the same distance below. in addition we would usually send representatives to the yellowstone round-up, and to the round-up along the upper little missouri; and, moreover, if we heard that cattle had drifted, perhaps toward the indian reservation southeast of us, we would send a wagon and rider after them. at the meeting-point, which might be in the valley of a half-dry stream, or in some broad bottom of the river itself, or perchance by a couple of ponds under some queerly shaped butte that was a landmark for the region round about, we would all gather on the appointed day. the chuck-wagons, containing the bedding and food, each drawn by four horses and driven by the teamster cook, would come jolting and rattling over the uneven sward. accompanying each wagon were eight or ten riders, the cow-punchers, while their horses, a band of a hundred or so, were driven by the two herders, one of whom was known as the day wrangler and one as the night wrangler. the men were lean, sinewy fellows, accustomed to riding half-broken horses at any speed over any country by day or by night. they wore flannel shirts, with loose handkerchiefs knotted round their necks, broad hats, high-heeled boots with jingling spurs, and sometimes leather shaps, although often they merely had their trousers tucked into the tops of their high boots. there was a good deal of rough horse-play, and, as with any other gathering of men or boys of high animal spirits, the horse-play sometimes became very rough indeed; and as the men usually carried revolvers, and as there were occasionally one or two noted gun-fighters among them, there was now and then a shooting affray. a man who was a coward or who shirked his work had a bad time, of course; a man could not afford to let himself be bullied or treated as a butt; and, on the other hand, if he was "looking for a fight," he was certain to find it. but my own experience was that if a man did not talk until his associates knew him well and liked him, and if he did his work, he never had any difficulty in getting on. in my own round-up district i speedily grew to be friends with most of the men. when i went among strangers i always had to spend twenty-four hours in living down the fact that i wore spectacles, remaining as long as i could judiciously deaf to any side remarks about "four eyes," unless it became evident that my being quiet was misconstrued and that it was better to bring matters to a head at once. if, for instance, i was sent off to represent the little missouri brands on some neighboring round-up, such as the yellowstone, i usually showed that kind of diplomacy which consists in not uttering one word that can be avoided. i would probably have a couple of days' solitary ride, mounted on one horse and driving eight or ten others before me, one of them carrying my bedding. loose horses drive best at a trot, or canter, and if a man is traveling alone in this fashion it is a good thing to have them reach the camp ground sufficiently late to make them desire to feed and sleep where they are until morning. in consequence i never spent more than two days on the journey from whatever the point was at which i left the little missouri, sleeping the one night for as limited a number of hours as possible. as soon as i reached the meeting-place i would find out the wagon to which i was assigned. riding to it, i turned my horses into the saddle-band and reported to the wagon boss, or, in his absence, to the cook--always a privileged character, who was allowed and expected to order men around. he would usually grumble savagely and profanely about my having been put with his wagon, but this was merely conventional on his part; and if i sat down and said nothing he would probably soon ask me if i wanted anything to eat, to which the correct answer was that i was not hungry and would wait until meal-time. the bedding rolls of the riders would be strewn round the grass, and i would put mine down a little outside the ring, where i would not be in any one's way, with my six or eight branding-irons beside it. the men would ride in, laughing and talking with one another, and perhaps nodding to me. one of their number, usually the wagon foreman, might put some question to me as to what brands i represented, but no other word would be addressed to me, nor would i be expected to volunteer any conversation. supper would consist of bacon, dutch oven bread, and possibly beef; once i won the good graces of my companions at the outset by appearing with two antelope which i had shot. after supper i would roll up in my bedding as soon as possible, and the others would follow suit at their pleasure. at three in the morning or thereabouts, at a yell from the cook, all hands would turn hurriedly out. dressing was a simple affair. then each man rolled and corded his bedding--if he did not, the cook would leave it behind and he would go without any for the rest of the trip--and came to the fire, where he picked out a tin cup, tin plate, and knife and fork, helped himself to coffee and to whatever food there was, and ate it standing or squatting as best suited him. dawn was probably breaking by this time, and the trampling of unshod hoofs showed that the night wrangler was bringing in the pony herd. two of the men would then run ropes from the wagon at right angles to one another, and into this as a corral the horses would be driven. each man might rope one of his own horses, or more often point it out to the most skillful roper of the outfit, who would rope it for him--for if the man was an unskillful roper and roped the wrong horse or roped the horse in the wrong place there was a chance of the whole herd stampeding. each man then saddled and bridled his horse. this was usually followed by some resolute bucking on the part of two or three of the horses, especially in the early days of each round-up. the bucking was always a source of amusement to all the men whose horses did not buck, and these fortunate ones would gather round giving ironical advice, and especially adjuring the rider not to "go to leather"--that is, not to steady himself in the saddle by catching hold of the saddle-horn. as soon as the men had mounted, the whole outfit started on the long circle, the morning circle. usually the ranch foreman who bossed a given wagon was put in charge of the men of one group by the round-up foreman; he might keep his men together until they had gone some ten or fifteen miles from camp, and then drop them in couples at different points. each couple made its way toward the wagon, gathering all the cattle it could find. the morning's ride might last six or eight hours, and it was still longer before some of the men got in. singly and in twos and threes they appeared from every quarter of the horizon, the dust rising from the hoofs of the steers and bulls, the cows and calves, they had collected. two or three of the men were left to take care of the herd while the others changed horses, ate a hasty dinner, and then came out to the afternoon work. this consisted of each man in succession being sent into the herd, usually with a companion, to cut out the cows of his brand or brands which were followed by unbranded calves, and also to cut out any mavericks or unbranded yearlings. we worked each animal gently out to the edge of the herd, and then with a sudden dash took it off at a run. it was always desperately anxious to break back and rejoin the herd. there was much breakneck galloping and twisting and turning before its desire was thwarted and it was driven to join the rest of the cut--that is, the other animals which had been cut out, and which were being held by one or two other men. cattle hate being alone, and it was no easy matter to hold the first one or two that were cut out; but soon they got a little herd of their own, and then they were contented. when the cutting out had all been done, the calves were branded, and all misadventures of the "calf wrestlers," the men who seized, threw, and held each calf when roped by the mounted roper, were hailed with yelling laughter. then the animals which for one reason or another it was desired to drive along with the round-up were put into one herd and left in charge of a couple of night guards, and the rest of us would loaf back to the wagon for supper and bed. by this time i would have been accepted as one of the rest of the outfit, and all strangeness would have passed off, the attitude of my fellow cow-punchers being one of friendly forgiveness even toward my spectacles. night guards for the cattle herd were then assigned by the captain of the wagon, or perhaps by the round-up foreman, according to the needs of the case, the guards standing for two hours at a time from eight in the evening till four in the morning. the first and last watches were preferable, because sleep was not broken as in both of the other two. if things went well, the cattle would soon bed down and nothing further would occur until morning, when there was a repetition of the work, the wagon moving each day eight or ten miles to some appointed camping-place. each man would picket his night horse near the wagon, usually choosing the quietest animal in his string for that purpose, because to saddle and mount a "mean" horse at night is not pleasant. when utterly tired, it was hard to have to get up for one's trick at night herd. nevertheless, on ordinary nights the two hours round the cattle in the still darkness were pleasant. the loneliness, under the vast empty sky, and the silence, in which the breathing of the cattle sounded loud, and the alert readiness to meet any emergency which might suddenly arise out of the formless night, all combined to give one a sense of subdued interest. then, one soon got to know the cattle of marked individuality, the ones that led the others into mischief; and one also grew to recognize the traits they all possessed in common, and the impulses which, for instance, made a whole herd get up towards midnight, each beast turning round and then lying down again. but by the end of the watch each rider had studied the cattle until it grew monotonous, and heartily welcomed his relief guard. a newcomer, of course, had any amount to learn, and sometimes the simplest things were those which brought him to grief. one night early in my career i failed satisfactorily to identify the direction in which i was to go in order to reach the night herd. it was a pitch-dark night. i managed to get started wrong, and i never found either the herd or the wagon again until sunrise, when i was greeted with withering scorn by the injured cow-puncher, who had been obliged to stand double guard because i failed to relieve him. there were other misadventures that i met with where the excuse was greater. the punchers on night guard usually rode round the cattle in reverse directions; calling and singing to them if the beasts seemed restless, to keep them quiet. on rare occasions something happened that made the cattle stampede, and then the duty of the riders was to keep with them as long as possible and try gradually to get control of them. one night there was a heavy storm, and all of us who were at the wagons were obliged to turn out hastily to help the night herders. after a while there was a terrific peal of thunder, the lightning struck right by the herd, and away all the beasts went, heads and horns and tails in the air. for a minute or two i could make out nothing except the dark forms of the beasts running on every side of me, and i should have been very sorry if my horse had stumbled, for those behind would have trodden me down. then the herd split, part going to one side, while the other part seemingly kept straight ahead, and i galloped as hard as ever beside them. i was trying to reach the point--the leading animals--in order to turn them, when suddenly there was a tremendous splashing in front. i could dimly make out that the cattle immediately ahead and to one side of me were disappearing, and the next moment the horse and i went off a cut bank into the little missouri. i bent away back in the saddle, and though the horse almost went down he just recovered himself, and, plunging and struggling through water and quicksand, we made the other side. here i discovered that there was another cowboy with the same part of the herd that i was with; but almost immediately we separated. i galloped hard through a bottom covered with big cottonwood trees, and stopped the part of the herd that i was with, but very soon they broke on me again, and repeated this twice. finally toward morning the few i had left came to a halt. it had been raining hard for some time. i got off my horse and leaned against a tree, but before long the infernal cattle started on again, and i had to ride after them. dawn came soon after this, and i was able to make out where i was and head the cattle back, collecting other little bunches as i went. after a while i came on a cowboy on foot carrying his saddle on his head. he was my companion of the previous night. his horse had gone full speed into a tree and killed itself, the man, however, not being hurt. i could not help him, as i had all i could do to handle the cattle. when i got them to the wagon, most of the other men had already come in and the riders were just starting on the long circle. one of the men changed my horse for me while i ate a hasty breakfast, and then we were off for the day's work. as only about half of the night herd had been brought back, the circle riding was particularly heavy, and it was ten hours before we were back at the wagon. we then changed horses again and worked the whole herd until after sunset, finishing just as it grew too dark to do anything more. by this time i had been nearly forty hours in the saddle, changing horses five times, and my clothes had thoroughly dried on me, and i fell asleep as soon as i touched the bedding. fortunately some men who had gotten in late in the morning had had their sleep during the daytime, so that the rest of us escaped night guard and were not called until four next morning. nobody ever gets enough sleep on a round-up. the above was the longest number of consecutive hours i ever had to be in the saddle. but, as i have said, i changed horses five times, and it is a great lightening of labor for a rider to have a fresh horse. once when with sylvane ferris i spent about sixteen hours on one horse, riding seventy or eighty miles. the round-up had reached a place called the ox-bow of the little missouri, and we had to ride there, do some work around the cattle, and ride back. another time i was twenty-four hours on horseback in company with merrifield without changing horses. on this occasion we did not travel fast. we had been coming back with the wagon from a hunting trip in the big horn mountains. the team was fagged out, and we were tired of walking at a snail's pace beside it. when we reached country that the driver thoroughly knew, we thought it safe to leave him, and we loped in one night across a distance which it took the wagon the three following days to cover. it was a beautiful moonlight night, and the ride was delightful. all day long we had plodded at a walk, weary and hot. at supper time we had rested two or three hours, and the tough little riding horses seemed as fresh as ever. it was in september. as we rode out of the circle of the firelight, the air was cool in our faces. under the bright moonlight, and then under the starlight, we loped and cantered mile after mile over the high prairie. we passed bands of antelope and herds of long-horn texas cattle, and at last, just as the first red beams of the sun flamed over the bluffs in front of us, we rode down into the valley of the little missouri, where our ranch house stood. i never became a good roper, nor more than an average rider, according to ranch standards. of course a man on a ranch has to ride a good many bad horses, and is bound to encounter a certain number of accidents, and of these i had my share, at one time cracking a rib, and on another occasion the point of my shoulder. we were hundreds of miles from a doctor, and each time, as i was on the round-up, i had to get through my work for the next few weeks as best i could, until the injury healed of itself. when i had the opportunity i broke my own horses, doing it gently and gradually and spending much time over it, and choosing the horses that seemed gentle to begin with. with these horses i never had any difficulty. but frequently there was neither time nor opportunity to handle our mounts so elaborately. we might get a band of horses, each having been bridled and saddled two or three times, but none of them having been broken beyond the extent implied in this bridling and saddling. then each of us in succession would choose a horse (for his string), i as owner of the ranch being given the first choice on each round, so to speak. the first time i was ever on a round-up sylvane ferris, merrifield, meyer, and i each chose his string in this fashion. three or four of the animals i got were not easy to ride. the effort both to ride them and to look as if i enjoyed doing so, on some cool morning when my grinning cowboy friends had gathered round "to see whether the high-headed bay could buck the boss off," doubtless was of benefit to me, but lacked much of being enjoyable. the time i smashed my rib i was bucked off on a stone. the time i hurt the point of my shoulder i was riding a big, sulky horse named ben butler, which went over backwards with me. when we got up it still refused to go anywhere; so, while i sat it, sylvane ferris and george meyer got their ropes on its neck and dragged it a few hundred yards, choking but stubborn, all four feet firmly planted and plowing the ground. when they released the ropes it lay down and wouldn't get up. the round-up had started; so sylvane gave me his horse, baldy, which sometimes bucked but never went over backwards, and he got on the now rearisen ben butler. to my discomfiture ben started quietly beside us, while sylvane remarked, "why, there's nothing the matter with this horse; he's a plumb gentle horse." then ben fell slightly behind and i heard sylvane again, "that's all right! come along! here, you! go on, you! hi, hi, fellows, help me out! he's lying on me!" sure enough, he was; and when we dragged sylvane from under him the first thing the rescued sylvane did was to execute a war-dance, spurs and all, on the iniquitous ben. we could do nothing with him that day; subsequently we got him so that we could ride him; but he never became a nice saddle-horse. as with all other forms of work, so on the round-up, a man of ordinary power, who nevertheless does not shirk things merely because they are disagreeable or irksome, soon earns his place. there were crack riders and ropers who, just because they felt such overweening pride in their own prowess, were not really very valuable men. continually on the circles a cow or a calf would get into some thick patch of bulberry bush and refuse to come out; or when it was getting late we would pass some bad lands that would probably not contain cattle, but might; or a steer would turn fighting mad, or a calf grow tired and want to lie down. if in such a case the man steadily persists in doing the unattractive thing, and after two hours of exasperation and harassment does finally get the cow out, and keep her out, of the bulberry bushes, and drives her to the wagon, or finds some animals that have been passed by in the fourth or fifth patch of bad lands he hunts through, or gets the calf up on his saddle and takes it in anyhow, the foreman soon grows to treat him as having his uses and as being an asset of worth in the round-up, even though neither a fancy roper nor a fancy rider. when at the progressive convention last august, i met george meyer for the first time in many years, and he recalled to me an incident on one round-up where we happened to be thrown together while driving some cows and calves to camp. when the camp was only just across the river, two of the calves positively refused to go any further. he took one of them in his arms, and after some hazardous maneuvering managed to get on his horse, in spite of the objections of the latter, and rode into the river. my calf was too big for such treatment, so in despair i roped it, intending to drag it over. however, as soon as i roped it, the calf started bouncing and bleating, and, owing to some lack of dexterity on my part, suddenly swung round the rear of the horse, bringing the rope under his tail. down went the tail tight, and the horse "went into figures," as the cow-puncher phrase of that day was. there was a cut bank about four feet high on the hither side of the river, and over this the horse bucked. we went into the water with a splash. with a "pluck" the calf followed, described a parabola in the air, and landed beside us. fortunately, this took the rope out from under the horse's tail, but left him thoroughly frightened. he could not do much bucking in the stream, for there were one or two places where we had to swim, and the shallows were either sandy or muddy; but across we went, at speed, and the calf made a wake like pharaoh's army in the red sea. on several occasions we had to fight fire. in the geography books of my youth prairie fires were always portrayed as taking place in long grass, and all living things ran before them. on the northern cattle plains the grass was never long enough to be a source of danger to man or beast. the fires were nothing like the forest fires in the northern woods. but they destroyed large quantities of feed, and we had to stop them where possible. the process we usually followed was to kill a steer, split it in two lengthwise, and then have two riders drag each half-steer, the rope of one running from his saddle-horn to the front leg, and that of the other to the hind leg. one of the men would spur his horse over or through the line of fire, and the two would then ride forward, dragging the steer bloody side downward along the line of flame, men following on foot with slickers or wet horse-blankets, to beat out any flickering blaze that was still left. it was exciting work, for the fire and the twitching and plucking of the ox carcass over the uneven ground maddened the fierce little horses so that it was necessary to do some riding in order to keep them to their work. after a while it also became very exhausting, the thirst and fatigue being great, as, with parched lips and blackened from head to foot, we toiled at our task. in those years the stockman's association of montana was a powerful body. i was the delegate to it from the little missouri. the meetings that i attended were held in miles city, at that time a typical cow town. stockmen of all kinds attended, including the biggest men in the stock business, men like old conrad kohrs, who was and is the finest type of pioneer in all the rocky mountain country; and granville stewart, who was afterwards appointed minister by cleveland, i think to the argentine; and "hashknife" simpson, a texan who had brought his cattle, the hashknife brand, up the trail into our country. he and i grew to be great friends. i can see him now the first time we met, grinning at me as, none too comfortable, i sat a half-broken horse at the edge of a cattle herd we were working. his son sloan simpson went to harvard, was one of the first-class men in my regiment, and afterwards held my commission as postmaster at dallas. at the stockmen's meeting in miles city, in addition to the big stockmen, there were always hundreds of cowboys galloping up and down the wide dusty streets at every hour of the day and night. it was a picturesque sight during the three days the meetings lasted. there was always at least one big dance at the hotel. there were few dress suits, but there was perfect decorum at the dance, and in the square dances most of the men knew the figures far better than i did. with such a crowd in town, sleeping accommodations of any sort were at a premium, and in the hotel there were two men in every bed. on one occasion i had a roommate whom i never saw, because he always went to bed much later than i did and i always got up much earlier than he did. on the last day, however, he rose at the same time and i saw that he was a man i knew named carter, and nicknamed "modesty" carter. he was a stalwart, good-looking fellow, and i was sorry when later i heard that he had been killed in a shooting row. when i went west, the last great indian wars had just come to an end, but there were still sporadic outbreaks here and there, and occasionally bands of marauding young braves were a menace to outlying and lonely settlements. many of the white men were themselves lawless and brutal, and prone to commit outrages on the indians. unfortunately, each race tended to hold all the members of the other race responsible for the misdeeds of a few, so that the crime of the miscreant, red or white, who committed the original outrage too often invited retaliation upon entirely innocent people, and this action would in its turn arouse bitter feeling which found vent in still more indiscriminate retaliation. the first year i was on the little missouri some sioux bucks ran off all the horses of a buffalo-hunter's outfit. one of the buffalo-hunters tried to get even by stealing the horses of a cheyenne hunting party, and when pursued made for a cow camp, with, as a result, a long-range skirmish between the cowboys and the cheyennes. one of the latter was wounded; but this particular wounded man seemed to have more sense than the other participants in the chain of wrong-doing, and discriminated among the whites. he came into our camp and had his wound dressed. a year later i was at a desolate little mud road ranch on the deadwood trail. it was kept by a very capable and very forceful woman, with sound ideas of justice and abundantly well able to hold her own. her husband was a worthless devil, who finally got drunk on some whisky he obtained from an outfit of missouri bull-whackers--that is, freighters, driving ox wagons. under the stimulus of the whisky he picked a quarrel with his wife and attempted to beat her. she knocked him down with a stove-lid lifter, and the admiring bull-whackers bore him off, leaving the lady in full possession of the ranch. when i visited her she had a man named crow joe working for her, a slab-sided, shifty-eyed person who later, as i heard my foreman explain, "skipped the country with a bunch of horses." the mistress of the ranch made first-class buckskin shirts of great durability. the one she made for me, and which i used for years, was used by one of my sons in arizona a couple of winters ago. i had ridden down into the country after some lost horses, and visited the ranch to get her to make me the buckskin shirt in question. there were, at the moment, three indians there, sioux, well behaved and self-respecting, and she explained to me that they had been resting there waiting for dinner, and that a white man had come along and tried to run off their horses. the indians were on the lookout, however, and, running out, they caught the man; but, after retaking their horses and depriving him of his gun, they let him go. "i don't see why they let him go," exclaimed my hostess. "i don't believe in stealing indians' horses any more than white folks'; so i told 'em they could go along and hang him--i'd never cheep. anyhow, i won't charge them anything for their dinner," concluded my hostess. she was in advance of the usual morality of the time and place, which drew a sharp line between stealing citizens' horses and stealing horses from the government or the indians. a fairly decent citizen, jap hunt, who long ago met a violent death, exemplified this attitude towards indians in some remarks i once heard him make. he had started a horse ranch, and had quite honestly purchased a number of broken-down horses of different brands, with the view of doctoring them and selling them again. about this time there had been much horse-stealing and cattle-killing in our territory and in montana, and under the direction of some of the big cattle-growers a committee of vigilantes had been organized to take action against the rustlers, as the horse thieves and cattle thieves were called. the vigilantes, or stranglers, as they were locally known, did their work thoroughly; but, as always happens with bodies of the kind, toward the end they grew reckless in their actions, paid off private grudges, and hung men on slight provocation. riding into jap hunt's ranch, they nearly hung him because he had so many horses of different brands. he was finally let off. he was much upset by the incident, and explained again and again, "the idea of saying that i was a horse thief! why, i never stole a horse in my life--leastways from a white man. i don't count indians nor the government, of course." jap had been reared among men still in the stage of tribal morality, and while they recognized their obligations to one another, both the government and the indians seemed alien bodies, in regard to which the laws of morality did not apply. on the other hand, parties of savage young bucks would treat lonely settlers just as badly, and in addition sometimes murder them. such a party was generally composed of young fellows burning to distinguish themselves. some one of their number would have obtained a pass from the indian agent allowing him to travel off the reservation, which pass would be flourished whenever their action was questioned by bodies of whites of equal strength. i once had a trifling encounter with such a band. i was making my way along the edge of the bad lands, northward from my lower ranch, and was just crossing a plateau when five indians rode up over the further rim. the instant they saw me they whipped out their guns and raced full speed at me, yelling and flogging their horses. i was on a favorite horse, manitou, who was a wise old fellow, with nerves not to be shaken by anything. i at once leaped off him and stood with my rifle ready. it was possible that the indians were merely making a bluff and intended no mischief. but i did not like their actions, and i thought it likely that if i allowed them to get hold of me they would at least take my horse and rifle, and possibly kill me. so i waited until they were a hundred yards off and then drew a bead on the first. indians--and, for the matter of that, white men--do not like to ride in on a man who is cool and means shooting, and in a twinkling every man was lying over the side of his horse, and all five had turned and were galloping backwards, having altered their course as quickly as so many teal ducks. after this one of them made the peace sign, with his blanket first, and then, as he rode toward me, with his open hand. i halted him at a fair distance and asked him what he wanted. he exclaimed, "how! me good injun, me good injun," and tried to show me the dirty piece of paper on which his agency pass was written. i told him with sincerity that i was glad that he was a good indian, but that he must not come any closer. he then asked for sugar and tobacco. i told him i had none. another indian began slowly drifting toward me in spite of my calling out to keep back, so i once more aimed with my rifle, whereupon both indians slipped to the other side of their horses and galloped off, with oaths that did credit to at least one side of their acquaintance with english. i now mounted and pushed over the plateau on to the open prairie. in those days an indian, although not as good a shot as a white man, was infinitely better at crawling under and taking advantage of cover; and the worst thing a white man could do was to get into cover, whereas out in the open if he kept his head he had a good chance of standing off even half a dozen assailants. the indians accompanied me for a couple of miles. then i reached the open prairie, and resumed my northward ride, not being further molested. in the old days in the ranch country we depended upon game for fresh meat. nobody liked to kill a beef, and although now and then a maverick yearling might be killed on the round-up, most of us looked askance at the deed, because if the practice of beef-killing was ever allowed to start, the rustlers--the horse thieves and cattle thieves--would be sure to seize on it as an excuse for general slaughter. getting meat for the ranch usually devolved upon me. i almost always carried a rifle when i rode, either in a scabbard under my thigh, or across the pommel. often i would pick up a deer or antelope while about my regular work, when visiting a line camp or riding after the cattle. at other times i would make a day's trip after them. in the fall we sometimes took a wagon and made a week's hunt, returning with eight or ten deer carcasses, and perhaps an elk or a mountain sheep as well. i never became more than a fair hunter, and at times i had most exasperating experiences, either failing to see game which i ought to have seen, or committing some blunder in the stalk, or failing to kill when i fired. looking back, i am inclined to say that if i had any good quality as a hunter it was that of perseverance. "it is dogged that does it" in hunting as in many other things. unless in wholly exceptional cases, when we were very hungry, i never killed anything but bucks. occasionally i made long trips away from the ranch and among the rocky mountains with my ranch foreman merrifield; or in later years with tazewell woody, john willis, or john goff. we hunted bears, both the black and the grizzly, cougars and wolves, and moose, wapiti, and white goat. on one of these trips i killed a bison bull, and i also killed a bison bull on the little missouri some fifty miles south of my ranch on a trip which joe ferris and i took together. it was rather a rough trip. each of us carried only his slicker behind him on the saddle, with some flour and bacon done up in it. we met with all kinds of misadventures. finally one night, when we were sleeping by a slimy little prairie pool where there was not a stick of wood, we had to tie the horses to the horns of our saddles; and then we went to sleep with our heads on the saddles. in the middle of the night something stampeded the horses, and away they went, with the saddles after them. as we jumped to our feet joe eyed me with an evident suspicion that i was the jonah of the party, and said: "o lord! i've never done anything to deserve this. did you ever do anything to deserve this?" in addition to my private duties, i sometimes served as deputy sheriff for the northern end of our county. the sheriff and i crisscrossed in our public and private relations. he often worked for me as a hired hand at the same time that i was his deputy. his name, or at least the name he went by, was bill jones, and as there were in the neighborhood several bill joneses--three seven bill jones, texas bill jones, and the like--the sheriff was known as hell roaring bill jones. he was a thorough frontiersman, excellent in all kinds of emergencies, and a very game man. i became much attached to him. he was a thoroughly good citizen when sober, but he was a little wild when drunk. unfortunately, toward the end of his life he got to drinking very heavily. when, in , john burroughs and i visited the yellowstone park, poor bill jones, very much down in the world, was driving a team in gardiner outside the park. i had looked forward to seeing him, and he was equally anxious to see me. he kept telling his cronies of our intimacy and of what we were going to do together, and then got drinking; and the result was that by the time i reached gardiner he had to be carried out and left in the sage-brush. when i came out of the park, i sent on in advance to tell them to be sure to keep him sober, and they did so. but it was a rather sad interview. the old fellow had gone to pieces, and soon after i left he got lost in a blizzard and was dead when they found him. bill jones was a gun-fighter and also a good man with his fists. on one occasion there was an election in town. there had been many threats that the party of disorder would import section hands from the neighboring railway stations to down our side. i did not reach medora, the forlorn little cattle town which was our county seat, until the election was well under way. i then asked one of my friends if there had been any disorder. bill jones was standing by. "disorder hell!" said my friend. "bill jones just stood there with one hand on his gun and the other pointing over toward the new jail whenever any man who didn't have a right to vote came near the polls. there was only one of them tried to vote, and bill knocked him down. lord!" added my friend, meditatively, "the way that man fell!" "well," struck in bill jones, "if he hadn't fell i'd have walked round behind him to see what was propping him up!" in the days when i lived on the ranch i usually spent most of the winter in the east, and when i returned in the early spring i was always interested in finding out what had happened since my departure. on one occasion i was met by bill jones and sylvane ferris, and in the course of our conversation they mentioned "the lunatic." this led to a question on my part, and sylvane ferris began the story: "well, you see, he was on a train and he shot the newsboy. at first they weren't going to do anything to him, for they thought he just had it in for the newsboy. but then somebody said, 'why, he's plumb crazy, and he's liable to shoot any of us!' and then they threw him off the train. it was here at medora, and they asked if anybody would take care of him, and bill jones said he would, because he was the sheriff and the jail had two rooms, and he was living in one and would put the lunatic in the other." here bill jones interrupted: "yes, and more fool me! i wouldn't take charge of another lunatic if the whole county asked me. why" (with the air of a man announcing an astounding discovery), "that lunatic didn't have his right senses! he wouldn't eat, till me and snyder got him down on the shavings and made him eat." snyder was a huge, happy-go-lucky, kind-hearted pennsylvania dutchman, and was bill jones's chief deputy. bill continued: "you know, snyder's soft-hearted, he is. well, he'd think that lunatic looked peaked, and he'd take him out for an airing. then the boys would get joshing him as to how much start he could give him over the prairie and catch him again." apparently the amount of the start given the lunatic depended upon the amount of the bet to which the joshing led up. i asked bill what he would have done if snyder hadn't caught the lunatic. this was evidently a new idea, and he responded that snyder always did catch him. "well, but suppose he hadn't caught him?" "well," said bill jones, "if snyder hadn't caught the lunatic, i'd have whaled hell out of snyder!" under these circumstances snyder ran his best and always did catch the patient. it must not be gathered from this that the lunatic was badly treated. he was well treated. he become greatly attached to both bill jones and snyder, and he objected strongly when, after the frontier theory of treatment of the insane had received a full trial, he was finally sent off to the territorial capital. it was merely that all the relations of life in that place and day were so managed as to give ample opportunity for the expression of individuality, whether in sheriff or ranchman. the local practical joker once attempted to have some fun at the expense of the lunatic, and bill jones described the result. "you know bixby, don't you? well," with deep disapproval, "bixby thinks he is funny, he does. he'd come and he'd wake that lunatic up at night, and i'd have to get up and soothe him. i fixed bixby all right, though. i fastened a rope on the latch, and next time bixby came i let the lunatic out on him. he 'most bit bixby's nose off. i learned bixby!" bill jones had been unconventional in other relations besides that of sheriff. he once casually mentioned to me that he had served on the police force of bismarck, but he had left because he "beat the mayor over the head with his gun one day." he added: "the mayor, he didn't mind it, but the superintendent of police said he guessed i'd better resign." his feeling, obviously, was that the superintendent of police was a martinet, unfit to take large views of life. it was while with bill jones that i first made acquaintance with seth bullock. seth was at that time sheriff in the black hills district, and a man he had wanted--a horse thief--i finally got, i being at the time deputy sheriff two or three hundred miles to the north. the man went by a nickname which i will call "crazy steve"; a year or two afterwards i received a letter asking about him from his uncle, a thoroughly respectable man in a western state; and later this uncle and i met at washington when i was president and he a united states senator. it was some time after "steve's" capture that i went down to deadwood on business, sylvane ferris and i on horseback, while bill jones drove the wagon. at a little town, spearfish, i think, after crossing the last eighty or ninety miles of gumbo prairies, we met seth bullock. we had had rather a rough trip, and had lain out for a fortnight, so i suppose we looked somewhat unkempt. seth received us with rather distant courtesy at first, but unbent when he found out who we were, remarking, "you see, by your looks i thought you were some kind of a tin-horn gambling outfit, and that i might have to keep an eye on you!" he then inquired after the capture of "steve"--with a little of the air of one sportsman when another has shot a quail that either might have claimed--"my bird, i believe?" later seth bullock became, and has ever since remained, one of my stanchest and most valued friends. he served as marshal for south dakota under me as president. when, after the close of my term, i went to africa, on getting back to europe i cabled seth bullock to bring over mrs. bullock and meet me in london, which he did; by that time i felt that i just had to meet my own people, who spoke my neighborhood dialect. when serving as deputy sheriff i was impressed with the advantage the officer of the law has over ordinary wrong-doers, provided he thoroughly knows his own mind. there are exceptional outlaws, men with a price on their heads and of remarkable prowess, who are utterly indifferent to taking life, and whose warfare against society is as open as that of a savage on the war-path. the law officer has no advantage whatever over these men save what his own prowess may--or may not--give him. such a man was billy the kid, the notorious man-killer and desperado of new mexico, who was himself finally slain by a friend of mine, pat garrett, whom, when i was president, i made collector of customs at el paso. but the ordinary criminal, even when murderously inclined, feels just a moment's hesitation as to whether he cares to kill an officer of the law engaged in his duty. i took in more than one man who was probably a better man than i was with both rifle and revolver; but in each case i knew just what i wanted to do, and, like david harum, i "did it first," whereas the fraction of a second that the other man hesitated put him in a position where it was useless for him to resist. i owe more than i can ever express to the west, which of course means to the men and women i met in the west. there were a few people of bad type in my neighborhood--that would be true of every group of men, even in a theological seminary--but i could not speak with too great affection and respect of the great majority of my friends, the hard-working men and women who dwelt for a space of perhaps a hundred and fifty miles along the little missouri. i was always as welcome at their houses as they were at mine. everybody worked, everybody was willing to help everybody else, and yet nobody asked any favors. the same thing was true of the people whom i got to know fifty miles east and fifty miles west of my own range, and of the men i met on the round-ups. they soon accepted me as a friend and fellow-worker who stood on an equal footing with them, and i believe the most of them have kept their feeling for me ever since. no guests were ever more welcome at the white house than these old friends of the cattle ranches and the cow camps--the men with whom i had ridden the long circle and eaten at the tail-board of a chuck-wagon--whenever they turned up at washington during my presidency. i remember one of them who appeared at washington one day just before lunch, a huge, powerful man who, when i knew him, had been distinctly a fighting character. it happened that on that day another old friend, the british ambassador, mr. bryce, was among those coming to lunch. just before we went in i turned to my cow-puncher friend and said to him with great solemnity, "remember, jim, that if you shot at the feet of the british ambassador to make him dance, it would be likely to cause international complications"; to which jim responded with unaffected horror, "why, colonel, i shouldn't think of it, i shouldn't think of it!" not only did the men and women whom i met in the cow country quite unconsciously help me, by the insight which working and living with them enabled me to get into the mind and soul of the average american of the right type, but they helped me in another way. i made up my mind that the men were of just the kind whom it would be well to have with me if ever it became necessary to go to war. when the spanish war came, i gave this thought practical realization. fortunately, wister and remington, with pen and pencil, have made these men live as long as our literature lives. i have sometimes been asked if wister's "virginian" is not overdrawn; why, one of the men i have mentioned in this chapter was in all essentials the virginian in real life, not only in his force but in his charm. half of the men i worked with or played with and half of the men who soldiered with me afterwards in my regiment might have walked out of wister's stories or remington's pictures. there were bad characters in the western country at that time, of course, and under the conditions of life they were probably more dangerous than they would have been elsewhere. i hardly ever had any difficulty, however. i never went into a saloon, and in the little hotels i kept out of the bar-room unless, as sometimes happened, the bar-room was the only room on the lower floor except the dining-room. i always endeavored to keep out of a quarrel until self-respect forbade my making any further effort to avoid it, and i very rarely had even the semblance of trouble. of course amusing incidents occurred now and then. usually these took place when i was hunting lost horses, for in hunting lost horses i was ordinarily alone, and occasionally had to travel a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles away from my own country. on one such occasion i reached a little cow town long after dark, stabled my horse in an empty outbuilding, and when i reached the hotel was informed in response to my request for a bed that i could have the last one left, as there was only one other man in it. the room to which i was shown contained two double beds; one contained two men fast asleep, and the other only one man, also asleep. this man proved to be a friend, one of the bill joneses whom i have previously mentioned. i undressed according to the fashion of the day and place, that is, i put my trousers, boots, shaps, and gun down beside the bed, and turned in. a couple of hours later i was awakened by the door being thrown open and a lantern flashed in my face, the light gleaming on the muzzle of a cocked . . another man said to the lantern-bearer, "it ain't him"; the next moment my bedfellow was covered with two guns, and addressed, "now, bill, don't make a fuss, but come along quiet." "i'm not thinking of making a fuss," said bill. "that's right," was the answer; "we're your friends; we don't want to hurt you; we just want you to come along, you know why." and bill pulled on his trousers and boots and walked out with them. up to this time there had not been a sound from the other bed. now a match was scratched, a candle lit, and one of the men in the other bed looked round the room. at this point i committed the breach of etiquette of asking questions. "i wonder why they took bill," i said. there was no answer, and i repeated, "i wonder why they took bill." "well," said the man with the candle, dryly, "i reckon they wanted him," and with that he blew out the candle and conversation ceased. later i discovered that bill in a fit of playfulness had held up the northern pacific train at a near-by station by shooting at the feet of the conductor to make him dance. this was purely a joke on bill's part, but the northern pacific people possessed a less robust sense of humor, and on their complaint the united states marshal was sent after bill, on the ground that by delaying the train he had interfered with the mails. the only time i ever had serious trouble was at an even more primitive little hotel than the one in question. it was also on an occasion when i was out after lost horses. below the hotel had merely a bar-room, a dining-room, and a lean-to kitchen; above was a loft with fifteen or twenty beds in it. it was late in the evening when i reached the place. i heard one or two shots in the bar-room as i came up, and i disliked going in. but there was nowhere else to go, and it was a cold night. inside the room were several men, who, including the bartender, were wearing the kind of smile worn by men who are making believe to like what they don't like. a shabby individual in a broad hat with a cocked gun in each hand was walking up and down the floor talking with strident profanity. he had evidently been shooting at the clock, which had two or three holes in its face. he was not a "bad man" of the really dangerous type, the true man-killer type, but he was an objectionable creature, a would-be bad man, a bully who for the moment was having things all his own way. as soon as he saw me he hailed me as "four eyes," in reference to my spectacles, and said, "four eyes is going to treat." i joined in the laugh and got behind the stove and sat down, thinking to escape notice. he followed me, however, and though i tried to pass it off as a jest this merely made him more offensive, and he stood leaning over me, a gun in each hand, using very foul language. he was foolish to stand so near, and, moreover, his heels were close together, so that his position was unstable. accordingly, in response to his reiterated command that i should set up the drinks, i said, "well, if i've got to, i've got to," and rose, looking past him. as i rose, i struck quick and hard with my right just to one side of the point of his jaw, hitting with my left as i straightened out, and then again with my right. he fired the guns, but i do not know whether this was merely a convulsive action of his hands or whether he was trying to shoot at me. when he went down he struck the corner of the bar with his head. it was not a case in which one could afford to take chances, and if he had moved i was about to drop on his ribs with my knees; but he was senseless. i took away his guns, and the other people in the room, who were now loud in their denunciation of him, hustled him out and put him in a shed. i got dinner as soon as possible, sitting in a corner of the dining-room away from the windows, and then went upstairs to bed where it was dark so that there would be no chance of any one shooting at me from the outside. however, nothing happened. when my assailant came to, he went down to the station and left on a freight. as i have said, most of the men of my regiment were just such men as those i knew in the ranch country; indeed, some of my ranch friends were in the regiment--fred herrig, the forest ranger, for instance, in whose company i shot my biggest mountain ram. after the regiment was disbanded the careers of certain of the men were diversified by odd incidents. our relations were of the friendliest, and, as they explained, they felt "as if i was a father" to them. the manifestations of this feeling were sometimes less attractive than the phrase sounded, as it was chiefly used by the few who were behaving like very bad children indeed. the great majority of the men when the regiment disbanded took up the business of their lives where they had dropped it a few months previously, and these men merely tried to help me or help one another as the occasion arose; no man ever had more cause to be proud of his regiment than i had of mine, both in war and in peace. but there was a minority among them who in certain ways were unsuited for a life of peaceful regularity, although often enough they had been first-class soldiers. it was from these men that letters came with a stereotyped opening which always caused my heart to sink--"dear colonel: i write you because i am in trouble." the trouble might take almost any form. one correspondent continued: "i did not take the horse, but they say i did." another complained that his mother-in-law had put him in jail for bigamy. in the case of another the incident was more markworthy. i will call him gritto. he wrote me a letter beginning: "dear colonel: i write you because i am in trouble. i have shot a lady in the eye. but, colonel, i was not shooting at the lady. i was shooting at my wife," which he apparently regarded as a sufficient excuse as between men of the world. i answered that i drew the line at shooting at ladies, and did not hear any more of the incident for several years. then, while i was president, a member of the regiment, major llewellyn, who was federal district attorney under me in new mexico, wrote me a letter filled, as his letters usually were, with bits of interesting gossip about the comrades. it ran in part as follows: "since i last wrote you comrade ritchie has killed a man in colorado. i understand that the comrade was playing a poker game, and the man sat into the game and used such language that comrade ritchie had to shoot. comrade webb has killed two men in beaver, arizona. comrade webb is in the forest service, and the killing was in the line of professional duty. i was out at the penitentiary the other day and saw comrade gritto, who, you may remember, was put there for shooting his sister-in-law [this was the first information i had had as to the identity of the lady who was shot in the eye]. since he was in there comrade boyne has run off to old mexico with his (gritto's) wife, and the people of grant county think he ought to be let out." evidently the sporting instincts of the people of grant county had been roused, and they felt that, as comrade boyne had had a fair start, the other comrade should be let out in order to see what would happen. the men of the regiment always enthusiastically helped me when i was running for office. on one occasion buck taylor, of texas, accompanied me on a trip and made a speech for me. the crowd took to his speech from the beginning and so did i, until the peroration, which ran as follows: "my fellow-citizens, vote for my colonel! vote for my colonel! _and he will lead you, as he led us, like sheep to the slaughter_!" this hardly seemed a tribute to my military skill; but it delighted the crowd, and as far as i could tell did me nothing but good. on another tour, when i was running for vice-president, a member of the regiment who was along on the train got into a discussion with a populist editor who had expressed an unfavorable estimate of my character, and in the course of the discussion shot the editor--not fatally. we had to leave him to be tried, and as he had no money i left him $ to hire counsel--having borrowed the money from senator wolcott, of colorado, who was also with me. after election i received from my friend a letter running: "dear colonel: i find i will not have to use that $ you lent me, as we have elected our candidate for district attorney. so i have used it to settle a horse transaction in which i unfortunately became involved." a few weeks later, however, i received a heartbroken letter setting forth the fact that the district attorney--whom he evidently felt to be a cold-blooded formalist--had put him in jail. then the affair dropped out of sight until two or three years later, when as president i visited a town in another state, and the leaders of the delegation which received me included both my correspondent and the editor, now fast friends, and both of them ardent supporters of mine. at one of the regimental reunions a man, who had been an excellent soldier, in greeting me mentioned how glad he was that the judge had let him out in time to get to the reunion. i asked what was the matter, and he replied with some surprise: "why, colonel, don't you know i had a difficulty with a gentleman, and . . . er . . . well, i killed the gentleman. but you can see that the judge thought it was all right or he wouldn't have let me go." waiving the latter point, i said: "how did it happen? how did you do it?" misinterpreting my question as showing an interest only in the technique of the performance, the ex-puncher replied: "with a . on a . frame, colonel." i chuckled over the answer, and it became proverbial with my family and some of my friends, including seth bullock. when i was shot at milwaukee, seth bullock wired an inquiry to which i responded that it was all right, that the weapon was merely "a . on a . frame." the telegram in some way became public, and puzzled outsiders. by the way, both the men of my regiment and the friends i had made in the old days in the west were themselves a little puzzled at the interest shown in my making my speech after being shot. this was what they expected, what they accepted as the right thing for a man to do under the circumstances, a thing the non-performance of which would have been discreditable rather than the performance being creditable. they would not have expected a man to leave a battle, for instance, because of being wounded in such fashion; and they saw no reason why he should abandon a less important and less risky duty. one of the best soldiers of my regiment was a huge man whom i made marshal of a rocky mountain state. he had spent his hot and lusty youth on the frontier during its viking age, and at that time had naturally taken part in incidents which seemed queer to men "accustomed to die decently of zymotic diseases." i told him that an effort would doubtless be made to prevent his confirmation by the senate, and therefore that i wanted to know all the facts in his case. had he played faro? he had; but it was when everybody played faro, and he had never played a brace game. had he killed anybody? yes, but it was in dodge city on occasions when he was deputy marshal or town marshal, at a time when dodge city, now the most peaceful of communities, was the toughest town on the continent, and crowded with man-killing outlaws and road agents; and he produced telegrams from judges of high character testifying to the need of the actions he had taken. finally i said: "now, ben, how did you lose that half of your ear?" to which, looking rather shy, he responded: "well, colonel, it was bit off." "how did it happen, ben?" "well, you see, i was sent to arrest a gentleman, and him and me mixed it up, and he bit off my ear." "what did you do to the gentleman, ben?" and ben, looking more coy than ever, responded: "well, colonel, we broke about even!" i forebore to inquire what variety of mayhem he had committed on the "gentleman." after considerable struggle i got him confirmed by the senate, and he made one of the best marshals in the entire service, exactly as he had already made one of the best soldiers in the regiment; and i never wish to see a better citizen, nor a man in whom i would more implicitly trust in every way. when, in , i was nominated for vice-president, i was sent by the national committee on a trip into the states of the high plains and the rocky mountains. these had all gone overwhelmingly for mr. bryan on the free-silver issue four years previously, and it was thought that i, because of my knowledge of and acquaintanceship with the people, might accomplish something towards bringing them back into line. it was an interesting trip, and the monotony usually attendant upon such a campaign of political speaking was diversified in vivid fashion by occasional hostile audiences. one or two of the meetings ended in riots. one meeting was finally broken up by a mob; everybody fought so that the speaking had to stop. soon after this we reached another town where we were told there might be trouble. here the local committee included an old and valued friend, a "two-gun" man of repute, who was not in the least quarrelsome, but who always kept his word. we marched round to the local opera-house, which was packed with a mass of men, many of them rather rough-looking. my friend the two-gun man sat immediately behind me, a gun on each hip, his arms folded, looking at the audience; fixing his gaze with instant intentness on any section of the house from which there came so much as a whisper. the audience listened to me with rapt attention. at the end, with a pride in my rhetorical powers which proceeded from a misunderstanding of the situation, i remarked to the chairman: "i held that audience well; there wasn't an interruption." to which the chairman replied: "interruption? well, i guess not! seth had sent round word that if any son of a gun peeped he'd kill him!" there was one bit of frontier philosophy which i should like to see imitated in more advanced communities. certain crimes of revolting baseness and cruelty were never forgiven. but in the case of ordinary offenses, the man who had served his term and who then tried to make good was given a fair chance; and of course this was equally true of the women. every one who has studied the subject at all is only too well aware that the world offsets the readiness with which it condones a crime for which a man escapes punishment, by its unforgiving relentlessness to the often far less guilty man who _is_ punished, and who therefore has made his atonement. on the frontier, if the man honestly tried to behave himself there was generally a disposition to give him fair play and a decent show. several of the men i knew and whom i particularly liked came in this class. there was one such man in my regiment, a man who had served a term for robbery under arms, and who had atoned for it by many years of fine performance of duty. i put him in a high official position, and no man under me rendered better service to the state, nor was there any man whom, as soldier, as civil officer, as citizen, and as friend, i valued and respected--and now value and respect--more. now i suppose some good people will gather from this that i favor men who commit crimes. i certainly do not favor them. i have not a particle of sympathy with the sentimentality--as i deem it, the mawkishness--which overflows with foolish pity for the criminal and cares not at all for the victim of the criminal. i am glad to see wrong-doers punished. the punishment is an absolute necessity from the standpoint of society; and i put the reformation of the criminal second to the welfare of society. but i do desire to see the man or woman who has paid the penalty and who wishes to reform given a helping hand--surely every one of us who knows his own heart must know that he too may stumble, and should be anxious to help his brother or sister who has stumbled. when the criminal has been punished, if he then shows a sincere desire to lead a decent and upright life, he should be given the chance, he should be helped and not hindered; and if he makes good, he should receive that respect from others which so often aids in creating self-respect--the most invaluable of all possessions. chapter v applied idealism in the spring of i was appointed by president harrison civil service commissioner. for nearly five years i had not been very active in political life; although i had done some routine work in the organization and had made campaign speeches, and in had run for mayor of new york against abram s. hewitt, democrat, and henry george, independent, and had been defeated. i served six years as civil service commissioner--four years under president harrison and then two years under president cleveland. i was treated by both presidents with the utmost consideration. among my fellow-commissioners there was at one time ex-governor hugh thompson, of south carolina, and at another time john r. proctor, of kentucky. they were democrats and ex-confederate soldiers. i became deeply attached to both, and we stood shoulder to shoulder in every contest in which the commission was forced to take part. civil service reform had two sides. there was, first, the effort to secure a more efficient administration of the public service, and, second, the even more important effort to withdraw the administrative offices of the government from the domain of spoils politics, and thereby cut out of american political life a fruitful source of corruption and degradation. the spoils theory of politics is that public office is so much plunder which the victorious political party is entitled to appropriate to the use of its adherents. under this system the work of the government was often done well even in those days, when civil service reform was only an experiment, because the man running an office if himself an able and far-sighted man, knew that inefficiency in administration would be visited on his head in the long run, and therefore insisted upon most of his subordinates doing good work; and, moreover, the men appointed under the spoils system were necessarily men of a certain initiative and power, because those who lacked these qualities were not able to shoulder themselves to the front. yet there were many flagrant instances of inefficiency, where a powerful chief quartered friend, adherent, or kinsman upon the government. moreover, the necessarily haphazard nature of the employment, the need of obtaining and holding the office by service wholly unconnected with official duty, inevitably tended to lower the standard of public morality, alike among the office-holders and among the politicians who rendered party service with the hope of reward in office. indeed, the doctrine that "to the victor belong the spoils," the cynical battle-cry of the spoils politician in america for the sixty years preceding my own entrance into public life, is so nakedly vicious that few right-thinking men of trained mind defend it. to appoint, promote, reduce, and expel from the public service, letter-carriers, stenographers, women typewriters, clerks, because of the politics of themselves or their friends, without regard to their own service, is, from the standpoint of the people at large, as foolish and degrading as it is wicked. such being the case, it would seem at first sight extraordinary that it should be so difficult to uproot the system. unfortunately, it was permitted to become habitual and traditional in american life, so that the conception of public office as something to be used primarily for the good of the dominant political party became ingrained in the mind of the average american, and he grew so accustomed to the whole process that it seemed part of the order of nature. not merely the politicians but the bulk of the people accepted this in a matter-of-course way as the only proper attitude. there were plenty of communities where the citizens themselves did not think it natural, or indeed proper, that the post-office should be held by a man belonging to the defeated party. moreover, unless both sides were forbidden to use the offices for purposes of political reward, the side that did use them possessed such an advantage over the other that in the long run it was out of the question for the other not to follow the bad example that had been set. each party profited by the offices when in power, and when in opposition each party insincerely denounced its opponents for doing exactly what it itself had done and intended again to do. it was necessary, in order to remedy the evil, both gradually to change the average citizen's mental attitude toward the question, and also to secure proper laws and proper administration of the laws. the work is far from finished even yet. there are still masses of office-holders who can be used by an unscrupulous administration to debauch political conventions and fraudulently overcome public sentiment, especially in the "rotten borough" districts--those where the party is not strong, and where the office-holders in consequence have a disproportionate influence. this was done by the republican administration in , to the ruin of the republican party. moreover, there are numbers of states and municipalities where very little has as yet been done to do away with the spoils system. but in the national government scores of thousands of offices have been put under the merit system, chiefly through the action of the national civil service commission. the use of government offices as patronage is a handicap difficult to overestimate from the standpoint of those who strive to get good government. any effort for reform of any sort, national, state, or municipal, results in the reformers immediately finding themselves face to face with an organized band of drilled mercenaries who are paid out of the public chest to train themselves with such skill that ordinary good citizens when they meet them at the polls are in much the position of militia matched against regular troops. yet these citizens themselves support and pay their opponents in such a way that they are drilled to overthrow the very men who support them. civil service reform is designed primarily to give the average american citizen a fair chance in politics, to give to this citizen the same weight in politics that the "ward heeler" has. patronage does not really help a party. it helps the bosses to get control of the machinery of the party--as in was true of the republican party--but it does not help the party. on the average, the most sweeping party victories in our history have been won when the patronage was against the victors. all that the patronage does is to help the worst element in the party retain control of the party organization. two of the evil elements in our government against which good citizens have to contend are, , the lack of continuous activity on the part of these good citizens themselves, and, , the ever-present activity of those who have only an evil self-interest in political life. it is difficult to interest the average citizen in any particular movement to the degree of getting him to take an efficient part in it. he wishes the movement well, but he will not, or often cannot, take the time and the trouble to serve it efficiently; and this whether he happens to be a mechanic or a banker, a telegraph operator or a storekeeper. he has his own interests, his own business, and it is difficult for him to spare the time to go around to the primaries, to see to the organization, to see to getting out the vote--in short, to attend to all the thousand details of political management. on the other hand, the spoils system breeds a class of men whose financial interest it is to take this necessary time and trouble. they are paid for so doing, and they are paid out of the public chest. under the spoils system a man is appointed to an ordinary clerical or ministerial position in the municipal, federal, or state government, not primarily because he is expected to be a good servant, but because he has rendered help to some big boss or to the henchman of some big boss. his stay in office depends not upon how he performs service, but upon how he retains his influence in the party. this necessarily means that his attention to the interests of the public at large, even though real, is secondary to his devotion to his organization, or to the interest of the ward leader who put him in his place. so he and his fellows attend to politics, not once a year, not two or three times a year, like the average citizen, but every day in the year. it is the one thing that they talk of, for it is their bread and butter. they plan about it and they scheme about it. they do it because it is their business. i do not blame them in the least. i blame us, the people, for we ought to make it clear as a bell that the business of serving the people in one of the ordinary ministerial government positions, which have nothing to do with deciding the policy of the government, should have no necessary connection with the management of primaries, of caucuses, and of nominating conventions. as a result of our wrong thinking and supineness, we american citizens tend to breed a mass of men whose interests in governmental matters are often adverse to ours, who are thoroughly drilled, thoroughly organized, who make their livelihood out of politics, and who frequently make their livelihood out of bad politics. they know every little twist and turn, no matter how intricate, in the politics of their several wards, and when election day comes the ordinary citizen who has merely the interest that all good men, all decent citizens, should have in political life, finds himself as helpless before these men as if he were a solitary volunteer in the presence of a band of drilled mercenaries on a field of battle. there are a couple of hundred thousand federal offices, not to speak of state and municipal offices. the men who fill these offices, and the men who wish to fill them, within and without the dominant party for the time being, make a regular army, whose interest it is that the system of bread-and-butter politics shall continue. against their concrete interest we have merely the generally unorganized sentiment of the community in favor of putting things on a decent basis. the large number of men who believe vaguely in good are pitted against the smaller but still larger number of men whose interest it often becomes to act very concretely and actively for evil; and it is small wonder that the struggle is doubtful. during my six years' service as commissioner the field of the merit system was extended at the expense of the spoils system so as to include several times the number of offices that had originally been included. generally this was done by the introduction of competitive entrance examinations; sometimes, as in the navy-yards, by a system of registration. this of itself was good work. even better work was making the law efficient and genuine where it applied. as was inevitable in the introduction of such a system, there was at first only partial success in its application. for instance, it applied to the ordinary employees in the big custom-houses and post-offices, but not to the heads of these offices. a number of the heads of the offices were slippery politicians of a low moral grade, themselves appointed under the spoils system, and anxious, directly or indirectly, to break down the merit system and to pay their own political debts by appointing their henchmen and supporters to the positions under them. occasionally these men acted with open and naked brutality. ordinarily they sought by cunning to evade the law. the civil service reformers, on the other hand, were in most cases not much used to practical politics, and were often well-nigh helpless when pitted against veteran professional politicians. in consequence i found at the beginning of my experiences that there were many offices in which the execution of the law was a sham. this was very damaging, because it encouraged the politicians to assault the law everywhere, and, on the other hand, made good people feel that the law was not worth while defending. the first effort of myself and my colleagues was to secure the genuine enforcement of the law. in this we succeeded after a number of lively fights. but of course in these fights we were obliged to strike a large number of influential politicians, some of them in congress, some of them the supporters and backers of men who were in congress. accordingly we soon found ourselves engaged in a series of contests with prominent senators and congressmen. there were a number of senators and congressmen--men like congressman (afterwards senator) h. c. lodge, of massachusetts; senator cushman k. davis, of minnesota; senator orville h. platt, of connecticut; senator cockrell, of missouri; congressman (afterwards president) mckinley, of ohio, and congressman dargan, of south carolina--who abhorred the business of the spoilsman, who efficiently and resolutely championed the reform at every turn, and without whom the whole reform would certainly have failed. but there were plenty of other senators and congressmen who hated the whole reform and everything concerned with it and everybody who championed it; and sometimes, to use a legal phrase, their hatred was for cause, and sometimes it was peremptory--that is, sometimes the commission interfered with their most efficient, and incidentally most corrupt and unscrupulous, supporters, and at other times, where there was no such interference, a man nevertheless had an innate dislike of anything that tended to decency in government. these men were always waging war against us, and they usually had the more or less open support of a certain number of government officials, from cabinet officers down. the senators and congressmen in question opposed us in many different ways. sometimes, for instance, they had committees appointed to investigate us--during my public career without and within office i grew accustomed to accept appearances before investigating committees as part of the natural order of things. sometimes they tried to cut off the appropriation for the commission. occasionally we would bring to terms these senators or congressmen who fought the commission by the simple expedient of not holding examinations in their districts. this always brought frantic appeals from their constituents, and we would explain that unfortunately the appropriations had been cut, so that we could not hold examinations in every district, and that obviously we could not neglect the districts of those congressmen who believed in the reform and therefore in the examinations. the constituents then turned their attention to the congressman, and the result was that in the long run we obtained sufficient money to enable us to do our work. on the whole, the most prominent leaders favored us. any man who is the head of a big department, if he has any fitness at all, wishes to see that department run well; and a very little practical experience shows him that it cannot be run well if he must make his appointments to please spoilsmongering politicians. as with almost every reform that i have ever undertaken, most of the opposition took the guise of shrewd slander. our opponents relied chiefly on downright misrepresentation of what it was that we were trying to accomplish, and of our methods, acts, and personalities. i had more than one lively encounter with the authors and sponsors of these misrepresentations, which at the time were full of interest to me. but it would be a dreary thing now to go over the record of exploded mendacity, or to expose the meanness and malice shown by some men of high official position. a favorite argument was to call the reform chinese, because the chinese had constructed an inefficient governmental system based in part on the theory of written competitive examinations. the argument was simple. there had been written examinations in china; it was proposed to establish written examinations in the united states; therefore the proposed system was chinese. the argument might have been applied still further. for instance, the chinese had used gunpowder for centuries; gunpowder is used in springfield rifles; therefore springfield rifles were chinese. one argument is quite as logical as the other. it was impossible to answer every falsehood about the system. but it was possible to answer certain falsehoods, especially when uttered by some senator or congressman of note. usually these false statements took the form of assertions that we had asked preposterous questions of applicants. at times they also included the assertion that we credited people to districts where they did not live; this simply meaning that these persons were not known to the active ward politicians of those districts. one opponent with whom we had a rather lively tilt was a republican congressman from ohio, mr. grosvenor, one of the floor leaders. mr. grosvenor made his attack in the house, and enumerated our sins in picturesque rather than accurate fashion. there was a congressional committee investigating us at the time, and on my next appearance before them i asked that mr. grosvenor be requested to meet me before the committee. mr. grosvenor did not take up the challenge for several weeks, until it was announced that i was leaving for my ranch in dakota; whereupon, deeming it safe, he wrote me a letter expressing his ardent wish that i should appear before the committee to meet him. i promptly canceled my ticket, waited, and met him. he proved to be a person of happily treacherous memory, so that the simple expedient of arranging his statements in pairs was sufficient to reduce him to confusion. for instance, he had been trapped into making the unwary remark, "i do not want to repeal the civil service law, and i never said so." i produced the following extract from one of his speeches: "i will vote not only to strike out this provision, but i will vote to repeal the whole law." to this he merely replied that there was "no inconsistency between those two statements." he asserted that "rufus p. putnam, fraudulently credited to washington county, ohio, never lived in washington county, ohio, or in my congressional district, or in ohio as far as i know." we produced a letter which, thanks to a beneficent providence, he had himself written about mr. rufus p. putnam, in which he said: "mr. rufus p. putnam is a legal resident of my district and has relatives living there now." he explained, first, that he had not written the letter; second, that he had forgotten he had written the letter; and, third, that he was grossly deceived when he wrote it. he said: "i have not been informed of one applicant who has found a place in the classified service from my district." we confronted him with the names of eight. he looked them over and said, "yes, the eight men are living in my district as now constituted," but added that his district had been gerrymandered so that he could no longer tell who did and who didn't live in it. when i started further to question him, he accused me of a lack of humor in not appreciating that his statements were made "in a jesting way," and then announced that "a congressman making a speech on the floor of the house of representatives was perhaps in a little different position from a witness on the witness stand"--a frank admission that he did not consider exactitude of statement necessary when he was speaking as a congressman. finally he rose with great dignity and said that it was his "constitutional right" not to be questioned elsewhere as to what he said on the floor of the house of representatives; and accordingly he left the delighted committee to pursue its investigations without further aid from him. a more important opponent was the then democratic leader of the senate, mr. gorman. in a speech attacking the commission mr. gorman described with moving pathos how a friend of his, "a bright young man from baltimore," a sunday-school scholar, well recommended by his pastor, wished to be a letter-carrier; and how he went before us to be examined. the first question we asked him, said mr. gorman, was the shortest route from baltimore to china, to which the "bright young man" responded that he didn't want to go to china, and had never studied up that route. thereupon, said mr. gorman, we asked him all about the steamship lines from the united states to europe, then branched him off into geology, tried him in chemistry, and finally turned him down. apparently mr. gorman did not know that we kept full records of our examinations. i at once wrote to him stating that i had carefully looked through all our examination papers and had not been able to find one question even remotely resembling any of these questions which he alleged had been asked, and that i would be greatly obliged if he would give me the name of the "bright young man" who had deceived him. however, that "bright young man" remained permanently without a name. i also asked mr. gorman, if he did not wish to give us the name of his informant, to give us the date of the examination in which he was supposed to have taken part; and i offered, if he would send down a representative to look through our files, to give him all the aid we could in his effort to discover any such questions. but mr. gorman, not hitherto known as a sensitive soul, expressed himself as so shocked at the thought that the veracity of the "bright young man" should be doubted that he could not bring himself to answer my letter. so i made a public statement to the effect that no such questions had ever been asked. mr. gorman brooded over this; and during the next session of congress he rose and complained that he had received a very "impudent" letter from me (my letter was a respectful note calling attention to the fact that, if he wished, he could by personal examination satisfy himself that his statements had no foundation in fact). he further stated that he had been "cruelly" called to account by me because he had been endeavoring to right a "great wrong" that the civil service commission had committed; but he never, then or afterwards, furnished any clue to the identity of that child of his fondest fancy, the bright young man without a name.[*] [*] this is a condensation of a speech i at the time made to the st. louis civil service reform association. senator gorman was then the senate leader of the party that had just been victorious in the congressional elections. the incident is of note chiefly as shedding light on the mental make-up of the man who at the time was one of the two or three most influential leaders of the democratic party. mr. gorman had been mr. cleveland's party manager in the presidential campaign, and was the democratic leader in congress. it seemed extraordinary that he should be so reckless as to make statements with no foundation in fact, which he might have known that i would not permit to pass unchallenged. then, as now, the ordinary newspaper, in new york and elsewhere, was quite as reckless in its misstatements of fact about public men and measures; but for a man in mr. gorman's position of responsible leadership such action seemed hardly worth while. however, it is at least to be said for mr. gorman that he was not trying by falsehood to take away any man's character. it would be well for writers and speakers to bear in mind the remark of pudd'nhead wilson to the effect that while there are nine hundred and ninety-nine kinds of falsehood, the only kind specifically condemned in scripture, just as murder, theft, and adultery are condemned, is bearing false witness against one's neighbor. one of the worst features of the old spoils system was the ruthless cruelty and brutality it so often bred in the treatment of faithful public servants without political influence. life is hard enough and cruel enough at best, and this is as true of public service as of private service. under no system will it be possible to do away with all favoritism and brutality and meanness and malice. but at least we can try to minimize the exhibition of these qualities. i once came across a case in washington which very keenly excited my sympathy. under an administration prior to the one with which i was connected a lady had been ousted from a government position. she came to me to see if she could be reinstated. (this was not possible, but by active work i did get her put back in a somewhat lower position, and this only by an appeal to the sympathy of a certain official.) she was so pallid and so careworn that she excited my sympathy and i made inquiries about her. she was a poor woman with two children, a widow. she and her two children were in actual want. she could barely keep the two children decently clad, and she could not give them the food growing children need. three years before she had been employed in a bureau in a department of washington, doing her work faithfully, at a salary of about $ . it was enough to keep her and her two children in clothing, food, and shelter. one day the chief of the bureau called her up and told her he was very sorry that he had to dismiss her. in great distress she asked him why; she thought that she had been doing her work satisfactorily. he answered her that she had been doing well, and that he wished very much that he could keep her, that he would do so if he possibly could, but that he could not; for a certain senator, giving his name, a very influential member of the senate, had demanded her place for a friend of his who had influence. the woman told the bureau chief that it meant turning her out to starve. she had been thirteen or fourteen years in the public service; she had lost all touch with her friends in her native state; dismissal meant absolute want for her and her children. on this the chief, who was a kind man, said he would not have her turned out, and sent her back to her work. but three weeks afterwards he called her up again and told her he could not say how sorry he was, but the thing had to be done. the senator had been around in person to know why the change had not been made, and had told the chief that he would be himself removed if the place were not given him. the senator was an extremely influential man. his wants had to be attended to, and the woman had to go. and go she did, and turned out she was, to suffer with her children and to starve outright, or to live in semi-starvation, just as might befall. i do not blame the bureau chief, who hated to do what he did, although he lacked the courage to refuse; i do not even very much blame the senator, who did not know the hardship that he was causing, and who had been calloused by long training in the spoils system; but this system, a system which permits and encourages such deeds, is a system of brutal iniquity. any man accustomed to dealing with practical politics can with difficulty keep a straight face when he reads or listens to some of the arguments advanced against civil service reform. one of these arguments, a favorite with machine politicians, takes the form of an appeal to "party loyalty" in filling minor offices. why, again and again these very same machine politicians take just as good care of henchmen of the opposite party as of those of their own party. in the underworld of politics the closest ties are sometimes those which knit together the active professional workers of opposite political parties. a friend of mine in the new york legislature--the hero of the alpha and omega incident--once remarked to me: "when you have been in public life a little longer, mr. roosevelt, you will understand that there are no politics in politics." in the politics to which he was referring this remark could be taken literally. another illustration of this truth was incidentally given me, at about the same time, by an acquaintance, a tammany man named costigan, a good fellow according to his lights. i had been speaking to him of a fight in one of the new york downtown districts, a democratic district in which the republican party was in a hopeless minority, and, moreover, was split into the half-breed and stalwart factions. it had been an interesting fight in more than one way. for instance, the republican party, at the general election, polled something like five hundred and fifty votes, and yet at the primary the two factions polled seven hundred and twenty-five all told. the sum of the parts was thus considerably greater than the whole. there had been other little details that made the contest worthy of note. the hall in which the primary was held had been hired by the stalwarts from a conscientious gentleman. to him the half-breeds applied to know whether they could not hire the hall away from their opponents, and offered him a substantial money advance. the conscientious gentleman replied that his word was as good as his bond, that he had hired the hall to the stalwarts, and that it must be theirs. but he added that he was willing to hire the doorway to the half-breeds if they paid him the additional sum of money they had mentioned. the bargain was struck, and the meeting of the hostile hosts was spirited, when the men who had rented the doorway sought to bar the path of the men who had rented the hall. i was asking my friend costigan about the details of the struggle, as he seemed thoroughly acquainted with them, and he smiled good-naturedly over my surprise at there having been more votes cast than there were members of the party in the whole district. said i, "mr. costigan, you seem to have a great deal of knowledge about this; how did it happen?" to which he replied, "come now, mr. roosevelt, you know it's the same gang that votes in all the primaries." so much for most of the opposition to the reform. there was, however, some honest and at least partially justifiable opposition both to certain of the methods advocated by civil service reformers and to certain of the civil service reformers themselves. the pet shibboleths of the opponents of the reform were that the system we proposed to introduce would give rise to mere red-tape bureaucracy, and that the reformers were pharisees. neither statement was true. each statement contained some truth. if men are not to be appointed by favoritism, wise or unwise, honest or dishonest, they must be appointed in some automatic way, which generally means by competitive examination. the easiest kind of competitive examination is an examination in writing. this is entirely appropriate for certain classes of work, for lawyers, stenographers, typewriters, clerks, mathematicians, and assistants in an astronomical observatory, for instance. it is utterly inappropriate for carpenters, detectives, and mounted cattle inspectors along the rio grande--to instance three types of employment as to which i had to do battle to prevent well-meaning bureaucrats from insisting on written competitive entrance examinations. it would be quite possible to hold a very good competitive examination for mounted cattle inspectors by means of practical tests in brand reading and shooting with rifle and revolver, in riding "mean" horses and in roping and throwing steers. i did my best to have examinations of this kind instituted, but my proposal was of precisely the type which most shocks the routine official mind, and i was never able to get it put into practical effect. the important point, and the point most often forgotten by zealous civil service reformers, was to remember that the routine competitive examination was merely a means to an end. it did not always produce ideal results. but it was normally better than a system of appointments for spoils purposes; it sometimes worked out very well indeed; and in most big governmental offices it not only gave satisfactory results, but was the only system under which good results could be obtained. for instance, when i was police commissioner we appointed some two thousand policemen at one time. it was utterly impossible for the commissioners each to examine personally the six or eight thousand applicants. therefore they had to be appointed either on the recommendation of outsiders or else by written competitive examination. the latter method--the one we adopted--was infinitely preferable. we held a rigid physical and moral pass examination, and then, among those who passed, we held a written competitive examination, requiring only the knowledge that any good primary common school education would meet--that is, a test of ordinary intelligence and simple mental training. occasionally a man who would have been a good officer failed, and occasionally a man who turned out to be a bad officer passed; but, as a rule, the men with intelligence sufficient to enable them to answer the questions were of a type very distinctly above that of those who failed. the answers returned to some of the questions gave an illuminating idea of the intelligence of those answering them. for instance, one of our questions in a given examination was a request to name five of the new england states. one competitor, obviously of foreign birth, answered: "england, ireland, scotland, wales, and cork." his neighbor, who had probably looked over his shoulder but who had north of ireland prejudices, made the same answer except that he substituted belfast for cork. a request for a statement as to the life of abraham lincoln elicited, among other less startling pieces of information, the fact that many of the applicants thought that he was a general in the civil war; several thought that he was president of the confederate states; three thought he had been assassinated by jefferson davis, one by thomas jefferson, one by garfield, several by guiteau, and one by ballington booth--the last representing a memory of the fact that he had been shot by a man named booth, to whose surname the writer added the name with which he was most familiar in connection therewith. a request to name five of the states that seceded in received answers that included almost every state in the union. it happened to be at the time of the silver agitation in the west, and the rocky mountain states accordingly figured in a large percentage of the answers. some of the men thought that chicago was on the pacific ocean. others, in answer to a query as to who was the head of the united states government, wavered between myself and recorder goff; one brilliant genius, for inscrutable reasons, placed the leadership in the new york fire department. now of course some of the men who answered these questions wrong were nevertheless quite capable of making good policemen; but it is fair to assume that on the average the candidate who has a rudimentary knowledge of the government, geography, and history of his country is a little better fitted, in point of intelligence, to be a policeman than the one who has not. therefore i felt convinced, after full experience, that as regards very large classes of public servants by far the best way to choose the men for appointment was by means of written competitive examination. but i absolutely split off from the bulk of my professional civil service reform friends when they advocated written competitive examinations for promotion. in the police department i found these examinations a serious handicap in the way of getting the best men promoted, and never in any office did i find that the written competitive promotion examination did any good. the reason for a written competitive entrance examination is that it is impossible for the head of the office, or the candidate's prospective immediate superior, himself to know the average candidate or to test his ability. but when once in office the best way to test any man's ability is by long experience in seeing him actually at work. his promotion should depend upon the judgment formed of him by his superiors. so much for the objections to the examinations. now for the objections to the men who advocated the reform. as a rule these men were high-minded and disinterested. certain of them, men like the leaders in the maryland and indiana reform associations, for instances, messrs. bonaparte and rose, foulke and swift, added common sense, broad sympathy, and practical efficiency to their high-mindedness. but in new york, philadelphia, and boston there really was a certain mental and moral thinness among very many of the leaders in the civil service reform movement. it was this quality which made them so profoundly antipathetic to vigorous and intensely human people of the stamp of my friend joe murray--who, as i have said, always felt that my civil service reform affiliations formed the one blot on an otherwise excellent public record. the civil service reform movement was one from above downwards, and the men who took the lead in it were not men who as a rule possessed a very profound sympathy with or understanding of the ways of thought and life of their average fellow-citizen. they were not men who themselves desired to be letter-carriers or clerks or policemen, or to have their friends appointed to these positions. having no temptation themselves in this direction, they were eagerly anxious to prevent other people getting such appointments as a reward for political services. in this they were quite right. it would be impossible to run any big public office to advantage save along the lines of the strictest application of civil service reform principles; and the system should be extended throughout our governmental service far more widely than is now the case. but there are other and more vital reforms than this. too many civil service reformers, when the trial came, proved tepidly indifferent or actively hostile to reforms that were of profound and far-reaching social and industrial consequence. many of them were at best lukewarm about movements for the improvement of the conditions of toil and life among men and women who labor under hard surroundings, and were positively hostile to movements which curbed the power of the great corporation magnates and directed into useful instead of pernicious channels the activities of the great corporation lawyers who advised them. most of the newspapers which regarded themselves as the especial champions of civil service reform and as the highest exponents of civic virtue, and which distrusted the average citizen and shuddered over the "coarseness" of the professional politicians, were, nevertheless, given to vices even more contemptible than, although not so gross as, those they denounced and derided. their editors were refined men of cultivated tastes, whose pet temptations were backbiting, mean slander, and the snobbish worship of anything clothed in wealth and the outward appearances of conventional respectability. they were not robust or powerful men; they felt ill at ease in the company of rough, strong men; often they had in them a vein of physical timidity. they avenged themselves to themselves for an uneasy subconsciousness of their own shortcomings by sitting in cloistered--or, rather, pleasantly upholstered--seclusion, and sneering at and lying about men who made them feel uncomfortable. sometimes these were bad men, who made them feel uncomfortable by the exhibition of coarse and repellent vice; and sometimes they were men of high character, who held ideals of courage and of service to others, and who looked down and warred against the shortcomings of swollen wealth, and the effortless, easy lives of those whose horizon is bounded by a sheltered and timid respectability. these newspapers, owned and edited by these men, although free from the repulsive vulgarity of the yellow press, were susceptible to influence by the privileged interests, and were almost or quite as hostile to manliness as they were to unrefined vice--and were much more hostile to it than to the typical shortcomings of wealth and refinement. they favored civil service reform; they favored copyright laws, and the removal of the tariff on works of art; they favored all the proper (and even more strongly all the improper) movements for international peace and arbitration; in short, they favored all good, and many goody-goody, measures so long as they did not cut deep into social wrong or make demands on national and individual virility. they opposed, or were lukewarm about, efforts to build up the army and the navy, for they were not sensitive concerning national honor; and, above all, they opposed every non-milk-and-water effort, however sane, to change our social and economic system in such a fashion as to substitute the ideal of justice towards all for the ideal of kindly charity from the favored few to the possibly grateful many. some of the men foremost in the struggle for civil service reform have taken a position of honorable leadership in the battle for those other and more vital reforms. but many of them promptly abandoned the field of effort for decency when the battle took the form, not of a fight against the petty grafting of small bosses and small politicians--a vitally necessary battle, be it remembered--but of a fight against the great intrenched powers of privilege, a fight to secure justice through the law for ordinary men and women, instead of leaving them to suffer cruel injustice either because the law failed to protect them or because it was twisted from its legitimate purposes into a means for oppressing them. one of the reasons why the boss so often keeps his hold, especially in municipal matters, is, or at least has been in the past, because so many of the men who claim to be reformers have been blind to the need of working in human fashion for social and industrial betterment. such words as "boss" and "machine" now imply evil, but both the implication the words carry and the definition of the words themselves are somewhat vague. a leader is necessary; but his opponents always call him a boss. an organization is necessary; but the men in opposition always call it a machine. nevertheless, there is a real and deep distinction between the leader and the boss, between organizations and machines. a political leader who fights openly for principles, and who keeps his position of leadership by stirring the consciences and convincing the intellects of his followers, so that they have confidence in him and will follow him because they can achieve greater results under him than under any one else, is doing work which is indispensable in a democracy. the boss, on the other hand, is a man who does not gain his power by open means, but by secret means, and usually by corrupt means. some of the worst and most powerful bosses in our political history either held no public office or else some unimportant public office. they made no appeal either to intellect or conscience. their work was done behind closed doors, and consisted chiefly in the use of that greed which gives in order that in return it may get. a boss of this kind can pull wires in conventions, can manipulate members of the legislature, can control the giving or withholding of office, and serves as the intermediary for bringing together the powers of corrupt politics and corrupt business. if he is at one end of the social scale, he may through his agents traffic in the most brutal forms of vice and give protection to the purveyors of shame and sin in return for money bribes. if at the other end of the scale, he may be the means of securing favors from high public officials, legislative or executive, to great industrial interests; the transaction being sometimes a naked matter of bargain and sale, and sometimes being carried on in such manner that both parties thereto can more or less successfully disguise it to their consciences as in the public interest. the machine is simply another name for the kind of organization which is certain to grow up in a party or section of a party controlled by such bosses as these and by their henchmen, whereas, of course, an effective organization of decent men is essential in order to secure decent politics. if these bosses were responsible for nothing but pure wickedness, they would probably last but a short time in any community. and, in any event, if the men who are horrified by their wickedness were themselves as practical and as thoroughly in touch with human nature, the bosses would have a short shrift. the trouble is that the boss does understand human nature, and that he fills a place which the reformer cannot fill unless he likewise understands human nature. sometimes the boss is a man who cares for political power purely for its own sake, as he might care for any other hobby; more often he has in view some definitely selfish object such as political or financial advancement. he can rarely accomplish much unless he has another side to him. a successful boss is very apt to be a man who, in addition to committing wickedness in his own interest, also does look after the interests of others, even if not from good motives. there are some communities so fortunate that there are very few men who have private interests to be served, and in these the power of the boss is at a minimum. there are many country communities of this type. but in communities where there is poverty and ignorance, the conditions are ripe for the growth of a boss. moreover, wherever big business interests are liable either to be improperly favored or improperly discriminated against and blackmailed by public officials--and the result is just as vicious in one case as in the other--the boss is almost certain to develop. the best way of getting at this type of boss is by keeping the public conscience aroused and alert, so that it will tolerate neither improper attack upon, nor improper favoritism towards, these corporations, and will quickly punish any public servant guilty of either. there is often much good in the type of boss, especially common in big cities, who fulfills towards the people of his district in rough and ready fashion the position of friend and protector. he uses his influence to get jobs for young men who need them. he goes into court for a wild young fellow who has gotten into trouble. he helps out with cash or credit the widow who is in straits, or the breadwinner who is crippled or for some other cause temporarily out of work. he organizes clambakes and chowder parties and picnics, and is consulted by the local labor leaders when a cut in wages is threatened. for some of his constituents he does proper favors, and for others wholly improper favors; but he preserves human relations with all. he may be a very bad and very corrupt man, a man whose action in blackmailing and protecting vice is of far-reaching damage to his constituents. but these constituents are for the most part men and women who struggle hard against poverty and with whom the problem of living is very real and very close. they would prefer clean and honest government, if this clean and honest government is accompanied by human sympathy, human understanding. but an appeal made to them for virtue in the abstract, an appeal made by good men who do not really understand their needs, will often pass quite unheeded, if on the other side stands the boss, the friend and benefactor, who may have been guilty of much wrong-doing in things that they are hardly aware concern them, but who appeals to them, not only for the sake of favors to come, but in the name of gratitude and loyalty, and above all of understanding and fellow-feeling. they have a feeling of clan-loyalty to him; his and their relations may be substantially those which are right and proper among primitive people still in the clan stage of moral development. the successful fight against this type of vicious boss, and the type of vicious politics which produces it, can be made only by men who have a genuine fellow-feeling for and understanding of the people for and with whom they are to work, and who in practical fashion seek their social and industrial benefit. there are communities of poor men, whose lives are hard, in which the boss, though he would be out of place in a more advanced community, if fundamentally an honest man, meets a real need which would otherwise not be met. because of his limitations in other than purely local matters it may be our duty to fight such a boss; but it may also be our duty to recognize, within his limitations, both his sincerity and his usefulness. yet again even the boss who really is evil, like the business man who really is evil, may on certain points be sound, and be doing good work. it may be the highest duty of the patriotic public servant to work with the big boss or the big business man on these points, while refusing to work with him on others. in the same way there are many self-styled reformers whose conduct is such as to warrant tom reed's bitter remark, that when dr. johnson defined patriotism as the last refuge of a scoundrel he was ignorant of the infinite possibilities contained in the word reform. yet, none the less, it is our duty to work for the reforms these men champion, without regard to the misconduct of the men themselves on other points. i have known in my life many big business men and many big political bosses who often or even generally did evil, but who on some occasions and on certain issues were right. i never hesitated to do battle against these men when they were wrong; and, on the other hand, as long as they were going my way i was glad to have them do so. to have repudiated their aid when they were right and were striving for a right end, and for what was of benefit to the people--no matter what their motives may have been--would have been childish, and moreover would have itself been misconduct against the people. my duty was to stand with every one while he was right, and to stand against him when he went wrong; and this i have tried to do as regards individuals and as regards groups of individuals. when a business man or labor leader, politician or reformer, is right, i support him; when he goes wrong, i leave him. when mr. lorimer upheld the war for the liberation of cuba, i supported him; when he became united states senator by improper methods, i opposed him. the principles or methods which the socialists advocate and which i believe to be in the interest of the people i support, and those which i believe to be against the interest of the people i oppose. moreover, when a man has done evil, but changes, and works for decency and righteousness, and when, as far as i can see, the change is real and the man's conduct sincere, then i welcome him and work heartily with him, as an equal with an equal. for thirty years after the civil war the creed of mere materialism was rampant in both american politics and american business, and many, many strong men, in accordance with the prevailing commercial and political morality, did things for which they deserve blame and condemnation; but if they now sincerely change, and strive for better things, it is unwise and unjust to bar them from fellowship. so long as they work for evil, smite them with the sword of the lord and of gideon! when they change and show their faith by their works, remember the words of ezekiel: "if the wicked will turn from all the sins he has committed, and keep all my statutes, and do that which is lawful and right, he shall surely live, he shall not die. all his transgressions that he hath committed, they shall not be mentioned unto him: in his righteousness that he hath done he shall live. have i any pleasure at all that the wicked should die? saith the lord god; and not that he should return from his ways and live?" every man who has been in practical politics grows to realize that politicians, big and little, are no more all of them bad than they are all of them good. many of these men are very bad men indeed, but there are others among them--and some among those held up to special obloquy, too--who, even although they may have done much that is evil, also show traits of sterling worth which many of their critics wholly lack. there are few men for whom i have ever felt a more cordial and contemptuous dislike than for some of the bosses and big professional politicians with whom i have been brought into contact. on the other hand, in the case of some political leaders who were most bitterly attacked as bosses, i grew to know certain sides of their characters which inspired in me a very genuine regard and respect. to read much of the assault on senator hanna, one would have thought that he was a man incapable of patriotism or of far-sighted devotion to the country's good. i was brought into intimate contact with him only during the two and a half years immediately preceding his death. i was then president, and perforce watched all his actions at close range. during that time he showed himself to be a man of rugged sincerity of purpose, of great courage and loyalty, and of unswerving devotion to the interests of the nation and the people as he saw those interests. he was as sincerely desirous of helping laboring men as of helping capitalists. his ideals were in many ways not my ideals, and there were points where both by temperament and by conviction we were far apart. before this time he had always been unfriendly to me; and i do not think he ever grew to like me, at any rate not until the very end of his life. moreover, i came to the presidency under circumstances which, if he had been a smaller man, would inevitably have thrown him into violent antagonism to me. he was the close and intimate friend of president mckinley. he was mckinley's devoted ally and follower, and his trusted adviser, who was in complete sympathy with him. partly because of this friendship, his position in the senate and in the country was unique. with mckinley's sudden death senator hanna found himself bereft of his dearest friend, while i, who had just come to the presidency, was in his view an untried man, whose trustworthiness on many public questions was at least doubtful. ordinarily, as has been shown, not only in our history, but in the history of all other countries, in countless instances, over and over again, this situation would have meant suspicion, ill will, and, at the last, open and violent antagonism. such was not the result, in this case, primarily because senator hanna had in him the quality that enabled him to meet a serious crisis with dignity, with power, and with disinterested desire to work for the common good. within a few days of my accession he called on me, and with entire friendliness and obvious sincerity, but also with entire self-respect, explained that he mourned mckinley as probably no other man did; that he had not been especially my friend, but that he wished me to understand that thenceforward, on every question where he could conscientiously support me, i could count upon his giving me as loyal aid as it was in his power to render. he added that this must not be understood as committing him to favor me for nomination and election, because that matter must be left to take care of itself as events should decide; but that, aside from this, what he said was to be taken literally; in other words, he would do his best to make my administration a success by supporting me heartily on every point on which he conscientiously could, and that this i could count upon. he kept his word absolutely. he never became especially favorable to my nomination; and most of his close friends became bitterly opposed to me and used every effort to persuade him to try to bring about my downfall. most men in his position would have been tempted to try to make capital at my expense by antagonizing me and discrediting me so as to make my policies fail, just for the sake of making them fail. senator hanna, on the contrary, did everything possible to make them succeed. he kept his word in the letter and the spirit, and on every point on which he felt conscientiously able to support me he gave me the heartiest and most effective support, and did all in his power to make my administration a success; and this with no hope of any reward for himself, of any gratitude from me, or of any appreciation by the public at large, but solely because he deemed such action necessary for the well-being of the country as a whole. my experience with senator quay was similar. i had no personal relations with him before i was president, and knew nothing of him save by hearsay. soon after i became president, senator quay called upon me, told me he had known me very slightly, that he thought most men who claimed to be reformers were hypocrites, but that he deemed me sincere, that he thought conditions had become such that aggressive courage and honesty were necessary in order to remedy them, that he believed i intended to be a good and efficient president, and that to the best of his ability he would support me in it making my administration a success. he kept his word with absolute good faith. he had been in the civil war, and was a medal of honor man; and i think my having been in the spanish war gave him at the outset a kindly feeling toward me. he was also a very well-read man--i owe to him, for instance, my acquaintance with the writings of the finnish novelist topelius. not only did he support me on almost every public question in which i was most interested--including, i am convinced, every one on which he felt he conscientiously could do so--but he also at the time of his death gave a striking proof of his disinterested desire to render a service to certain poor people, and this under conditions in which not only would he never know if the service were rendered but in which he had no reason to expect that his part in it would ever be made known to any other man. quay was descended from a french voyageur who had some indian blood in him. he was proud of this indian blood, took an especial interest in indians, and whenever indians came to washington they always called on him. once during my administration a delegation of iroquois came over from canada to call on me at the white house. their visit had in it something that was pathetic as well as amusing. they represented the descendants of the six nations, who fled to canada after sullivan harried their towns in the revolutionary war. now, a century and a quarter later, their people thought that they would like to come back into the united states; and these representatives had called upon me with the dim hope that perhaps i could give their tribes land on which they could settle. as soon as they reached washington they asked quay to bring them to call on me, which he did, telling me that of course their errand was hopeless and that he had explained as much to them, but that they would like me to extend the courtesy of an interview. at the close of the interview, which had been conducted with all the solemnities of calumet and wampum, the indians filed out. quay, before following them, turned to me with his usual emotionless face and said, "good-by, mr. president; this reminds one of the flight of a tartar tribe, doesn't it?" i answered, "so you're fond of de quincey, senator?" to which quay responded, "yes; always liked de quincey; good-by." and away he went with the tribesmen, who seemed to have walked out of a remote past. quay had become particularly concerned about the delawares in the indian territory. he felt that the interior department did not do them justice. he also felt that his colleagues of the senate took no interest in them. when in the spring of he lay in his house mortally sick, he sent me word that he had something important to say to me, and would have himself carried round to see me. i sent back word not to think of doing so, and that on my way back from church next sunday i would stop in and call on him. this i accordingly did. he was lying in his bed, death written on his face. he thanked me for coming, and then explained that, as he was on the point of death and knew he would never return to washington--it was late spring and he was about to leave--he wished to see me to get my personal promise that, after he died, i would myself look after the interests of the delaware indians. he added that he did not trust the interior department--although he knew that i did not share his views on this point--and that still less did he believe that any of his colleagues in the senate would exert themselves in the interests of the delawares, and that therefore he wished my personal assurance that i would personally see that no injustice was done them. i told him i would do so, and then added, in rather perfunctory fashion, that he must not take such a gloomy view of himself, that when he got away for the summer i hoped he would recover and be back all right when congress opened. a gleam came into the old fighter's eyes and he answered: "no, i am dying, and you know it. i don't mind dying; but i do wish it were possible for me to get off into the great north woods and crawl out on a rock in the sun and die like a wolf!" i never saw him again. when he died i sent a telegram of sympathy to his wife. a paper which constantly preached reform, and which kept up its circulation by the no less constant practice of slander, a paper which in theory condemned all public men who violated the eighth commandment, and in practice subsisted by incessant violation of the ninth, assailed me for sending my message to the dead man's wife. i knew the editors of this paper, and the editor who was their predecessor. they had led lives of bodily ease and the avoidance of bodily risk; they earned their livelihood by the practice of mendacity for profit; and they delivered malignant judgment on a dead man who, whatever his faults, had in his youth freely risked his life for a great ideal, and who when death was already clutching his breast had spent almost his last breath on behalf of humble and friendless people whom he had served with disinterested loyalty. there is no greater duty than to war on the corrupt and unprincipled boss, and on the corrupt and unprincipled business man; and for the matter of that, on the corrupt and unprincipled labor leader also, and on the corrupt and unprincipled editor, and on any one else who is corrupt and unprincipled. but where the conditions are such, whether in politics or in business, that the great majority of men have behaved in a way which is gradually seen to be improper, but which at one time did not conflict with the generally accepted morality, then the warfare on the system should not include warfare on the men themselves, unless they decline to amend their ways and to dissociate themselves from the system. there are many good, unimaginative citizens who in politics or in business act in accordance with accepted standards, in a matter-of-course way, without questioning these standards; until something happens which sharply arouses them to the situation, whereupon they try to work for better things. the proper course in such event is to let bygones be bygones, and if the men prove by their actions the sincerity of their conversion, heartily to work with them for the betterment of business and political conditions. by the time that i was ending my career as civil service commissioner i was already growing to understand that mere improvement in political conditions by itself was not enough. i dimly realized that an even greater fight must be waged to improve economic conditions, and to secure social and industrial justice, justice as between individuals and justice as between classes. i began to see that political effort was largely valuable as it found expression and resulted in such social and industrial betterment. i was gradually puzzling out, or trying to puzzle out, the answers to various questions--some as yet unsolvable to any of us, but for the solution of which it is the bounden duty of all of us to work. i had grown to realize very keenly that the duty of the government to protect women and children must be extended to include the protection of all the crushable elements of labor. i saw that it was the affair of all our people to see that justice obtained between the big corporation and its employees, and between the big corporation and its smaller rivals, as well as its customers and the general public. i saw that it was the affair of all of us, and not only of the employer, if dividends went up and wages went down; that it was to the interest of all of us that a full share of the benefit of improved machinery should go to the workman who used the machinery; and also that it was to the interest of all of us that each man, whether brain worker or hand worker, should do the best work of which he was capable, and that there should be some correspondence between the value of the work and the value of the reward. it is these and many similar questions which in their sum make up the great social and industrial problems of to-day, the most interesting and important of the problems with which our public life must deal. in handling these problems i believe that much can be done by the government. furthermore, i believe that, after all that the government can do has been done, there will remain as the most vital of all factors the individual character of the average man and the average woman. no governmental action can do more than supplement individual action. moreover, there must be collective action of kinds distinct from governmental action. a body of public opinion must be formed, must make itself felt, and in the end transform, and be transformed by, the gradual raising of individual standards of conduct. it is curious to see how difficult it is to make some men understand that insistence upon one factor does not and must not mean failure fully to recognize other factors. the selfish individual needs to be taught that we must now shackle cunning by law exactly as a few centuries back we shackled force by law. unrestricted individualism spells ruin to the individual himself. but so does the elimination of individualism, whether by law or custom. it is a capital error to fail to recognize the vital need of good laws. it is also a capital error to believe that good laws will accomplish anything unless the average man has the right stuff in him. the toiler, the manual laborer, has received less than justice, and he must be protected, both by law, by custom, and by the exercise of his right to increase his wage; and yet to decrease the quantity and quality of his work will work only evil. there must be a far greater meed of respect and reward for the hand worker than we now give him, if our society is to be put on a sound basis; and this respect and reward cannot be given him unless he is as ambitious to do the best possible work as is the highest type of brain worker, whether doctor or writer or artist. there must be a raising of standards, and not a leveling down to the standard of the poorest and most inefficient. there is urgent need of intelligent governmental action to assist in making the life of the man who tills the soil all that it should be, and to see that the manual worker gets his full share of the reward for what he helps produce; but if either farmer, mechanic, or day laborer is shiftless or lazy, if he shirks downright hard work, if he is stupid or self-indulgent, then no law can save him, and he must give way to a better type. i suppose that some good people will misunderstand what i say, and will insist on taking only half of it as representing the whole. let me repeat. when i say, that, even after we have all the good laws necessary, the chief factor in any given man's success or failure must be that man's own character, it must not be inferred that i am in the least minimizing the importance of these laws, the real and vital need for them. the struggle for individual advancement and development can be brought to naught, or indefinitely retarded, by the absence of law or by bad law. it can be immeasurably aided by organized effort on the part of the state. collective action and individual action, public law and private character, are both necessary. it is only by a slow and patient inward transformation such as these laws aid in bringing about that men are really helped upward in their struggle for a higher and a fuller life. recognition of individual character as the most important of all factors does not mean failure fully to recognize that we must have good laws, and that we must have our best men in office to enforce these laws. the nation collectively will in this way be able to be of real and genuine service to each of us individually; and, on the other hand, the wisdom of the collective action will mainly depend on the high individual average of citizenship. the relationship of man and woman is the fundamental relationship that stands at the base of the whole social structure. much can be done by law towards putting women on a footing of complete and entire equal rights with man--including the right to vote, the right to hold and use property, and the right to enter any profession she desires on the same terms as a man. yet when this has been done it will amount to little unless on the one hand the man himself realizes his duty to the woman, and unless on the other hand the woman realizes that she has no claim to rights unless she performs the duties that go with those rights and that alone justify her in appealing to them. a cruel, selfish, or licentious man is an abhorrent member of the community; but, after all, his actions are no worse in the long run than those of the woman who is content to be a parasite on others, who is cold, selfish, caring for nothing but frivolous pleasure and ignoble ease. the law of worthy effort, the law of service for a worthy end, without regard to whether it brings pleasure or pain, is the only right law of life, whether for man or for woman. the man must not be selfish; nor, if the woman is wise, will she let the man grow selfish, and this not only for her own sake but for his. one of the prime needs is to remember that almost every duty is composed of two seemingly conflicting elements, and that over-insistence on one, to the exclusion of the other, may defeat its own end. any man who studies the statistics of the birth-rate among the native americans of new england, or among the native french of france, needs not to be told that when prudence and forethought are carried to the point of cold selfishness and self-indulgence, the race is bound to disappear. taking into account the women who for good reasons do not marry, or who when married are childless or are able to have but one or two children, it is evident that the married woman able to have children must on an average have four or the race will not perpetuate itself. this is the mere statement of a self-evident truth. yet foolish and self-indulgent people often resent this statement as if it were in some way possible by denunciation to reverse the facts of nature; and, on the other hand, improvident and shiftless people, inconsiderate and brutal people, treat the statement as if it justified heads of families in having enormous numbers of badly nourished, badly brought up, and badly cared for children for whom they make no effort to provide. a man must think well before he marries. he must be a tender and considerate husband and realize that there is no other human being to whom he owes so much of love and regard and consideration as he does to the woman who with pain bears and with labor rears the children that are his. no words can paint the scorn and contempt which must be felt by all right-thinking men, not only for the brutal husband, but for the husband who fails to show full loyalty and consideration to his wife. moreover, he must work, he must do his part in the world. on the other hand, the woman must realize that she has no more right to shirk the business of wifehood and motherhood than the man has to shirk his business as breadwinner for the household. women should have free access to every field of labor which they care to enter, and when their work is as valuable as that of a man it should be paid as highly. yet normally for the man and the woman whose welfare is more important than the welfare of any other human beings, the woman must remain the housemother, the homekeeper, and the man must remain the breadwinner, the provider for the wife who bears his children and for the children she brings into the world. no other work is as valuable or as exacting for either man or woman; it must always, in every healthy society, be for both man and woman the prime work, the most important work; normally all other work is of secondary importance, and must come as an addition to, not a substitute for, this primary work. the partnership should be one of equal rights, one of love, of self-respect, and unselfishness, above all a partnership for the performance of the most vitally important of all duties. the performance of duty, and not an indulgence in vapid ease and vapid pleasure, is all that makes life worth while. suffrage for women should be looked on from this standpoint. personally i feel that it is exactly as much a "right" of women as of men to vote. but the important point with both men and women is to treat the exercise of the suffrage as a duty, which, in the long run, must be well performed to be of the slightest value. i always favored woman's suffrage, but only tepidly, until my association with women like jane addams and frances kellor, who desired it as one means of enabling them to render better and more efficient service, changed me into a zealous instead of a lukewarm adherent of the cause--in spite of the fact that a few of the best women of the same type, women like mary antin, did not favor the movement. a vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user. the mere possession of the vote will no more benefit men and women not sufficiently developed to use it than the possession of rifles will turn untrained egyptian fellaheen into soldiers. this is as true of woman as of man--and no more true. universal suffrage in hayti has not made the haytians able to govern themselves in any true sense; and woman suffrage in utah in no shape or way affected the problem of polygamy. i believe in suffrage for women in america, because i think they are fit for it. i believe for women, as for men, more in the duty of fitting one's self to do well and wisely with the ballot than in the naked right to cast the ballot. i wish that people would read books like the novels and stories, at once strong and charming, of henry bordeaux, books like kathleen norris's "mother," and cornelia comer's "preliminaries," and would use these, and other such books, as tracts, now and then! perhaps the following correspondence will give a better idea than i can otherwise give of the problems that in everyday life come before men and women, and of the need that the man shall show himself unselfish and considerate, and do his full share of the joint duty: january , . _colonel theodore roosevelt_: dear sir--i suppose you are willing to stand sponsor for the assertion that the women of the country are not doing their duty unless they have large families. i wonder if you know the real reason, after all. society and clubs are held largely to blame, but society really takes in so few people, after all. i thought, when i got married at twenty, that it was the proper thing to have a family, and, as we had very little of this world's goods, also thought it the thing to do all the necessary work for them. i have had nine children, did all my own work, including washing, ironing, house-cleaning, and the care of the little ones as they came along, which was about every two years; also sewed everything they wore, including trousers for the boys and caps and jackets for the girls while little. i also helped them all in their school work, and started them in music, etc. but as they grew older i got behind the times. i never belonged to a club or a society or lodge, nor went to any one's house scarcely; there wasn't time. in consequence, i knew nothing that was going on in the town, much less the events of the country, and at the same time my husband kept growing in wisdom and knowledge, from mixing with men and hearing topics of the times discussed. at the beginning of our married life i had just as quick a mind to grasp things as he did, and had more school education, having graduated from a three years' high school. my husband more and more declined to discuss things with me; as he said, "i didn't know anything about it." when i'd ask he'd say, "oh, you wouldn't understand if i'd tell you." so here i am, at forty-five years, hopelessly dull and uninteresting, while he can mix with the brightest minds in the country as an equal. he's a strong progressive man, took very active part in the late campaign, etc. i am also progressive, and tried my best, after so many years of shut-in life, to grasp the ideas you stood for, and read everything i could find during the summer and fall. but i've been out of touch with people too long now, and my husband would much rather go and talk to some woman who hasn't had any children, because she knows things (i am not specifying any particular woman). i simply bore him to death because i'm not interesting. now, tell me, how was it my fault? i was only doing what i thought was my duty. no woman can keep up with things who never talks with any one but young children. as soon as my children grew up they took the same attitude as their father, and frequently say, "oh, mother doesn't know." they look up to and admire their father because he's a man of the world and knows how to act when he goes out. how can i urge my daughters now to go and raise large families? it means by the time you have lost your figure and charm for them they are all ashamed of you. now, as a believer in woman's rights, do a little talking to the men as to their duties to their wives, or else refrain from urging us women to have children. i am only one of thousands of middle-class respectable women who give their lives to raise a nice family, and then who become bitter from the injustice done us. don't let this go into the waste-basket, but think it over. yours respectfully, ---- ----. new york, january , . _my dear mrs. ----_: most certainly your letter will not go into the waste-paper basket. i shall think it over and show it to mrs. roosevelt. will you let me say, in the first place, that a woman who can write such a letter is certainly not "hopelessly dull and uninteresting"! if the facts are as you state, then i do not wonder that you feel bitterly and that you feel that the gravest kind of injustice has been done you. i have always tried to insist to men that they should do their duty to the women even more than the women to them. now i hardly like to write specifically about your husband, because you might not like it yourself. it seems to me almost incredible that any man who is the husband of a woman who has borne him nine children should not feel that they and he are lastingly her debtors. you say that you have had nine children, that you did all your own work, including washing, ironing, house-cleaning, and the care of the little ones as they came along; that you sewed everything they wore, including trousers for the boys and caps and jackets for the girls while little; that you helped them all in their school work and started them in music; but that as they grew older you got behind the times, that you never belonged to a club or society or lodge, nor went to any one's house, as you hardly had time to do so; and that in consequence your husband outgrew you, and that your children look up to him and not to you and feel that they have outgrown you. if these facts are so, you have done a great and wonderful work, and the only explanation i can possibly give of the attitude you describe on the part of your husband and children is that they do not understand what it is that you have done. i emphatically believe in unselfishness, but i also believe that it is a mistake to let other people grow selfish, even when the other people are husband and children. now, i suggest that you take your letter to me, of which i send you back a copy, and this letter, and then select out of your family the one with whom you feel most sympathy, whether it is your husband or one of your children. show the two letters to him or her, and then have a frank talk about the matter. if any man, as you say, becomes ashamed of his wife because she has lost her figure in bearing his children, then that man is a hound and has every cause to be ashamed of himself. i am sending you a little book called "mother," by kathleen norris, which will give you my views on the matter. of course there are base and selfish men, just as there are, although i believe in smaller number, base and selfish women. man and woman alike should profit by the teachings in such a story as this of "mother." sincerely yours, theodore roosevelt. january , . _colonel theodore roosevelt_: my dear sir--your letter came as a surprise, for i wasn't expecting an answer. the next day the book came, and i thank you for your ready sympathy and understanding. i feel as though you and mrs. roosevelt would think i was hardly loyal to my husband and children; but knowing of no other way to bring the idea which was so strong in my mind to your notice, i told my personal story. if it will, in a small measure, be the means of helping some one else by molding public opinion, through you, i shall be content. you have helped me more than you know. just having you interested is as good as a tonic, and braces me up till i feel as though i shall refuse to be "laid on the shelf." . . . to think that you'd bother to send me a book. i shall always treasure it both for the text of the book and the sender. i read it with absorbing interest. the mother was so splendid. she was ideal. the situations are so startlingly real, just like what happens here every day with variations. ---- ----. a narrative of facts is often more convincing than a homily; and these two letters of my correspondent carry their own lesson. parenthetically, let me remark that whenever a man thinks that he has outgrown the woman who is his mate, he will do well carefully to consider whether his growth has not been downward instead of upward, whether the facts are not merely that he has fallen away from his wife's standard of refinement and of duty. chapter vi the new york police in the spring of i was appointed by mayor strong police commissioner, and i served as president of the police commission of new york for the two following years. mayor strong had been elected mayor the preceding fall, when the general anti-democratic wave of that year coincided with one of the city's occasional insurrections of virtue and consequent turning out of tammany from municipal control. he had been elected on a non-partisan ticket--usually (although not always) the right kind of ticket in municipal affairs, provided it represents not a bargain among factions but genuine non-partisanship with the genuine purpose to get the right men in control of the city government on a platform which deals with the needs of the average men and women, the men and women who work hard and who too often live hard. i was appointed with the distinct understanding that i was to administer the police department with entire disregard of partisan politics, and only from the standpoint of a good citizen interested in promoting the welfare of all good citizens. my task, therefore, was really simple. mayor strong had already offered me the street-cleaning department. for this work i did not feel that i had any especial fitness. i resolutely refused to accept the position, and the mayor ultimately got a far better man for his purpose in colonel george f. waring. the work of the police department, however, was in my line, and i was glad to undertake it. the man who was closest to me throughout my two years in the police department was jacob riis. by this time, as i have said, i was getting our social, industrial, and political needs into pretty fair perspective. i was still ignorant of the extent to which big men of great wealth played a mischievous part in our industrial and social life, but i was well awake to the need of making ours in good faith both an economic and an industrial as well as a political democracy. i already knew jake riis, because his book "how the other half lives" had been to me both an enlightenment and an inspiration for which i felt i could never be too grateful. soon after it was written i had called at his office to tell him how deeply impressed i was by the book, and that i wished to help him in any practical way to try to make things a little better. i have always had a horror of words that are not translated into deeds, of speech that does not result in action--in other words, i believe in realizable ideals and in realizing them, in preaching what can be practiced and then in practicing it. jacob riis had drawn an indictment of the things that were wrong, pitifully and dreadfully wrong, with the tenement homes and the tenement lives of our wage-workers. in his book he had pointed out how the city government, and especially those connected with the departments of police and health, could aid in remedying some of the wrongs. as president of the police board i was also a member of the health board. in both positions i felt that with jacob riis's guidance i would be able to put a goodly number of his principles into actual effect. he and i looked at life and its problems from substantially the same standpoint. our ideals and principles and purposes, and our beliefs as to the methods necessary to realize them, were alike. after the election in i had written him a letter which ran in part as follows: it is very important to the city to have a business man's mayor, but it is more important to have a workingman's mayor; and i want mr. strong to be that also. . . . it is an excellent thing to have rapid transit, but it is a good deal more important, if you look at matters with a proper perspective, to have ample playgrounds in the poorer quarters of the city, and to take the children off the streets so as to prevent them growing up toughs. in the same way it is an admirable thing to have clean streets; indeed, it is an essential thing to have them; but it would be a better thing to have our schools large enough to give ample accommodation to all who should be pupils and to provide them with proper playgrounds. and i added, while expressing my regret that i had not been able to accept the street-cleaning commissionership, that "i would have been delighted to smash up the corrupt contractors and put the street-cleaning force absolutely out of the domain of politics." this was nineteen years ago, but it makes a pretty good platform in municipal politics even to-day--smash corruption, take the municipal service out of the domain of politics, insist upon having a mayor who shall be a workingman's mayor even more than a business man's mayor, and devote all attention possible to the welfare of the children. therefore, as i viewed it, there were two sides to the work: first, the actual handling of the police department; second, using my position to help in making the city a better place in which to live and work for those to whom the conditions of life and labor were hardest. the two problems were closely connected; for one thing never to be forgotten in striving to better the conditions of the new york police force is the connection between the standard of morals and behavior in that force and the general standard of morals and behavior in the city at large. the form of government of the police department at that time was such as to make it a matter of extreme difficulty to get good results. it represented that device of old-school american political thought, the desire to establish checks and balances so elaborate that no man shall have power enough to do anything very bad. in practice this always means that no man has power enough to do anything good, and that what is bad is done anyhow. in most positions the "division of powers" theory works unmitigated mischief. the only way to get good service is to give somebody power to render it, facing the fact that power which will enable a man to do a job well will also necessarily enable him to do it ill if he is the wrong kind of man. what is normally needed is the concentration in the hands of one man, or of a very small body of men, of ample power to enable him or them to do the work that is necessary; and then the devising of means to hold these men fully responsible for the exercise of that power by the people. this of course means that, if the people are willing to see power misused, it will be misused. but it also means that if, as we hold, the people are fit for self-government--if, in other words, our talk and our institutions are not shams--we will get good government. i do not contend that my theory will automatically bring good government. i do contend that it will enable us to get as good government as we deserve, and that the other way will not. the then government of the police department was so devised as to render it most difficult to accomplish anything good, while the field for intrigue and conspiracy was limitless. there were four commissioners, two supposed to belong to one party and two to the other, although, as a matter of fact, they never divided on party lines. there was a chief, appointed by the commissioners, but whom they could not remove without a regular trial subject to review by the courts of law. this chief and any one commissioner had power to hold up most of the acts of the other three commissioners. it was made easy for the four commissioners to come to a deadlock among themselves; and if this danger was avoided, it was easy for one commissioner, by intriguing with the chief, to bring the other three to a standstill. the commissioners were appointed by the mayor, but he could not remove them without the assent of the governor, who was usually politically opposed to him. in the same way the commissioners could appoint the patrolmen, but they could not remove them, save after a trial which went up for review to the courts. as was inevitable under our system of law procedure, this meant that the action of the court was apt to be determined by legal technicalities. it was possible to dismiss a man from the service for quite insufficient reasons, and to provide against the reversal of the sentence, if the technicalities of procedure were observed. but the worst criminals were apt to be adroit men, against whom it was impossible to get legal evidence which a court could properly consider in a criminal trial (and the mood of the court might be to treat the case as if it were a criminal trial), although it was easy to get evidence which would render it not merely justifiable but necessary for a man to remove them from his private employ--and surely the public should be as well treated as a private employer. accordingly, most of the worst men put out were reinstated by the courts; and when the mayor attempted to remove one of my colleagues who made it his business to try to nullify the work done by the rest of us, the governor sided with the recalcitrant commissioner and refused to permit his removal. nevertheless, an astounding quantity of work was done in reforming the force. we had a good deal of power, anyhow; we exercised it to the full; and we accomplished some things by assuming the appearance of a power which we did not really possess. the first fight i made was to keep politics absolutely out of the force; and not only politics, but every kind of improper favoritism. doubtless in making thousands of appointments and hundreds of promotions there were men who contrived to use influence of which i was ignorant. but these cases must have been few and far between. as far as was humanly possible, the appointments and promotions were made without regard to any question except the fitness of the man and the needs of the service. as civil service commissioner i had been instructing heads of departments and bureaus how to get men appointed without regard to politics, and assuring them that by following our methods they would obtain first-class results. as police commissioner i was able practically to apply my own teachings. the appointments to the police force were made as i have described in the last chapter. we paid not the slightest attention to a man's politics or creed, or where he was born, so long as he was an american citizen; and on an average we obtained far and away the best men that had ever come into the police department. it was of course very difficult at first to convince both the politicians and the people that we really meant what we said, and that every one really would have a fair trial. there had been in previous years the most widespread and gross corruption in connection with every activity in the police department, and there had been a regular tariff for appointments and promotions. many powerful politicians and many corrupt outsiders believed that in some way or other it would still be possible to secure appointments by corrupt and improper methods, and many good citizens felt the same conviction. i endeavored to remove the impression from the minds of both sets of people by giving the widest publicity to what we were doing and how we were doing it, by making the whole process open and aboveboard, and by making it evident that we would probe to the bottom every charge of corruption. for instance, i received visits at one time from a catholic priest, and at another time from a methodist clergyman, who had parishioners who wished to enter the police force, but who did not believe they could get in save by the payment of money or through political pressure. the priest was running a temperance lyceum in connection with his church, and he wished to know if there would be a chance for some of the young men who belonged to that lyceum. the methodist clergyman came from a little patch of old native america which by a recent extension had been taken within the limits of the huge, polyglot, pleasure-loving city. his was a small church, most of the members being shipwrights, mechanics, and sailormen from the local coasters. in each case i assured my visitor that we wanted on the force men of the exact type which he said he could furnish. i also told him that i was as anxious as he was to find out if there was any improper work being done in connection with the examinations, and that i would like him to get four or five of his men to take the examinations without letting me know their names. then, whether the men failed or succeeded, he and i would take their papers and follow them through every stage so that we could tell at once whether they had been either improperly favored or improperly discriminated against. this was accordingly done, and in each case my visitor turned up a few weeks later, his face wreathed in smiles, to say that his candidates had passed and that everything was evidently all straight. during my two years as president of the commission i think i appointed a dozen or fifteen members of that little methodist congregation, and certainly twice that number of men from the temperance lyceum of the catholic church in question. they were all men of the very type i most wished to see on the force--men of strong physique and resolute temper, sober, self-respecting, self-reliant, with a strong wish to improve themselves. occasionally i would myself pick out a man and tell him to take the examination. thus one evening i went down to speak in the bowery at the young men's institute, a branch of the young men's christian association, at the request of mr. cleveland h. dodge. while there he told me he wished to show me a young jew who had recently, by an exhibition of marked pluck and bodily prowess, saved some women and children from a burning building. the young jew, whose name was otto raphael, was brought up to see me; a powerful fellow, with a good-humored, intelligent face. i asked him about his education, and told him to try the examination. he did, passed, was appointed, and made an admirable officer; and he and all his family, wherever they may dwell, have been close friends of mine ever since. otto raphael was a genuine east sider. he and i were both "straight new york," to use the vernacular of our native city. to show our community of feeling and our grasp of the facts of life, i may mention that we were almost the only men in the police department who picked fitzsimmons as a winner against corbett. otto's parents had come over from russia, and not only in social standing but in pay a policeman's position meant everything to him. it enabled otto to educate his little brothers and sisters who had been born in this country, and to bring over from russia two or three kinsfolk who had perforce been left behind. rather curiously, it was by no means as easy to keep politics and corruption out of the promotions as out of the entrance examinations. this was because i could take complete charge of the entrance examinations myself; and, moreover, they were largely automatic. in promotions, on the other hand, the prime element was the record and capacity of the officer, and for this we had largely to rely upon the judgment of the man's immediate superiors. this doubtless meant that in certain cases that judgment was given for improper reasons. however, there were cases where i could act on personal knowledge. one thing that we did was to endeavor to recognize gallantry. we did not have to work a revolution in the force as to courage in the way that we had to work a revolution in honesty. they had always been brave in dealing with riotous and violent criminals. but they had gradually become very corrupt. our great work, therefore, was the stamping out of dishonesty, and this work we did thoroughly, so far as the ridiculous bi-partisan law under which the department was administered would permit. but we were anxious that, while stamping out what was evil in the force, we should keep and improve what was good. while warring on dishonesty, we made every effort to increase efficiency. it has unfortunately been shown by sad experience that at times a police organization which is free from the taint of corruption may yet show itself weak in some great crisis or unable to deal with the more dangerous kinds of criminals. this we were determined to prevent. our efforts were crowned with entire success. the improvement in the efficiency of the force went hand in hand with the improvement in its honesty. the men in uniform and the men in plain clothes--the detectives--did better work than ever before. the aggregate of crimes where punishment followed the commission of the crime increased, while the aggregate of crimes where the criminal escaped punishment decreased. every discredited politician, every sensational newspaper, and every timid fool who could be scared by clamor was against us. all three classes strove by every means in their power to show that in making the force honest we had impaired its efficiency; and by their utterances they tended to bring about the very condition of things against which they professed to protest. but we went steadily along the path we had marked out. the fight was hard, and there was plenty of worry and anxiety, but we won. i was appointed in may, . in february, , three months before i resigned to become assistant secretary of the navy, the judge who charged the grand jury of new york county was able to congratulate them on the phenomenal decrease in crime, especially of the violent sort. this decrease was steady during the two years. the police, after the reform policy was thoroughly tried, proved more successful than ever before in protecting life and property and in putting down crime and criminal vice. the part played by the recognition and reward of actual personal prowess among the members of the police force in producing this state of affairs was appreciable, though there were many other factors that combined to bring about the betterment. the immense improvement in discipline by punishing all offenders without mercy, no matter how great their political or personal influence; the resolute warfare against every kind of criminal who had hitherto been able corruptly to purchase protection; the prompt recognition of ability even where it was entirely unconnected with personal prowess--all these were elements which had enormous weight in producing the change. mere courage and daring, and the rewarding of courage and daring, cannot supply the lack of discipline, of ability, of honesty. but they are of vital consequence, nevertheless. no police force is worth anything if its members are not intelligent and honest; but neither is it worth anything unless its members are brave, hardy, and well disciplined. we showed recognition of daring and of personal prowess in two ways: first, by awarding a medal or a certificate in remembrance of the deed; and, second, by giving it weight in making any promotion, especially to the lower grades. in the higher grades--in all promotions above that of sergeant, for instance--resolute and daring courage cannot normally be considered as a factor of determining weight in making promotions; rather is it a quality the lack of which unfits a man for promotion. for in the higher places we must assume the existence of such a quality in any fit candidate, and must make the promotion with a view to the man's energy, executive capacity, and power of command. in the lower grades, however, marked gallantry should always be taken into account in deciding among different candidates for any given place. during our two years' service we found it necessary over a hundred times to single out men for special mention because of some feat of heroism. the heroism usually took one of four forms: saving somebody from drowning, saving somebody from a burning building, stopping a runaway team, or arresting some violent lawbreaker under exceptional circumstances. to illustrate our method of action, i will take two of the first promotions made after i became commissioner. one case was that of an old fellow, a veteran of the civil war, who was at the time a roundsman. i happened to notice one day that he had saved a woman from drowning, and had him summoned so that i might look into the matter. the old fellow brought up his record before me, and showed not a little nervousness and agitation; for it appeared that he had grown gray in the service, had performed feat after feat of heroism, but had no political backing of any account. no heed had ever been paid him. he was one of the quiet men who attend solely to duty, and although a grand army man, he had never sought to use influence of any kind. now, at last, he thought there was a chance for him. he had been twenty-two years on the force, and during that time had saved some twenty-five persons from death by drowning, varying the performance two or three times by saving persons from burning buildings. twice congress had passed laws especially to empower the then secretary of the treasury, john sherman, to give him a medal for distinguished gallantry in saving life. the life-saving society had also given him its medal, and so had the police department. there was not a complaint in all his record against him for any infraction of duty, and he was sober and trustworthy. he was entitled to his promotion; and he got it, there and then. it may be worth mentioning that he kept on saving life after he was given his sergeantcy. on october , , he again rescued a man from drowning. it was at night, nobody else was in the neighborhood, and the dock from which he jumped was in absolute darkness, and he was ten minutes in the water, which was very cold. he was fifty-five years old when he saved this man. it was the twenty-ninth person whose life he had saved during his twenty-three years' service in the department. the other man was a patrolman whom we promoted to roundsman for activity in catching a burglar under rather peculiar circumstances. i happened to note his getting a burglar one week. apparently he had fallen into the habit, for he got another next week. in the latter case the burglar escaped from the house soon after midnight, and ran away toward park avenue, with the policeman in hot chase. the new york central railroad runs under park avenue, and there is a succession of openings in the top of the tunnel. finding that the policeman was gaining on him, the burglar took a desperate chance and leaped down one of these openings, at the risk of breaking his neck. now the burglar was running for his liberty, and it was the part of wisdom for him to imperil life or limb; but the policeman was merely doing his duty, and nobody could have blamed him for not taking the jump. however, he jumped; and in this particular case the hand of the lord was heavy upon the unrighteous. the burglar had the breath knocked out of him, and the "cop" didn't. when his victim could walk, the officer trotted him around to the station-house; and a week after i had the officer up and promoted him, for he was sober, trustworthy, and strictly attentive to duty. now i think that any decent man of reasonable intelligence will agree that we were quite right in promoting men in cases like these, and quite right in excluding politics from promotions. yet it was because of our consistently acting in this manner, resolutely warring on dishonesty and on that peculiar form of baseness which masquerades as "practical" politics, and steadily refusing to pay heed to any consideration except the good of the service and the city, and the merits of the men themselves, that we drew down upon our heads the bitter and malignant animosity of the bread-and-butter spoils politicians. they secured the repeal of the civil service law by the state legislature. they attempted and almost succeeded in the effort to legislate us out of office. they joined with the baser portion of the sensational press in every species of foul, indecent falsehood and slander as to what we were doing. they attempted to seduce or frighten us by every species of intrigue and cajolery, of promise of political reward and threat of political punishment. they failed in their purpose. i believe in political organizations, and i believe in practical politics. if a man is not practical, he is of no use anywhere. but when politicians treat practical politics as foul politics, and when they turn what ought to be a necessary and useful political organization into a machine run by professional spoilsmen of low morality in their own interest, then it is time to drive the politician from public life, and either to mend or destroy the machine, according as the necessity may determine. we promoted to roundsman a patrolman, with an already excellent record, for gallantry shown in a fray which resulted in the death of his antagonist. he was after a gang of toughs who had just waylaid, robbed, and beaten a man. they scattered and he pursued the ringleader. running hard, he gained on his man, whereupon the latter suddenly turned and fired full in his face. the officer already had his revolver drawn, and the two shots rang out almost together. the policeman was within a fraction of death, for the bullet from his opponent's pistol went through his helmet and just broke the skin of his head. his own aim was truer, and the man he was after fell dead, shot through the heart. i may explain that i have not the slightest sympathy with any policy which tends to put the policeman at the mercy of a tough, or which deprives him of efficient weapons. while police commissioner we punished any brutality by the police with such immediate severity that all cases of brutality practically came to an end. no decent citizen had anything to fear from the police during the two years of my service. but we consistently encouraged the police to prove that the violent criminal who endeavored to molest them or to resist arrest, or to interfere with them in the discharge of their duty, was himself in grave jeopardy; and we had every "gang" broken up and the members punished with whatever severity was necessary. of course where possible the officer merely crippled the criminal who was violent. one of the things that we did while in office was to train the men in the use of the pistol. a school of pistol practice was established, and the marksmanship of the force was wonderfully improved. the man in charge of the school was a roundsman, petty, whom we promoted to sergeant. he was one of the champion revolver shots of the country, and could hit just about where he aimed. twice he was forced to fire at criminals who resisted arrest, and in each case he hit his man in the arm or leg, simply stopping him without danger to his life. in may, , a number of burglaries occurred far uptown, in the neighborhood of one hundred and fifty-sixth street and union avenue. two officers were sent out each night to patrol the streets in plain clothes. about two o'clock on the morning of may they caught a glimpse of two men loitering about a large corner house, and determined to make them explain their actions. in order to cut off their escape, one officer went down one street and one the other. the first officer, whose name was ryan, found the two men at the gateway of the side entrance of the house, and hailed to know what they were doing. without answering, they turned and ran toward prospect avenue, with ryan in close pursuit. after running about one hundred feet, one of them turned and fired three shots at ryan, but failed to hit him. the two then separated, and the man who had done the shooting escaped. the other man, whose name proved to be o'connor, again took to his heels, with ryan still after him; they turned the corner and met the other officer, whose name was reid, running as hard as he could toward the shooting. when o'connor saw himself cut off by reid, he fired at his new foe, the bullet cutting reid's overcoat on the left shoulder. reid promptly fired in return, his bullet going into o'connor's neck and causing him to turn a complete somersault. the two officers then cared for their prisoner until the ambulance arrived, when he was taken to the hospital and pronounced mortally wounded. his companion was afterward caught, and they turned out to be the very burglars for whom reid and ryan had been on the lookout. in december, , one of our officers was shot. a row occurred in a restaurant, which ended in two young toughs drawing their revolvers and literally running amuck, shooting two or three men. a policeman, attracted by the noise, ran up and seized one of them, whereupon the other shot him in the mouth, wounding him badly. nevertheless, the officer kept his prisoner and carried him to the station-house. the tough who had done the shooting ran out and was seized by another officer. the tough fired at him, the bullet passing through the officer's overcoat, but he was promptly knocked down, disarmed, and brought to the station-house. in this case neither policeman used his revolver, and each brought in his man, although the latter was armed and resisted arrest, one of the officers taking in his prisoner after having been himself severely wounded. a lamentable feature of the case was that this same officer was a man who, though capable of great gallantry, was also given to shirking his work, and we were finally obliged to dismiss him from the force, after passing over two or three glaring misdeeds in view of his record for courage. we promoted another man on account of finding out accidentally that he had performed a notable feat, which he had forborne even to mention, so that his name never came on the roll of honor. late at night, while patrolling a lonely part of his post, he came upon three young toughs who had turned highwaymen and were robbing a peddler. he ran in at once with his night-stick, whereupon the toughs showed fight, and one of them struck at him with a bludgeon, breaking his left hand. the officer, however, made such good use of his night-stick that he knocked down two of his assailants, whereupon the third ran away, and he brought both of his prisoners to the station-house. then he went round to the hospital, had his broken hand set in plaster, and actually reported for duty at the next tour, without losing one hour. he was a quiet fellow, with a record free from complaints, and we made him roundsman. the mounted squad have, of course, many opportunities to distinguish themselves in stopping runaways. in may, , a mounted policeman named heyer succeeded in stopping a runaway at kingsbridge under rather noteworthy circumstances. two men were driving in a buggy, when the horse stumbled, and in recovering himself broke the head-stall, so that the bridle fell off. the horse was a spirited trotter, and at once ran away at full speed. heyer saw the occurrence, and followed at a run. when he got alongside the runaway he seized him by the forelock, guided him dexterously over the bridge, preventing him from running into the numerous wagons that were on the road, and finally forced him up a hill and into a wagon-shed. three months later this same officer saved a man from drowning. the members of the bicycle squad, which was established shortly after we took office, soon grew to show not only extraordinary proficiency on the wheel, but extraordinary daring. they frequently stopped runaways, wheeling alongside of them, and grasping the horses while going at full speed; and, what was even more remarkable, they managed not only to overtake but to jump into the vehicle and capture, on two or three different occasions, men who were guilty of reckless driving, and who fought violently in resisting arrest. they were picked men, being young and active, and any feat of daring which could be accomplished on the wheel they were certain to accomplish. three of the best riders of the bicycle squad, whose names and records happen to occur to me, were men of the three ethnic strains most strongly represented in the new york police force, being respectively of native american, german, and irish parentage. the german was a man of enormous power, and he was able to stop each of the many runaways he tackled without losing his wheel. choosing his time, he would get alongside the horse and seize the bit in his left hand, keeping his right on the crossbar of the wheel. by degrees he then got the animal under control. he never failed to stop it, and he never lost his wheel. he also never failed to overtake any "scorcher," although many of these were professional riders who deliberately violated the law to see if they could not get away from him; for the wheelmen soon get to know the officers whose beats they cross. the yankee, though a tall, powerful man and a very good rider, scarcely came up to the german in either respect; he possessed exceptional ability, however, as well as exceptional nerve and coolness, and he also won his promotion. he stopped about as many runaways; but when the horse was really panic-stricken he usually had to turn his wheel loose, getting a firm grip on the horse's reins and then kicking his wheel so that it would fall out of the way of injury from the wagon. on one occasion he had a fight with a drunken and reckless driver who was urging to top speed a spirited horse. he first got hold of the horse, whereupon the driver lashed both him and the beast, and the animal, already mad with terror, could not be stopped. the officer had of course kicked away his wheel at the beginning, and after being dragged along for some distance he let go the beast and made a grab at the wagon. the driver hit him with his whip, but he managed to get in, and after a vigorous tussle overcame his man, and disposed of him by getting him down and sitting on him. this left his hands free for the reins. by degrees he got the horse under control, and drove the wagon round to the station-house, still sitting on his victim. "i jounced up and down on him to keep him quiet when he turned ugly," he remarked to me parenthetically. having disposed of the wagon, he took the man round to the court, and on the way the prisoner suddenly sprang on him and tried to throttle him. convinced at last that patience had ceased to be a virtue, he quieted his assailant with a smash on the head that took all the fight out of him until he was brought before the judge and fined. like the other "bicycle cops," this officer made a number of arrests of criminals, such as thieves, highwaymen, and the like, in addition to his natural prey--scorchers, runaways, and reckless drivers. the third member of the trio, a tall, sinewy man with flaming red hair, which rather added to the terror he inspired in evil-doers, was usually stationed in a tough part of the city, where there was a tendency to crimes of violence, and incidentally an occasional desire to harass wheelmen. the officer was as good off his wheel as on it, and he speedily established perfect order on his beat, being always willing to "take chances" in getting his man. he was no respecter of persons, and when it became his duty to arrest a wealthy man for persistently refusing to have his carriage lamps lighted after nightfall, he brought him in with the same indifference that he displayed in arresting a street-corner tough who had thrown a brick at a wheelman. occasionally a policeman would perform work which ordinarily comes within the domain of the fireman. in november, , an officer who had previously saved a man from death by drowning added to his record by saving five persons from burning. he was at the time asleep, when he was aroused by a fire in a house a few doors away. running over the roofs of the adjoining houses until he reached the burning building, he found that on the fourth floor the flames had cut off all exit from an apartment in which there were four women, two of them over fifty, and one of the others with a six-months-old baby. the officer ran down to the adjoining house, broke open the door of the apartment on the same floor--the fourth--and crept out on the coping, less than three inches wide, that ran from one house to the other. being a large and very powerful and active man, he managed to keep hold of the casing of the window with one hand, and with the other to reach to the window of the apartment where the women and child were. the firemen appeared, and stretched a net underneath. the crowd that was looking on suddenly became motionless and silent. then, one by one, he drew the women out of their window, and, holding them tight against the wall, passed them into the other window. the exertion in such an attitude was great, and he strained himself badly; but he possessed a practical mind, and as soon as the women were saved he began a prompt investigation of the cause of the fire, and arrested two men whose carelessness, as was afterward proved, caused it. now and then a man, though a brave man, proved to be slack or stupid or vicious, and we could make nothing out of him; but hardihood and courage were qualities upon which we insisted and which we rewarded. whenever i see the police force attacked and vilified, i always remember my association with it. the cases i have given above are merely instances chosen almost at random among hundreds of others. men such as those i have mentioned have the right stuff in them! if they go wrong, the trouble is with the system, and therefore with us, the citizens, for permitting the system to go unchanged. the conditions of new york life are such as to make the police problem therein more difficult than in any other of the world's great capitals. i am often asked if policemen are honest. i believe that the great majority of them want to be honest and will be honest whenever they are given the chance. the new york police force is a body thoroughly representative of the great city itself. as i have said above, the predominant ethnic strains in it are, first, the men of irish birth or parentage, and, following these, the native americans, usually from the country districts, and the men of german birth or parentage. there are also jews, scandinavians, italians, slavs, and men of other nationalities. all soon become welded into one body. they are physically a fine lot. moreover, their instincts are right; they are game, they are alert and self-reliant, they prefer to act squarely if they are allowed so to act. all that they need is to be given the chance to prove themselves honest, brave, and self-respecting. the law at present is much better than in our day, so far as governing the force is concerned. there is now a single commissioner, and the mayor has complete power over him. the mayor, through his commissioner, now has power to keep the police force on a good level of conduct if with resolution and common sense he insists on absolute honesty within the force and at the same time heartily supports it against the criminal classes. to weaken the force in its dealings with gangs and toughs and criminals generally is as damaging as to permit dishonesty, and, moreover, works towards dishonesty. but while under the present law very much improvement can be worked, there is need of change of the law which will make the police commissioner a permanent, non-partisan official, holding office so long as he proves thoroughly fit for the job, completely independent of the politicians and privileged interests, and with complete power over the force. this means that there must be the right law, and the right public opinion back of the law. the many-sided ethnic character of the force now and then gives rise to, or affords opportunity for, queer happenings. occasionally it enables one to meet emergencies in the best possible fashion. while i was police commissioner an anti-semitic preacher from berlin, rector ahlwardt, came over to new york to preach a crusade against the jews. many of the new york jews were much excited and asked me to prevent him from speaking and not to give him police protection. this, i told them, was impossible; and if possible would have been undesirable because it would have made him a martyr. the proper thing to do was to make him ridiculous. accordingly i detailed for his protection a jew sergeant and a score or two of jew policemen. he made his harangue against the jews under the active protection of some forty policemen, every one of them a jew! it was the most effective possible answer; and incidentally it was an object-lesson to our people, whose greatest need it is to learn that there must be no division by class hatred, whether this hatred be that of creed against creed, nationality against nationality, section against section, or men of one social or industrial condition against men of another social and industrial condition. we must ever judge each individual on his own conduct and merits, and not on his membership in any class, whether that class be based on theological, social, or industrial considerations. among my political opponents when i was police commissioner was the head of a very influential local democratic organization. he was a state senator usually known as big tim sullivan. big tim represented the morals of another era; that is, his principles and actions were very much those of a norman noble in the years immediately succeeding the battle of hastings. (this will seem flattery only to those who are not acquainted with the real histories and antecedents of the norman nobles of the epoch in question.) his application of these eleventh-century theories to our nineteenth-century municipal democratic conditions brought him into sharp contact with me, and with one of my right-hand men in the department, inspector john mccullough. under the old dispensation this would have meant that his friends and kinsfolk were under the ban. now it happened that in the department at that time there was a nephew or cousin of his, jerry d. sullivan. i found that jerry was an uncommonly good man, a conscientious, capable officer, and i promoted him. i do not know whether jerry or jerry's cousin (senator sullivan) was more astonished. the senator called upon me to express what i am sure was a very genuine feeling of appreciation. poor jerry died, i think of consumption, a year or two after i left the department. he was promoted again after i left, and he then showed that he possessed the very rare quality of gratitude, for he sent me a telegram dated january , , running as follows: "was made sergeant to-day. i thank you for all in my first advancement." and in a letter written to me he said: "in the future, as in the past, i will endeavor at all times to perform my duty honestly and fearlessly, and never cause you to feel that you were mistaken in me, so that you will be justly proud of my record." the senator, though politically opposed to me, always kept a feeling of friendship for me after this incident. he served in congress while i was president. the police can be used to help all kinds of good purposes. when i was police commissioner much difficulty had been encountered in locating illegal and fraudulent practitioners of medicine. dr. maurice lewi called on me, with a letter from james russell parsons, the secretary of the board of regents at albany, and asked me if i could not help. after questioning him i found that the local authorities were eager to prosecute these men, but could not locate them; and i made up my mind i would try my hand at it. accordingly, a sealed order was sent to the commanding officer of each police precinct in new york, not to be opened until just before the morning roll call, previous to the police squad going on duty. this order required that, immediately upon reaching post, each patrolman should go over his beat and enter upon a sheet of paper, provided for that purpose, the full name and address of every doctor sign there appearing. immediately upon securing this information, the patrolman was instructed to return the sheet to the officer in charge of the precinct. the latter in turn was instructed to collect and place in one large envelope and to return to police headquarters all the data thus received. as a result of this procedure, within two hours the prosecuting officials of the city of new york were in possession of the name and address of every person in new york who announced himself as a physician; and scores of pretended physicians were brought to book or driven from the city. one of the perennially serious and difficult problems, and one of the chief reasons for police blackmail and corruption, is to be found in the excise situation in new york. when i was police commissioner, new york was a city with twelve or fifteen thousand saloons, with a state law which said they should be closed on sundays, and with a local sentiment which put a premium on violating the law by making sunday the most profitable day in the week to the saloon-keeper who was willing to take chances. it was this willingness to take chances that furnished to the corrupt politician and the corrupt police officer their opportunities. there was in new york city a strong sentiment in favor of honesty in politics; there was also a strong sentiment in favor of opening the saloons on sundays; and, finally, there was a strong sentiment in favor of keeping the saloons closed on sunday. unfortunately, many of the men who favored honest government nevertheless preferred keeping the saloons open to having honest government; and many others among the men who favored honest government put it second to keeping the saloons closed. moreover, among the people who wished the law obeyed and the saloons closed there were plenty who objected strongly to every step necessary to accomplish the result, although they also insisted that the result should be accomplished. meanwhile the politicians found an incredible profit in using the law as a club to keep the saloons in line; all except the biggest, the owners of which, or the owners of the breweries back of which, sat in the inner councils of tammany, or controlled tammany's allies in the republican organization. the police used the partial and spasmodic enforcement of the law as a means of collecting blackmail. the result was that the officers of the law, the politicians, and the saloon-keepers became inextricably tangled in a network of crime and connivance at crime. the most powerful saloon-keepers controlled the politicians and the police, while the latter in turn terrorized and blackmailed all the other saloon-keepers. it was not a case of non-enforcement of the law. the law was very actively enforced, but it was enforced with corrupt discrimination. it is difficult for men who have not been brought into contact with that side of political life which deals with the underworld to understand the brazen openness with which this blackmailing of lawbreakers was carried out. a further very dark fact was that many of the men responsible for putting the law on the statute-books in order to please one element of their constituents, also connived at or even profited by the corrupt and partial non-enforcement of the law in order to please another set of their constituents, or to secure profit for themselves. the organ of the liquor-sellers at that time was the wine and spirit gazette. the editor of this paper believed in selling liquor on sunday, and felt that it was an outrage to forbid it. but he also felt that corruption and blackmail made too big a price to pay for the partial non-enforcement of the law. he made in his paper a statement, the correctness of which was never questioned, which offers a startling commentary on new york politics of that period. in this statement he recited the fact that the system of blackmail had been brought to such a state of perfection, and had become so oppressive to the liquor dealers themselves, that they communicated at length on the subject with governor hill (the state democratic boss) and then with mr. croker (the city democratic boss). finally the matter was formally taken up by a committee of the central association of liquor dealers in an interview they held with mr. martin, my tammany predecessor as president of the police force. in matter-of-course way the editor's statement continues: "an agreement was made between the leaders of tammany hall and the liquor dealers according to which the monthly blackmail paid to the force should be discontinued in return for political support." not only did the big bosses, state and local, treat this agreement, and the corruption to which it was due, as normal and proper, but they never even took the trouble to deny what had been done when it was made public. tammany and the police, however, did not fully live up to the agreement; and much discrimination of a very corrupt kind, and of a very exasperating kind to liquor-sellers who wished to be honest, continued in connection with the enforcing of the law. in short, the agreement was kept only with those who had "pull." these men with "pull" were benefited when their rivals were bullied and blackmailed by the police. the police, meanwhile, who had bought appointment or promotion, and the politicians back of them, extended the blackmailing to include about everything from the pushcart peddler and the big or small merchant who wished to use the sidewalk illegally for his goods, up to the keepers of the brothel, the gambling-house, and the policy-shop. the total blackmail ran into millions of dollars. new york was a wide-open town. the big bosses rolled in wealth, and the corrupt policemen who ran the force lost all sense of decency and justice. nevertheless, i wish to insist on the fact that the honest men on the patrol posts, "the men with the night-sticks," remained desirous to see honesty obtain, although they were losing courage and hope. this was the situation that confronted me when i came to mulberry street. the saloon was the chief source of mischief. it was with the saloon that i had to deal, and there was only one way to deal with it. that was to enforce the law. the howl that rose was deafening. the professional politicians raved. the yellow press surpassed themselves in clamor and mendacity. a favorite assertion was that i was enforcing a "blue" law, an obsolete law that had never before been enforced. as a matter of fact, i was only enforcing honestly a law that had hitherto been enforced dishonestly. there was very little increase in the number of arrests made for violating the sunday law. indeed, there were weeks when the number of arrests went down. the only difference was that there was no protected class. everybody was arrested alike, and i took especial pains to see that there was no discrimination, and that the big men and the men with political influence were treated like every one else. the immediate effect was wholly good. i had been told that it was not possible to close the saloons on sunday and that i could not succeed. however, i did succeed. the warden of bellevue hospital reported, two or three weeks after we had begun, that for the first time in its existence there had not been a case due to a drunken brawl in the hospital all monday. the police courts gave the same testimony, while savings banks recorded increased deposits and pawnshops hard times. the most touching of all things was the fact that we received letters, literally by the hundred, from mothers in tenement-houses who had never been allowed to take their children to the country in the wide-open days, and who now found their husbands willing to take them and their families for an outing on sunday. jake riis and i spent one sunday from morning till night in the tenement districts, seeing for ourselves what had happened. during the two years that we were in office things never slipped back to anything like what they had been before. but we did not succeed in keeping them quite as highly keyed as during these first weeks. as regards the sunday-closing law, this was partly because public sentiment was not really with us. the people who had demanded honesty, but who did not like to pay for it by the loss of illegal pleasure, joined the openly dishonest in attacking us. moreover, all kinds of ways of evading the law were tried, and some of them were successful. the statute, for instance, permitted any man to take liquor with meals. after two or three months a magistrate was found who decided judicially that seventeen beers and one pretzel made a meal--after which decision joy again became unconfined in at least some of the saloons, and the yellow press gleefully announced that my "tyranny" had been curbed. but my prime object, that of stopping blackmail, was largely attained. all kinds of incidents occurred in connection with this crusade. one of them introduced me to a friend who remains a friend yet. his name was edward j. bourke. he was one of the men who entered the police force through our examinations shortly after i took office. i had summoned twenty or thirty of the successful applicants to let me look over them; and as i walked into the hall, one of them, a well-set-up man, called out sharply to the others, "gangway," making them move to one side. i found he had served in the united states navy. the incident was sufficient to make me keep him in mind. a month later i was notified by a police reporter, a very good fellow, that bourke was in difficulties, and that he thought i had better look into the matter myself, as bourke was being accused by certain very influential men of grave misconduct in an arrest he had made the night before. accordingly, i took the matter up personally. i found that on the new patrolman's beat the preceding night--a new beat--there was a big saloon run by a man of great influence in political circles known as "king" calahan. after midnight the saloon was still running in full blast, and bourke, stepping inside, told calahan to close up. it was at the time filled with "friends of personal liberty," as governor hill used at that time, in moments of pathos, to term everybody who regarded as tyranny any restriction on the sale of liquor. calahan's saloon had never before in its history been closed, and to have a green cop tell him to close it seemed to him so incredible that he regarded it merely as a bad jest. on his next round bourke stepped in and repeated the order. calahan felt that the jest had gone too far, and by way of protest knocked bourke down. this was an error of judgment on his part, for when bourke arose he knocked down calahan. the two then grappled and fell on the floor, while the "friends of personal liberty" danced around the fight and endeavored to stamp on everything they thought wasn't calahan. however, bourke, though pretty roughly handled, got his man and shut the saloon. when he appeared against the lawbreaker in court next day, he found the court-room crowded with influential tammany hall politicians, backed by one or two republican leaders of the same type; for calahan was a baron of the underworld, and both his feudal superiors and his feudal inferiors gathered to the rescue. his backers in court included a congressman and a state senator, and so deep-rooted was the police belief in "pull" that his own superiors had turned against bourke and were preparing to sacrifice him. just at this time i acted on the information given me by my newspaper friend by starting in person for the court. the knowledge that i knew what was going on, that i meant what i said, and that i intended to make the affair personal, was all that was necessary. before i reached the court all effort to defend calahan had promptly ceased, and bourke had come forth triumphant. i immediately promoted him to roundsman. he is a captain now. he has been on the force ever since, save that when the spanish war came he obtained a holiday without pay for six months and reentered the navy, serving as gun captain in one of the gunboats, and doing his work, as was to be expected, in first-rate fashion, especially when under fire. let me again say that when men tell me that the police are irredeemably bad i remember scores and hundreds of cases like this of bourke, like the case i have already mentioned of raphael, like the other cases i have given above. it is useless to tell me that these men are bad. they are naturally first-rate men. there are no better men anywhere than the men of the new york police force; and when they go bad it is because the system is wrong, and because they are not given the chance to do the good work they can do and would rather do. i never coddled these men. i punished them severely whenever i thought their conduct required it. all i did was to try to be just; to reward them when they did well; in short, to act squarely by them. i believe that, as a whole, they liked me. when, in , i ran for president on the progressive ticket, i received a number of unsigned letters inclosing sums of money for the campaign. one of these inclosed twenty dollars. the writer, who did not give his name, said that he was a policeman, that i had once had him before me on charges, and had fined him twenty dollars; that, as a matter of fact, he had not committed the offense for which i fined him, but that the evidence was such that he did not wonder that i had been misled, and never blamed me for it, because i had acted squarely and had given honest and decent men a chance in the police department; and that now he inclosed a twenty-dollar bill, the amount of the fine inflicted on him so many years before. i have always wished i knew who the man was. the disciplinary courts were very interesting. but it was extraordinarily difficult to get at the facts in the more complicated cases--as must always be true under similar circumstances; for ordinarily it is necessary to back up the superior officer who makes the charge, and yet it is always possible that this superior officer is consciously or unconsciously biased against his subordinate. in the courts the charges were sometimes brought by police officers and sometimes by private citizens. in the latter case we would get queer insights into twilight phases of new york life. it was necessary to be always on our guard. often an accusation would be brought against the policeman because he had been guilty of misconduct. much more often the accusation merely meant that the officer had incurred animosity by doing his duty. i remember one amusing case where the officer was wholly to blame but had acted in entire good faith. one of the favorite and most demoralizing forms of gambling in new york was policy-playing. the policy slips consisted of papers with three rows of figures written on them. the officer in question was a huge pithecoid lout of a creature, with a wooden face and a receding forehead, and his accuser whom he had arrested the preceding evening was a little grig of a red-headed man, obviously respectable, and almost incoherent with rage. the anger of the little red-headed man was but natural, for he had just come out from a night in the station-house. he had been arrested late in the evening on suspicion that he was a policy-player, because of the rows of figures on a piece of paper which he had held in his hand, and because at the time of his arrest he had just stepped into the entrance of the hall of a tenement-house in order to read by lamplight. the paper was produced in evidence. there were the three rows of figures all right, but, as the accused explained, hopping up and down with rage and excitement, they were all of them the numbers of hymns. he was the superintendent of a small sunday-school. he had written down the hymns for several future services, one under the other, and on the way home was stopping to look at them, under convenient lamp-posts, and finally by the light of the lamp in a tenement-house hallway; and it was this conduct which struck the sagacious man in uniform as "suspicious." one of the saddest features of police work is dealing with the social evil, with prostitutes and houses of ill fame. in so far as the law gave me power, i always treated the men taken in any raid on these houses precisely as the women were treated. my experience brought me to the very strong conviction that there ought not to be any toleration by law of the vice. i do not know of any method which will put a complete stop to the evil, but i do know certain things that ought to be done to minimize it. one of these is treating men and women on an exact equality for the same act. another is the establishment of night courts and of special commissions to deal with this special class of cases. another is that suggested by the rev. charles stelzle, of the labor temple--to publish conspicuously the name of the owner of any property used for immoral purposes, after said owner had been notified of the use and has failed to prevent it. another is to prosecute the keepers and backers of brothels, men and women, as relentlessly and punish them as severely as pickpockets and common thieves. they should never be fined; they should be imprisoned. as for the girls, the very young ones and first offenders should be put in the charge of probation officers or sent to reformatories, and the large percentage of feeble-minded girls and of incorrigible girls and women should be sent to institutions created for them. we would thus remove from this hideous commerce the articles of commerce. moreover, the federal government must in ever-increasing measure proceed against the degraded promoters of this commercialism, for their activities are inter-state and the nation can often deal with them more effectively than the states; although, as public sentiment becomes aroused, nation, state, and municipality will all cooperate towards the same end of rooting out the traffic. but the prime need is to raise the level of individual morality; and, moreover, to encourage early marriages, the single standard of sex-morality, and a strict sense of reciprocal conjugal obligation. the women who preach late marriages are by just so much making it difficult to better the standard of chastity. as regards the white slave traffic, the men engaged in it, and the women too, are far worse criminals than any ordinary murderers can be. for them there is need of such a law as that recently adopted in england through the efforts of arthur lee, m.p., a law which includes whipping for the male offenders. there are brutes so low, so infamous, so degraded and bestial in their cruelty and brutality, that the only way to get at them is through their skins. sentimentality on behalf of such men is really almost as unhealthy and wicked as the criminality of the men themselves. my experience is that there should be no toleration of any "tenderloin" or "red light" district, and that, above all, there should be the most relentless war on commercialized vice. the men who profit and make their living by the depravity and the awful misery of other human beings stand far below any ordinary criminals, and no measures taken against them can be too severe. as for the wretched girls who follow the dreadful trade in question, a good deal can be done by a change in economic conditions. this ought to be done. when girls are paid wages inadequate to keep them from starvation, or to permit them to live decently, a certain proportion are forced by their economic misery into lives of vice. the employers and all others responsible for these conditions stand on a moral level not far above the white slavers themselves. but it is a mistake to suppose that either the correction of these economic conditions or the abolition of the white slave trade will wholly correct the evil or will even reach the major part of it. the economic factor is very far from being the chief factor in inducing girls to go into this dreadful life. as with so many other problems, while there must be governmental action, there must also be strengthening of the average individual character in order to achieve the desired end. even where economic conditions are bad, girls who are both strong and pure will remain unaffected by temptations to which girls of weak character or lax standards readily yield. any man who knows the wide variation in the proportions of the different races and nationalities engaged in prostitution must come to the conclusion that it is out of the question to treat economic conditions as the sole conditions or even as the chief conditions that determine this question. there are certain races--the irish are honorably conspicuous among them--which, no matter what the economic pressure, furnish relatively few inmates of houses of ill fame. i do not believe that the differences are due to permanent race characteristics; this is shown by the fact that the best settlement houses find that practically all their "long-term graduates," so to speak, all the girls that come for a long period under their influence, no matter what their race or national origin, remain pure. in every race there are some naturally vicious individuals and some weak individuals who readily succumb under economic pressure. a girl who is lazy and hates hard work, a girl whose mind is rather feeble, and who is of "subnormal intelligence," as the phrase now goes, or a girl who craves cheap finery and vapid pleasure, is always in danger. a high ideal of personal purity is essential. where the same pressure under the same economic conditions has tenfold the effect on one set of people that it has on another, it is evident that the question of moral standards is even more important than the question of economic standards, very important though this question is. it is important for us to remember that the girl ought to have the chance, not only for the necessaries of life, but for innocent pleasure; and that even more than the man she must not be broken by overwork, by excessive toil. moreover, public opinion and the law should combine to hunt down the "flagrant man swine" who himself hunts down poor or silly or unprotected girls. but we must not, in foolish sentimentality, excuse the girl from her duty to keep herself pure. our duty to achieve the same moral level for the two sexes must be performed by raising the level for the man, not by lowering it for the woman; and the fact that society must recognize its duty in no shape or way relieves, not even to the smallest degree, the individual from doing his or her duty. sentimentality which grows maudlin on behalf of the willful prostitute is a curse; to confound her with the entrapped or coerced girl, the real white slave, is both foolish and wicked. there are evil women just as there are evil men, naturally depraved girls just as there are naturally depraved young men; and the right and wise thing, the just thing, to them, and the generous thing to innocent girls and decent men, is to wage stern war against the evil creatures of both sexes. in company with jacob riis, i did much work that was not connected with the actual discipline of the force or indeed with the actual work of the force. there was one thing which he and i abolished--police lodging-houses, which were simply tramp lodging-houses, and a fruitful encouragement to vagrancy. those who read mr. riis's story of his own life will remember the incidents that gave him from actual personal experience his horror of these tramp lodging-houses. as member of the health board i was brought into very close relations with the conditions of life in the tenement-house districts. here again i used to visit the different tenement-house regions, usually in company with riis, to see for myself what the conditions were. it was largely this personal experience that enabled me while on the health board to struggle not only zealously, but with reasonable efficiency and success, to improve conditions. we did our share in making forward strides in the matter of housing the working people of the city with some regard to decency and comfort. the midnight trips that riis and i took enabled me to see what the police department was doing, and also gave me personal insight into some of the problems of city life. it is one thing to listen in perfunctory fashion to tales of overcrowded tenements, and it is quite another actually to see what that overcrowding means, some hot summer night, by even a single inspection during the hours of darkness. there was a very hot spell one midsummer while i was police commissioner, and most of each night i spent walking through the tenement-house districts and visiting police stations to see what was being done. it was a tragic week. we did everything possible to alleviate the suffering. much of it was heartbreaking, especially the gasping misery of the little children and of the worn-out mothers. every resource of the health department, of the police department, and even the fire department (which flooded the hot streets) was taxed in the effort to render service. the heat killed such multitudes of horses that the means at our disposal for removing the poor dead beasts proved quite inadequate, although every nerve was strained to the limit. in consequence we received scores of complaints from persons before whose doors dead horses had remained, festering in the heat, for two or three days. one irascible man sent us furious denunciations, until we were at last able to send a big dray to drag away the horse that lay dead before his shop door. the huge dray already contained eleven other dead horses, and when it reached this particular door it broke down, and it was hours before it could be moved. the unfortunate man who had thus been cursed with a granted wish closed his doors in despair and wrote us a final pathetic letter in which he requested us to remove either the horses or his shop, he didn't care which. i have spoken before of my experience with the tenement-house cigar factory law which the highest court of new york state declared unconstitutional. my experience in the police department taught me that not a few of the worst tenement-houses were owned by wealthy individuals, who hired the best and most expensive lawyers to persuade the courts that it was "unconstitutional" to insist on the betterment of conditions. these business men and lawyers were very adroit in using a word with fine and noble associations to cloak their opposition to vitally necessary movements for industrial fair play and decency. they made it evident that they valued the constitution, not as a help to righteousness, but as a means for thwarting movements against unrighteousness. after my experience with them i became more set than ever in my distrust of those men, whether business men or lawyers, judges, legislators, or executive officers, who seek to make of the constitution a fetich for the prevention of the work of social reform, for the prevention of work in the interest of those men, women, and children on whose behalf we should be at liberty to employ freely every governmental agency. occasionally during the two years we had to put a stop to riotous violence, and now and then on these occasions some of the labor union leaders protested against the actions of the police. by this time i was becoming a strong believer in labor unions, a strong believer in the rights of labor. for that very reason i was all the more bound to see that lawlessness and disorder were put down, and that no rioter was permitted to masquerade under the guise of being a friend of labor or a sympathizer with labor. i was scrupulous to see that the labor men had fair play; that, for instance, they were allowed to picket just so far as under the law picketing could be permitted, so that the strikers had ample opportunity peacefully to persuade other labor men not to take their places. but i made it clearly and definitely understood that under no circumstances would i permit violence or fail to insist upon the keeping of order. if there were wrongs, i would join with a full heart in striving to have them corrected. but where there was violence all other questions had to drop until order was restored. this is a democracy, and the people have the power, if they choose to exercise it, to make conditions as they ought to be made, and to do this strictly within the law; and therefore the first duty of the true democrat, of the man really loyal to the principles of popular government, is to see that law is enforced and order upheld. it was a peculiar gratification to me that so many of the labor leaders with whom i was thrown in contact grew cordially to accept this view. when i left the department, several called upon me to say how sorry they were that i was not to continue in office. one, the secretary of the journeyman bakers' and confectioners' international union, henry weismann, wrote me expressing his regret that i was going, and his appreciation as a citizen of what i had done as police commissioner; he added: "i am particularly grateful for your liberal attitude toward organized labor, your cordial championship of those speaking in behalf of the toilers, and your evident desire to do the right thing as you saw it at whatever cost." some of the letters i received on leaving the department were from unexpected sources. mr. e. l. godkin, an editor who in international matters was not a patriotic man, wrote protesting against my taking the assistant-secretaryship of the navy, and adding: "i have a concern, as the quakers say, to put on record my earnest belief that in new york you are doing the greatest work of which any american to-day is capable, and exhibiting to the young men of the country the spectacle of a very important office administered by a man of high character in the most efficient way amid a thousand difficulties. as a lesson in politics i cannot think of anything more instructive." about the same time i had a letter from mr. (afterwards ambassador) james bryce, also expressing regret that i was leaving the police department, but naturally with much more appreciation of the work that was to be done in the navy department. this letter i quote, with his permission, because it conveys a lesson to those who are inclined always to think that the conditions of the present time are very bad. it was written july , . mr. bryce spoke of the possibility of coming to america in a month or so, and continued: "i hope i may have a chance of seeing you if i do get over, and of drawing some comfort from you as regards your political phenomena, which, so far as i can gather from those of your countrymen i have lately seen, furnish some good opportunities for a persistent optimist like myself to show that he is not to be lightly discouraged. don't suppose that things are specially 'nice,' as a lady would say, in europe either. they are not." mr. bryce was a very friendly and extraordinary competent observer of things american; and there was this distinct note of discouragement about our future in the intimate letter he was thus sending. yet this was at the very time when the united states was entering on a dozen years during which our people accomplished more good, and came nearer realizing the possibilities of a great, free, and conscientious democracy, than during any other dozen years in our history, save only the years of lincoln's presidency and the period during which the nation was founded. chapter vii the war of america the unready i suppose the united states will always be unready for war, and in consequence will always be exposed to great expense, and to the possibility of the gravest calamity, when the nation goes to war. this is no new thing. americans learn only from catastrophes and not from experience. there would have been no war in if, in the previous decade, america, instead of announcing that "peace was her passion," instead of acting on the theory that unpreparedness averts war, had been willing to go to the expense of providing a fleet of a score of ships of the line. however, in that case, doubtless the very men who in the actual event deplored the loss of life and waste of capital which their own supineness had brought about would have loudly inveighed against the "excessive and improper cost of armaments"; so it all came to about the same thing in the end. there is no more thoroughgoing international mrs. gummidge, and no more utterly useless and often utterly mischievous citizen, than the peace-at-any-price, universal-arbitration type of being, who is always complaining either about war or else about the cost of the armaments which act as the insurance against war. there is every reason why we should try to limit the cost of armaments, as these tend to grow excessive, but there is also every reason to remember that in the present stage of civilization a proper armament is the surest guarantee of peace--and is the only guarantee that war, if it does come, will not mean irreparable and overwhelming disaster. in the spring of president mckinley appointed me assistant secretary of the navy. i owed the appointment chiefly to the efforts of senator h. c. lodge of massachusetts, who doubtless was actuated mainly by his long and close friendship for me, but also--i like to believe--by his keen interest in the navy. the first book i had ever published, fifteen years previously, was "the history of the naval war of "; and i have always taken the interest in the navy which every good american ought to take. at the time i wrote the book, in the early eighties, the navy had reached its nadir, and we were then utterly incompetent to fight spain or any other power that had a navy at all. shortly afterwards we began timidly and hesitatingly to build up a fleet. it is amusing to recall the roundabout steps we took to accomplish our purpose. in the reaction after the colossal struggle of the civil war our strongest and most capable men had thrown their whole energy into business, into money-making, into the development, and above all the exploitation and exhaustion at the most rapid rate possible, of our natural resources--mines, forests, soil, and rivers. these men were not weak men, but they permitted themselves to grow shortsighted and selfish; and while many of them down at the bottom possessed the fundamental virtues, including the fighting virtues, others were purely of the glorified huckster or glorified pawnbroker type--which when developed to the exclusion of everything else makes about as poor a national type as the world has seen. this unadulterated huckster or pawnbroker type is rarely keenly sympathetic in matters of social and industrial justice, and is usually physically timid and likes to cover an unworthy fear of the most just war under high-sounding names. it was reinforced by the large mollycoddle vote--the people who are soft physically and morally, or who have a twist in them which makes them acidly cantankerous and unpleasant as long as they can be so with safety to their bodies. in addition there are the good people with no imagination and no foresight, who think war will not come, but that if it does come armies and navies can be improvised--a very large element, typified by a senator i knew personally who, in a public speech, in answer to a question as to what we would do if america were suddenly assailed by a first-class military power, answered that "we would build a battle-ship in every creek." then, among the wise and high-minded people who in self-respecting and genuine fashion strive earnestly for peace, there are the foolish fanatics always to be found in such a movement and always discrediting it--the men who form the lunatic fringe in all reform movements. all these elements taken together made a body of public opinion so important during the decades immediately succeeding the civil war as to put a stop to any serious effort to keep the nation in a condition of reasonable military preparedness. the representatives of this opinion then voted just as they now do when they vote against battle-ships or against fortifying the panama canal. it would have been bad enough if we had been content to be weak, and, in view of our weakness, not to bluster. but we were not content with such a policy. we wished to enjoy the incompatible luxuries of an unbridled tongue and an unready hand. there was a very large element which was ignorant of our military weakness, or, naturally enough, unable to understand it; and another large element which liked to please its own vanity by listening to offensive talk about foreign nations. accordingly, too many of our politicians, especially in congress, found that the cheap and easy thing to do was to please the foolish peace people by keeping us weak, and to please the foolish violent people by passing denunciatory resolutions about international matters--resolutions which would have been improper even if we had been strong. their idea was to please both the mollycoddle vote and the vote of the international tail-twisters by upholding, with pretended ardor and mean intelligence, a national policy of peace with insult. i abhor unjust war. i abhor injustice and bullying by the strong at the expense of the weak, whether among nations or individuals. i abhor violence and bloodshed. i believe that war should never be resorted to when, or so long as, it is honorably possible to avoid it. i respect all men and women who from high motives and with sanity and self-respect do all they can to avert war. i advocate preparation for war in order to avert war; and i should never advocate war unless it were the only alternative to dishonor. i describe the folly of which so many of our people were formerly guilty, in order that we may in our own day be on our guard against similar folly. we did not at the time of which i write take our foreign duties seriously, and as we combined bluster in speech with refusal to make any preparation whatsoever for action, we were not taken seriously in return. gradually a slight change for the better occurred, the writings of captain mahan playing no small part therein. we built some modern cruisers to start with; the people who felt that battle-ships were wicked compromising with their misguided consciences by saying that the cruisers could be used "to protect our commerce"--which they could not be, unless they had battle-ships to back them. then we attempted to build more powerful fighting vessels, and as there was a section of the public which regarded battle-ships as possessing a name immorally suggestive of violence, we compromised by calling the new ships armored cruisers, and making them combine with exquisite nicety all the defects and none of the virtues of both types. then we got to the point of building battle-ships. but there still remained a public opinion, as old as the time of jefferson, which thought that in the event of war all our problem ought to be one of coast defense, that we should do nothing except repel attack; an attitude about as sensible as that of a prize-fighter who expected to win by merely parrying instead of hitting. to meet the susceptibilities of this large class of well-meaning people, we provided for the battle-ships under the name of "coast defense battle-ships"; meaning thereby that we did not make them quite as seaworthy as they ought to have been, or with quite as much coal capacity as they ought to have had. then we decided to build real battle-ships. but there still remained a lingering remnant of public opinion that clung to the coast defense theory, and we met this in beautiful fashion by providing for "sea-going coast defense battle-ships"--the fact that the name was a contradiction in terms being of very small consequence compared to the fact that we did thereby get real battle-ships. our men had to be trained to handle the ships singly and in fleet formation, and they had to be trained to use the new weapons of precision with which the ships were armed. not a few of the older officers, kept in the service under our foolish rule of pure seniority promotion, were not competent for the task; but a proportion of the older officers were excellent, and this was true of almost all the younger officers. they were naturally first-class men, trained in the admirable naval school at annapolis. they were overjoyed that at last they were given proper instruments to work with, and they speedily grew to handle these ships individually in the best fashion. they were fast learning to handle them in squadron and fleet formation; but when the war with spain broke out, they had as yet hardly grasped the principles of modern scientific naval gunnery. soon after i began work as assistant secretary of the navy i became convinced that the war would come. the revolt in cuba had dragged its weary length until conditions in the island had become so dreadful as to be a standing disgrace to us for permitting them to exist. there is much that i sincerely admire about the spanish character; and there are few men for whom i have felt greater respect than for certain gentlemen of spain whom i have known. but spain attempted to govern her colonies on archaic principles which rendered her control of them incompatible with the advance of humanity and intolerable to the conscience of mankind. in the so-called war in cuba had dragged along for years with unspeakable horror, degradation, and misery. it was not "war" at all, but murderous oppression. cuba was devastated. during those years, while we continued at "peace," several hundred times as many lives were lost, lives of men, women, and children, as were lost during the three months' "war" which put an end to this slaughter and opened a career of peaceful progress to the cubans. yet there were misguided professional philanthropists who cared so much more for names than for facts that they preferred a "peace" of continuous murder to a "war" which stopped the murder and brought real peace. spain's humiliation was certain, anyhow; indeed, it was more certain without war than with it, for she could not permanently keep the island, and she minded yielding to the cubans more than yielding to us. our own direct interests were great, because of the cuban tobacco and sugar, and especially because of cuba's relation to the projected isthmian canal. but even greater were our interests from the standpoint of humanity. cuba was at our very doors. it was a dreadful thing for us to sit supinely and watch her death agony. it was our duty, even more from the standpoint of national honor than from the standpoint of national interest, to stop the devastation and destruction. because of these considerations i favored war; and to-day, when in retrospect it is easier to see things clearly, there are few humane and honorable men who do not believe that the war was both just and necessary. the big financiers and the men generally who were susceptible to touch on the money nerve, and who cared nothing for national honor if it conflicted even temporarily with business prosperity, were against the war. the more fatuous type of philanthropist agreed with them. the newspapers controlled by, or run in the interests of, these two classes deprecated war, and did everything in their power to prevent any preparation for war. as a whole the people in congress were at that time (and are now) a shortsighted set as regards international matters. there were a few men, senators cushman k. davis,[*] for instance, and john morgan, who did look ahead; and senator h. c. lodge, who throughout his quarter of a century of service in the senate and house has ever stood foremost among those who uphold with farsighted fearlessness and strict justice to others our national honor and interest; but most of the congressmen were content to follow the worst of all possible courses, that is, to pass resolutions which made war more likely, and yet to decline to take measures which would enable us to meet the war if it did come. [*] in a letter written me just before i became assistant secretary, senator davis unburdened his mind about one of the foolish "peace" proposals of that period; his letter running in part: "i left the senate chamber about three o'clock this afternoon when there was going on a deal of mowing and chattering over the treaty by which the united states is to be bound to arbitrate its sovereign functions--for policies are matters of sovereignty. . . . the aberrations of the social movement are neither progress nor retrogression. they represent merely a local and temporary sagging of the line of the great orbit. tennyson knew this when he wrote that fine and noble 'maud.' i often read it, for to do so does me good." after quoting one of poe's stories the letter continues: "the world will come out all right. let him who believes in the decline of the military spirit observe the boys of a common school during the recess or the noon hour. of course when american patriotism speaks out from its rank and file and demands action or expression, and when, thereupon, the 'business man,' so called, places his hand on his stack of reds as if he feared a policeman were about to disturb the game, and protests until american patriotism ceases to continue to speak as it had started to do--why, you and i get mad, and i swear. i hope you will be with us here after march . we can then pass judgment together on the things we don't like, and together indulge in hopes that i believe are prophetic." however, in the navy department we were able to do a good deal, thanks to the energy and ability of some of the bureau chiefs, and to the general good tone of the service. i soon found my natural friends and allies in such men as evans, taylor, sampson, wainwright, brownson, schroeder, bradford, cowles, cameron, winslow, o'neil, and others like them. i used all the power there was in my office to aid these men in getting the material ready. i also tried to gather from every source information as to who the best men were to occupy the fighting positions. sound naval opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of dewey to command one squadron. i was already watching him, for i had been struck by an incident in his past career. it was at a time when there was threat of trouble with chile. dewey was off the argentine, and was told to get ready to move to the other coast of south america. if the move became necessary, he would have to have coal, and yet if he did not make the move, the coal would not be needed. in such a case a man afraid of responsibility always acts rigidly by the regulations and communicates with the department at home to get authority for everything he does; and therefore he usually accomplishes nothing whatever, but is able to satisfy all individuals with red-tape minds by triumphantly pointing out his compliance with the regulations. in a crisis, the man worth his salt is the man who meets the needs of the situation in whatever way is necessary. dewey purchased the coal and was ready to move at once if need arose. the affair blew over; the need to move did not occur; and for some time there seemed to be a chance that dewey would get into trouble over having purchased the coal, for our people are like almost all other peoples in requiring responsible officers under such conditions to decide at their own personal peril, no matter which course they follow. however, the people higher up ultimately stood by dewey. the incident made me feel that here was a man who could be relied upon to prepare in advance, and to act promptly, fearlessly, and on his own responsibility when the emergency arose. accordingly i did my best to get him put in command of the asiatic fleet, the fleet where it was most essential to have a man who would act without referring things back to the home authorities. an officer senior to him, of the respectable commonplace type, was being pushed by certain politicians who i knew had influence with the navy department and with the president. i would have preferred to see dewey get the appointment without appealing to any politician at all. but while this was my preference, the essential thing was to get him the appointment. for a naval officer to bring pressure to get himself a soft and easy place is unpardonable; but a large leniency should be observed toward the man who uses influence only to get himself a place in the picture near the flashing of the guns. there was a senator, proctor of vermont, who i knew was close to mckinley, and who was very ardent for the war, and desirous to have it fought in the most efficient fashion. i suggested to dewey that he should enlist the services of senator proctor, which was accordingly done. in a fortunate hour for the nation, dewey was given command of the asiatic squadron. when the maine was blown up in havana harbor, war became inevitable. a number of the peace-at-any-price men of course promptly assumed the position that she had blown herself up; but investigation showed that the explosion was from outside. and, in any event, it would have been impossible to prevent war. the enlisted men of the navy, who often grew bored to the point of desertion in peace, became keyed up to a high pitch of efficiency, and crowds of fine young fellows, from the interior as well as from the seacoast, thronged to enlist. the navy officers showed alert ability and unwearied industry in getting things ready. there was one deficiency, however, which there was no time to remedy, and of the very existence of which, strange to say, most of our best men were ignorant. our navy had no idea how low our standard of marksmanship was. we had not realized that the modern battle-ship had become such a complicated piece of mechanism that the old methods of training in marksmanship were as obsolete as the old muzzle-loading broadside guns themselves. almost the only man in the navy who fully realized this was our naval attache at paris, lieutenant sims. he wrote letter after letter pointing out how frightfully backward we were in marksmanship. i was much impressed by his letters; but wainwright was about the only other man who was. and as sims proved to be mistaken in his belief that the french had taught the spaniards how to shoot, and as the spaniards proved to be much worse even than we were, in the service generally sims was treated as an alarmist. but although i at first partly acquiesced in this view, i grew uneasy when i studied the small proportion of hits to shots made by our vessels in battle. when i was president i took up the matter, and speedily became convinced that we needed to revolutionize our whole training in marksmanship. sims was given the lead in organizing and introducing the new system; and to him more than to any other one man was due the astonishing progress made by our fleet in this respect, a progress which made the fleet, gun for gun, at least three times as effective, in point of fighting efficiency, in , as it was in . the shots that hit are the shots that count! like the people, the government was for a long time unwilling to prepare for war, because so many honest but misguided men believed that the preparation itself tended to bring on the war. i did not in the least share this feeling, and whenever i was left as acting secretary i did everything in my power to put us in readiness. i knew that in the event of war dewey could be slipped like a wolf-hound from a leash; i was sure that if he were given half a chance he would strike instantly and with telling effect; and i made up my mind that all i could do to give him that half-chance should be done. i was in the closest touch with senator lodge throughout this period, and either consulted him about or notified him of all the moves i was taking. by the end of february i felt it was vital to send dewey (as well as each of our other commanders who were not in home waters) instructions that would enable him to be in readiness for immediate action. on the afternoon of saturday, february , when i was acting secretary, lodge called on me just as i was preparing the order, which (as it was addressed to a man of the right stamp) was of much importance to the subsequent operations. admiral dewey speaks of the incident as follows, in his autobiography: "the first real step [as regards active naval preparations] was taken on february , when telegraphic instructions were sent to the asiatic, european, and south atlantic squadrons to rendezvous at certain convenient points where, should war break out, they would be most available. "the message to the asiatic squadron bore the signature of that assistant secretary who had seized the opportunity while acting secretary to hasten preparations for a conflict which was inevitable. as mr. roosevelt reasoned, precautions for readiness would cost little in time of peace, and yet would be invaluable in case of war. his cablegram was as follows: "'washington, february , ' . "'_dewey, hong kong_: "'order the squadron, except the monocacy, to hong kong. keep full of coal. in the event of declaration of war spain, your duty will be to see that the spanish squadron does not leave the asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in philippine islands. keep olympia until further orders. "'roosevelt.' "(the reference to keeping the olympia until further orders was due to the fact that i had been notified that she would soon be recalled to the united states.)" all that was needed with dewey was to give him the chance to get ready, and then to strike, without being hampered by orders from those not on the ground. success in war depends very largely upon choosing a man fit to exercise such powers, and then giving him the powers. it would be instructive to remember, if only we were willing to do so, the fairly comic panic which swept in waves over our seacoast, first when it became evident that war was about to be declared, and then when it was declared. the public waked up to the sufficiently obvious fact that the government was in its usual state--perennial unreadiness for war. thereupon the people of the seaboard district passed at one bound from unreasoning confidence that war never could come to unreasoning fear as to what might happen now that it had come. that acute philosopher mr. dooley proclaimed that in the spanish war we were in a dream, but that the spaniards were in a trance. this just about summed up the facts. our people had for decades scoffed at the thought of making ready for possible war. now, when it was too late, they not only backed every measure, wise and unwise, that offered a chance of supplying a need that ought to have been met before, but they also fell into a condition of panic apprehension as to what the foe might do. for years we had been saying, just as any number of our people now say, that no nation would venture to attack us. then when we did go to war with an exceedingly feeble nation, we, for the time being, rushed to the other extreme of feeling, and attributed to this feeble nation plans of offensive warfare which it never dreamed of making, and which, if made, it would have been wholly unable to execute. some of my readers doubtless remember the sinister intentions and unlimited potentialities for destruction with which the fertile imagination of the yellow press endowed the armored cruiser viscaya when she appeared in american waters just before war was declared. the state of nervousness along much of the seacoast was funny in view of the lack of foundation for it; but it offered food for serious thought as to what would happen if we ever became engaged with a serious foe. the governor of one state actually announced that he would not permit the national guard of that state to leave its borders, the idea being to retain it against a possible spanish invasion. so many of the business men of the city of boston took their securities inland to worcester that the safe deposit companies of worcester proved unable to take care of them. in my own neighborhood on long island clauses were gravely put into leases to the effect that if the property were destroyed by the spaniards the lease should lapse. as assistant secretary of the navy i had every conceivable impossible request made to me. members of congress who had actively opposed building any navy came clamorously around to ask each for a ship for some special purpose of protection connected with his district. it seems incredible, but it is true, that not only these congressmen but the chambers of commerce and boards of trade of different coast cities all lost their heads for the time being, and raised a deafening clamor and brought every species of pressure to bear on the administration to get it to adopt the one most fatal course--that is, to distribute the navy, ship by ship, at all kinds of points and in all kinds of ports with the idea of protecting everything everywhere, and thereby rendering it absolutely certain that even the spanish fleet, poor though it was, would be able to pick up our own navy ship by ship in detail. one congressman besought me for a ship to protect jekyll island, off the coast of georgia, an island which derived its sole consequence because it contained the winter homes of certain millionaires. a lady whose husband occupied a very influential position, and who was normally a most admirable and sensible woman, came to insist that a ship should be anchored off a huge seaside hotel because she had a house in the neighborhood. there were many such instances. one stood out above the others. a certain seaboard state contained in its congressional delegation one of the most influential men in the senate, and one of the most influential men in the lower house. these two men had been worse than lukewarm about building up the navy, and had scoffed at the idea of there ever being any danger from any foreign power. with the advent of war the feelings of their constituents, and therefore their own feelings, suffered an immediate change, and they demanded that a ship be anchored in the harbor of their city as a protection. getting no comfort from me, they went "higher up," and became a kind of permanent committee in attendance upon the president. they were very influential men in the houses, with whom it was important for the administration to keep on good terms; and, moreover, they possessed a pertinacity as great as the widow who won her case from the unjust judge. finally the president gave in and notified me to see that a ship was sent to the city in question. i was bound that, as long as a ship had to be sent, it should not be a ship worth anything. accordingly a civil war monitor, with one smooth-bore gun, managed by a crew of about twenty-one naval militia, was sent to the city in question, under convoy of a tug. it was a hazardous trip for the unfortunate naval militiamen, but it was safely accomplished; and joy and peace descended upon the senator and the congressman, and upon the president whom they had jointly harassed. incidentally, the fact that the protecting war-vessel would not have been a formidable foe to any antagonists of much more modern construction than the galleys of alcibiades seemed to disturb nobody. this was one side of the picture. the other side was that the crisis at once brought to the front any amount of latent fighting strength. there were plenty of congressmen who showed cool-headed wisdom and resolution. the plain people, the men and women back of the persons who lost their heads, set seriously to work to see that we did whatever was necessary, and made the job a thorough one. the young men swarmed to enlist. in time of peace it had been difficult to fill the scanty regular army and navy, and there were innumerable desertions; now the ships and regiments were over-enlisted, and so many deserters returned in order to fight that it became difficult to decide what to do with them. england, and to a less degree japan, were friendly. the great powers of continental europe were all unfriendly. they jeered at our ships and men, and with fatuous partisanship insisted that the spaniards would prove too much for our "mercenaries" because we were a commercial people of low ideals who could not fight, while the men whom we attempted to hire for that purpose were certain to run on the day of battle. among my friends was the then army surgeon leonard wood. he was a surgeon. not having an income, he had to earn his own living. he had gone through the harvard medical school, and had then joined the army in the southwest as a contract doctor. he had every physical, moral, and mental quality which fitted him for a soldier's life and for the exercise of command. in the inconceivably wearing and harassing campaigns against the apaches he had served nominally as a surgeon, really in command of troops, on more than one expedition. he was as anxious as i was that if there were war we should both have our part in it. i had always felt that if there were a serious war i wished to be in a position to explain to my children why i did take part in it, and not why i did not take part in it. moreover, i had very deeply felt that it was our duty to free cuba, and i had publicly expressed this feeling; and when a man takes such a position, he ought to be willing to make his words good by his deeds unless there is some very strong reason to the contrary. he should pay with his body. as soon as war was upon us, wood and i began to try for a chance to go to the front. congress had authorized the raising of three national volunteer cavalry regiments, wholly apart from the state contingents. secretary alger of the war department was fond of me personally, and wood was his family doctor. alger had been a gallant soldier in the civil war, and was almost the only member of the administration who felt all along that we would have to go to war with spain over cuba. he liked my attitude in the matter, and because of his remembrance of his own experiences he sympathized with my desire to go to the front. accordingly he offered me the command of one of the regiments. i told him that after six weeks' service in the field i would feel competent to handle the regiment, but that i would not know how to equip it or how to get it into the first action; but that wood was entirely competent at once to take command, and that if he would make wood colonel i would accept the lieutenant-colonelcy. general alger thought this an act of foolish self-abnegation on my part--instead of its being, what it was, the wisest act i could have performed. he told me to accept the colonelcy, and that he would make wood lieutenant-colonel, and that wood would do the work anyway; but i answered that i did not wish to rise on any man's shoulders; that i hoped to be given every chance that my deeds and abilities warranted; but that i did not wish what i did not earn, and that above all i did not wish to hold any position where any one else did the work. he laughed at me a little and said i was foolish, but i do not think he really minded, and he promised to do as i wished. true to his word, he secured the appointment of wood as colonel and of myself as lieutenant-colonel of the first united states volunteer cavalry. this was soon nicknamed, both by the public and by the rest of the army, the rough riders, doubtless because the bulk of the men were from the southwestern ranch country and were skilled in the wild horsemanship of the great plains. wood instantly began the work of raising the regiment. he first assembled several old non-commissioned officers of experience, put them in office, and gave them blanks for requisitions for the full equipment of a cavalry regiment. he selected san antonio as the gathering-place, as it was in a good horse country, near the gulf from some port on which we would have to embark, and near an old arsenal and an old army post from which we got a good deal of stuff--some of it practically condemned, but which we found serviceable at a pinch, and much better than nothing. he organized a horse board in texas, and began purchasing all horses that were not too big and were sound. a day or two after he was commissioned he wrote out in the office of the secretary of war, under his authority, telegrams to the governors of arizona, new mexico, oklahoma, and indian territory, in substance as follows: the president desires to raise --- volunteers in your territory to form part of a regiment of mounted riflemen to be commanded by leonard wood, colonel; theodore roosevelt, lieutenant-colonel. he desires that the men selected should be young, sound, good shots and good riders, and that you expedite by all means in your power the enrollment of these men. (signed) r. a. alger, secretary of war. as soon as he had attended to a few more odds and ends he left washington, and the day after his arrival in san antonio the troops began to arrive. for several weeks before i joined the regiment, to which wood went ahead of me, i continued as assistant secretary of the navy, trying to get some coherence of plan between the war department and the navy department; and also being used by wood to finish getting the equipment for the regiment. as regards finding out what the plans of the war department were, the task was simple. they had no plans. even during the final months before the outbreak of hostilities very little was done in the way of efficient preparation. on one occasion, when every one knew that the declaration of war was sure to come in a few days, i went on military business to the office of one of the highest line generals of the army, a man who at that moment ought to have been working eighteen hours out of the twenty-four on the vital problems ahead of him. what he was actually doing was trying on a new type of smart-looking uniform on certain enlisted men; and he called me in to ask my advice as to the position of the pockets in the blouse, with a view to making it look attractive. an aide of this general--funnily enough a good fighting man in actual service--when i consulted him as to what my uniform for the campaign should be, laid special stress upon my purchasing a pair of black top boots for full dress, explaining that they were very effective on hotel piazzas and in parlors. i did not intend to be in any hotel if it could possibly be avoided; and as things turned out, i had no full-dress uniform, nothing but my service uniform, during my brief experience in the army. i suppose that war always does bring out what is highest and lowest in human nature. the contractors who furnish poor materials to the army or the navy in time of war stand on a level of infamy only one degree above that of the participants in the white slave traffic themselves. but there is conduct far short of this which yet seems inexplicable to any man who has in him any spirit of disinterested patriotism combined with any power of imagination. respectable men, who i suppose lack the imagination thoroughly to realize what they are doing, try to make money out of the nation's necessities in war at the very time that other men are making every sacrifice, financial and personal, for the cause. in the closing weeks of my service as assistant secretary of the navy we were collecting ships for auxiliary purposes. some men, at cost to their own purses, helped us freely and with efficiency; others treated the affair as an ordinary business transaction; and yet others endeavored, at some given crisis when our need was great, to sell us inferior vessels at exorbitant prices, and used every pressure, through senators and congressmen, to accomplish their ends. in one or two cases they did accomplish them too, until we got a really first-class board established to superintend such purchases. a more curious experience was in connection with the point chosen for the starting of the expedition against cuba. i had not supposed that any human being could consider this matter save from the standpoint of military need. but one morning a very wealthy and influential man, a respectable and upright man according to his own lights, called on me to protest against our choice of tampa, and to put in a plea for a certain other port, on the ground that his railroad was entitled to its share of the profit for hauling the army and equipment! i happened to know that at this time this very man had kinsfolk with the army, who served gallantly, and the circumstances of his coming to me were such as to show that he was not acting secretly, and had no idea that there was anything out of the way in his proposal. i think the facts were merely that he had been trained to regard business as the sole object in life, and that he lacked the imagination to enable him to understand the real nature of the request that he was making; and, moreover, he had good reason to believe that one of his business competitors had been unduly favored. the war department was in far worse shape than the navy department. the young officers turned out from west point are precisely as good as the young officers turned out from annapolis, and this always has been true. but at that time (something has been done to remedy the worst conditions since), and ever since the close of the civil war, the conditions were such that after a few years the army officer stagnated so far as his profession was concerned. when the spanish war broke out the navy really was largely on a war footing, as any navy which is even respectably cared for in time of peace must be. the admirals, captains, and lieutenants were continually practicing their profession in almost precisely the way that it has to be practiced in time of war. except actually shooting at a foe, most of the men on board ship went through in time of peace practically all that they would have to go through in time of war. the heads of bureaus in the navy department were for the most part men who had seen sea service, who expected to return to sea service, and who were preparing for needs which they themselves knew by experience. moreover, the civilian head of the navy had to provide for keeping the ships in a state of reasonable efficiency, and congress could not hopelessly misbehave itself about the navy without the fact at once becoming evident. all this was changed so far as the army was concerned. not only was it possible to decrease the efficiency of the army without being called to account for it, but the only way in which the secretary of war could gain credit for himself or the administration was by economy, and the easiest way to economize was in connection with something that would not be felt unless war should arise. the people took no interest whatever in the army; demagogues clamored against it, and, inadequate though it was in size, insisted that it should be still further reduced. popular orators always appealed to the volunteers; the regulars had no votes and there was no point in politicians thinking of them. the chief activity shown by congressmen about the army was in getting special army posts built in places where there was no need for them. even the work of the army in its campaigns against the indians was of such a character that it was generally performed by small bodies of fifty or a hundred men. until a man ceased being a lieutenant he usually had plenty of professional work to attend to and was employed in the field, and, in short, had the same kind of practice that his brother in the navy had, and he did his work as well. but once past this stage he had almost no opportunity to perform any work corresponding to his rank, and but little opportunity to do any military work whatsoever. the very best men, men like lawton, young, chaffee, hawkins, and sumner, to mention only men under or beside whom i served, remained good soldiers, soldiers of the best stamp, in spite of the disheartening conditions. but it was not to be expected that the average man could continue to grow when every influence was against him. accordingly, when the spanish war suddenly burst upon us, a number of inert elderly captains and field officers were, much against their own wishes, suddenly pitchforked into the command of regiments, brigades, and even divisions and army corps. often these men failed painfully. this was not their fault; it was the fault of the nation, that is, the fault of all of us, of you, my reader, and of myself, and of those like us, because we had permitted conditions to be such as to render these men unfit for command. take a stout captain of an out-of-the-way two-company post, where nothing in the world ever occurred even resembling military action, and where the only military problem that really convulsed the post to its foundations was the quarrel between the captain and the quartermaster as to how high a mule's tail ought to be shaved (i am speaking of an actual incident). what could be expected of such a man, even though thirty-five years before he had been a gallant second lieutenant in the civil war, if, after this intervening do-nothing period, he was suddenly put in command of raw troops in a midsummer campaign in the tropics? the bureau chiefs were for the most part elderly incompetents, whose idea was to do their routine duties in such way as to escape the censure of routine bureaucratic superiors and to avoid a congressional investigation. they had not the slightest conception of preparing the army for war. it was impossible that they could have any such conception. the people and the congress did not wish the army prepared for war; and those editors and philanthropists and peace advocates who felt vaguely that if the army were incompetent their principles were safe, always inveighed against any proposal to make it efficient, on the ground that this showed a natural bloodthirstiness in the proposer. when such were the conditions, it was absolutely impossible that either the war department or the army could do well in the event of war. secretary alger happened to be secretary when war broke out, and all the responsibility for the shortcomings of the department were visited upon his devoted head. he was made the scapegoat for our national shortcomings. the fault was not his; the fault and responsibility lay with us, the people, who for thirty-three years had permitted our representatives in congress and in national executive office to bear themselves so that it was absolutely impossible to avoid the great bulk of all the trouble that occurred, and of all the shortcomings of which our people complained, during the spanish war. the chief immediate cause was the conditions of red-tape bureaucracy which existed in the war department at washington, which had prevented any good organization or the preparation of any good plan of operation for using our men and supplies. the recurrence of these conditions, even though in somewhat less aggravated form, in any future emergency is as certain as sunrise unless we bring about the principle of a four years' detail in the staff corps--a principle which congress has now for years stubbornly refused to grant. there are nations who only need to have peaceful ideals inculcated, and to whom militarism is a curse and a misfortune. there are other nations, like our own, so happily situated that the thought of war is never present to their minds. they are wholly free from any tendency improperly to exalt or to practice militarism. these nations should never forget that there must be military ideals no less than peaceful ideals. the exaltation of nogi's career, set forth so strikingly in stanley washburn's little volume on the great japanese warrior, contains much that is especially needed for us of america, prone as we are to regard the exigencies of a purely commercial and industrial civilization as excusing us from the need of admiring and practicing the heroic and warlike virtues. our people are not military. we need normally only a small standing army; but there should be behind it a reserve of instructed men big enough to fill it up to full war strength, which is over twice the peace strength. moreover, the young men of the country should realize that it is the duty of every one of them to prepare himself so that in time of need he may speedily become an efficient soldier--a duty now generally forgotten, but which should be recognized as one of the vitally essential parts of every man's training. in endeavoring to get the "rough riders" equipped i met with some experiences which were both odd and instructive. there were not enough arms and other necessaries to go round, and there was keen rivalry among the intelligent and zealous commanders of the volunteer organizations as to who should get first choice. wood's experience was what enabled us to equip ourselves in short order. there was another cavalry organization whose commander was at the war department about this time, and we had been eyeing him with much alertness as a rival. one day i asked him what his plans were about arming and drilling his troops, who were of precisely the type of our own men. he answered that he expected "to give each of the boys two revolvers and a lariat, and then just turn them loose." i reported the conversation to wood, with the remark that we might feel ourselves safe from rivalry in that quarter; and safe we were. in trying to get the equipment i met with checks and rebuffs, and in return was the cause of worry and concern to various bureau chiefs who were unquestionably estimable men in their private and domestic relations, and who doubtless had been good officers thirty years before, but who were as unfit for modern war as if they were so many smooth-bores. one fine old fellow did his best to persuade us to take black powder rifles, explaining with paternal indulgence that no one yet really knew just what smokeless powder might do, and that there was a good deal to be said in favor of having smoke to conceal us from the enemy. i saw this pleasing theory actually worked out in practice later on, for the national guard regiments with us at santiago had black powder muskets, and the regular artillery black powder guns, and they really might almost as well have replaced these weapons by crossbows and mangonels. we succeeded, thanks to wood, in getting the same cavalry carbines that were used by the regulars. we were determined to do this, not only because the weapons were good, but because this would in all probability mean that we were brigaded with the regular cavalry, which it was certain would be sent immediately to the front for the fighting. there was one worthy bureau chief who was continually refusing applications of mine as irregular. in each case i would appeal to secretary alger--who helped me in every way--and get an order from him countenancing the irregularity. for instance, i found out that as we were nearer the july date than the january date for the issuance of clothing, and as it had long been customary to issue the winter clothing in july, so as to give ample leisure for getting it to all the various posts, it was therefore solemnly proposed to issue this same winter clothing to us who were about to start for a summer campaign in the tropics. this would seem incredible to those who have never dealt with an inert officialdom, a red-tape bureaucracy, but such is the fact. i rectified this and got an order for khaki clothing. we were then told we would have to advertise thirty days for horses. this meant that we would have missed the santiago expedition. so i made another successful appeal to the secretary. other difficulties came up about wagons, and various articles, and in each case the same result followed. on the last occasion, when i came up in triumph with the needed order, the worried office head, who bore me no animosity, but who did feel that fate had been very unkind, threw himself back in his chair and exclaimed with a sigh: "oh, dear! i had this office running in such good shape--and then along came the war and upset everything!" his feeling was that war was an illegitimate interruption to the work of the war department. there were of course department heads and bureau chiefs and assistants who, in spite of the worthlessness of the system, and of the paralyzing conditions that had prevailed, remained first-class men. an example of these was commissary-general weston. his energy, activity, administrative efficiency, and common sense were supplemented by an eager desire to help everybody do the best that could be done. both in washington and again down at santiago we owed him very much. when i was president, it was my good fortune to repay him in part our debt, which means the debt of the people of the country, by making him a major-general. the regiment assembled at san antonio. when i reached there, the men, rifles, and horses, which were the essentials, were coming in fast, and the saddles, blankets, and the like were also accumulating. thanks to wood's exertions, when we reached tampa we were rather better equipped than most of the regular regiments. we adhered strictly to field equipment, allowing no luxuries or anything else unnecessary, and so we were able to move off the field when ordered, with our own transportation, leaving nothing behind. i suppose every man tends to brag about his regiment; but it does seem to me that there never was a regiment better worth bragging about than ours. wood was an exceptional commander, of great power, with a remarkable gift for organization. the rank and file were as fine natural fighting men as ever carried a rifle or rode a horse in any country or any age. we had a number of first-class young fellows from the east, most of them from colleges like harvard, yale, and princeton; but the great majority of the men were southwesterners, from the then territories of oklahoma, indian territory, arizona, and new mexico. they were accustomed to the use of firearms, accustomed to taking care of themselves in the open; they were intelligent and self-reliant; they possessed hardihood and endurance and physical prowess; and, above all, they had the fighting edge, the cool and resolute fighting temper. they went into the war with full knowledge, having deliberately counted the cost. in the great majority of cases each man was chiefly anxious to find out what he should do to make the regiment a success. they bought, first and last, about copies of the cavalry drill regulations and studied them industriously. such men were practically soldiers to start with, in all the essentials. it is small wonder that with them as material to work upon the regiment was raised, armed, equipped, drilled, sent on trains to tampa, embarked, disembarked, and put through two victorious offensive--not defensive--fights in which a third of the officers and one-fifth of the men were killed or wounded, all within sixty days. it is a good record, and it speaks well for the men of the regiment; and it speaks well for wood.[*] [*] to counterbalance the newspapers which ignorantly and indiscriminately praised all the volunteers there were others whose blame was of the same intelligent quality. the new york _evening post_, on june , gave expression to the following gloomy foreboding: "competent observers have remarked that nothing more extraordinary has been done than the sending to cuba of the first united states volunteer cavalry, known as the 'rough riders.' organized but four weeks, barely given their full complement of officers, and only a week of regular drill, these men have been sent to the front before they have learned the first elements of soldiering and discipline, or have even become acquainted with their officers. in addition to all this, like the regular cavalry, they have been sent with only their carbines and revolvers to meet an enemy armed with long-range rifles. there have been few cases of such military cruelty in our military annals." a week or so after this not wholly happy prophecy was promulgated, the "cruelty" was consummated, first at las guasimas and then in the san juan fighting. wood was so busy getting the regiment ready that when i reached san antonio he turned most of the drilling of it over to me. this was a piece of great good fortune for me, and i drilled the men industriously, mounted and unmounted. i had plenty to learn, and the men and the officers even more; but we went at our work with the heartiest good will. we speedily made it evident that there was no room and no mercy for any man who shirked any duty, and we accomplished good results. the fact is that the essentials of drill and work for a cavalry or an infantry regiment are easy to learn, which of course is not true for the artillery or the engineers or for the navy. the reason why it takes so long to turn the average civilized man into a good infantryman or cavalryman is because it takes a long while to teach the average untrained man how to shoot, to ride, to march, to take care of himself in the open, to be alert, resourceful, cool, daring, and resolute, to obey quickly, as well as to be willing, and to fit himself, to act on his own responsibility. if he already possesses these qualities, there is very little difficulty in making him a soldier; all the drill that is necessary to enable him to march and to fight is of a simple character. parade ground and barrack square maneuvers are of no earthly consequence in real war. when men can readily change from line to column, and column to line, can form front in any direction, and assemble and scatter, and can do these things with speed and precision, they have a fairly good grasp of the essentials. when our regiment reached tampa it could already be handled creditably at fast gaits, and both in mass and extended formations, mounted and dismounted. i had served three years in the new york national guard, finally becoming a captain. this experience was invaluable to me. it enabled me at once to train the men in the simple drill without which they would have been a mob; for although the drill requirements are simple, they are also absolutely indispensable. but if i had believed that my experience in the national guard had taught me all that there was to teach about a soldier's career, it would have been better for me not to have been in it at all. there were in the regiment a number of men who had served in the national guard, and a number of others who had served in the regular army. some of these latter had served in the field in the west under campaign conditions, and were accustomed to long marches, privation, risk, and unexpected emergencies. these men were of the utmost benefit to the regiment. they already knew their profession, and could teach and help the others. but if the man had merely served in a national guard regiment, or in the regular army at some post in a civilized country where he learned nothing except what could be picked up on the parade ground, in the barracks, and in practice marches of a few miles along good roads, then it depended purely upon his own good sense whether he had been helped or hurt by the experience. if he realized that he had learned only five per cent of his profession, that there remained ninety-five per cent to accomplish before he would be a good soldier, why, he had profited immensely. to start with five per cent handicap was a very great advantage; and if the man was really a good man, he could not be overtaken. but if the man thought that he had learned all about the profession of a soldier because he had been in the national guard or in the regular army under the conditions i have described, then he was actually of less use than if he had never had any military experience at all. such a man was apt to think that nicety of alignment, precision in wheeling, and correctness in the manual of arms were the ends of training and the guarantees of good soldiership, and that from guard mounting to sentry duty everything in war was to be done in accordance with what he had learned in peace. as a matter of fact, most of what he had learned was never used at all, and some of it had to be unlearned. the one thing, for instance, that a sentry ought never to do in an actual campaign is to walk up and down a line where he will be conspicuous. his business is to lie down somewhere off a ridge crest where he can see any one approaching, but where a man approaching cannot see him. as for the ceremonies, during the really hard part of a campaign only the barest essentials are kept. almost all of the junior regular officers, and many of the senior regular officers, were fine men. but, through no fault of their own, had been forced to lead lives that fairly paralyzed their efficiency when the strain of modern war came on them. the routine elderly regular officer who knew nothing whatever of modern war was in most respects nearly as worthless as a raw recruit. the positions and commands prescribed in the text-books were made into fetishes by some of these men, and treated as if they were the ends, instead of the not always important means by which the ends were to be achieved. in the cuban fighting, for instance, it would have been folly for me to have taken my place in the rear of the regiment, the canonical text-book position. my business was to be where i could keep most command over the regiment, and, in a rough-and-tumble, scrambling fight in thick jungle, this had to depend upon the course of events, and usually meant that i had to be at the front. i saw in that fighting more than one elderly regimental commander who unwittingly rendered the only service he could render to his regiment by taking up his proper position several hundred yards in the rear when the fighting began; for then the regiment disappeared in the jungle, and for its good fortune the commanding officer never saw it again until long after the fight was over. after one cuban fight a lieutenant-colonel of the regulars, in command of a regiment, who had met with just such an experience and had rejoined us at the front several hours after the close of the fighting, asked me what my men were doing when the fight began. i answered that they were following in trace in column of twos, and that the instant the shooting began i deployed them as skirmishers on both sides of the trail. he answered triumphantly, "you can't deploy men as skirmishers from column formation"; to which i responded, "well, i did, and, what is more, if any captain had made any difficulty about it, i would have sent him to the rear." my critic was quite correct from the parade ground standpoint. the prescribed orders at that time were to deploy the column first into a line of squads at correct intervals, and then to give an order which, if my memory serves correctly, ran: "as skirmishers, by the right and left flanks, at six yards, take intervals, march." the order i really gave ran more like this: "scatter out to the right there, quick, you! scatter to the left! look alive, look alive!" and they looked alive, and they scattered, and each took advantage of cover, and forward went the line. now i do not wish what i have said to be misunderstood. if ever we have a great war, the bulk of our soldiers will not be men who have had any opportunity to train soul and mind and body so as to meet the iron needs of an actual campaign. long continued and faithful drill will alone put these men in shape to begin to do their duty, and failure to recognize this on the part of the average man will mean laziness and folly and not the possession of efficiency. moreover, if men have been trained to believe, for instance, that they can "arbitrate questions of vital interest and national honor," if they have been brought up with flabbiness of moral fiber as well as flabbiness of physique, then there will be need of long and laborious and faithful work to give the needed tone to mind and body. but if the men have in them the right stuff, it is not so very difficult. at san antonio we entrained for tampa. in various sociological books by authors of continental europe, there are jeremiads as to the way in which service in the great european armies, with their minute and machine-like efficiency and regularity, tends to dwarf the capacity for individual initiative among the officers and men. there is no such danger for any officer or man of a volunteer organization in america when our country, with playful light-heartedness, has pranced into war without making any preparation for it. i know no larger or finer field for the display of an advanced individualism than that which opened before us as we went from san antonio to tampa, camped there, and embarked on a transport for cuba. nobody ever had any definite information to give us, and whatever information we unearthed on our own account was usually wrong. each of us had to show an alert and not overscrupulous self-reliance in order to obtain food for his men, provender for his horses, or transportation of any kind for any object. one lesson early impressed on me was that if i wanted anything to eat it was wise to carry it with me; and if any new war should arise, i would earnestly advise the men of every volunteer organization always to proceed upon the belief that their supplies will not turn up, and to take every opportunity of getting food for themselves. tampa was a scene of the wildest confusion. there were miles of tracks loaded with cars of the contents of which nobody seemed to have any definite knowledge. general miles, who was supposed to have supervision over everything, and general shafter, who had charge of the expedition, were both there. but, thanks to the fact that nobody had had any experience in handling even such a small force as ours--about , men--there was no semblance of order. wood and i were bound that we should not be left behind when the expedition started. when we were finally informed that it was to leave next morning, we were ordered to go to a certain track to meet a train. we went to the track, but the train never came. then we were sent to another track to meet another train. again it never came. however, we found a coal train, of which we took possession, and the conductor, partly under duress and partly in a spirit of friendly helpfulness, took us down to the quay. all kinds of other organizations, infantry and cavalry, regular and volunteer, were arriving at the quay and wandering around it, and there was no place where we could get any specific information as to what transport we were to have. finally wood was told to "get any ship you can get which is not already assigned." he borrowed without leave a small motor boat, and commandeered the transport yucatan. when asked by the captain what his authority was, he reported that he was acting "by orders of general shafter," and directed the ship to be brought to the dock. he had already sent me word to be ready, as soon as the ship touched the pier, to put the regiment aboard her. i found that she had already been assigned to a regular regiment, and to another volunteer regiment, and as it was evident that not more than half of the men assigned to her could possibly get on, i was determined that we should not be among the men left off. the volunteer regiment offered a comparatively easy problem. i simply marched my men past them to the allotted place and held the gangway. with the regulars i had to be a little more diplomatic, because their commander, a lieutenant-colonel, was my superior in rank, and also doubtless knew his rights. he sent word to me to make way, to draw my regiment off to one side, and let his take possession of the gangway. i could see the transport coming in, and could dimly make out wood's figure thereon. accordingly i played for time. i sent respectful requests through his officers to the commander of the regulars, entered into parleys, and made protestations, until the transport got near enough so that by yelling at the top of my voice i was able to get into a--highly constructive--communication with wood. what he was saying i had no idea, but he was evidently speaking, and on my own responsibility i translated it into directions to hold the gangway, and so informed the regulars that i was under the orders of my superior and of a ranking officer, and--to my great regret, etc., etc.--could not give way as they desired. as soon as the transport was fast we put our men aboard at the double. half of the regular regiment got on, and the other half and the other volunteer regiment went somewhere else. we were kept several days on the transport, which was jammed with men, so that it was hard to move about on the deck. then the fleet got under way, and we steamed slowly down to santiago. here we disembarked, higgledy-piggledy, just as we had embarked. different parts of different outfits were jumbled together, and it was no light labor afterwards to assemble the various batteries. for instance, one transport had guns, and another the locks for the guns; the two not getting together for several days after one of them had been landed. soldiers went here, provisions there; and who got ashore first largely depended upon individual activity. fortunately for us, my former naval aide, when i had been assistant secretary of the navy, lieutenant-commander sharp, a first-class fellow, was there in command of a little ship to which i had succeeded in getting him appointed before i left the navy department. he gave us a black pilot, who took our transport right in shore, the others following like a flock of sheep; and we disembarked with our rifles, ammunition belts, and not much else. in theory it was out of our turn, but if we had not disembarked then, heaven only knows when our turn would have come, and we did not intend to be out of the fighting if we could help it. i carried some food in my pockets, and a light waterproof coat, which was my sole camp equipment for the next two or three days. twenty-four hours after getting ashore we marched from daiquiri, where we had landed, to siboney, also on the coast, reaching it during a terrific downpour of rain. when this was over, we built a fire, dried our clothes, and ate whatever we had brought with us. we were brigaded with the first and tenth regular cavalry, under brigadier-general sam young. he was a fine type of the american regular. like general chaffee, another of the same type, he had entered the army in the civil war as a private. later, when i was president, it was my good fortune to make each of them in succession lieutenant-general of the army of the united states. when general young retired and general chaffee was to take his place, the former sent to the latter his three stars to wear on his first official presentation, with a note that they were from "private young to private chaffee." the two fine old fellows had served in the ranks, one in the cavalry, one in the infantry, in their golden youth, in the days of the great war nearly half a century before; each had grown gray in a lifetime of honorable service under the flag, and each closed his active career in command of the army. general young was one of the few men who had given and taken wounds with the saber. he was an old friend of mine, and when in washington before starting for the front he told me that if we got in his brigade he would put us into the fighting all right. he kept his word. general young had actively superintended getting his two regular regiments, or at least a squadron of each, off the transports, and late that night he sent us word that he had received permission to move at dawn and strike the spanish advance position. he directed us to move along a ridge trail with our two squadrons (one squadron having been left at tampa), while with the two squadrons of regulars, one of the first and one of the tenth, under his personal supervision, he marched up the valley trail. accordingly wood took us along the hill trail early next morning, till we struck the spaniards, and began our fight just as the regulars began the fight in the valley trail. it was a mountainous country covered with thick jungle, a most confusing country, and i had an awful time trying to get into the fight and trying to do what was right when in it; and all the while i was thinking that i was the only man who did not know what i was about, and that all the others did--whereas, as i found out later, pretty much everybody else was as much in the dark as i was. there was no surprise; we struck the spaniards exactly where we had expected; then wood halted us and put us into the fight deliberately and in order. he ordered us to deploy alternately by troops to the right and left of the trail, giving our senior major, brodie, a west pointer and as good a soldier as ever wore a uniform, the left wing, while i took the right wing. i was told if possible to connect with the regulars who were on the right. in theory this was excellent, but as the jungle was very dense the first troop that deployed to the right vanished forthwith, and i never saw it again until the fight was over--having a frightful feeling meanwhile that i might be court-martialed for losing it. the next troop deployed to the left under brodie. then the third came along, and i started to deploy it to the right as before. by the time the first platoon had gotten into the jungle i realized that it likewise would disappear unless i kept hold of it. i managed to keep possession of the last platoon. one learns fast in a fight, and i marched this platoon and my next two troops in column through the jungle without any attempt to deploy until we got on the firing line. this sounds simple. but it was not. i did not know when i had gotten on the firing line! i could hear a good deal of firing, some over to my right at a good distance, and the rest to the left and ahead. i pushed on, expecting to strike the enemy somewhere between. soon we came to the brink of a deep valley. there was a good deal of cracking of rifles way off in front of us, but as they used smokeless powder we had no idea as to exactly where they were, or who they were shooting at. then it dawned on us that we were the target. the bullets began to come overhead, making a sound like the ripping of a silk dress, with sometimes a kind of pop; a few of my men fell, and i deployed the rest, making them lie down and get behind trees. richard harding davis was with us, and as we scanned the landscape with our glasses it was he who first pointed out to us some spaniards in a trench some three-quarters of a mile off. it was difficult to make them out. there were not many of them. however, we finally did make them out, and we could see their conical hats, for the trench was a poor one. we advanced, firing at them, and drove them off. what to do then i had not an idea. the country in front fell away into a very difficult jungle-filled valley. there was nothing but jungle all around, and if i advanced i was afraid i might get out of touch with everybody and not be going in the right direction. moreover, as far as i could see, there was now nobody in front who was shooting at us, although some of the men on my left insisted that our own men had fired into us--an allegation which i soon found was almost always made in such a fight, and which in this case was not true. at this moment some of the regulars appeared across the ravine on our right. the first thing they did was to fire a volley at us, but one of our first sergeants went up a tree and waved a guidon at them and they stopped. firing was still going on to our left, however, and i was never more puzzled to know what to do. i did not wish to take my men out of their position without orders, for fear that i might thereby be leaving a gap if there was a spanish force which meditated an offensive return. on the other hand, it did not seem to me that i had been doing enough fighting to justify my existence, and there was obviously fighting going on to the left. i remember that i kept thinking of the refrain of the fox-hunting song, "here's to every friend who struggled to the end"; in the hunting field i had always acted on this theory, and, no matter how discouraging appearances might be, had never stopped trying to get in at the death until the hunt was actually over; and now that there was work, and not play, on hand, i intended to struggle as hard as i knew how not to be left out of any fighting into which i could, with any possible propriety, get. so i left my men where they were and started off at a trot toward where the firing was, with a couple of orderlies to send back for the men in case that proved advisable. like most tyros, i was wearing my sword, which in thick jungle now and then got between my legs--from that day on it always went corded in the baggage. i struck the trail, and began to pass occasional dead men. pretty soon i reached wood and found, much to my pleasure, that i had done the right thing, for as i came up word was brought to him that brodie had been shot, and he at once sent me to take charge of the left wing. it was more open country here, and at least i was able to get a glimpse of my own men and exercise some control over them. there was much firing going on, but for the life of me i could not see any spaniards, and neither could any one else. finally we made up our minds that they were shooting at us from a set of red-tiled ranch buildings a good way in front, and these i assaulted, finally charging them. before we came anywhere near, the spaniards, who, as it proved, really were inside and around them, abandoned them, leaving a few dead men. by the time i had taken possession of these buildings all firing had ceased everywhere. i had not the faintest idea what had happened: whether the fight was over; or whether this was merely a lull in the fight; or where the spaniards were; or whether we might be attacked again; or whether we ought ourselves to attack somebody somewhere else. i got my men in order and sent out small parties to explore the ground in front, who returned without finding any foe. (by this time, as a matter of fact, the spaniards were in full retreat.) meanwhile i was extending my line so as to get into touch with our people on the right. word was brought to me that wood had been shot--which fortunately proved not to be true--and as, if this were so, it meant that i must take charge of the regiment, i moved over personally to inquire. soon i learned that he was all right, that the spaniards had retreated along the main road, and that colonel wood and two or three other officers were a short distance away. before i reached them i encountered a captain of the ninth cavalry, very glum because his troopers had not been up in time to take part in the fight, and he congratulated me--with visible effort!--upon my share in our first victory. i thanked him cordially, not confiding in him that till that moment i myself knew exceeding little about the victory; and proceeded to where generals wheeler, lawton, and chaffee, who had just come up, in company with wood, were seated on a bank. they expressed appreciation of the way that i had handled my troops, first on the right wing and then on the left! as i was quite prepared to find i had committed some awful sin, i did my best to accept this in a nonchalant manner, and not to look as relieved as i felt. as throughout the morning i had preserved a specious aspect of wisdom, and had commanded first one and then the other wing, the fight was really a capital thing for me, for practically all the men had served under my actual command, and thenceforth felt an enthusiastic belief that i would lead them aright. it was a week after this skirmish before the army made the advance on santiago. just before this occurred general young was stricken down with fever. general wheeler, who had commanded the cavalry division, was put in general charge of the left wing of the army, which fought before the city itself. brigadier-general sam sumner, an excellent officer, who had the second cavalry brigade, took command of the cavalry division, and wood took command of our brigade, while, to my intense delight, i got my regiment. i therefore had command of the regiment before the stiffest fighting occurred. later, when wood was put in command in santiago, i became the brigade commander. late in the evening we camped at el poso. there were two regular officers, the brigade commander's aides, lieutenants a. l. mills and w. e. shipp, who were camped by our regiment. each of my men had food in his haversack, but i had none, and i would have gone supperless to bed if mills and shipp had not given me out of their scanty stores a big sandwich, which i shared with my orderly, who also had nothing. next morning my body servant marshall, an ex-soldier of the ninth (colored) cavalry, a fine and faithful fellow, had turned up and i was able in my turn to ask mills and shipp, who had eaten all their food the preceding evening, to take breakfast with me. a few hours later gallant shipp was dead, and mills, an exceptionally able officer, had been shot through the head from side to side, just back of the eyes; yet he lived, although one eye was blinded, and before i left the presidency i gave him his commission as brigadier-general. early in the morning our artillery began firing from the hill-crest immediately in front of where our men were camped. several of the regiment were killed and wounded by the shrapnel of the return fire of the spaniards. one of the shrapnel bullets fell on my wrist and raised a bump as big as a hickory nut, but did not even break the skin. then we were marched down from the hill on a muddy road through thick jungle towards santiago. the heat was great, and we strolled into the fight with no definite idea on the part of any one as to what we were to do or what would happen. there was no plan that our left wing was to make a serious fight that day; and as there were no plans, it was naturally exceedingly hard to get orders, and each of us had to act largely on his own responsibility. lawton's infantry division attacked the little village of el caney, some miles to the right. kent's infantry division and sumner's dismounted cavalry division were supposed to detain the spanish army in santiago until lawton had captured el caney. spanish towns and villages, however, with their massive buildings, are natural fortifications, as the french found in the peninsular war, and as both the french and our people found in mexico. the spanish troops in el caney fought very bravely, as did the spanish troops in front of us, and it was late in the afternoon before lawton accomplished his task. meanwhile we of the left wing had by degrees become involved in a fight which toward the end became not even a colonel's fight, but a squad leader's fight. the cavalry division was put at the head of the line. we were told to march forward, cross a little river in front, and then, turning to the right, march up alongside the stream until we connected with lawton. incidentally, this movement would not have brought us into touch with lawton in any event. but we speedily had to abandon any thought of carrying it out. the maneuver brought us within fair range of the spanish intrenchments along the line of hills which we called the san juan hills, because on one of them was the san juan blockhouse. on that day my regiment had the lead of the second brigade, and we marched down the trail following in trace behind the first brigade. apparently the spaniards could not make up their minds what to do as the three regular regiments of the first brigade crossed and defiled along the other bank of the stream, but when our regiment was crossing they began to fire at us. under this flank fire it soon became impossible to continue the march. the first brigade halted, deployed, and finally began to fire back. then our brigade was halted. from time to time some of our men would fall, and i sent repeated word to the rear to try to get authority to attack the hills in front. finally general sumner, who was fighting the division in fine shape, sent word to advance. the word was brought to me by mills, who said that my orders were to support the regulars in the assault on the hills, and that my objective would be the red-tiled ranch-house in front, on a hill which we afterwards christened kettle hill. i mention mills saying this because it was exactly the kind of definite order the giving of which does so much to insure success in a fight, as it prevents all obscurity as to what is to be done. the order to attack did not reach the first brigade until after we ourselves reached it, so that at first there was doubt on the part of their officers whether they were at liberty to join in the advance. i had not enjoyed the guasimas fight at all, because i had been so uncertain as to what i ought to do. but the san juan fight was entirely different. the spaniards had a hard position to attack, it is true, but we could see them, and i knew exactly how to proceed. i kept on horseback, merely because i found it difficult to convey orders along the line, as the men were lying down; and it is always hard to get men to start when they cannot see whether their comrades are also going. so i rode up and down the lines, keeping them straightened out, and gradually worked through line after line until i found myself at the head of the regiment. by the time i had reached the lines of the regulars of the first brigade i had come to the conclusion that it was silly to stay in the valley firing at the hills, because that was really where we were most exposed, and that the thing to do was to try to rush the intrenchments. where i struck the regulars there was no one of superior rank to mine, and after asking why they did not charge, and being answered that they had no orders, i said i would give the order. there was naturally a little reluctance shown by the elderly officer in command to accept my order, so i said, "then let my men through, sir," and i marched through, followed by my grinning men. the younger officers and the enlisted men of the regulars jumped up and joined us. i waved my hat, and we went up the hill with a rush. having taken it, we looked across at the spaniards in the trenches under the san juan blockhouse to our left, which hawkins's brigade was assaulting. i ordered our men to open fire on the spaniards in the trenches. memory plays funny tricks in such a fight, where things happen quickly, and all kinds of mental images succeed one another in a detached kind of way, while the work goes on. as i gave the order in question there slipped through my mind mahan's account of nelson's orders that each ship as it sailed forward, if it saw another ship engaged with an enemy's ship, should rake the latter as it passed. when hawkins's soldiers captured the blockhouse, i, very much elated, ordered a charge on my own hook to a line of hills still farther on. hardly anybody heard this order, however; only four men started with me, three of whom were shot. i gave one of them, who was only wounded, my canteen of water, and ran back, much irritated that i had not been followed--which was quite unjustifiable, because i found that nobody had heard my orders. general sumner had come up by this time, and i asked his permission to lead the charge. he ordered me to do so, and this time away we went, and stormed the spanish intrenchments. there was some close fighting, and we took a few prisoners. we also captured the spanish provisions, and ate them that night with great relish. one of the items was salted flying-fish, by the way. there were also bottles of wine, and jugs of fiery spirit, and as soon as possible i had these broken, although not before one or two of my men had taken too much liquor. lieutenant howze, of the regulars, an aide of general sumner's, brought me an order to halt where i was; he could not make up his mind to return until he had spent an hour or two with us under fire. the spaniards attempted a counter-attack in the middle of the afternoon, but were driven back without effort, our men laughing and cheering as they rose to fire; because hitherto they had been assaulting breastworks, or lying still under artillery fire, and they were glad to get a chance to shoot at the spaniards in the open. we lay on our arms that night and as we were drenched with sweat, and had no blankets save a few we took from the dead spaniards, we found even the tropic night chilly before morning came. during the afternoon's fighting, while i was the highest officer at our immediate part of the front, captains boughton and morton of the regular cavalry, two as fine officers as any man could wish to have beside him in battle, came along the firing line to tell me that they had heard a rumor that we might fall back, and that they wished to record their emphatic protest against any such course. i did not believe there was any truth in the rumor, for the spaniards were utterly incapable of any effective counter-attack. however, late in the evening, after the fight, general wheeler visited us at the front, and he told me to keep myself in readiness, as at any moment it might be decided to fall back. jack greenway was beside me when general wheeler was speaking. i answered, "well, general, i really don't know whether we would obey an order to fall back. we can take that city by a rush, and if we have to move out of here at all i should be inclined to make the rush in the right direction." greenway nodded an eager assent. the old general, after a moment's pause, expressed his hearty agreement, and said that he would see that there was no falling back. he had been very sick for a couple of days, but, sick as he was, he managed to get into the fight. he was a gamecock if ever there was one, but he was in very bad physical shape on the day of the fight. if there had been any one in high command to supervise and press the attack that afternoon, we would have gone right into santiago. in my part of the line the advance was halted only because we received orders not to move forward, but to stay on the crest of the captured hill and hold it. we are always told that three-o'clock-in-the-morning courage is the most desirable kind. well, my men and the regulars of the cavalry had just that brand of courage. at about three o'clock on the morning after the first fight, shooting began in our front and there was an alarm of a spanish advance. i was never more pleased than to see the way in which the hungry, tired, shabby men all jumped up and ran forward to the hill-crest, so as to be ready for the attack; which, however, did not come. as soon as the sun rose the spaniards again opened upon us with artillery. a shell burst between dave goodrich and myself, blacking us with powder, and killing and wounding several of the men immediately behind us. next day the fight turned into a siege; there were some stirring incidents; but for the most part it was trench work. a fortnight later santiago surrendered. wood won his brigadier-generalship by the capital way in which he handled his brigade in the fight, and in the following siege. he was put in command of the captured city; and in a few days i succeeded to the command of the brigade. the health of the troops was not good, and speedily became very bad. there was some dysentery, and a little yellow fever; but most of the trouble was from a severe form of malarial fever. the washington authorities had behaved better than those in actual command of the expedition at one crisis. immediately after the first day's fighting around santiago the latter had hinted by cable to washington that they might like to withdraw, and washington had emphatically vetoed the proposal. i record this all the more gladly because there were not too many gleams of good sense shown in the home management of the war; although i wish to repeat that the real blame for this rested primarily with us ourselves, the people of the united states, who had for years pursued in military matters a policy that rendered it certain that there would be ineptitude and failure in high places if ever a crisis came. after the siege the people in washington showed no knowledge whatever of the conditions around santiago, and proposed to keep the army there. this would have meant that at least three-fourths of the men would either have died or have been permanently invalided, as a virulent form of malaria was widespread, and there was a steady growth of dysentery and other complaints. no object of any kind was to be gained by keeping the army in or near the captured city. general shafter tried his best to get the washington authorities to order the army home. as he failed to accomplish anything, he called a council of the division and brigade commanders and the chief medical officers to consult over the situation. although i had command of a brigade, i was only a colonel, and so i did not intend to attend, but the general informed me that i was particularly wanted, and accordingly i went. at the council general shafter asked the medical authorities as to conditions, and they united in informing him that they were very bad, and were certain to grow much worse; and that in order to avoid frightful ravages from disease, chiefly due to malaria, the army should be sent back at once to some part of the northern united states. the general then explained that he could not get the war department to understand the situation; that he could not get the attention of the public; and that he felt that there should be some authoritative publication which would make the war department take action before it was too late to avert the ruin of the army. all who were in the room expressed their agreement. then the reason for my being present came out. it was explained to me by general shafter, and by others, that as i was a volunteer officer and intended immediately to return to civil life, i could afford to take risks which the regular army men could not afford to take and ought not to be expected to take, and that therefore i ought to make the publication in question; because to incur the hostility of the war department would not make any difference to me, whereas it would be destructive to the men in the regular army, or to those who hoped to get into the regular army. i thought this true, and said i would write a letter or make a statement which could then be published. brigadier-general ames, who was in the same position that i was, also announced that he would make a statement. when i left the meeting it was understood that i was to make my statement as an interview in the press; but wood, who was by that time brigadier-general commanding the city of santiago, gave me a quiet hint to put my statement in the form of a letter to general shafter, and this i accordingly did. when i had written my letter, the correspondent of the associated press, who had been informed by others of what had occurred, accompanied me to general shafter. i presented the letter to general shafter, who waved it away and said: "i don't want to take it; do whatever you wish with it." i, however, insisted on handing it to him, whereupon he shoved it toward the correspondent of the associated press, who took hold of it, and i released my hold. general ames made a statement direct to the correspondent, and also sent a cable to the assistant secretary of the navy at washington, a copy of which he gave to the correspondent. by this time the other division and brigade commanders who were present felt that they had better take action themselves. they united in a round robin to general shafter, which general wood dictated, and which was signed by generals kent, gates, chaffee, sumner, ludlow, ames, and wood, and by myself. general wood handed this to general shafter, and it was made public by general shafter precisely as mine was made public.[*] later i was much amused when general shafter stated that he could not imagine how my letter and the round robin got out! when i saw this statement, i appreciated how wise wood had been in hinting to me not to act on the suggestion of the general that i should make a statement to the newspapers, but to put my statement in the form of a letter to him as my superior officer, a letter which i delivered to him. both the letter and the round robin were written at general shafter's wish, and at the unanimous suggestion of all the commanding and medical officers of the fifth army corps, and both were published by general shafter. [*] general wood writes me: "the representative of the associated press was very anxious to get a copy of this despatch or see it, and i told him it was impossible for him to have it or see it. i then went in to general shafter and stated the case to him, handing him the despatch, saying, 'the matter is now in your hands.' he, general shafter, then said, 'i don't care whether this gentleman has it or not,' and i left then. when i went back the general told me he had given the press representative a copy of the despatch, and that he had gone to the office with it." in a regiment the prime need is to have fighting men; the prime virtue is to be able and eager to fight with the utmost effectiveness. i have never believed that this was incompatible with other virtues. on the contrary, while there are of course exceptions, i believe that on the average the best fighting men are also the best citizens. i do not believe that a finer set of natural soldiers than the men of my regiment could have been found anywhere, and they were first-class citizens in civil life also. one fact may perhaps be worthy of note. whenever we were in camp and so fixed that we could have regular meals, we used to have a general officers' mess, over which i of course presided. during our entire service there was never a foul or indecent word uttered at the officers' mess--i mean this literally; and there was very little swearing--although now and then in the fighting, if there was a moment when swearing seemed to be the best method of reaching the heart of the matter, it was resorted to. the men i cared for most in the regiment were the men who did the best work; and therefore my liking for them was obliged to take the shape of exposing them to the most fatigue and hardship, of demanding from them the greatest service, and of making them incur the greatest risk. once i kept greenway and goodrich at work for forty-eight hours, without sleeping, and with very little food, fighting and digging trenches. i freely sent the men for whom i cared most, to where death might smite them; and death often smote them--as it did the two best officers in my regiment, allyn capron and bucky o'neil. my men would not have respected me had i acted otherwise. their creed was my creed. the life even of the most useful man, of the best citizen, is not to be hoarded if there be need to spend it. i felt, and feel, this about others; and of course also about myself. this is one reason why i have always felt impatient contempt for the effort to abolish the death penalty on account of sympathy with criminals. i am willing to listen to arguments in favor of abolishing the death penalty so far as they are based purely on grounds of public expediency, although these arguments have never convinced me. but inasmuch as, without hesitation, in the performance of duty, i have again and again sent good and gallant and upright men to die, it seems to me the height of a folly both mischievous and mawkish to contend that criminals who have deserved death should nevertheless be allowed to shirk it. no brave and good man can properly shirk death; and no criminal who has earned death should be allowed to shirk it. one of the best men with our regiment was the british military attache, captain arthur lee, an old friend. the other military attaches were herded together at headquarters and saw little. captain lee, who had known me in washington, escaped and stayed with the regiment. we grew to feel that he was one of us, and made him an honorary member. there were two other honorary members. one was richard harding davis, who was with us continually and who performed valuable service on the fighting line. the other was a regular officer, lieutenant parker, who had a battery of gatlings. we were with this battery throughout the san juan fighting, and we grew to have the strongest admiration for parker as a soldier and the strongest liking for him as a man. during our brief campaign we were closely and intimately thrown with various regular officers of the type of mills, howze, and parker. we felt not merely fondness for them as officers and gentlemen, but pride in them as americans. it is a fine thing to feel that we have in the army and in the navy modest, efficient, gallant gentlemen of this type, doing such disinterested work for the honor of the flag and of the nation. no american can overpay the debt of gratitude we all of us owe to the officers and enlisted men of the army and of the navy. of course with a regiment of our type there was much to learn both among the officers and the men. there were all kinds of funny incidents. one of my men, an ex-cow-puncher and former round-up cook, a very good shot and rider, got into trouble on the way down on the transport. he understood entirely that he had to obey the officers of his own regiment, but, like so many volunteers, or at least like so many volunteers of my regiment, he did not understand that this obligation extended to officers of other regiments. one of the regular officers on the transport ordered him to do something which he declined to do. when the officer told him to consider himself under arrest, he responded by offering to fight him for a trifling consideration. he was brought before a court martial which sentenced him to a year's imprisonment at hard labor with dishonorable discharge, and the major-general commanding the division approved the sentence. we were on the transport. there was no hard labor to do; and the prison consisted of another cow-puncher who kept guard over him with his carbine, evidently divided in his feelings as to whether he would like most to shoot him or to let him go. when we landed, somebody told the prisoner that i intended to punish him by keeping him with the baggage. he at once came to me in great agitation, saying: "colonel, they say you're going to leave me with the baggage when the fight is on. colonel, if you do that, i will never show my face in arizona again. colonel, if you will let me go to the front, i promise i will obey any one you say; any one you say, colonel," with the evident feeling that, after this concession, i could not, as a gentleman, refuse his request. accordingly i answered: "shields, there is no one in this regiment more entitled to be shot than you are, and you shall go to the front." his gratitude was great, and he kept repeating, "i'll never forget this, colonel, never." nor did he. when we got very hard up, he would now and then manage to get hold of some flour and sugar, and would cook a doughnut and bring it round to me, and watch me with a delighted smile as i ate it. he behaved extremely well in both fights, and after the second one i had him formally before me and remitted his sentence--something which of course i had not the slightest power to do, although at the time it seemed natural and proper to me. when we came to be mustered out, the regular officer who was doing the mustering, after all the men had been discharged, finally asked me where the prisoner was. i said, "what prisoner?" he said, "the prisoner, the man who was sentenced to a year's imprisonment with hard labor and dishonorable discharge." i said, "oh! i pardoned him"; to which he responded, "i beg your pardon; you did what?" this made me grasp the fact that i had exceeded authority, and i could only answer, "well, i did pardon him, anyhow, and he has gone with the rest"; whereupon the mustering-out officer sank back in his chair and remarked, "he was sentenced by a court martial, and the sentence was approved by the major-general commanding the division. you were a lieutenant-colonel, and you pardoned him. well, it was nervy, that's all i'll say." the simple fact was that under the circumstances it was necessary for me to enforce discipline and control the regiment, and therefore to reward and punish individuals in whatever way the exigencies demanded. i often explained to the men what the reasons for an order were, the first time it was issued, if there was any trouble on their part in understanding what they were required to do. they were very intelligent and very eager to do their duty, and i hardly ever had any difficulty the second time with them. if, however, there was the slightest willful shirking of duty or insubordination, i punished instantly and mercilessly, and the whole regiment cordially backed me up. to have punished men for faults and shortcomings which they had no opportunity to know were such would have been as unwise as to have permitted any of the occasional bad characters to exercise the slightest license. it was a regiment which was sensitive about its dignity and was very keenly alive to justice and to courtesy, but which cordially approved absence of mollycoddling, insistence upon the performance of duty, and summary punishment of wrong-doing. in the final fighting at san juan, when we captured one of the trenches, jack greenway had seized a spaniard, and shortly afterwards i found jack leading his captive round with a string. i told him to turn him over to a man who had two or three other captives, so that they should all be taken to the rear. it was the only time i ever saw jack look aggrieved. "why, colonel, can't i keep him for myself?" he asked, plaintively. i think he had an idea that as a trophy of his bow and spear the spaniard would make a fine body servant. one reason that we never had the slightest trouble in the regiment was because, when we got down to hard pan, officers and men shared exactly alike. it is all right to have differences in food and the like in times of peace and plenty, when everybody is comfortable. but in really hard times officers and men must share alike if the best work is to be done. as long as i had nothing but two hardtacks, which was the allowance to each man on the morning after the san juan fight, no one could complain; but if i had had any private little luxuries the men would very naturally have realized keenly their own shortages. soon after the guasimas fight we were put on short commons; and as i knew that a good deal of food had been landed and was on the beach at siboney, i marched thirty or forty of the men down to see if i could not get some and bring it up. i finally found a commissary officer, and he asked me what i wanted, and i answered, anything he had. so he told me to look about for myself. i found a number of sacks of beans, i think about eleven hundred pounds, on the beach; and told the officer that i wanted eleven hundred pounds of beans. he produced a book of regulations, and showed me the appropriate section and subdivision which announced that beans were issued only for the officers' mess. this did me no good, and i told him so. he said he was sorry, and i answered that he was not as sorry as i was. i then "studied on it," as br'r rabbit would say, and came back with a request for eleven hundred pounds of beans for the officers' mess. he said, "why, colonel, your officers can't eat eleven hundred pounds of beans," to which i responded, "you don't know what appetites my officers have." he then said he would send the requisition to washington. i told him i was quite willing, so long as he gave me the beans. he was a good fellow, so we finally effected a working compromise--he got the requisition and i got the beans, although he warned me that the price would probably be deducted from my salary. under some regulation or other only the regular supply trains were allowed to act, and we were supposed not to have any horses or mules in the regiment itself. this was very pretty in theory; but, as a matter of fact, the supply trains were not numerous enough. my men had a natural genius for acquiring horseflesh in odd ways, and i continually found that they had staked out in the brush various captured spanish cavalry horses and cuban ponies and abandoned commissary mules. putting these together, i would organize a small pack train and work it industriously for a day or two, until they learned about it at headquarters and confiscated it. then i would have to wait for a week or so until my men had accumulated some more ponies, horses, and mules, the regiment meanwhile living in plenty on what we had got before the train was confiscated. all of our men were good at accumulating horses, but within our own ranks i think we were inclined to award the palm to our chaplain. there was not a better man in the regiment than the chaplain, and there could not have been a better chaplain for our men. he took care of the sick and the wounded, he never spared himself, and he did every duty. in addition, he had a natural aptitude for acquiring mules, which made some admirer, when the regiment was disbanded, propose that we should have a special medal struck for him, with, on the obverse, "a mule passant and chaplain regardant." after the surrender of santiago, a philadelphia clergyman whom i knew came down to general wheeler's headquarters, and after visiting him announced that he intended to call on the rough riders, because he knew their colonel. one of general wheeler's aides, lieutenant steele, who liked us both individually and as a regiment, and who appreciated some of our ways, asked the clergyman, after he had announced that he knew colonel roosevelt, "but do you know colonel roosevelt's regiment?" "no," said the clergyman. "very well, then, let me give you a piece of advice. when you go down to see the colonel, don't let your horse out of your sight; and if the chaplain is there, don't get off the horse!" we came back to montauk point and soon after were disbanded. we had been in the service only a little over four months. there are no four months of my life to which i look back with more pride and satisfaction. i believe most earnestly and sincerely in peace, but as things are yet in this world the nation that cannot fight, the people that have lost the fighting edge, that have lost the virile virtues, occupy a position as dangerous as it is ignoble. the future greatness of america in no small degree depends upon the possession by the average american citizen of the qualities which my men showed when they served under me at santiago. moreover, there is one thing in connection with this war which it is well that our people should remember, our people who genuinely love the peace of righteousness, the peace of justice--and i would be ashamed to be other than a lover of the peace of righteousness and of justice. the true preachers of peace, who strive earnestly to bring nearer the day when peace shall obtain among all peoples, and who really do help forward the cause, are men who never hesitate to choose righteous war when it is the only alternative to unrighteous peace. these are the men who, like dr. lyman abbott, have backed every genuine movement for peace in this country, and who nevertheless recognized our clear duty to war for the freedom of cuba. but there are other men who put peace ahead of righteousness, and who care so little for facts that they treat fantastic declarations for immediate universal arbitration as being valuable, instead of detrimental, to the cause they profess to champion, and who seek to make the united states impotent for international good under the pretense of making us impotent for international evil. all the men of this kind, and all of the organizations they have controlled, since we began our career as a nation, all put together, have not accomplished one hundredth part as much for both peace and righteousness, have not done one hundredth part as much either for ourselves or for other peoples, as was accomplished by the people of the united states when they fought the war with spain and with resolute good faith and common sense worked out the solution of the problems which sprang from the war. our army and navy, and above all our people, learned some lessons from the spanish war, and applied them to our own uses. during the following decade the improvement in our navy and army was very great; not in material only, but also in personnel, and, above all, in the ability to handle our forces in good-sized units. by , when our battle fleet steamed round the world, the navy had become in every respect as fit a fighting instrument as any other navy in the world, fleet for fleet. even in size there was but one nation, england, which was completely out of our class; and in view of our relations with england and all the english-speaking peoples, this was of no consequence. of our army, of course, as much could not be said. nevertheless the improvement in efficiency was marked. our artillery was still very inferior in training and practice to the artillery arm of any one of the great powers such as germany, france, or japan--a condition which we only then began to remedy. but the workmanlike speed and efficiency with which the expedition of some troops of all arms was mobilized and transported to cuba during the revolution of showed that, as regards our cavalry and infantry, we had at least reached the point where we could assemble and handle in first-rate fashion expeditionary forces. this is mighty little to boast of, for a nation of our wealth and population; it is not pleasant to compare it with the extraordinary feats of contemporary japan and the balkan peoples; but, such as it is, it represents a long stride in advance over conditions as they were in . appendix a a manly letter there was a sequel to the "round robin" incident which caused a little stir at the moment; secretary alger had asked me to write him freely from time to time. accordingly, after the surrender of santiago, i wrote him begging that the cavalry division might be put into the porto rican fighting, preparatory to what we supposed would be the big campaign against havana in the fall. in the letter i extolled the merits of the rough riders and of the regulars, announcing with much complacency that each of our regiments was worth "three of the national guard regiments, armed with their archaic black powder rifles."[*] secretary alger believed, mistakenly, that i had made public the round robin, and was naturally irritated, and i suddenly received from him a published telegram, not alluding to the round robin incident, but quoting my reference to the comparative merits of the cavalry regiments and the national guard regiments and rebuking me for it. the publication of the extract from my letter was not calculated to help me secure the votes of the national guard if i ever became a candidate for office. however, i did not mind the matter much, for i had at the time no idea of being a candidate for anything--while in the campaign i ate and drank and thought and dreamed regiment and nothing but regiment, until i got the brigade, and then i devoted all my thoughts to handling the brigade. anyhow, there was nothing i could do about the matter. [*] i quote this sentence from memory; it is substantially correct. when our transport reached montauk point, an army officer came aboard and before doing anything else handed me a sealed letter from the secretary of war which ran as follows:-- war department, washington, august , . dear col. roosevelt: you have been a most gallant officer and in the battle before santiago showed superb soldierly qualities. i would rather add to, than detract from, the honors you have so fairly won, and i wish you all good things. in a moment of aggravation under great stress of feeling, first because i thought you spoke in a disparaging manner of the volunteers (probably without intent, but because of your great enthusiasm for your own men) and second that i believed your published letter would embarrass the department i sent you a telegram which with an extract from a private letter of yours i gave to the press. i would gladly recall both if i could, but unable to do that i write you this letter which i hope you will receive in the same friendly spirit in which i send it. come and see me at a very early day. no one will welcome you more heartily than i. yours very truly, (signed) r. a. alger. i thought this a manly letter, and paid no more heed to the incident; and when i was president, and general alger was senator from michigan, he was my stanch friend and on most matters my supporter. appendix b the san juan fight the san juan fight took its name from the san juan hill or hills--i do not know whether the name properly belonged to a line of hills or to only one hill. to compare small things with large things, this was precisely as the battle of gettysburg took its name from the village of gettysburg, where only a small part of the fighting was done; and the battle of waterloo from the village of waterloo, where none of the fighting was done. when it became the political interest of certain people to endeavor to minimize my part in the santiago fighting (which was merely like that of various other squadron, battalion and regimental commanders) some of my opponents laid great stress on the alleged fact that the cavalry did not charge up san juan hill. we certainly charged some hills; but i did not ask their names before charging them. to say that the rough riders and the cavalry division, and among other people myself, were not in the san juan fight is precisely like saying that the men who made pickett's charge, or the men who fought at little round top and culps hill, were not at gettysburg; or that picton and the scotch greys and the french and english guards were not at waterloo. the present vice-president of the united states in the campaign last year was reported in the press as repeatedly saying that i was not in the san juan fight. the documents following herewith have been printed for many years, and were accessible to him had he cared to know or to tell the truth. these documents speak for themselves. the first is the official report issued by the war department. from this it will be seen that there were in the santiago fighting thirty infantry and cavalry regiments represented. six of these were volunteer, of which one was the rough riders. the other twenty-four were regular regiments. the percentage of loss of our regiment was about seven times as great as that of the other five volunteer regiments. of the twenty-four regular regiments, twenty-two suffered a smaller percentage of loss than we suffered. two, the sixth united states infantry and the thirteenth united states infantry, suffered a slightly greater percentage of loss--twenty-six per cent and twenty-three per cent as against twenty-two per cent. nominations by the president to be colonel by brevet lieutenant-colonel theodore roosevelt, first volunteer cavalry, for gallantry in battle, las guasima, cuba, june , . to be brigadier-general by brevet lieutenant-colonel theodore roosevelt, first volunteer cavalry, for gallantry in battle, santiago de cuba, july , . (nominated for brevet colonel, to rank from june , .) fort san juan, cuba, july , . the adjutant-general united states army, washington, d. c. (through military channels) sir: i have the honor to invite attention to the following list of officers and enlisted men who specially distinguished themselves in the action at las guasimas, cuba, june , . these officers and men have been recommended for favorable consideration by their immediate commanding officers in their respective reports, and i would respectfully urge that favorable action be taken. officers . . . . . in first united states volunteer cavalry--colonel leonard wood, lieutenant-colonel roosevelt. respectfully, joseph wheeler, major-general united states volunteers, commanding. headquarters second cavalry brigade, camp near santiago de cuba, cuba, june , . the adjutant-general cavalry division. sir: by direction of the major-general commanding the cavalry division, i have the honor to submit the following report of the engagement of a part of this brigade with the enemy at guasimas, cuba, on june th, accompanied by detailed reports from the regimental and other commanders engaged, and a list of the killed and wounded: . . . . . i cannot speak too highly of the efficient manner in which colonel wood handled his regiment, and of his magnificent behavior on the field. the conduct of lieutenant-colonel roosevelt, as reported to me by my two aides, deserves my highest commendation. both colonel wood and lieutenant-colonel roosevelt disdained to take advantage of shelter or cover from the enemy's fire while any of their men remained exposed to it--an error of judgment, but happily on the heroic side. . . . . . very respectfully, s. b. m. young, brigadier general united states volunteers, commanding. headquarters first division second army corps camp mackenzie, ga., december , . adjutant-general, washington, d. c. sir: i have the honor to recommend hon. theodore roosevelt, late colonel first united states volunteer cavalry, for a medal of honor, as a reward for conspicuous gallantry at the battle of san juan, cuba, on july , . colonel roosevelt by his example and fearlessness inspired his men, and both at kettle hill and the ridge known as san juan he led his command in person. i was an eye-witness of colonel roosevelt's action. as colonel roosevelt has left the service, a brevet commission is of no particular value in his case. very respectfully, samuel s. sumner, major-general united states volunteers. west point, n. y., december , . my dear colonel: i saw you lead the line up the first hill--you were certainly the first officer to reach the top--and through your efforts, and your personally jumping to the front, a line more or less thin, but strong enough to take it, was led by you to the san juan or first hill. in this your life was placed in extreme jeopardy, as you may recall, and as it proved by the number of dead left in that vicinity. captain stevens, then of the ninth cavalry, now of the second cavalry, was with you, and i am sure he recalls your gallant conduct. after the line started on the advance from the first hill, i did not see you until our line was halted, under a most galling fire, at the extreme front, where you afterwards entrenched. i spoke to you there and gave instructions from general sumner that the position was to be held and that there would be no further advance till further orders. you were the senior officer there, took charge of the line, scolded me for having my horse so high upon the ridge; at the same time you were exposing yourself most conspicuously, while adjusting the line, for the example was necessary, as was proved when several colored soldiers--about eight or ten, twenty-fourth infantry, i think--started at a run to the rear to assist a wounded colored soldier, and you drew your revolver and put a short and effective stop to such apparent stampede--it quieted them. that position was hot, and now i marvel at your escaping there. . . . very sincerely yours, robert l. howze. west point, n. y., december , . i hereby certify that on july , , colonel (then lieutenant-colonel) theodore roosevelt, first volunteer cavalry, distinguished himself through the action, and on two occasions during the battle when i was an eye-witness, his conduct was most conspicuous and clearly distinguished above other men, as follows: . at the base of san juan, or first hill, there was a strong wire fence, or entanglement, at which the line hesitated under a galling fire, and where the losses were severe. colonel roosevelt jumped through the fence and by his enthusiasm, his example and courage succeeded in leading to the crest of the hill a line sufficiently strong to capture it. in this charge the cavalry brigade suffered its greatest loss, and the colonel's life was placed in extreme jeopardy, owing to the conspicuous position he took in leading the line, and being the first to reach the crest of that hill, while under heavy fire of the enemy at close range. . at the extreme advanced position occupied by our lines, colonel roosevelt found himself the senior, and under his instructions from general sumner to hold that position. he displayed the greatest bravery and placed his life in extreme jeopardy by unavoidable exposure to severe fire while adjusting and strengthening the line, placing the men in positions which afforded best protection, etc., etc. his conduct and example steadied the men, and on one occasion by severe but not unnecessary measures prevented a small detachment from stampeding to the rear. he displayed the most conspicuous gallantry, courage and coolness, in performing extraordinarily hazardous duty. robert l. howze, captain a. a. g., u. s. v. (first lieutenant sixth united states cavalry.) to the adjutant-general united states army, washington, d. c. headquarters united states military academy, west point, n. y., april , . lieutenant-colonel w. h. carter, assistant adjutant-general united states army, washington, d. c. sir: in compliance with the request, contained in your letter of april th, of the board convened to consider the awarding of brevets, medals of honor, etc., for the santiago campaign, that i state any facts, within my knowledge as adjutant-general of the brigade in which colonel theodore roosevelt served, to aid the board in determining, in connection with colonel roosevelt's application for a medal of honor, whether his conduct at santiago was such as to distinguish him above others, i have the honor to submit the following: my duties on july , , brought me in constant observation of and contact with colonel roosevelt from early morning until shortly before the climax of the assault of the cavalry division on the san juan hill--the so-called kettle hill. during this time, while under the enemy's artillery fire at el poso, and while on the march from el poso by the san juan ford to the point from which his regiment moved to the assault--about two miles, the greater part under fire--colonel roosevelt was conspicuous above any others i observed in his regiment in the zealous performance of duty, in total disregard of his personal danger and in his eagerness to meet the enemy. at el poso, when the enemy opened on that place with artillery fire, a shrapnel bullet grazed and bruised one of colonel roosevelt's wrists. the incident did not lessen his hazardous exposure, but he continued so exposed until he had placed his command under cover. in moving to the assault of san juan hill, colonel roosevelt was most conspicuously brave, gallant and indifferent to his own safety. he, in the open, led his regiment; no officer could have set a more striking example to his men or displayed greater intrepidity. very respectfully, your obedient servant, a. l. mills, colonel united states army, superintendent. headquarters department of santiago de cuba, santiago de cuba, december , . to the adjutant-general, united states army, washington, d. c. sir: i have the honor to make the following statement relative to the conduct of colonel theodore roosevelt, late first united states volunteer cavalry, during the assault upon san juan hill, july , . i have already recommended this officer for a medal of honor, which i understand has been denied him, upon the ground that my previous letter was too indefinite. i based my recommendation upon the fact that colonel roosevelt, accompanied only by four or five men, led a very desperate and extremely gallant charge on san juan hill, thereby setting a splendid example to the troops and encouraging them to pass over the open country intervening between their position and the trenches of the enemy. in leading this charge, he started off first, as he supposed, with quite a following of men, but soon discovered that he was alone. he then returned and gathered up a few men and led them to the charge, as above stated. the charge in itself was an extremely gallant one, and the example set a most inspiring one to the troops in that part of the line, and while it is perfectly true that everybody finally went up the hill in good style, yet there is no doubt that the magnificent example set by colonel roosevelt had a very encouraging effect and had great weight in bringing up the troops behind him. during the assault, colonel roosevelt was the first to reach the trenches in his part of the line and killed one of the enemy with his own hand. i earnestly recommend that the medal be conferred upon colonel roosevelt, for i believe that he in every way deserves it, and that his services on the day in question were of great value and of a most distinguished character. very respectfully, leonard wood, major-general, united states volunteers. commanding department of santiago de cuba. huntsville, ala., january , . the adjutant-general, united states army, washington, d. c. sir: i have the honor to recommend that a "congressional medal of honor" be given to theodore roosevelt (late colonel first volunteer cavalry), for distinguished conduct and conspicuous bravery in command of his regiment in the charge on san juan hill, cuba, july , . in compliance with g. o. , a. g. o. , i enclose my certificate showing my personal knowledge of colonel roosevelt's conduct. very respectfully, c. j. stevens, captain second cavalry. i hereby certify that on july , , at the battle of san juan, cuba, i witnessed colonel (then lieutenant-colonel) roosevelt, first volunteer cavalry, united states of america, mounted, leading his regiment in the charge on san juan. by his gallantry and strong personality he contributed most materially to the success of the charge of the cavalry division up san juan hill. colonel roosevelt was among the first to reach the crest of the hill, and his dashing example, his absolute fearlessness and gallant leading rendered his conduct conspicuous and clearl distinguished above other men. c. j. stevens, captain second cavalry. (late first lieutenant ninth cavalry.) young's island, s. c., december , . to the adjutant-general, united states army. washington, d. c. sir: believing that information relating to superior conduct on the part of any of the higher officers who participated in the spanish-american war (and which information may not have been given) would be appreciated by the department over which you preside, i have the honor to call your attention to the part borne by colonel theodore roosevelt, of the late first united states volunteer cavalry, in the battle of july st last. i do this not only because i think you ought to know, but because his regiment as a whole were very proud of his splendid actions that day and believe they call for that most coveted distinction of the american officer, the medal of honor. held in support, he brought his regiment, at exactly the right time, not only up to the line of regulars, but went through them and headed, on horseback, the charge on kettle hill; this being done on his own initiative, the regulars as well as his own men following. he then headed the charge on the next hill, both regulars and the first united states volunteer cavalry following. he was so near the intrenchments on the second hill, that he shot and killed with a revolver one of the enemy before they broke completely. he then led the cavalry on the chain of hills overlooking santiago, where he remained in charge of all the cavalry that was at the extreme front for the rest of that day and night. his unhesitating gallantry in taking the initiative against intrenchments lined by men armed with rapid fire guns certainly won him the highest consideration and admiration of all who witnessed his conduct throughout that day. what i here write i can bear witness to from personally having seen. very respectfully, m. j. jenkins, major late first united states cavalry. prescott, a. t., december , . i was colonel roosevelt's orderly at the battle of san juan hill, and from that time on until our return to montauk point. i was with him all through the fighting, and believe i was the only man who was always with him, though during part of the time lieutenants ferguson and greenwald were also close to him. he led our regiment forward on horseback until he came to the men of the ninth cavalry lying down. he led us through these and they got up and joined us. he gave the order to charge on kettle hill, and led us on horseback up the hill, both rough riders and the ninth cavalry. he was the first on the hill, i being very nearly alongside of him. some spanish riflemen were coming out of the intrenchments and he killed one with his revolver. he took the men on to the crest of the hill and bade them begin firing on the blockhouse on the hill to our left, the one the infantry were attacking. when he took it, he gave the order to charge, and led the troops on kettle hill forward against the blockhouse on our front. he then had charge of all the cavalry on the hills overlooking santiago, where we afterwards dug our trenches. he had command that afternoon and night, and for the rest of the time commanded our regiment at this point. yours very truly, h. p. bardshar. cambridge, md., march , . theodore roosevelt, president of the united states. washington, d. c. dear sir: at your request, i send you the following extracts from my diary, and from notes taken on the day of the assault on san juan. i kept in my pocket a small pad on which incidents were noted daily from the landing until the surrender. on the day of the fight notes were taken just before grimes fired his first gun, just after the third reply from the enemy--when we were massed in the road about seventy paces from grimes' guns, and when i was beginning to get scared and to think i would be killed--at the halt just before you advanced, and under the shelter of the hills in the evening. each time that notes were taken, the page was put in an envelope addressed to my wife. at the first chance they were mailed to her, and on my arrival in the united states the story of the fight, taken from these notes, was entered in the diary i keep in a book. i make this lengthy explanation that you may see that everything put down was fresh in my memory. i quote from my diary: "the tension on the men was great. suddenly a line of men appeared coming from our right. they were advancing through the long grass, deployed as skirmishers and were under fire. at their head, or rather in front of them and leading them, rode colonel roosevelt. he was very conspicuous, mounted as he was. the men were the 'rough riders,' so-called. i heard some one calling to them not to fire into us, and seeing colonel carrol, reported to him, and was told to go out and meet them, and caution them as to our position, we being between them and the enemy. i did so, speaking to colonel roosevelt. i also told him we were under orders not to advance, and asked him if he had received any orders. he replied that he was going to charge the spanish trenches. i told this to colonel carrol, and to captain dimmick, our squadron commander. a few moments after the word passed down that our left (captain taylor) was about to charge. captain mcblain called out, 'we must go in with those troops; we must support taylor.' i called this to captain dimmick, and he gave the order to assault." "the cheer was taken up and taken up again, on the left, and in the distance it rolled on and on. and so we started. colonel roosevelt, of the rough riders, started the whole movement on the left, which was the first advance of the assault." the following is taken from my notes and was hastily jotted down on the field: "the rough riders came in line--colonel roosevelt said he would assault--taylor joined them with his troop--mcblain called to dimmick, 'let us go, we must go to support them.' dimmick said all right--and so, with no orders, we went in." i find many of my notes are illegible from perspiration. my authority for saying taylor went in with you, "joined with his troop" was the word passed to me and repeated to captain dimmick that taylor was about to charge with you. i could not see his troop. i have not put it in my diary, but in another place i have noted that colonel carrol, who was acting as brigade commander, told me to ask you if you had any orders. i have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, henry anson barber, captain twenty-eighth infantry, (formerly of ninth cavalry.) headquarters pacific division, san francisco, cal., may , . dear mr. president: as some discussion has arisen in the public prints regarding the battle of san juan, cuba, july , , and your personal movements during that day have been the subject of comment, it may not be amiss in me to state some facts coming under my personal observation as commanding general of the cavalry division of which your regiment formed a part. it will, perhaps, be advisable to show first how i came to be in command, in order that my statement may have due weight as an authoritative statement of facts: i was placed in command of the cavalry division on the afternoon of june th by general shafter; the assignment was made owing to the severe illness of general wheeler, who was the permanent commander of said division. brigadier general young, who commanded the second cavalry brigade, of which your regiment--the first volunteer cavalry--formed a part, was also very ill, and i found it necessary to relieve him from command and place colonel wood, of the rough riders, in command of the brigade; this change placed you in command of your regiment. the division moved from its camp on the evening of june th, and bivouacked at and about el poso. i saw you personally in the vicinity of el poso, about a.m., july st. i saw you again on the road leading from el poso to the san juan river; you were at the head of your regiment, which was leading the second brigade, and immediately behind the rear regiment of the first brigade. my orders were to turn to the right at san juan river and take up a line along that stream and try and connect with general lawton, who was to engage the enemy at el caney. on reaching the river we came under the fire of the spanish forces posted on san juan ridge and kettle hill. the first brigade was faced to the front in line as soon as it had cleared the road, and the second brigade was ordered to pass in rear of the first and face to the front when clear of the first brigade. this movement was very difficult, owing to the heavy undergrowth, and the regiments became more or less tangled up, but eventually the formation was accomplished, and the division stood in an irregular line along the san juan river, the second brigade on the right. we were subjected to a heavy fire from the forces on san juan ridge and kettle hill; our position was untenable, and it became necessary to assault the enemy or fall back. kettle hill was immediately in front of the cavalry, and it was determined to assault that hill. the first brigade was ordered forward, and the second brigade was ordered to support the attack; personally, i accompanied a portion of the tenth cavalry, second brigade, and the rough riders were to the right. this brought your regiment to the right of the house which was at the summit of the hill. shortly after i reached the crest of the hill you came to me, accompanied, i think, by captain c. j. stevens, of the ninth cavalry. we were then in a position to see the line of intrenchments along san juan ridge, and could see kent's infantry division engaged on our left, and hawkins' assault against fort san juan. you asked me for permission to move forward and assault san juan ridge. i gave you the order in person to move forward, and i saw you move forward and assault san juan ridge with your regiment and portions of the first and tenth cavalry belonging to your brigade. i held a portion of the second brigade as a reserve on kettle hill, not knowing what force the enemy might have in reserve behind the ridge. the first brigade also moved forward and assaulted the ridge to the right of fort san juan. there was a small lake between kettle hill and san juan ridge, and in moving forward your command passed to the right of this lake. this brought you opposite a house on san juan ridge--not fort san juan proper, but a frame house surrounded by an earthwork. the enemy lost a number of men at this point, whose bodies lay in the trenches. later in the day i rode along the line, and, as i recall it, a portion of the tenth cavalry was immediately about this house, and your regiment occupied an irregular semi-circular position along the ridge and immediately to the right of the house. you had pickets out to your front; and several hundred yards to your front the spaniards had a heavy outpost occupying a house, with rifle pits surrounding it. later in the day, and during the following day, the various regiments forming the division were rearranged and brought into tactical formation, the first brigade on the left and immediately to the right of fort san juan, and the second brigade on the right of the first. this was the position occupied by the cavalry division until the final surrender of the spanish forces, on july , . in conclusion allow me to say, that i saw you, personally, at about a.m., at el poso; later, on the road to san juan river; later, on the summit of kettle hill, immediately after its capture by the cavalry division. i saw you move forward with your command to assault san juan ridge, and i saw you on san juan ridge, where we visited your line together, and you explained to me the disposition of your command. i am, sir, with much respect, your obedient servant, samuel s. sumner, major-general united states army. chapter viii the new york governorship in september, , the first volunteer cavalry, in company with most of the rest of the fifth army corps, was disembarked at montauk point. shortly after it was disbanded, and a few days later, i was nominated for governor of new york by the republican party. timothy l. woodruff was nominated for lieutenant-governor. he was my stanch friend throughout the term of our joint service. the previous year, the machine or standpat republicans, who were under the domination of senator platt, had come to a complete break with the anti-machine element over the new york mayoralty. this had brought the republican party to a smash, not only in new york city, but in the state, where the democratic candidate for chief judge of the court of appeals, alton b. parker, was elected by sixty or eighty thousand majority. mr. parker was an able man, a lieutenant of mr. hill's, standing close to the conservative democrats of the wall street type. these conservative democrats were planning how to wrest the democratic party from the control of mr. bryan. they hailed judge parker's victory as a godsend. the judge at once loomed up as a presidential possibility, and was carefully groomed for the position by the new york democratic machine, and its financial allies in the new york business world. the republicans realized that the chances were very much against them. accordingly the leaders were in a chastened mood and ready to nominate any candidate with whom they thought there was a chance of winning. i was the only possibility, and, accordingly, under pressure from certain of the leaders who recognized this fact, and who responded to popular pressure, senator platt picked me for the nomination. he was entirely frank in the matter. he made no pretense that he liked me personally; but he deferred to the judgment of those who insisted that i was the only man who could be elected, and that therefore i had to be nominated. foremost among the leaders who pressed me on mr. platt (who "pestered" him about me, to use his own words) were mr. quigg, mr. odell--then state chairman of the republican organization, and afterwards governor--and mr. hazel, now united states judge. judge hazel did not know me personally, but felt that the sentiment in his city, buffalo, demanded my nomination, and that the then republican governor, mr. black, could not be reelected. mr. odell, who hardly knew me personally, felt the same way about mr. black's chances, and, as he had just taken the state chairmanship, he was very anxious to win a victory. mr. quigg knew me quite well personally; he had been in touch with me for years, while he was a reporter on the _tribune_, and also when he edited a paper in montana; he had been on good terms with me while he was in congress and i was civil service commissioner, meeting me often in company with my especial cronies in congress--men like lodge, speaker tom reed, greenhalge, butterworth, and dolliver--and he had urged my appointment as police commissioner on mayor strong. it was mr. quigg who called on me at montauk point to sound me about the governorship; mr. platt being by no means enthusiastic over mr. quigg's mission, largely because he disapproved of the spanish war and of my part in bringing it about. mr. quigg saw me in my tent, in which he spent a couple of hours with me, my brother-in-law, douglas robinson, being also present. quigg spoke very frankly to me, stating that he earnestly desired to see me nominated and believed that the great body of republican voters in the state so desired, but that the organization and the state convention would finally do what senator platt desired. he said that county leaders were already coming to senator platt, hinting at a close election, expressing doubt of governor black's availability for reelection, and asking why it would not be a good thing to nominate me; that now that i had returned to the united states this would go on more and more all the time, and that he (quigg) did not wish that these men should be discouraged and be sent back to their localities to suppress a rising sentiment in my favor. for this reason he said that he wanted from me a plain statement as to whether or not i wanted the nomination, and as to what would be my attitude toward the organization in the event of my nomination and election, whether or not i would "make war" on mr. platt and his friends, or whether i would confer with them and with the organization leaders generally, and give fair consideration to their point of view as to party policy and public interest. he said he had not come to make me any offer of the nomination, and had no authority to do so, nor to get any pledges or promises. he simply wanted a frank definition of my attitude towards existing party conditions. to this i replied that i should like to be nominated, and if nominated would promise to throw myself into the campaign with all possible energy. i said that i should not make war on mr. platt or anybody else if war could be avoided; that what i wanted was to be governor and not a faction leader; that i certainly would confer with the organization men, as with everybody else who seemed to me to have knowledge of and interest in public affairs, and that as to mr. platt and the organization leaders, i would do so in the sincere hope that there might always result harmony of opinion and purpose; but that while i would try to get on well with the organization, the organization must with equal sincerity strive to do what i regarded as essential for the public good; and that in every case, after full consideration of what everybody had to say who might possess real knowledge of the matter, i should have to act finally as my own judgment and conscience dictated and administer the state government as i thought it ought to be administered. quigg said that this was precisely what he supposed i would say, that it was all anybody could expect, and that he would state it to senator platt precisely as i had put it to him, which he accordingly did; and, throughout my term as governor, quigg lived loyally up to our understanding.[*] [*] in a letter to me mr. quigg states, what i had forgotten, that i told him to tell the senator that i would talk freely with him, and had no intention of becoming a factional leader with a personal organization, yet that i must have direct personal relations with everybody, and get their views at first hand whenever i so desired, because i could not have one man speaking for all. after being nominated, i made a hard and aggressive campaign through the state. my opponent was a respectable man, a judge, behind whom stood mr. croker, the boss of tammany hall. my object was to make the people understand that it was croker, and not the nominal candidate, who was my real opponent; that the choice lay between crokerism and myself. croker was a powerful and truculent man, the autocrat of his organization, and of a domineering nature. for his own reasons he insisted upon tammany's turning down an excellent democratic judge who was a candidate for reelection. this gave me my chance. under my attack, croker, who was a stalwart fighting man and who would not take an attack tamely, himself came to the front. i was able to fix the contest in the public mind as one between himself and myself; and, against all probabilities, i won by the rather narrow margin of eighteen thousand plurality. as i have already said, there is a lunatic fringe to every reform movement. at least nine-tenths of all the sincere reformers supported me; but the ultra-pacifists, the so-called anti-imperialists, or anti-militarists, or peace-at-any-price men, preferred croker to me; and another knot of extremists who had at first ardently insisted that i must be "forced" on platt, as soon as platt supported me themselves opposed me _because_ he supported me. after election john hay wrote me as follows: "while you are governor, i believe the party can be made solid as never before. you have already shown that a man may be absolutely honest and yet practical; a reformer by instinct and a wise politician; brave, bold, and uncompromising, and yet not a wild ass of the desert. the exhibition made by the professional independents in voting against you for no reason on earth except that somebody else was voting for you, is a lesson that is worth its cost." at that time boss rule was at its very zenith. mr. bryan's candidacy in on a free silver platform had threatened such frightful business disaster as to make the business men, the wage-workers, and the professional classes generally, turn eagerly to the republican party. east of the mississippi the republican vote for mr. mckinley was larger by far than it had been for abraham lincoln in the days when the life of the nation was at stake. mr. bryan championed many sorely needed reforms in the interest of the plain people; but many of his platform proposals, economic and otherwise, were of such a character that to have put them into practice would have meant to plunge all our people into conditions far worse than any of those for which he sought a remedy. the free silver advocates included sincere and upright men who were able to make a strong case for their position; but with them and dominating them were all the believers in the complete or partial repudiation of national, state, and private debts; and not only the business men but the workingmen grew to feel that under these circumstances too heavy a price could not be paid to avert the democratic triumph. the fear of mr. bryan threw almost all the leading men of all classes into the arms of whoever opposed him. the republican bosses, who were already very powerful, and who were already in fairly close alliance with the privileged interests, now found everything working to their advantage. good and high-minded men of conservative temperament in their panic played into the hands of the ultra-reactionaries of business and politics. the alliance between the two kinds of privilege, political and financial, was closely cemented; and wherever there was any attempt to break it up, the cry was at once raised that this merely represented another phase of the assault on national honesty and individual and mercantile integrity. as so often happens, the excesses and threats of an unwise and extreme radicalism had resulted in immensely strengthening the position of the beneficiaries of reaction. this was the era when the standard oil company achieved a mastery of pennsylvania politics so far-reaching and so corrupt that it is difficult to describe it without seeming to exaggerate. in new york state, united states senator platt was the absolute boss of the republican party. "big business" was back of him; yet at the time this, the most important element in his strength, was only imperfectly understood. it was not until i was elected governor that i myself came to understand it. we were still accustomed to talking of the "machine" as if it were something merely political, with which business had nothing to do. senator platt did not use his political position to advance his private fortunes--therein differing absolutely from many other political bosses. he lived in hotels and had few extravagant tastes. indeed, i could not find that he had any tastes at all except for politics, and on rare occasions for a very dry theology wholly divorced from moral implications. but big business men contributed to him large sums of money, which enabled him to keep his grip on the machine and secured for them the help of the machine if they were threatened with adverse legislation. the contributions were given in the guise of contributions for campaign purposes, of money for the good of the party; when the money was contributed there was rarely talk of specific favors in return.[*] it was simply put into mr. platt's hands and treated by him as in the campaign chest. then he distributed it in the districts where it was most needed by the candidates and organization leaders. ordinarily no pledge was required from the latter to the bosses, any more than it was required by the business men from mr. platt or his lieutenants. no pledge was needed. it was all a "gentlemen's understanding." as the senator once said to me, if a man's character was such that it was necessary to get a promise from him, it was clear proof that his character was such that the promise would not be worth anything after it was made. [*] each nation has its own pet sins to which it is merciful and also sins which it treats as most abhorrent. in america we are peculiarly sensitive about big money contributions for which the donors expect any reward. in england, where in some ways the standard is higher than here, such contributions are accepted as a matter of course, nay, as one of the methods by which wealthy men obtain peerages. it would be well-nigh an impossibility for a man to secure a seat in the united states senate by mere campaign contributions, in the way that seats in the british house of lords have often been secured without any scandal being caused thereby. it must not be forgotten that some of the worst practices of the machine in dealings of this kind represented merely virtues in the wrong place, virtues wrenched out of proper relation to their surroundings. a man in a doubtful district might win only because of the help mr. platt gave him; he might be a decent young fellow without money enough to finance his own campaign, who was able to finance it only because platt of his own accord found out or was apprised of his need and advanced the money. such a man felt grateful, and, because of his good qualities, joined with the purely sordid and corrupt heelers and crooked politicians to become part of the platt machine. in his turn mr. platt was recognized by the business men, the big contributors, as an honorable man; not only a man of his word, but a man who, whenever he received a favor, could be trusted to do his best to repay it on any occasion that arose. i believe that usually the contributors, and the recipient, sincerely felt that the transaction was proper and subserved the cause of good politics and good business; and, indeed, as regards the major part of the contributions, it is probable that this was the fact, and that the only criticism that could properly be made about the contributions was that they were not made with publicity--and at that time neither the parties nor the public had any realization that publicity was necessary, or any adequate understanding of the dangers of the "invisible empire" which throve by what was done in secrecy. many, probably most, of the contributors of this type never wished anything personal in exchange for their contributions, and made them with sincere patriotism, desiring in return only that the government should be conducted on a proper basis. unfortunately, it was, in practice, exceedingly difficult to distinguish these men from the others who contributed big sums to the various party bosses with the expectation of gaining concrete and personal advantages (in which the bosses shared) at the expense of the general public. it was very hard to draw the line between these two types of contributions. there was but one kind of money contributions as to which it seemed to me absolutely impossible for either the contributor or the recipient to disguise to themselves the evil meaning of the contribution. this was where a big corporation contributed to both political parties. i knew of one such case where in a state campaign a big corporation which had many dealings with public officials frankly contributed in the neighborhood of a hundred thousand dollars to one campaign fund and fifty thousand dollars to the campaign fund of the other side--and, i believe, made some further substantial contributions in the same ratio of two dollars to one side for every one dollar given to the other. the contributors were democrats, and the big contributions went to the democratic managers. the republican was elected, and after his election, when a matter came up affecting the company, in which its interests were hostile to those of the general public, the successful candidate, then holding a high state office, was approached by his campaign managers and the situation put frankly before him. he was less disturbed than astonished, and remarked, "why, i thought so-and-so and his associates were democrats and subscribed to the democratic campaign fund." "so they did," was the answer; "they subscribed to them twice as much as they subscribed to us, but if they had had any idea that you intended doing what you now say you will do, they would have subscribed it all to the other side, and more too." the state official in his turn answered that he was very sorry if any one had subscribed under a misapprehension, that it was no fault of his, for he had stated definitely and clearly his position, that he of course had no money wherewith himself to return what without his knowledge had been contributed, and that all he could say was that any man who had subscribed to his campaign fund under the impression that the receipt of the subscription would be a bar to the performance of public duty was sadly mistaken. the control by mr. platt and his lieutenants over the organization was well-nigh complete. there were splits among the bosses, and insurgent movements now and then, but the ordinary citizens had no control over the political machinery except in a very few districts. there were, however, plenty of good men in politics, men who either came from districts where there was popular control, or who represented a genuine aspiration towards good citizenship on the part of some boss or group of bosses, or else who had been nominated frankly for reasons of expediency by bosses whose attitude towards good citizenship was at best one of gallio-like indifference. at the time when i was nominated for governor, as later when mr. hughes was nominated and renominated for governor, there was no possibility of securing the nomination unless the bosses permitted it. in each case the bosses, the machine leaders, took a man for whom they did not care, because he was the only man with whom they could win. in the case of mr. hughes there was of course also the fact of pressure from the national administration. but the bosses were never overcome in a fair fight, when they had made up their minds to fight, until the saratoga convention in , when mr. stimson was nominated for governor. senator platt had the same inborn capacity for the kind of politics which he liked that many big wall street men have shown for not wholly dissimilar types of finance. it was his chief interest, and he applied himself to it unremittingly. he handled his private business successfully; but it was politics in which he was absorbed, and he concerned himself therewith every day in the year. he had built up an excellent system of organization, and the necessary funds came from corporations and men of wealth who contributed as i have described above. the majority of the men with a natural capacity for organization leadership of the type which has generally been prevalent in new york politics turned to senator platt as their natural chief and helped build up the organization, until under his leadership it became more powerful and in a position of greater control than any other republican machine in the country, excepting in pennsylvania. the democratic machines in some of the big cities, as in new york and boston, and the country democratic machine of new york under david b. hill, were probably even more efficient, representing an even more complete mastery by the bosses, and an even greater degree of drilled obedience among the henchmen. it would be an entire mistake to suppose that mr. platt's lieutenants were either all bad men or all influenced by unworthy motives. he was constantly doing favors for men. he had won the gratitude of many good men. in the country districts especially, there were many places where his machine included the majority of the best citizens, the leading and substantial citizens, among the inhabitants. some of his strongest and most efficient lieutenants were disinterested men of high character. there had always been a good deal of opposition to mr. platt and the machine, but the leadership of this opposition was apt to be found only among those whom abraham lincoln called the "silk stockings," and much of it excited almost as much derision among the plain people as the machine itself excited anger or dislike. very many of mr. platt's opponents really disliked him and his methods, for aesthetic rather than for moral reasons, and the bulk of the people half-consciously felt this and refused to submit to their leadership. the men who opposed him in this manner were good citizens according to their lights, prominent in the social clubs and in philanthropic circles, men of means and often men of business standing. they disliked coarse and vulgar politicians, and they sincerely reprobated all the shortcomings that were recognized by, and were offensive to, people of their own caste. they had not the slightest understanding of the needs, interests, ways of thought, and convictions of the average small man; and the small man felt this, although he could not express it, and sensed that they were really not concerned with his welfare, and that they did not offer him anything materially better from his point of view than the machine. when reformers of this type attempted to oppose mr. platt, they usually put up either some rather inefficient, well-meaning person, who bathed every day, and didn't steal, but whose only good point was "respectability," and who knew nothing of the great fundamental questions looming before us; or else they put up some big business man or corporation lawyer who was wedded to the gross wrong and injustice of our economic system, and who neither by personality nor by programme gave the ordinary plain people any belief that there was promise of vital good to them in the change. the correctness of their view was proved by the fact that as soon as fundamental economic and social reforms were at stake the aesthetic, as distinguished from the genuinely moral, reformers, for the most part sided with the bosses against the people. when i became governor, the conscience of the people was in no way or shape aroused, as it has since become roused. the people accepted and practiced in a matter-of-course way as quite proper things which they would not now tolerate. they had no definite and clearly outlined conception of what they wished in the way of reform. they on the whole tolerated, and indeed approved of, the machine; and there had been no development on any considerable scale of reformers with the vision to see what the needs of the people were, and the high purpose sanely to achieve what was necessary in order to meet these needs. i knew both the machine and the silk-stocking reformers fairly well, from many years' close association with them. the machine as such had no ideals at all, although many of the men composing it did have. on the other hand, the ideals of very many of the silk-stocking reformers did not relate to the questions of real and vital interest to our people; and, singularly enough, in international matters, these same silk-stockings were no more to be trusted than the average ignorant demagogue or shortsighted spoils politicians. i felt that these men would be broken reeds to which to trust in any vital contest for betterment of social and industrial conditions. i had neither the training nor the capacity that would have enabled me to match mr. platt and his machine people on their own ground. nor did i believe that the effort to build up a machine of my own under the then existing conditions would meet the needs of the situation so far as the people were concerned. i therefore made no effort to create a machine of my own, and consistently adopted the plan of going over the heads of the men holding public office and of the men in control of the organization, and appealing directly to the people behind them. the machine, for instance, had a more or less strong control over the great bulk of the members of the state legislature; but in the last resort the people behind these legislators had a still greater control over them. i made up my mind that the only way i could beat the bosses whenever the need to do so arose (and unless there was such need i did not wish to try) was, not by attempting to manipulate the machinery, and not by trusting merely to the professional reformers, but by making my appeal as directly and as emphatically as i knew how to the mass of voters themselves, to the people, to the men who if waked up would be able to impose their will on their representatives. my success depended upon getting the people in the different districts to look at matters in my way, and getting them to take such an active interest in affairs as to enable them to exercise control over their representatives. there were a few of the senators and assemblymen whom i could reach by seeing them personally and putting before them my arguments; but most of them were too much under the control of the machine for me to shake them loose unless they knew that the people were actively behind me. in making my appeal to the people as a whole i was dealing with an entirely different constituency from that which, especially in the big cities, liked to think of itself as the "better element," the particular exponent of reform and good citizenship. i was dealing with shrewd, hard-headed, kindly men and women, chiefly concerned with the absorbing work of earning their own living, and impatient of fads, who had grown to feel that the associations with the word "reformer" were not much better than the associations with the word "politician." i had to convince these men and women of my good faith, and, moreover, of my common sense and efficiency. they were most of them strong partisans, and an outrage had to be very real and very great to shake them even partially loose from their party affiliations. moreover, they took little interest in any fight of mere personalities. they were not influenced in the least by the silk-stocking reform view of mr. platt. i knew that if they were persuaded that i was engaged in a mere faction fight against him, that it was a mere issue between his ambition and mine, they would at once become indifferent, and my fight would be lost. but i felt that i could count on their support wherever i could show them that the fight was not made just for the sake of the row, that it was not made merely as a factional contest against senator platt and the organization, but was waged from a sense of duty for real and tangible causes such as the promotion of governmental efficiency and honesty, and forcing powerful moneyed men to take the proper attitude toward the community at large. they stood by me when i insisted upon having the canal department, the insurance department, and the various departments of the state government run with efficiency and honesty; they stood by me when i insisted upon making wealthy men who owned franchises pay the state what they properly ought to pay; they stood by me when, in connection with the strikes on the croton aqueduct and in buffalo, i promptly used the military power of the state to put a stop to rioting and violence. in the latter case my chief opponents and critics were local politicians who were truckling to the labor vote; but in all cases coming under the first two categories i had serious trouble with the state leaders of the machine. i always did my best, in good faith, to get mr. platt and the other heads of the machine to accept my views, and to convince them, by repeated private conversations, that i was right. i never wantonly antagonized or humiliated them. i did not wish to humiliate them or to seem victorious over them; what i wished was to secure the things that i thought it essential to the men and women of the state to secure. if i could finally persuade them to support me, well and good; in such case i continued to work with them in the friendliest manner. if after repeated and persistent effort i failed to get them to support me, then i made a fair fight in the open, and in a majority of cases i carried my point and succeeded in getting through the legislation which i wished. in theory the executive has nothing to do with legislation. in practice, as things now are, the executive is or ought to be peculiarly representative of the people as a whole. as often as not the action of the executive offers the only means by which the people can get the legislation they demand and ought to have. therefore a good executive under the present conditions of american political life must take a very active interest in getting the right kind of legislation, in addition to performing his executive duties with an eye single to the public welfare. more than half of my work as governor was in the direction of getting needed and important legislation. i accomplished this only by arousing the people, and riveting their attention on what was done. gradually the people began to wake up more and more to the fact that the machine politicians were not giving them the kind of government which they wished. as this waking up grew more general, not merely in new york or any other one state, but throughout most of the nation, the power of the bosses waned. then a curious thing happened. the professional reformers who had most loudly criticized these bosses began to change toward them. newspaper editors, college presidents, corporation lawyers, and big business men, all alike, had denounced the bosses and had taken part in reform movements against them so long as these reforms dealt only with things that were superficial, or with fundamental things that did not affect themselves and their associates. but the majority of these men turned to the support of the bosses when the great new movement began clearly to make itself evident as one against privilege in business no less than against privilege in politics, as one for social and industrial no less than for political righteousness and fair dealing. the big corporation lawyer who had antagonized the boss in matters which he regarded as purely political stood shoulder to shoulder with the boss when the movement for betterment took shape in direct attack on the combination of business with politics and with the judiciary which has done so much to enthrone privilege in the economic world. the reformers who denounced political corruption and fraud when shown at the expense of their own candidates by machine ward heelers of a low type hysterically applauded similar corrupt trickery when practiced by these same politicians against men with whose political and industrial programme the reformers were not in sympathy. i had always been instinctively and by nature a democrat, but if i had needed conversion to the democratic ideal here in america the stimulus would have been supplied by what i saw of the attitude, not merely of the bulk of the men of greatest wealth, but of the bulk of the men who most prided themselves upon their education and culture, when we began in good faith to grapple with the wrong and injustice of our social and industrial system, and to hit at the men responsible for the wrong, no matter how high they stood in business or in politics, at the bar or on the bench. it was while i was governor, and especially in connection with the franchise tax legislation, that i first became thoroughly aware of the real causes of this attitude among the men of great wealth and among the men who took their tone from the men of great wealth. very soon after my victory in the race for governor i had one or two experiences with senator platt which showed in amusing fashion how absolute the rule of the boss was in the politics of that day. senator platt, who was always most kind and friendly in his personal relations with me, asked me in one day to talk over what was to be done at albany. he had the two or three nominal heads of the organization with him. they were his lieutenants, who counseled and influenced him, whose advice he often followed, but who, when he had finally made up his mind, merely registered and carried out his decrees. after a little conversation the senator asked if i had any member of the assembly whom i wished to have put on any committee, explaining that the committees were being arranged. i answered no, and expressed my surprise at what he had said, because i had not understood the speaker who appointed the committees had himself been agreed upon by the members-elect. "oh!" responded the senator, with a tolerant smile, "he has not been chosen yet, but of course whoever we choose as speaker will agree beforehand to make the appointments we wish." i made a mental note to the effect that if they attempted the same process with the governor-elect they would find themselves mistaken. in a few days the opportunity to prove this arrived. under the preceding administration there had been grave scandals about the erie canal, the trans-state canal, and these scandals had been one of the chief issues in the campaign for the governorship. the construction of this work was under the control of the superintendent of public works. in the actual state of affairs his office was by far the most important office under me, and i intended to appoint to it some man of high character and capacity who could be trusted to do the work not merely honestly and efficiently, but without regard to politics. a week or so after the speakership incident senator platt asked me to come and see him (he was an old and physically feeble man, able to move about only with extreme difficulty). on arrival i found the lieutenant-governor elect, mr. woodruff, who had also been asked to come. the senator informed me that he was glad to say that i would have a most admirable man as superintendent of public works, as he had just received a telegram from a certain gentleman, whom he named, saying that he would accept the position! he handed me the telegram. the man in question was a man i liked; later i appointed him to an important office in which he did well. but he came from a city along the line of the canal, so that i did not think it best that he should be appointed anyhow; and, moreover, what was far more important, it was necessary to have it understood at the very outset that the administration was my administration and was no one else's but mine. so i told the senator very politely that i was sorry, but that i could not appoint his man. this produced an explosion, but i declined to lose my temper, merely repeating that i must decline to accept any man chosen for me, and that i must choose the man myself. although i was very polite, i was also very firm, and mr. platt and his friends finally abandoned their position. i appointed an engineer from brooklyn, a veteran of the civil war, colonel partridge, who had served in mayor low's administration. he was an excellent man in every way. he chose as his assistant, actively to superintend the work, a cornell graduate named elon hooker, a man with no political backing at all, picked simply because he was the best equipped man for the place. the office, the most important office under me, was run in admirable fashion throughout my administration; i doubt if there ever was an important department of the new york state government run with a higher standard of efficiency and integrity. but this was not all that had to be done about the canals. evidently the whole policy hitherto pursued had been foolish and inadequate. i appointed a first-class non-partisan commission of business men and expert engineers who went into the matter exhaustively, and their report served as the basis upon which our entire present canal system is based. there remained the question of determining whether the canal officials who were in office before i became governor, and whom i had declined to reappoint, had been guilty of any action because of which it would be possible to proceed against them criminally or otherwise under the law. such criminal action had been freely charged against them during the campaign by the democratic (including the so-called mugwump) press. to determine this matter i appointed two democratic lawyers, messrs. fox and macfarlane (the latter federal district attorney for new york under president cleveland), and put the whole investigation in their hands. these gentlemen made an exhaustive investigation lasting several months. they reported that there had been grave delinquency in the prosecution of the work, delinquency which justified public condemnation of those responsible for it (who were out of office), but that there was no ground for criminal prosecution. i laid their report before the legislature with a message in which i said: "there is probably no lawyer of high standing in the state who, after studying the report of counsel in this case and the testimony taken by the investigating commission, would disagree with them as to the impracticability of a successful prosecution. under such circumstances the one remedy was a thorough change in the methods and management. this change has been made." when my successor in the governorship took office, colonel partridge retired, and elon hooker, finding that he could no longer act with entire disregard of politics and with an eye single to the efficiency of the work, also left. a dozen years later--having in the meantime made a marked success in a business career--he became the treasurer of the national progressive party. my action in regard to the canals, and the management of his office, the most important office under me, by colonel partridge, established my relations with mr. platt from the outset on pretty nearly the right basis. but, besides various small difficulties, we had one or two serious bits of trouble before my duties as governor ceased. it must be remembered that mr. platt was to all intents and purposes a large part of, and sometimes a majority of, the legislature. there were a few entirely independent men such as nathaniel elsberg, regis post, and alford cooley, in each of the two houses; the remainder were under the control of the republican and democratic bosses, but could also be more or less influenced by an aroused public opinion. the two machines were apt to make common cause if their vital interests were touched. it was my business to devise methods by which either the two machines could be kept apart or else overthrown if they came together. my desire was to achieve results, and not merely to issue manifestoes of virtue. it is very easy to be efficient if the efficiency is based on unscrupulousness, and it is still easier to be virtuous if one is content with the purely negative virtue which consists in not doing anything wrong, but being wholly unable to accomplish anything positive for good. my favorite quotation from josh billings again applies: it is so much easier to be a harmless dove than a wise serpent. my duty was to combine both idealism and efficiency. at that time the public conscience was still dormant as regards many species of political and business misconduct, as to which during the next decade it became sensitive. i had to work with the tools at hand and to take into account the feeling of the people, which i have already described. my aim was persistently to refuse to be put in a position where what i did would seem to be a mere faction struggle against senator platt. my aim was to make a fight only when i could so manage it that there could be no question in the minds of honest men that my prime purpose was not to attack mr. platt or any one else except as a necessary incident to securing clean and efficient government. in each case i did my best to persuade mr. platt not to oppose me. i endeavored to make it clear to him that i was not trying to wrest the organization from him; and i always gave him in detail the reasons why i felt i had to take the position i intended to adopt. it was only after i had exhausted all the resources of my patience that i would finally, if he still proved obstinate, tell him that i intended to make the fight anyhow. as i have said, the senator was an old and feeble man in physique, and it was possible for him to go about very little. until friday evening he would be kept at his duties at washington, while i was in albany. if i wished to see him it generally had to be at his hotel in new york on saturday, and usually i would go there to breakfast with him. the one thing i would not permit was anything in the nature of a secret or clandestine meeting. i always insisted on going openly. solemn reformers of the tom-fool variety, who, according to their custom, paid attention to the name and not the thing, were much exercised over my "breakfasting with platt." whenever i breakfasted with him they became sure that the fact carried with it some sinister significance. the worthy creatures never took the trouble to follow the sequence of facts and events for themselves. if they had done so they would have seen that any series of breakfasts with platt always meant that i was going to do something he did not like, and that i was trying, courteously and frankly, to reconcile him to it. my object was to make it as easy as possible for him to come with me. as long as there was no clash between us there was no object in my seeing him; it was only when the clash came or was imminent that i had to see him. a series of breakfasts was always the prelude to some active warfare.[*] in every instance i substantially carried my point, although in some cases not in exactly the way in which i had originally hoped. [*] to illustrate my meaning i quote from a letter of mine to senator platt of december , . he had been trying to get me to promote a certain judge x over the head of another judge y. i wrote: "there is a strong feeling among the judges and the leading members of the bar that judge y ought not to have judge x jumped over his head, and i do not see my way clear to doing it. i am inclined to think that the solution i mentioned to you is the solution i shall have to adopt. remember the breakfast at douglas robinson's at : ." there were various measures to which he gave a grudging and querulous assent without any break being threatened. i secured the reenactment of the civil service law, which under my predecessor had very foolishly been repealed. i secured a mass of labor legislation, including the enactment of laws to increase the number of factory inspectors, to create a tenement house commission (whose findings resulted in further and excellent legislation to improve housing conditions), to regulate and improve sweatshop labor, to make the eight-hour and prevailing rate of wages law effective, to secure the genuine enforcement of the act relating to the hours of railway workers, to compel railways to equip freight trains with air-brakes, to regulate the working hours of women and protect both women and children from dangerous machinery, to enforce good scaffolding provisions for workmen on buildings, to provide seats for the use of waitresses in hotels and restaurants, to reduce the hours of labor for drug-store clerks, to provide for the registration of laborers for municipal employment. i tried hard but failed to secure an employers' liability law and the state control of employment offices. there was hard fighting over some of these bills, and, what was much more serious, there was effort to get round the law by trickery and by securing its inefficient enforcement. i was continually helped by men with whom i had gotten in touch while in the police department; men such as james bronson reynolds, through whom i first became interested in settlement work on the east side. once or twice i went suddenly down to new york city without warning any one and traversed the tenement-house quarters, visiting various sweat-shops picked at random. jake riis accompanied me; and as a result of our inspection we got not only an improvement in the law but a still more marked improvement in its administration. thanks chiefly to the activity and good sense of dr. john h. pryor, of buffalo, and by the use of every pound of pressure which as governor i could bring to bear in legitimate fashion--including a special emergency message--we succeeded in getting through a bill providing for the first state hospital for incipient tuberculosis. we got valuable laws for the farmer; laws preventing the adulteration of food products (which laws were equally valuable to the consumer), and laws helping the dairyman. in addition to labor legislation i was able to do a good deal for forest preservation and the protection of our wild life. all that later i strove for in the nation in connection with conservation was foreshadowed by what i strove to obtain for new york state when i was governor; and i was already working in connection with gifford pinchot and newell. i secured better administration, and some improvement in the laws themselves. the improvement in administration, and in the character of the game and forest wardens, was secured partly as the result of a conference in the executive chamber which i held with forty of the best guides and woodsmen of the adirondacks. as regards most legislation, even that affecting labor and the forests, i got on fairly well with the machine. but on the two issues in which "big business" and the kind of politics which is allied to big business were most involved we clashed hard--and clashing with senator platt meant clashing with the entire republican organization, and with the organized majority in each house of the legislature. one clash was in connection with the superintendent of insurance, a man whose office made him a factor of immense importance in the big business circles of new york. the then incumbent of the office was an efficient man, the boss of an up-state county, a veteran politician and one of mr. platt's right-hand men. certain investigations which i made--in the course of the fight--showed that this superintendent of insurance had been engaged in large business operations in new york city. these operations had thrown him into a peculiarly intimate business contact of one sort and another with various financiers with whom i did not deem it expedient that the superintendent of insurance, while such, should have any intimate and secret money-making relations. moreover, the gentleman in question represented the straitest sect of the old-time spoils politicians. i therefore determined not to reappoint him. unless i could get his successor confirmed, however, he would stay in under the law, and the republican machine, with the assistance of tammany, expected to control far more than a majority of all the senators. mr. platt issued an ultimatum to me that the incumbent must be reappointed or else that he would fight, and that if he chose to fight the man would stay in anyhow because i could not oust him--for under the new york constitution the assent of the senate was necessary not only to appoint a man to office but to remove him from office. as always with mr. platt, i persistently refused to lose my temper, no matter what he said--he was much too old and physically feeble for there to be any point of honor in taking up any of his remarks--and i merely explained good-humoredly that i had made up my mind and that the gentleman in question would not be retained. as for not being able to get his successor confirmed, i pointed out that as soon as the legislature adjourned i could and would appoint another man temporarily. mr. platt then said that the incumbent would be put back as soon as the legislature reconvened; i admitted that this was possible, but added cheerfully that i would remove him again just as soon as that legislature adjourned, and that even though i had an uncomfortable time myself, i would guarantee to make my opponents more uncomfortable still. we parted without any sign of reaching an agreement. there remained some weeks before final action could be taken, and the senator was confident that i would have to yield. his most efficient allies were the pretended reformers, most of them my open or covert enemies, who loudly insisted that i must make an open fight on the senator himself and on the republican organization. this was what he wished, for at that time there was no way of upsetting him within the republican party; and, as i have said, if i had permitted the contest to assume the shape of a mere faction fight between the governor and the united states senator, i would have insured the victory of the machine. so i blandly refused to let the thing become a personal fight, explaining again and again that i was perfectly willing to appoint an organization man, and naming two or three whom i was willing to appoint, but also explaining that i would not retain the incumbent, and would not appoint any man of his type. meanwhile pressure on behalf of the said incumbent began to come from the business men of new york. the superintendent of insurance was not a man whose ill will the big life insurance companies cared to incur, and company after company passed resolutions asking me to reappoint him, although in private some of the men who signed these resolutions nervously explained that they did not mean what they had written, and hoped i would remove the man. a citizen prominent in reform circles, marked by the cato-like austerity of his reform professions, had a son who was a counsel for one of the insurance companies. the father was engaged in writing letters to the papers demanding in the name of uncompromising virtue that i should not only get rid of the superintendent of insurance, but in his place should appoint somebody or other personally offensive to senator platt--which last proposition, if adopted, would have meant that the superintendent of insurance would have stayed in, for the reasons i have already given. meanwhile the son came to see me on behalf of the insurance company he represented and told me that the company was anxious that there should be a change in the superintendency; that if i really meant to fight, they thought they had influence with four of the state senators, democrats and republicans, whom they could get to vote to confirm the man i nominated, but that they wished to be sure that i would not abandon the fight, because it would be a very bad thing for them if i started the fight and then backed down. i told my visitor that he need be under no apprehensions, that i would certainly see the fight through. a man who has much to do with that kind of politics which concerns both new york politicians and new york business men and lawyers is not easily surprised, and therefore i felt no other emotion than a rather sardonic amusement when thirty-six hours later i read in the morning paper an open letter from the officials of the very company who had been communicating with me in which they enthusiastically advocated the renomination of the superintendent. shortly afterwards my visitor, the young lawyer, called me up on the telephone and explained that the officials did not mean what they had said in this letter, that they had been obliged to write it for fear of the superintendent, but that if they got the chance they intended to help me get rid of him. i thanked him and said i thought i could manage the fight by myself. i did not hear from him again, though his father continued to write public demands that i should practice pure virtue, undefiled and offensive. meanwhile senator platt declined to yield. i had picked out a man, a friend of his, who i believed would make an honest and competent official, and whose position in the organization was such that i did not believe the senate would venture to reject him. however, up to the day before the appointment was to go to the senate, mr. platt remained unyielding. i saw him that afternoon and tried to get him to yield, but he said no, that if i insisted, it would be war to the knife, and my destruction, and perhaps the destruction of the party. i said i was very sorry, that i could not yield, and if the war came it would have to come, and that next morning i should send in the name of the superintendent's successor. we parted, and soon afterwards i received from the man who was at the moment mr. platt's right-hand lieutenant a request to know where he could see me that evening. i appointed the union league club. my visitor went over the old ground, explained that the senator would under no circumstances yield, that he was certain to win in the fight, that my reputation would be destroyed, and that he wished to save me from such a lamentable smash-up as an ending to my career. i could only repeat what i had already said, and after half an hour of futile argument i rose and said that nothing was to be gained by further talk and that i might as well go. my visitor repeated that i had this last chance, and that ruin was ahead of me if i refused it; whereas, if i accepted, everything would be made easy. i shook my head and answered, "there is nothing to add to what i have already said." he responded, "you have made up your mind?" and i said, "i have." he then said, "you know it means your ruin?" and i answered, "well, we will see about that," and walked toward the door. he said, "you understand, the fight will begin to-morrow and will be carried on to the bitter end." i said, "yes," and added, as i reached the door, "good night." then, as the door opened, my opponent, or visitor, whichever one chooses to call him, whose face was as impassive and as inscrutable as that of mr. john hamlin in a poker game, said: "hold on! we accept. send in so-and-so [the man i had named]. the senator is very sorry, but he will make no further opposition!" i never saw a bluff carried more resolutely through to the final limit. my success in the affair, coupled with the appointment of messrs. partridge and hooker, secured me against further effort to interfere with my handling of the executive departments. it was in connection with the insurance business that i first met mr. george w. perkins. he came to me with a letter of introduction from the then speaker of the national house of representatives, tom reed, which ran: "mr. perkins is a personal friend of mine, whose straightforwardness and intelligence will commend to you whatever he has to say. if you will give him proper opportunity to explain his business, i have no doubt that what he will say will be worthy of your attention." mr. perkins wished to see me with reference to a bill that had just been introduced in the legislature, which aimed to limit the aggregate volume of insurance that any new york state company could assume. there were then three big insurance companies in new york--the mutual life, equitable, and new york life. mr. perkins was a vice-president of the new york life insurance company and mr. john a. mccall was its president. i had just finished my fight against the superintendent of insurance, whom i refused to continue in office. mr. mccall had written me a very strong letter urging that he be retained, and had done everything he could to aid senator platt in securing his retention. the mutual life and equitable people had openly followed the same course, but in private had hedged. they were both backing the proposed bill. mr. mccall was opposed to it; he was in california, and just before starting thither he had been told by the mutual life and equitable that the limitation bill was favored by me and would be put through if such a thing were possible. mr. mccall did not know me, and on leaving for california told mr. perkins that from all he could learn he was sure i was bent on putting this bill through, and that nothing he could say to me would change my view; in fact, because he had fought so hard to retain the old insurance superintendent, he felt that i would be particularly opposed to anything he might wish done. as a matter of fact, i had no such feeling. i had been carefully studying the question. i had talked with the mutual life and equitable people about it, but was not committed to any particular course, and had grave doubts as to whether it was well to draw the line on size instead of on conduct. i was therefore very glad to see perkins and get a new point of view. i went over the matter with a great deal of care and at considerable length, and after we had thrashed the matter out pretty fully and perkins had laid before me in detail the methods employed by austria, germany, switzerland, and other european countries to handle their large insurance companies, i took the position that there undoubtedly were evils in the insurance business, but that they did not consist in insuring people's lives, for that certainly was not an evil; and i did not see how the real evils could be eradicated by limiting or suppressing a company's ability to protect an additional number of lives with insurance. i therefore announced that i would not favor a bill that limited volume of business, and would not sign it if it were passed; but that i favored legislation that would make it impossible to place, through agents, policies that were ambiguous and misleading, or to pay exorbitant prices to agents for business, or to invest policy-holders' money in improper securities, or to give power to officers to use the company's funds for their own personal profit. in reaching this determination i was helped by mr. loeb, then merely a stenographer in my office, but who had already attracted my attention both by his efficiency and by his loyalty to his former employers, who were for the most part my political opponents. mr. loeb gave me much information about various improper practices in the insurance business. i began to gather data on the subject, with the intention of bringing about corrective legislation, for at that time i expected to continue in office as governor. but in a few weeks i was nominated as vice-president, and my successor did nothing about the matter. so far as i remember, this was the first time the question of correcting evils in a business by limiting the volume of business to be done was ever presented to me, and my decision in the matter was on all fours with the position i have always since taken when any similar principle was involved. at the time when i made my decision about the limitation bill, i was on friendly terms with the mutual and equitable people who were back of it, whereas i did not know mr. mccall at all, and mr. perkins only from hearing him discuss the bill. an interesting feature of the matter developed subsequently. five years later, after the insurance investigations took place, the mutual life strongly urged the passage of a limitation bill, and, because of the popular feeling developed by the exposure of the improper practices of the companies, this bill was generally approved. governor hughes adopted the suggestion, such a bill was passed by the legislature, and governor hughes signed it. this bill caused the three great new york companies to reduce markedly the volume of business they were doing; it threw a great many agents out of employment, and materially curtailed the foreign business of the companies--which business was bringing annually a considerable sum of money to this country for investment. in short, the experiment worked so badly that before governor hughes went out of office one of the very last bills he signed was one that permitted the life insurance companies to increase their business each year by an amount representing a certain percentage of the business they had previously done. this in practice, within a few years, practically annulled the limitation bill that had been previously passed. the experiment of limiting the size of business, of legislating against it merely because it was big, had been tried, and had failed so completely that the authors of the bill had themselves in effect repealed it. my action in refusing to try the experiment had been completely justified. as a sequel to this incident i got mr. perkins to serve on the palisade park commission. at the time i was taking active part in the effort to save the palisades from vandalism and destruction by getting the states of new york and new jersey jointly to include them in a public park. it is not easy to get a responsible and capable man of business to undertake such a task, which is unpaid, which calls on his part for an immense expenditure of time, money, and energy, which offers no reward of any kind, and which entails the certainty of abuse and misrepresentation. mr. perkins accepted the position, and has filled it for the last thirteen years, doing as disinterested, efficient, and useful a bit of public service as any man in the state has done throughout these thirteen years. the case of most importance in which i clashed with senator platt related to a matter of fundamental governmental policy, and was the first step i ever took toward bringing big corporations under effective governmental control. in this case i had to fight the democratic machine as well as the republican machine, for senator hill and senator platt were equally opposed to my action, and the big corporation men, the big business men back of both of them, took precisely the same view of these matters without regard to their party feelings on other points. what i did convulsed people at that time, and marked the beginning of the effort, at least in the eastern states, to make the great corporations really responsible to popular wish and governmental command. but we have gone so far past the stage in which we then were that now it seems well-nigh incredible that there should have been any opposition at all to what i at that time proposed. the substitution of electric power for horse power in the street car lines of new york offered a fruitful chance for the most noxious type of dealing between business men and politicians. the franchises granted by new york were granted without any attempt to secure from the grantees returns, in the way of taxation or otherwise, for the value received. the fact that they were thus granted by improper favoritism, a favoritism which in many cases was unquestionably secured by downright bribery, led to all kinds of trouble. in return for the continuance of these improper favors to the corporations the politicians expected improper favors in the way of excessive campaign contributions, often contributed by the same corporation at the same time to two opposing parties. before i became governor a bill had been introduced into the new york legislature to tax the franchises of these street railways. it affected a large number of corporations, but particularly those in new york and buffalo. it had been suffered to slumber undisturbed, as none of the people in power dreamed of taking it seriously, and both the republican and democratic machines were hostile to it. under the rules of the new york legislature a bill could always be taken up out of its turn and passed if the governor sent in a special emergency message on its behalf. after i was elected governor i had my attention directed to the franchise tax matter, looked into the subject, and came to the conclusion that it was a matter of plain decency and honesty that these companies should pay a tax on their franchises, inasmuch as they did nothing that could be considered as service rendered the public in lieu of a tax. this seemed to me so evidently the common-sense and decent thing to do that i was hardly prepared for the storm of protest and anger which my proposal aroused. senator platt and the other machine leaders did everything to get me to abandon my intention. as usual, i saw them, talked the matter all over with them, and did my best to convert them to my way of thinking. senator platt, i believe, was quite sincere in his opposition. he did not believe in popular rule, and he did believe that the big business men were entitled to have things their way. he profoundly distrusted the people--naturally enough, for the kind of human nature with which a boss comes in contact is not of an exalted type. he felt that anarchy would come if there was any interference with a system by which the people in mass were, under various necessary cloaks, controlled by the leaders in the political and business worlds. he wrote me a very strong letter of protest against my attitude, expressed in dignified, friendly, and temperate language, but using one word in a curious way. this was the word "altruistic." he stated in his letter that he had not objected to my being independent in politics, because he had been sure that i had the good of the party at heart, and meant to act fairly and honorably; but that he had been warned, before i became a candidate, by a number of his business friends that i was a dangerous man because i was "altruistic," and that he now feared that my conduct would justify the alarm thus expressed. i was interested in this, not only because senator platt was obviously sincere, but because of the way in which he used "altruistic" as a term of reproach, as if it was communistic or socialistic--the last being a word he did use to me when, as now and then happened, he thought that my proposals warranted fairly reckless vituperation. senator platt's letter ran in part as follows: "when the subject of your nomination was under consideration, there was one matter that gave me real anxiety. i think you will have no trouble in appreciating the fact that it was _not_ the matter of your independence. i think we have got far enough along in our political acquaintance for you to see that my support in a convention does not imply subsequent 'demands,' nor any other relation that may not reasonably exist for the welfare of the party. . . . the thing that did bother me was this: i had heard from a good many sources that you were a little loose on the relations of capital and labor, on trusts and combinations, and, indeed, on those numerous questions which have recently arisen in politics affecting the security of earnings and the right of a man to run his own business in his own way, with due respect of course to the ten commandments and the penal code. or, to get at it even more clearly, i understood from a number of business men, and among them many of your own personal friends, that you entertained various altruistic ideas, all very well in their way, but which before they could safely be put into law needed very profound consideration. . . . you have just adjourned a legislature which created a good opinion throughout the state. i congratulate you heartily upon this fact because i sincerely believe, as everybody else does, that this good impression exists very largely as a result of your personal influence in the legislative chambers. but at the last moment, and to my very great surprise, you did a thing which has caused the business community of new york to wonder how far the notions of populism, as laid down in kansas and nebraska, have taken hold upon the republican party of the state of new york." in my answer i pointed out to the senator that i had as governor unhesitatingly acted, at buffalo and elsewhere, to put down mobs, without regard to the fact that the professed leaders of labor furiously denounced me for so doing; but that i could no more tolerate wrong committed in the name of property than wrong committed against property. my letter ran in part as follows: "i knew that you had just the feelings that you describe; that is, apart from my 'impulsiveness,' you felt that there was a justifiable anxiety among men of means, and especially men representing large corporate interests, lest i might feel too strongly on what you term the 'altruistic' side in matters of labor and capital and as regards the relations of the state to great corporations. . . . i know that when parties divide on such issues [as bryanism] the tendency is to force everybody into one of two camps, and to throw out entirely men like myself, who are as strongly opposed to populism in every stage as the greatest representative of corporate wealth, but who also feel strongly that many of these representatives of enormous corporate wealth have themselves been responsible for a portion of the conditions against which bryanism is in ignorant revolt. i do not believe that it is wise or safe for us as a party to take refuge in mere negation and to say that there are no evils to be corrected. it seems to me that our attitude should be one of correcting the evils and thereby showing that, whereas the populists, socialists, and others really do not correct the evils at all, or else only do so at the expense of producing others in aggravated form; on the contrary we republicans hold the just balance and set ourselves as resolutely against improper corporate influence on the one hand as against demagogy and mob rule on the other. i understand perfectly that such an attitude of moderation is apt to be misunderstood when passions are greatly excited and when victory is apt to rest with the extremists on one side or the other; yet i think it is in the long run the only wise attitude. . . . i appreciate absolutely [what mr. platt had said] that any applause i get will be too evanescent for a moment's consideration. i appreciate absolutely that the people who now loudly approve of my action in the franchise tax bill will forget all about it in a fortnight, and that, on the other hand, the very powerful interests adversely affected will always remember it. . . . [the leaders] urged upon me that i personally could not afford to take this action, for under no circumstances could i ever again be nominated for any public office, as no corporation would subscribe to a campaign fund if i was on the ticket, and that they would subscribe most heavily to beat me; and when i asked if this were true of republican corporations, the cynical answer was made that the corporations that subscribed most heavily to the campaign funds subscribed impartially to both party organizations. under all these circumstances, it seemed to me there was no alternative but to do what i could to secure the passage of the bill." these two letters, written in the spring of , express clearly the views of the two elements of the republican party, whose hostility gradually grew until it culminated, thirteen years later. in the political and financial forces of which mr. platt had once been the spokesman, usurped the control of the party machinery and drove out of the party the men who were loyally endeavoring to apply the principles of the founders of the party to the needs and issues of their own day. i had made up my mind that if i could get a show in the legislature the bill would pass, because the people had become interested and the representatives would scarcely dare to vote the wrong way. accordingly, on april , , i sent a special message to the assembly, certifying that the emergency demanded the immediate passage of the bill. the machine leaders were bitterly angry, and the speaker actually tore up the message without reading it to the assembly. that night they were busy trying to arrange some device for the defeat of the bill--which was not difficult, as the session was about to close. at seven the next morning i was informed of what had occurred. at eight i was in the capitol at the executive chamber, and sent in another special message, which opened as follows: "i learn that the emergency message which i sent last evening to the assembly on behalf of the franchise tax bill has not been read. i therefore send hereby another message on the subject. i need not impress upon the assembly the need of passing this bill at once." i sent this message to the assembly, by my secretary, william j. youngs, afterwards united states district attorney of kings, with an intimation that if this were not promptly read i should come up in person and read it. then, as so often happens, the opposition collapsed and the bill went through both houses with a rush. i had in the house stanch friends, such as regis post and alford cooley, men of character and courage, who would have fought to a finish had the need arisen. my troubles were not at an end, however. the bill put the taxation in the hands of the local county boards, and as the railways sometimes passed through several different counties, this was inadvisable. it was the end of the session, and the legislature adjourned. the corporations affected, through various counsel, and the different party leaders of both organizations, urged me not to sign the bill, laying especial stress on this feature, and asking that i wait until the following year, when a good measure could be put through with this obnoxious feature struck out. i had thirty days under the law in which to sign the bill. if i did not sign it by the end of that time it would not become a law. i answered my political and corporation friends by telling them that i agreed with them that this feature was wrong, but that i would rather have the bill with this feature than not have it at all; and that i was not willing to trust to what might be done a year later. therefore, i explained, i would reconvene the legislature in special session, and if the legislators chose to amend the bill by placing the power of taxation in the state instead of in the county or municipality, i would be glad; but that if they failed to amend it, or amended it improperly, i would sign the original bill and let it become law as it was. when the representatives of mr. platt and of the corporations affected found they could do no better, they assented to this proposition. efforts were tentatively made to outwit me, by inserting amendments that would nullify the effect of the law, or by withdrawing the law when the legislature convened; which would at once have deprived me of the whip hand. on may i wrote senator platt, outlining the amendments i desired, and said: "of course it must be understood that i will sign the present bill if the proposed bill containing the changes outlined above fails to pass." on may i notified the senate leader, john raines, by telegram: "legislature has no power to withdraw the ford bill. if attempt is made to do so, i will sign the bill at once." on the same day, by telegram, i wired mr. odell concerning the bill the leaders were preparing: "some provisions of bill very objectionable. i am at work on bill to show you to-morrow. the bill must not contain greater changes than those outlined in my message." my wishes were heeded, and when i had reconvened the legislature it amended the bill as i outlined in my message; and in its amended form the bill became law. there promptly followed something which afforded an index of the good faith of the corporations that had been protesting to me. as soon as the change for which they had begged was inserted in the law, and the law was signed, they turned round and refused to pay the taxes; and in the lawsuit that followed, they claimed that the law was unconstitutional, because it contained the very clause which they had so clamorously demanded. senator david b. hill had appeared before me on behalf of the corporations to argue for the change; and he then appeared before the courts to make the argument on the other side. the suit was carried through to the supreme court of the united states, which declared the law constitutional during the time that i was president. one of the painful duties of the chief executive in states like new york, as well as in the nation, is the refusing of pardons. yet i can imagine nothing more necessary from the standpoint of good citizenship than the ability to steel one's heart in this matter of granting pardons. the pressure is always greatest in two classes of cases: first, that where capital punishment is inflicted; second, that where the man is prominent socially and in the business world, and where in consequence his crime is apt to have been one concerned in some way with finance. as regards capital cases, the trouble is that emotional men and women always see only the individual whose fate is up at the moment, and neither his victim nor the many millions of unknown individuals who would in the long run be harmed by what they ask. moreover, almost any criminal, however brutal, has usually some person, often a person whom he has greatly wronged, who will plead for him. if the mother is alive she will always come, and she cannot help feeling that the case in which she is so concerned is peculiar, that in this case a pardon should be granted. it was really heartrending to have to see the kinsfolk and friends of murderers who were condemned to death, and among the very rare occasions when anything governmental or official caused me to lose sleep were the times when i had to listen to some poor mother making a plea for a criminal so wicked, so utterly brutal and depraved, that it would have been a crime on my part to remit his punishment. on the other hand, there were certain crimes where requests for leniency merely made me angry. such crimes were, for instance, rape, or the circulation of indecent literature, or anything connected with what would now be called the "white slave" traffic, or wife murder, or gross cruelty to women and children, or seduction and abandonment, or the action of some man in getting a girl whom he had seduced to commit abortion. i am speaking in each instance of cases that actually came before me, either while i was governor or while i was president. in an astonishing number of these cases men of high standing signed petitions or wrote letters asking me to show leniency to the criminal. in two or three of the cases--one where some young roughs had committed rape on a helpless immigrant girl, and another in which a physician of wealth and high standing had seduced a girl and then induced her to commit abortion--i rather lost my temper, and wrote to the individuals who had asked for the pardon, saying that i extremely regretted that it was not in my power to increase the sentence. i then let the facts be made public, for i thought that my petitioners deserved public censure. whether they received this public censure or not i did not know, but that my action made them very angry i do know, and their anger gave me real satisfaction. the list of these petitioners was a fairly long one, and included two united states senators, a governor of a state, two judges, an editor, and some eminent lawyers and business men. in the class of cases where the offense was one involving the misuse of large sums of money the reason for the pressure was different. cases of this kind more frequently came before me when i was president, but they also came before me when i was governor, chiefly in the cases of county treasurers who had embezzled funds. a big bank president, a railway magnate, an official connected with some big corporation, or a government official in a responsible fiduciary position, necessarily belongs among the men who have succeeded in life. this means that his family are living in comfort, and perhaps luxury and refinement, and that his sons and daughters have been well educated. in such a case the misdeed of the father comes as a crushing disaster to the wife and children, and the people of the community, however bitter originally against the man, grow to feel the most intense sympathy for the bowed-down women and children who suffer for the man's fault. it is a dreadful thing in life that so much of atonement for wrong-doing is vicarious. if it were possible in such a case to think only of the banker's or county treasurer's wife and children, any man would pardon the offender at once. unfortunately, it is not right to think only of the women and children. the very fact that in cases of this class there is certain to be pressure from high sources, pressure sometimes by men who have been beneficially, even though remotely, interested in the man's criminality, no less than pressure because of honest sympathy with the wife and children, makes it necessary that the good public servant shall, no matter how deep his sympathy and regret, steel his heart and do his duty by refusing to let the wrong-doer out. my experience of the way in which pardons are often granted is one of the reasons why i do not believe that life imprisonment for murder and rape is a proper substitute for the death penalty. the average term of so-called life imprisonment in this country is only about fourteen years. of course there were cases where i either commuted sentences or pardoned offenders with very real pleasure. for instance, when president, i frequently commuted sentences for horse stealing in the indian territory because the penalty for stealing a horse was disproportionate to the penalty for many other crimes, and the offense was usually committed by some ignorant young fellow who found a half-wild horse, and really did not commit anything like as serious an offense as the penalty indicated. the judges would be obliged to give the minimum penalty, but would forward me memoranda stating that if there had been a less penalty they would have inflicted it, and i would then commute the sentence to the penalty thus indicated. in one case in new york i pardoned outright a man convicted of murder in the second degree, and i did this on the recommendation of a friend, father doyle of the paulist fathers. i had become intimate with the paulist fathers while i was police commissioner, and i had grown to feel confidence in their judgment, for i had found that they always told me exactly what the facts were about any man, whether he belonged to their church or not. in this case the convicted man was a strongly built, respectable old irishman employed as a watchman around some big cattle-killing establishments. the young roughs of the neighborhood, which was then of a rather lawless type, used to try to destroy the property of the companies. in a conflict with a watchman a member of one of the gangs was slain. the watchman was acquitted, but the neighborhood was much wrought up over the acquittal. shortly afterwards, a gang of the same roughs attacked another watchman, the old irishman in question, and finally, to save his own life, he was obliged in self-defense to kill one of his assailants. the feeling in the community, however, was strongly against him, and some of the men high up in the corporation became frightened and thought that it would be better to throw over the watchman. he was convicted. father doyle came to me, told me that he knew the man well, that he was one of the best members of his church, admirable in every way, that he had simply been forced to fight for his life while loyally doing his duty, and that the conviction represented the triumph of the tough element of the district and the abandonment of this man, by those who should have stood by him, under the influence of an unworthy fear. i looked into the case, came to the conclusion that father doyle was right, and gave the man a full pardon before he had served thirty days. the various clashes between myself and the machine, my triumph in them, and the fact that the people were getting more and more interested and aroused, brought on a curious situation in the republican national convention at philadelphia in june, . senator platt and the new york machine leaders had become very anxious to get me out of the governorship, chiefly because of the hostility of the big corporation men towards me; but they had also become convinced that there was such popular feeling on my behalf that it would be difficult to refuse me a renomination if i demanded it. they accordingly decided to push me for vice-president, taking advantage of the fact that there was at that time a good deal of feeling for me in the country at large. [see appendix b to this chapter.] i myself did not appreciate that there was any such feeling, and as i greatly disliked the office of vice-president and was much interested in the governorship, i announced that i would not accept the vice-presidency. i was one of the delegates to philadelphia. on reaching there i found that the situation was complicated. senator hanna appeared on the surface to have control of the convention. he was anxious that i should not be nominated as vice-president. senator platt was anxious that i should be nominated as vice-president, in order to get me out of the new york governorship. each took a position opposite to that of the other, but each at that time cordially sympathized with the other's feelings about me--it was the manifestations and not the feelings that differed. my supporters in new york state did not wish me nominated for vice-president because they wished me to continue as governor; but in every other state all the people who admired me were bound that i should be nominated as vice-president. these people were almost all desirous of seeing mr. mckinley renominated as president, but they became angry at senator hanna's opposition to me as vice-president. he in his turn suddenly became aware that if he persisted he might find that in their anger these men would oppose mr. mckinley's renomination, and although they could not have prevented the nomination, such opposition would have been a serious blow in the campaign which was to follow. senator hanna, therefore, began to waver. meanwhile a meeting of the new york delegation was called. most of the delegates were under the control of senator platt. the senator notified me that if i refused to accept the nomination for vice-president i would be beaten for the nomination for governor. i answered that i would accept the challenge, that we would have a straight-out fight on the proposition, and that i would begin it at once by telling the assembled delegates of the threat, and giving fair warning that i intended to fight for the governorship nomination, and, moreover, that i intended to get it. this brought senator platt to terms. the effort to instruct the new york delegation for me was abandoned, and lieutenant-governor woodruff was presented for nomination in my place. i supposed that this closed the incident, and that no further effort would be made to nominate me for the vice-presidency. on the contrary, the effect was directly the reverse. the upset of the new york machine increased the feeling of the delegates from other states that it was necessary to draft me for the nomination. by next day senator hanna himself concluded that this was a necessity, and acquiesced in the movement. as new york was already committed against me, and as i was not willing that there should be any chance of supposing that the new yorkers had nominated me to get rid of me, the result was that i was nominated and seconded from outside states. no other candidate was placed in the field. by this time the legislature had adjourned, and most of my work as governor of new york was over. one unexpected bit of business arose, however. it was the year of the presidential campaign. tammany, which had been lukewarm about bryan in , cordially supported him in ; and when tammany heartily supports a candidate it is well for the opposing candidate to keep a sharp lookout for election frauds. the city government was in the hands of tammany; but i had power to remove the mayor, the sheriff, and the district attorney for malfeasance or misfeasance in office. such power had not been exercised by any previous governor, as far as i knew; but it existed, and if the misfeasance or malfeasance warranted it, and if the governor possessed the requisite determination, the power could be, and ought to be, exercised. by an act of the legislature, a state bureau of elections had been created in new york city, and a superintendent of elections appointed by the governor. the chief of the state bureau of elections was john mccullagh, formerly in the police department when i was police commissioner. the chief of police for the city was william f. devery, one of the tammany leaders, who represented in the police department all that i had warred against while commissioner. on november devery directed his subordinates in the police department to disregard the orders which mccullagh had given to his deputies, orders which were essential if we were to secure an honest election in the city. i had just returned from a western campaign trip, and was at sagamore hill. i had no direct power over devery; but the mayor had; and i had power over the mayor. accordingly, i at once wrote to the mayor of new york, to the sheriff of new york, and to the district attorney of new york county the following letters: state of new york oyster bay, november , . to the mayor of the city of new york. sir: my attention has been called to the official order issued by chief of police devery, in which he directs his subordinates to disregard the chief of the state election bureau, john mccullagh, and his deputies. unless you have already taken steps to secure the recall of this order, it is necessary for me to point out that i shall be obliged to hold you responsible as the head of the city government for the action of the chief of police, if it should result in any breach of the peace and intimidation or any crime whatever against the election laws. the state and city authorities should work together. i will not fail to call to summary account either state or city authority in the event of either being guilty of intimidation or connivance at fraud or of failure to protect every legal voter in his rights. i therefore hereby notify you that in the event of any wrong-doing following upon the failure immediately to recall chief devery's order, or upon any action or inaction on the part of chief devery, i must necessarily call you to account. yours, etc., theodore roosevelt. state of new york oyster bay, november , . to the sheriff of the county of new york. sir: my attention has been called to the official order issued by chief of police devery in which he directs his subordinates to disregard the chief of the state election bureau, john mccullagh, and his deputies. it is your duty to assist in the orderly enforcement of the law, and i shall hold you strictly responsible for any breach of the public peace within your county, or for any failure on your part to do your full duty in connection with the election to-morrow. yours truly, theodore roosevelt. state of new york oyster bay, november , . to the district attorney of the county of new york. sir: my attention has been called to the official order issued by chief of police devery, in which he directs his subordinates to disregard the chief of the state election bureau, john mccullagh, and his deputies. in view of this order i call your attention to the fact that it is your duty to assist in the orderly enforcement of the law, and there must be no failure on your part to do your full duty in the matter. yours truly, theodore roosevelt. these letters had the desired effect. the mayor promptly required chief devery to rescind the obnoxious order, which was as promptly done. the sheriff also took prompt action. the district attorney refused to heed my letter, and assumed an attitude of defiance, and i removed him from office. on election day there was no clash between the city and state authorities; the election was orderly and honest. appendix a conservation as foreshadowing the course i later, as president, followed in this matter, i give extracts from one of my letters to the commission, and from my second (and last) annual message. i spent the first months of my term in investigations to find out just what the situation was. on november , , i wrote to the commission as follows: ". . . i have had very many complaints before this as to the inefficiency of the game wardens and game protectors, the complaints usually taking the form that the men have been appointed and are retained without due regard to the duties to be performed. i do not wish a man to be retained or appointed who is not thoroughly fit to perform the duties of game protector. the adirondacks are entitled to a peculiar share of the commission's attention, both from the standpoint of forestry, and from the less important, but still very important, standpoint of game and fish protection. the men who do duty as game protectors in the adirondacks should, by preference, be appointed from the locality itself, and should in all cases be thorough woodsmen. the mere fact that a game protector has to hire a guide to pilot him through the woods is enough to show his unfitness for the position. i want as game protectors men of courage, resolution, and hardihood, who can handle the rifle, ax, and paddle; who can camp out in summer or winter; who can go on snow-shoes, if necessary; who can go through the woods by day or by night without regard to trails. "i should like full information about all your employees, as to their capacities, as to the labor they perform, as to their distribution from and where they do their work." many of the men hitherto appointed owed their positions principally to political preference. the changes i recommended were promptly made, and much to the good of the public service. in my annual message, in january, , i said: "great progress has been made through the fish hatcheries in the propagation of valuable food and sporting fish. the laws for the protection of deer have resulted in their increase. nevertheless, as railroads tend to encroach on the wilderness, the temptation to illegal hunting becomes greater, and the danger from forest fires increases. there is need of great improvement both in our laws and in their administration. the game wardens have been too few in number. more should be provided. none save fit men must be appointed; and their retention in office must depend purely upon the zeal, ability, and efficiency with which they perform their duties. the game wardens in the forests must be woodsmen; and they should have no outside business. in short, there should be a thorough reorganization of the work of the commission. a careful study of the resources and condition of the forests on state land must be made. it is certainly not too much to expect that the state forests should be managed as efficiently as the forests on private lands in the same neighborhoods. and the measure of difference in efficiency of management must be the measure of condemnation or praise of the way the public forests have been managed. "the subject of forest preservation is of the utmost importance to the state. the adirondacks and catskills should be great parks kept in perpetuity for the benefit and enjoyment of our people. much has been done of late years towards their preservation, but very much remains to be done. the provisions of law in reference to sawmills and wood-pulp mills are defective and should be changed so as to prohibit dumping dye-stuff, sawdust, or tan-bark, in any amount whatsoever, into the streams. reservoirs should be made, but not where they will tend to destroy large sections of the forest, and only after a careful and scientific study of the water resources of the region. the people of the forest regions are themselves growing more and more to realize the necessity of preserving both the trees and the game. a live deer in the woods will attract to the neighborhood ten times the money that could be obtained for the deer's dead carcass. timber theft on the state lands is, of course, a grave offense against the whole public. "hardy outdoor sports, like hunting, are in themselves of no small value to the national character and should be encouraged in every way. men who go into the wilderness, indeed, men who take part in any field sports with horse or rifle, receive a benefit which can hardly be given by even the most vigorous athletic games. "there is a further and more immediate and practical end in view. a primeval forest is a great sponge which absorbs and distills the rain water. and when it is destroyed the result is apt to be an alternation of flood and drought. forest fires ultimately make the land a desert, and are a detriment to all that portion of the state tributary to the streams through the woods where they occur. every effort should be made to minimize their destructive influence. we need to have our system of forestry gradually developed and conducted along scientific principles. when this has been done it will be possible to allow marketable lumber to be cut everywhere without damage to the forests--indeed, with positive advantage to them. but until lumbering is thus conducted, on strictly scientific principles no less than upon principles of the strictest honesty toward the state, we cannot afford to suffer it at all in the state forests. unrestrained greed means the ruin of the great woods and the drying up of the sources of the rivers. "ultimately the administration of the state lands must be so centralized as to enable us definitely to place responsibility in respect to everything concerning them, and to demand the highest degree of trained intelligence in their use. "the state should not permit within its limits factories to make bird skins or bird feathers into articles of ornament or wearing apparel. ordinary birds, and especially song birds, should be rigidly protected. game birds should never be shot to a greater extent than will offset the natural rate of increase. . . . care should be taken not to encourage the use of cold storage or other market systems which are a benefit to no one but the wealthy epicure who can afford to pay a heavy price for luxuries. these systems tend to the destruction of the game, which would bear most severely upon the very men whose rapacity has been appealed to in order to secure its extermination. . . ." i reorganized the commission, putting austin wadsworth at its head. appendix b the political situation in my general scheme of action as governor was given in a letter i wrote one of my supporters among the independent district organization leaders, norton goddard, on april , . it runs in part as follows: "nobody can tell, and least of all the machine itself, whether the machine intends to renominate me next fall or not. if for some reason i should be weak, whether on account of faults or virtues, doubtless the machine will throw me over, and i think i am not uncharitable when i say they would feel no acute grief at so doing. it would be very strange if they did feel such grief. if, for instance, we had strikes which led to riots, i would of course be obliged to preserve order and stop the riots. decent citizens would demand that i should do it, and in any event i should do it wholly without regard to their demands. but, once it was done, they would forget all about it, while a great many laboring men, honest but ignorant and prejudiced, would bear a grudge against me for doing it. this might put me out of the running as a candidate. again, the big corporations undoubtedly want to beat me. they prefer the chance of being blackmailed to the certainty that they will not be allowed any more than their due. of course they will try to beat me on some entirely different issue, and, as they are very able and very unscrupulous, nobody can tell that they won't succeed. . . . i have been trying to stay in with the organization. i did not do it with the idea that they would renominate me. i did it with the idea of getting things done, and in that i have been absolutely successful. whether senator platt and mr. odell endeavor to beat me, or do beat me, for the renomination next fall, is of very small importance compared to the fact that for my two years i have been able to make a republican majority in the legislature do good and decent work and have prevented any split within the party. the task was one of great difficulty, because, on the one hand, i had to keep clearly before me the fact that it was better to have a split than to permit bad work to be done, and, on the other hand, the fact that to have that split would absolutely prevent all _good_ work. the result has been that i have avoided a split and that as a net result of my two years and the two sessions of the legislature, there has been an enormous improvement in the administration of the government, and there has also been a great advance in legislation." to show my reading of the situation at the time i quote from a letter of mine to joseph b. bishop, then editor of the _commercial advertiser_, with whom towards the end of my term i had grown into very close relations, and who, together with two other old friends, albert shaw, of the _review of reviews_, and silas mcbee, now editor of the _constructive quarterly_, knew the inside of every movement, so far as i knew it myself. the letter, which is dated april , , runs in part as follows: "the dangerous element as far as i am concerned comes from the corporations. the [naming certain men] crowd and those like them have been greatly exasperated by the franchise tax. they would like to get me out of politics for good, but at the moment they think the best thing to do is to put me into the vice-presidency. naturally i will not be opposed openly on the ground of the corporations' grievance; but every kind of false statement will continually be made, and men like [naming the editors of certain newspapers] will attack me, not as the enemy of corporations, but as their tool! there is no question whatever that if the leaders can they will upset me." one position which as governor (and as president) i consistently took, seems to me to represent what ought to be a fundamental principle in american legislative work. i steadfastly refused to advocate any law, no matter how admirable in theory, if there was good reason to believe that in practice it would not be executed. i have always sympathized with the view set forth by pelatiah webster in --quoted by hannis taylor in his _genesis of the supreme court_--"laws or ordinances of any kind (especially of august bodies of high dignity and consequence) which fail of execution, are much worse than none. they weaken the government, expose it to contempt, destroy the confidence of all men, native and foreigners, in it, and expose both aggregate bodies and individuals who have placed confidence in it to many ruinous disappointments which they would have escaped had no such law or ordinance been made." this principle, by the way, not only applies to an internal law which cannot be executed; it applies even more to international action, such as a universal arbitration treaty which cannot and will not be kept; and most of all it applies to proposals to make such universal arbitration treaties at the very time that we are not keeping our solemn promise to execute limited arbitration treaties which we have already made. a general arbitration treaty is merely a promise; it represents merely a debt of honorable obligation; and nothing is more discreditable, for a nation or an individual, than to cover up the repudiation of a debt which can be and ought to be paid, by recklessly promising to incur a new and insecure debt which no wise man for one moment supposes ever will be paid. chapter ix outdoors and indoors there are men who love out-of-doors who yet never open a book; and other men who love books but to whom the great book of nature is a sealed volume, and the lines written therein blurred and illegible. nevertheless among those men whom i have known the love of books and the love of outdoors, in their highest expressions, have usually gone hand in hand. it is an affectation for the man who is praising outdoors to sneer at books. usually the keenest appreciation of what is seen in nature is to be found in those who have also profited by the hoarded and recorded wisdom of their fellow-men. love of outdoor life, love of simple and hardy pastimes, can be gratified by men and women who do not possess large means, and who work hard; and so can love of good books--not of good bindings and of first editions, excellent enough in their way but sheer luxuries--i mean love of reading books, owning them if possible of course, but, if that is not possible, getting them from a circulating library. sagamore hill takes its name from the old sagamore mohannis, who, as chief of his little tribe, signed away his rights to the land two centuries and a half ago. the house stands right on the top of the hill, separated by fields and belts of woodland from all other houses, and looks out over the bay and the sound. we see the sun go down beyond long reaches of land and of water. many birds dwell in the trees round the house or in the pastures and the woods near by, and of course in winter gulls, loons, and wild fowl frequent the waters of the bay and the sound. we love all the seasons; the snows and bare woods of winter; the rush of growing things and the blossom-spray of spring; the yellow grain, the ripening fruits and tasseled corn, and the deep, leafy shades that are heralded by "the green dance of summer"; and the sharp fall winds that tear the brilliant banners with which the trees greet the dying year. the sound is always lovely. in the summer nights we watch it from the piazza, and see the lights of the tall fall river boats as they steam steadily by. now and then we spend a day on it, the two of us together in the light rowing skiff, or perhaps with one of the boys to pull an extra pair of oars; we land for lunch at noon under wind-beaten oaks on the edge of a low bluff, or among the wild plum bushes on a spit of white sand, while the sails of the coasting schooners gleam in the sunlight, and the tolling of the bell-buoy comes landward across the waters. long island is not as rich in flowers as the valley of the hudson. yet there are many. early in april there is one hillside near us which glows like a tender flame with the white of the bloodroot. about the same time we find the shy mayflower, the trailing arbutus; and although we rarely pick wild flowers, one member of the household always plucks a little bunch of mayflowers to send to a friend working in panama, whose soul hungers for the northern spring. then there are shadblow and delicate anemones, about the time of the cherry blossoms; the brief glory of the apple orchards follows; and then the thronging dogwoods fill the forests with their radiance; and so flowers follow flowers until the springtime splendor closes with the laurel and the evanescent, honey-sweet locust bloom. the late summer flowers follow, the flaunting lilies, and cardinal flowers, and marshmallows, and pale beach rosemary; and the goldenrod and the asters when the afternoons shorten and we again begin to think of fires in the wide fireplaces. most of the birds in our neighborhood are the ordinary home friends of the house and the barn, the wood lot and the pasture; but now and then the species make queer shifts. the cheery quail, alas! are rarely found near us now; and we no longer hear the whip-poor-wills at night. but some birds visit us now which formerly did not. when i was a boy neither the black-throated green warbler nor the purple finch nested around us, nor were bobolinks found in our fields. the black-throated green warbler is now one of our commonest summer warblers; there are plenty of purple finches; and, best of all, the bobolinks are far from infrequent. i had written about these new visitors to john burroughs, and once when he came out to see me i was able to show them to him. when i was president, we owned a little house in western virginia; a delightful house, to us at least, although only a shell of rough boards. we used sometimes to go there in the fall, perhaps at thanksgiving, and on these occasions we would have quail and rabbits of our own shooting, and once in a while a wild turkey. we also went there in the spring. of course many of the birds were different from our long island friends. there were mocking-birds, the most attractive of all birds, and blue grosbeaks, and cardinals and summer redbirds, instead of scarlet tanagers, and those wonderful singers the bewick's wrens, and carolina wrens. all these i was able to show john burroughs when he came to visit us; although, by the way, he did not appreciate as much as we did one set of inmates of the cottage--the flying squirrels. we loved having the flying squirrels, father and mother and half-grown young, in their nest among the rafters; and at night we slept so soundly that we did not in the least mind the wild gambols of the little fellows through the rooms, even when, as sometimes happened, they would swoop down to the bed and scuttle across it. one april i went to yellowstone park, when the snow was still very deep, and i took john burroughs with me. i wished to show him the big game of the park, the wild creatures that have become so astonishingly tame and tolerant of human presence. in the yellowstone the animals seem always to behave as one wishes them to! it is always possible to see the sheep and deer and antelope, and also the great herds of elk, which are shyer than the smaller beasts. in april we found the elk weak after the short commons and hard living of winter. once without much difficulty i regularly rounded up a big band of them, so that john burroughs could look at them. i do not think, however, that he cared to see them as much as i did. the birds interested him more, especially a tiny owl the size of a robin which we saw perched on the top of a tree in mid-afternoon entirely uninfluenced by the sun and making a queer noise like a cork being pulled from a bottle. i was rather ashamed to find how much better his eyes were than mine in seeing the birds and grasping their differences. when wolf-hunting in texas, and when bear-hunting in louisiana and mississippi, i was not only enthralled by the sport, but also by the strange new birds and other creatures, and the trees and flowers i had not known before. by the way, there was one feast at the white house which stands above all others in my memory--even above the time when i lured joel chandler harris thither for a night, a deed in which to triumph, as all who knew that inveterately shy recluse will testify. this was "the bear-hunters' dinner." i had been treated so kindly by my friends on these hunts, and they were such fine fellows, men whom i was so proud to think of as americans, that i set my heart on having them at a hunters' dinner at the white house. one december i succeeded; there were twenty or thirty of them, all told, as good hunters, as daring riders, as first-class citizens as could be found anywhere; no finer set of guests ever sat at meat in the white house; and among other game on the table was a black bear, itself contributed by one of these same guests. when i first visited california, it was my good fortune to see the "big trees," the sequoias, and then to travel down into the yosemite, with john muir. of course of all people in the world he was the one with whom it was best worth while thus to see the yosemite. he told me that when emerson came to california he tried to get him to come out and camp with him, for that was the only way in which to see at their best the majesty and charm of the sierras. but at the time emerson was getting old and could not go. john muir met me with a couple of packers and two mules to carry our tent, bedding, and food for a three days' trip. the first night was clear, and we lay down in the darkening aisles of the great sequoia grove. the majestic trunks, beautiful in color and in symmetry, rose round us like the pillars of a mightier cathedral than ever was conceived even by the fervor of the middle ages. hermit thrushes sang beautifully in the evening, and again, with a burst of wonderful music, at dawn. i was interested and a little surprised to find that, unlike john burroughs, john muir cared little for birds or bird songs, and knew little about them. the hermit-thrushes meant nothing to him, the trees and the flowers and the cliffs everything. the only birds he noticed or cared for were some that were very conspicuous, such as the water-ousels--always particular favorites of mine too. the second night we camped in a snow-storm, on the edge of the canyon walls, under the spreading limbs of a grove of mighty silver fir; and next day we went down into the wonderland of the valley itself. i shall always be glad that i was in the yosemite with john muir and in the yellowstone with john burroughs. like most americans interested in birds and books, i know a good deal about english birds as they appear in books. i know the lark of shakespeare and shelley and the ettrick shepherd; i know the nightingale of milton and keats; i know wordsworth's cuckoo; i know mavis and merle singing in the merry green wood of the old ballads; i know jenny wren and cock robin of the nursery books. therefore i had always much desired to hear the birds in real life; and the opportunity offered in june, , when i spent two or three weeks in england. as i could snatch but a few hours from a very exciting round of pleasures and duties, it was necessary for me to be with some companion who could identify both song and singer. in sir edward grey, a keen lover of outdoor life in all its phases, and a delightful companion, who knows the songs and ways of english birds as very few do know them, i found the best possible guide. we left london on the morning of june , twenty-four hours before i sailed from southampton. getting off the train at basingstoke, we drove to the pretty, smiling valley of the itchen. here we tramped for three or four hours, then again drove, this time to the edge of the new forest, where we first took tea at an inn, and then tramped through the forest to an inn on its other side, at brockenhurst. at the conclusion of our walk my companion made a list of the birds we had seen, putting an asterisk (*) opposite those which we had heard sing. there were forty-one of the former and twenty-three of the latter, as follows: * thrush, * blackbird, * lark, * yellowhammer, * robin, *wren, * golden-crested wren, * goldfinch, * chaffinch, * *greenfinch, pied wagtail, sparrow, * dunnock (hedge, accentor), missel thrush, starling, rook, jackdaw, *blackcap, * garden warbler, * willow warbler, * chiffchaff, * wood warbler, tree-creeper, * reed bunting, * sedge warbler, coot, water hen, little grebe (dabchick), tufted duck, wood pigeon, stock dove, * turtle dove, peewit, tit (? coal-tit), * cuckoo, * nightjar, * swallow, martin, swift, pheasant, partridge. the valley of the itchen is typically the england that we know from novel and story and essay. it is very beautiful in every way, with a rich, civilized, fertile beauty--the rapid brook twisting among its reed beds, the rich green of trees and grass, the stately woods, the gardens and fields, the exceedingly picturesque cottages, the great handsome houses standing in their parks. birds were plentiful; i know but few places in america where one would see such an abundance of individuals, and i was struck by seeing such large birds as coots, water hens, grebes, tufted ducks, pigeons, and peewits. in places in america as thickly settled as the valley of the itchen, i should not expect to see any like number of birds of this size; but i hope that the efforts of the audubon societies and kindred organizations will gradually make themselves felt until it becomes a point of honor not only with the american man, but with the american small boy, to shield and protect all forms of harmless wild life. true sportsmen should take the lead in such a movement, for if there is to be any shooting there must be something to shoot; the prime necessity is to keep, and not kill out, even the birds which in legitimate numbers may be shot. the new forest is a wild, uninhabited stretch of heath and woodland, many of the trees gnarled and aged, and its very wildness, the lack of cultivation, the ruggedness, made it strongly attractive in my eyes, and suggested my own country. the birds of course were much less plentiful than beside the itchen. the bird that most impressed me on my walk was the blackbird. i had already heard nightingales in abundance near lake como, and had also listened to larks, but i had never heard either the blackbird, the song thrush, or the blackcap warbler; and while i knew that all three were good singers, i did not know what really beautiful singers they were. blackbirds were very abundant, and they played a prominent part in the chorus which we heard throughout the day on every hand, though perhaps loudest the following morning at dawn. in its habits and manners the blackbird strikingly resembles our american robin, and indeed looks exactly like a robin, with a yellow bill and coal-black plumage. it hops everywhere over the lawns, just as our robin does, and it lives and nests in the gardens in the same fashion. its song has a general resemblance to that of our robin, but many of the notes are far more musical, more like those of our wood thrush. indeed, there were individuals among those we heard certain of whose notes seemed to me almost to equal in point of melody the chimes of the wood thrush; and the highest possible praise for any song-bird is to liken its song to that of the wood thrush or hermit thrush. i certainly do not think that the blackbird has received full justice in the books. i knew that he was a singer, but i really had no idea how fine a singer he was. i suppose one of his troubles has been his name, just as with our own catbird. when he appears in the ballads as the merle, bracketed with his cousin the mavis, the song thrush, it is far easier to recognize him as the master singer that he is. it is a fine thing for england to have such an asset of the countryside, a bird so common, so much in evidence, so fearless, and such a really beautiful singer. the thrush is a fine singer too, a better singer than our american robin, but to my mind not at the best quite as good as the blackbird at his best; although often i found difficulty in telling the song of one from the song of the other, especially if i only heard two or three notes. the larks were, of course, exceedingly attractive. it was fascinating to see them spring from the grass, circle upwards, steadily singing and soaring for several minutes, and then return to the point whence they had started. as my companion pointed out, they exactly fulfilled wordsworth's description; they soared but did not roam. it is quite impossible wholly to differentiate a bird's voice from its habits and surroundings. although in the lark's song there are occasional musical notes, the song as a whole is not very musical; but it is so joyous, buoyant and unbroken, and uttered under such conditions as fully to entitle the bird to the place he occupies with both poet and prose writer. the most musical singer we heard was the blackcap warbler. to my ear its song seemed more musical than that of the nightingale. it was astonishingly powerful for so small a bird; in volume and continuity it does not come up to the songs of the thrushes and of certain other birds, but in quality, as an isolated bit of melody, it can hardly be surpassed. among the minor singers the robin was noticeable. we all know this pretty little bird from the books, and i was prepared to find him as friendly and attractive as he proved to be, but i had not realized how well he sang. it is not a loud song, but very musical and attractive, and the bird is said to sing practically all through the year. the song of the wren interested me much, because it was not in the least like that of our house wren, but, on the contrary, like that of our winter wren. the theme is the same as the winter wren's, but the song did not seem to me to be as brilliantly musical as that of the tiny singer of the north woods. the sedge warbler sang in the thick reeds a mocking ventriloquial lay, which reminded me at times of the less pronounced parts of our yellow-breasted chat's song. the cuckoo's cry was singularly attractive and musical, far more so than the rolling, many times repeated, note of our rain-crow. we did not reach the inn at brockenhurst until about nine o'clock, just at nightfall, and a few minutes before that we heard a nightjar. it did not sound in the least like either our whip-poor-will or our night-hawk, uttering a long-continued call of one or two syllables, repeated over and over. the chaffinch was very much in evidence, continually chaunting its unimportant little ditty. i was pleased to see the bold, masterful missel thrush, the stormcock as it is often called; but this bird breeds and sings in the early spring, when the weather is still tempestuous, and had long been silent when we saw it. the starlings, rooks, and jackdaws did not sing, and their calls were attractive merely as the calls of our grackles are attractive; and the other birds that we heard sing, though they played their part in the general chorus, were performers of no especial note, like our tree-creepers, pine warblers, and chipping sparrows. the great spring chorus had already begun to subside, but the woods and fields were still vocal with beautiful bird music, the country was very lovely, the inn as comfortable as possible, and the bath and supper very enjoyable after our tramp; and altogether i passed no pleasanter twenty-four hours during my entire european trip. ten days later, at sagamore hill, i was among my own birds, and was much interested as i listened to and looked at them in remembering the notes and actions of the birds i had seen in england. on the evening of the first day i sat in my rocking-chair on the broad veranda, looking across the sound towards the glory of the sunset. the thickly grassed hillside sloped down in front of me to a belt of forest from which rose the golden, leisurely chiming of the wood thrushes, chanting their vespers; through the still air came the warble of vireo and tanager; and after nightfall we heard the flight song of an ovenbird from the same belt of timber. overhead an oriole sang in the weeping elm, now and then breaking his song to scold like an overgrown wren. song-sparrows and catbirds sang in the shrubbery; one robin had built its nest over the front and one over the back door, and there was a chippy's nest in the wistaria vine by the stoop. during the next twenty-four hours i saw and heard, either right around the house or while walking down to bathe, through the woods, the following forty-two birds: little green heron, night heron, red-tailed hawk, yellow-billed cuckoo, kingfisher, flicker, humming-bird, swift, meadow-lark, red-winged blackbird, sharp-tailed finch, song sparrow, chipping sparrow, bush sparrow, purple finch, baltimore oriole, cowbunting, robin, wood thrush, thrasher, catbird, scarlet tanager, red-eyed vireo, yellow warbler, black-throated green warbler, kingbird, wood peewee, crow, blue jay, cedar-bird, maryland yellowthroat, chickadee, black and white creeper, barn swallow, white-breasted swallow, ovenbird, thistlefinch, vesperfinch, indigo bunting, towhee, grasshopper-sparrow, and screech owl. the birds were still in full song, for on long island there is little abatement in the chorus until about the second week of july, when the blossoming of the chestnut trees patches the woodland with frothy greenish-yellow.[*] [*] alas! the blight has now destroyed the chestnut trees, and robbed our woods of one of their distinctive beauties. our most beautiful singers are the wood thrushes; they sing not only in the early morning but throughout the long hot june afternoons. sometimes they sing in the trees immediately around the house, and if the air is still we can always hear them from among the tall trees at the foot of the hill. the thrashers sing in the hedgerows beyond the garden, the catbirds everywhere. the catbirds have such an attractive song that it is extremely irritating to know that at any moment they may interrupt it to mew and squeal. the bold, cheery music of the robins always seems typical of the bold, cheery birds themselves. the baltimore orioles nest in the young elms around the house, and the orchard orioles in the apple trees near the garden and outbuildings. among the earliest sounds of spring is the cheerful, simple, homely song of the song-sparrow; and in march we also hear the piercing cadence of the meadow-lark--to us one of the most attractive of all bird calls. of late years now and then we hear the rollicking, bubbling melody of the bobolink in the pastures back of the barn; and when the full chorus of these and of many other of the singers of spring is dying down, there are some true hot-weather songsters, such as the brightly hued indigo buntings and thistlefinches. among the finches one of the most musical and plaintive songs is that of the bush-sparrow--i do not know why the books call it field-sparrow, for it does not dwell in the open fields like the vesperfinch, the savannah-sparrow, and grasshopper-sparrow, but among the cedars and bayberry bushes and young locusts in the same places where the prairie warbler is found. nor is it only the true songs that delight us. we love to hear the flickers call, and we readily pardon any one of their number which, as occasionally happens, is bold enough to wake us in the early morning by drumming on the shingles of the roof. in our ears the red-winged blackbirds have a very attractive note. we love the screaming of the red-tailed hawks as they soar high overhead, and even the calls of the night heron that nest in the tall water maples by one of the wood ponds on our place, and the little green herons that nest beside the salt marsh. it is hard to tell just how much of the attraction in any bird-note lies in the music itself and how much in the associations. this is what makes it so useless to try to compare the bird songs of one country with those of another. a man who is worth anything can no more be entirely impartial in speaking of the bird songs with which from his earliest childhood he has been familiar than he can be entirely impartial in speaking of his own family. at sagamore hill we love a great many things--birds and trees and books, and all things beautiful, and horses and rifles and children and hard work and the joy of life. we have great fireplaces, and in them the logs roar and crackle during the long winter evenings. the big piazza is for the hot, still afternoons of summer. as in every house, there are things that appeal to the householder because of their associations, but which would not mean much to others. naturally, any man who has been president, and filled other positions, accumulates such things, with scant regard to his own personal merits. perhaps our most cherished possessions are a remington bronze, "the bronco buster," given me by my men when the regiment was mustered out, and a big tiffany silver vase given to mrs. roosevelt by the enlisted men of the battleship louisiana after we returned from a cruise on her to panama. it was a real surprise gift, presented to her in the white house, on behalf of the whole crew, by four as strapping man-of-war's-men as ever swung a turret or pointed a twelve-inch gun. the enlisted men of the army i already knew well--of course i knew well the officers of both army and navy. but the enlisted men of the navy i only grew to know well when i was president. on the louisiana mrs. roosevelt and i once dined at the chief petty officers' mess, and on another battleship, the missouri (when i was in company with admiral evans and captain cowles), and again on the sylph and on the mayflower, we also dined as guests of the crew. when we finished our trip on the louisiana i made a short speech to the assembled crew, and at its close one of the petty officers, the very picture of what a man-of-war's-man should look like, proposed three cheers for me in terms that struck me as curiously illustrative of america at her best; he said, "now then, men, three cheers for theodore roosevelt, the typical american citizen!" that was the way in which they thought of the american president--and a very good way, too. it was an expression that would have come naturally only to men in whom the american principles of government and life were ingrained, just as they were ingrained in the men of my regiment. i need scarcely add, but i will add for the benefit of those who do not know, that this attitude of self-respecting identification of interest and purpose is not only compatible with but can only exist when there is fine and real discipline, as thorough and genuine as the discipline that has always obtained in the most formidable fighting fleets and armies. the discipline and the mutual respect are complementary, not antagonistic. during the presidency all of us, but especially the children, became close friends with many of the sailor men. the four bearers of the vase to mrs. roosevelt were promptly hailed as delightful big brothers by our two smallest boys, who at once took them to see the sights of washington in the landau--"the president's land-ho!" as, with seafaring humor, our guests immediately styled it. once, after we were in private life again, mrs. roosevelt was in a railway station and had some difficulty with her ticket. a fine-looking, quiet man stepped up and asked if he could be of help; he remarked that he had been one of the mayflower's crew, and knew us well; and in answer to a question explained that he had left the navy in order to study dentistry, and added--a delicious touch--that while thus preparing himself to be a dentist he was earning the necessary money to go on with his studies by practicing the profession of a prize-fighter, being a good man in the ring. there are various bronzes in the house: saint-gaudens's "puritan," a token from my staff officers when i was governor; proctor's cougar, the gift of the tennis cabinet--who also gave us a beautiful silver bowl, which is always lovingly pronounced to rhyme with "owl" because that was the pronunciation used at the time of the giving by the valued friend who acted as spokesman for his fellow-members, and who was himself the only non-american member of the said cabinet. there is a horseman by macmonnies, and a big bronze vase by kemys, an adaptation or development of the pottery vases of the southwestern indians. mixed with all of these are gifts from varied sources, ranging from a brazen buddha sent me by the dalai lama and a wonderful psalter from the emperor menelik to a priceless ancient samurai sword, coming from japan in remembrance of the peace of portsmouth, and a beautifully inlaid miniature suit of japanese armor, given me by a favorite hero of mine, admiral togo, when he visited sagamore hill. there are things from european friends; a mosaic picture of pope leo xiii in his garden; a huge, very handsome edition of the nibelungenlied; a striking miniature of john hampden from windsor castle; editions of dante, and the campaigns of "eugenio von savoy" (another of my heroes, a dead hero this time); a viking cup; the state sword of a uganda king; the gold box in which the "freedom of the city of london" was given me; a beautiful head of abraham lincoln given me by the french authorities after my speech at the sorbonne; and many other things from sources as diverse as the sultan of turkey and the dowager empress of china. then there are things from home friends: a polar bear skin from peary; a sioux buffalo robe with, on it, painted by some long-dead sioux artist, the picture story of custer's fight; a bronze portrait plaque of joel chandler harris; the candlestick used in sealing the treaty of portsmouth, sent me by captain cameron winslow; a shoe worn by dan patch when he paced a mile in : , sent me by his owner. there is a picture of a bull moose by carl rungius, which seems to me as spirited an animal painting as i have ever seen. in the north room, with its tables and mantelpiece and desks and chests made of woods sent from the philippines by army friends, or by other friends for other reasons; with its bison and wapiti heads; there are three paintings by marcus symonds--"where light and shadow meet," "the porcelain towers," and "the seats of the mighty"; he is dead now, and he had scant recognition while he lived, yet surely he was a great imaginative artist, a wonderful colorist, and a man with a vision more wonderful still. there is one of lungren's pictures of the western plains; and a picture of the grand canyon; and one by a scandinavian artist who could see the fierce picturesqueness of workaday pittsburgh; and sketches of the white house by sargent and by hopkinson smith. the books are everywhere. there are as many in the north room and in the parlor--is drawing-room a more appropriate name than parlor?--as in the library; the gun-room at the top of the house, which incidentally has the loveliest view of all, contains more books than any of the other rooms; and they are particularly delightful books to browse among, just because they have not much relevance to one another, this being one of the reasons why they are relegated to their present abode. but the books have overflowed into all the other rooms too. i could not name any principle upon which the books have been gathered. books are almost as individual as friends. there is no earthly use in laying down general laws about them. some meet the needs of one person, and some of another; and each person should beware of the booklover's besetting sin, of what mr. edgar allan poe calls "the mad pride of intellectuality," taking the shape of arrogant pity for the man who does not like the same kind of books. of course there are books which a man or woman uses as instruments of a profession--law books, medical books, cookery books, and the like. i am not speaking of these, for they are not properly "books" at all; they come in the category of time-tables, telephone directories, and other useful agencies of civilized life. i am speaking of books that are meant to be read. personally, granted that these books are decent and healthy, the one test to which i demand that they all submit is that of being interesting. if the book is not interesting to the reader, then in all but an infinitesimal number of cases it gives scant benefit to the reader. of course any reader ought to cultivate his or her taste so that good books will appeal to it, and that trash won't. but after this point has once been reached, the needs of each reader must be met in a fashion that will appeal to those needs. personally the books by which i have profited infinitely more than by any others have been those in which profit was a by-product of the pleasure; that is, i read them because i enjoyed them, because i liked reading them, and the profit came in as part of the enjoyment. of course each individual is apt to have some special tastes in which he cannot expect that any but a few friends will share. now, i am very proud of my big-game library. i suppose there must be many big-game libraries in continental europe, and possibly in england, more extensive than mine, but i have not happened to come across any such library in this country. some of the originals go back to the sixteenth century, and there are copies or reproductions of the two or three most famous hunting books of the middle ages, such as the duke of york's translation of gaston phoebus, and the queer book of the emperor maximilian. it is only very occasionally that i meet any one who cares for any of these books. on the other hand, i expect to find many friends who will turn naturally to some of the old or the new books of poetry or romance or history to which we of the household habitually turn. let me add that ours is in no sense a collector's library. each book was procured because some one of the family wished to read it. we could never afford to take overmuch thought for the outsides of books; we were too much interested in their insides. now and then i am asked as to "what books a statesman should read," and my answer is, poetry and novels--including short stories under the head of novels. i don't mean that he should read only novels and modern poetry. if he cannot also enjoy the hebrew prophets and the greek dramatists, he should be sorry. he ought to read interesting books on history and government, and books of science and philosophy; and really good books on these subjects are as enthralling as any fiction ever written in prose or verse. gibbon and macaulay, herodotus, thucydides and tacitus, the heimskringla, froissart, joinville and villehardouin, parkman and mahan, mommsen and ranke--why! there are scores and scores of solid histories, the best in the world, which are as absorbing as the best of all the novels, and of as permanent value. the same thing is true of darwin and huxley and carlyle and emerson, and parts of kant, and of volumes like sutherland's "growth of the moral instinct," or acton's essays and lounsbury's studies--here again i am not trying to class books together, or measure one by another, or enumerate one in a thousand of those worth reading, but just to indicate that any man or woman of some intelligence and some cultivation can in some line or other of serious thought, scientific or historical or philosophical or economic or governmental, find any number of books which are charming to read, and which in addition give that for which his or her soul hungers. i do not for a minute mean that the statesman ought not to read a great many different books of this character, just as every one else should read them. but, in the final event, the statesman, and the publicist, and the reformer, and the agitator for new things, and the upholder of what is good in old things, all need more than anything else to know human nature, to know the needs of the human soul; and they will find this nature and these needs set forth as nowhere else by the great imaginative writers, whether of prose or of poetry. the room for choice is so limitless that to my mind it seems absurd to try to make catalogues which shall be supposed to appeal to all the best thinkers. this is why i have no sympathy whatever with writing lists of the one hundred best books, or the five-foot library. it is all right for a man to amuse himself by composing a list of a hundred very good books; and if he is to go off for a year or so where he cannot get many books, it is an excellent thing to choose a five-foot library of particular books which in that particular year and on that particular trip he would like to read. but there is no such thing as a hundred books that are best for all men, or for the majority of men, or for one man at all times; and there is no such thing as a five-foot library which will satisfy the needs of even one particular man on different occasions extending over a number of years. milton is best for one mood and pope for another. because a man likes whitman or browning or lowell he should not feel himself debarred from tennyson or kipling or korner or heine or the bard of the dimbovitza. tolstoy's novels are good at one time and those of sienkiewicz at another; and he is fortunate who can relish "salammbo" and "tom brown" and the "two admirals" and "quentin durward" and "artemus ward" and the "ingoldsby legends" and "pickwick" and "vanity fair." why, there are hundreds of books like these, each one of which, if really read, really assimilated, by the person to whom it happens to appeal, will enable that person quite unconsciously to furnish himself with much ammunition which he will find of use in the battle of life. a book must be interesting to the particular reader at that particular time. but there are tens of thousands of interesting books, and some of them are sealed to some men and some are sealed to others; and some stir the soul at some given point of a man's life and yet convey no message at other times. the reader, the booklover, must meet his own needs without paying too much attention to what his neighbors say those needs should be. he must not hypocritically pretend to like what he does not like. yet at the same time he must avoid that most unpleasant of all the indications of puffed-up vanity which consists in treating mere individual, and perhaps unfortunate, idiosyncrasy as a matter of pride. i happen to be devoted to macbeth, whereas i very seldom read hamlet (though i like parts of it). now i am humbly and sincerely conscious that this is a demerit in me and not in hamlet; and yet it would not do me any good to pretend that i like hamlet as much as macbeth when, as a matter of fact, i don't. i am very fond of simple epics and of ballad poetry, from the nibelungenlied and the roland song through "chevy chase" and "patrick spens" and "twa corbies" to scott's poems and longfellow's "saga of king olaf" and "othere." on the other hand, i don't care to read dramas as a rule; i cannot read them with enjoyment unless they appeal to me very strongly. they must almost be aeschylus or euripides, goethe or moliere, in order that i may not feel after finishing them a sense of virtuous pride in having achieved a task. now i would be the first to deny that even the most delightful old english ballad should be put on a par with any one of scores of dramatic works by authors whom i have not mentioned; i know that each of these dramatists has written what is of more worth than the ballad; only, i enjoy the ballad, and i don't enjoy the drama; and therefore the ballad is better for me, and this fact is not altered by the other fact that my own shortcomings are to blame in the matter. i still read a number of scott's novels over and over again, whereas if i finish anything by miss austen i have a feeling that duty performed is a rainbow to the soul. but other booklovers who are very close kin to me, and whose taste i know to be better than mine, read miss austen all the time--and, moreover, they are very kind, and never pity me in too offensive a manner for not reading her myself. aside from the masters of literature, there are all kinds of books which one person will find delightful, and which he certainly ought not to surrender just because nobody else is able to find as much in the beloved volume. there is on our book-shelves a little pre-victorian novel or tale called "the semi-attached couple." it is told with much humor; it is a story of gentlefolk who are really gentlefolk; and to me it is altogether delightful. but outside the members of my own family i have never met a human being who had even heard of it, and i don't suppose i ever shall meet one. i often enjoy a story by some living author so much that i write to tell him so--or to tell her so; and at least half the time i regret my action, because it encourages the writer to believe that the public shares my views, and he then finds that the public doesn't. books are all very well in their way, and we love them at sagamore hill; but children are better than books. sagamore hill is one of three neighboring houses in which small cousins spent very happy years of childhood. in the three houses there were at one time sixteen of these small cousins, all told, and once we ranged them in order of size and took their photograph. there are many kinds of success in life worth having. it is exceedingly interesting and attractive to be a successful business man, or railroad man, or farmer, or a successful lawyer or doctor; or a writer, or a president, or a ranchman, or the colonel of a fighting regiment, or to kill grizzly bears and lions. but for unflagging interest and enjoyment, a household of children, if things go reasonably well, certainly makes all other forms of success and achievement lose their importance by comparison. it may be true that he travels farthest who travels alone; but the goal thus reached is not worth reaching. and as for a life deliberately devoted to pleasure as an end--why, the greatest happiness is the happiness that comes as a by-product of striving to do what must be done, even though sorrow is met in the doing. there is a bit of homely philosophy, quoted by squire bill widener, of widener's valley, virginia, which sums up one's duty in life: "do what you can, with what you've got, where you are." the country is the place for children, and if not the country, a city small enough so that one can get out into the country. when our own children were little, we were for several winters in washington, and each sunday afternoon the whole family spent in rock creek park, which was then very real country indeed. i would drag one of the children's wagons; and when the very smallest pairs of feet grew tired of trudging bravely after us, or of racing on rapturous side trips after flowers and other treasures, the owners would clamber into the wagon. one of these wagons, by the way, a gorgeous red one, had "express" painted on it in gilt letters, and was known to the younger children as the "'spress" wagon. they evidently associated the color with the term. once while we were at sagamore something happened to the cherished "'spress" wagon to the distress of the children, and especially of the child who owned it. their mother and i were just starting for a drive in the buggy, and we promised the bereaved owner that we would visit a store we knew in east norwich, a village a few miles away, and bring back another "'spress" wagon. when we reached the store, we found to our dismay that the wagon which we had seen had been sold. we could not bear to return without the promised gift, for we knew that the brains of small persons are much puzzled when their elders seem to break promises. fortunately, we saw in the store a delightful little bright-red chair and bright-red table, and these we brought home and handed solemnly over to the expectant recipient, explaining that as there unfortunately was not a "'spress" wagon we had brought him back a "'spress" chair and "'spress" table. it worked beautifully! the "'spress" chair and table were received with such rapture that we had to get duplicates for the other small member of the family who was the particular crony of the proprietor of the new treasures. when their mother and i returned from a row, we would often see the children waiting for us, running like sand-spiders along the beach. they always liked to swim in company with a grown-up of buoyant temperament and inventive mind, and the float offered limitless opportunities for enjoyment while bathing. all dutiful parents know the game of "stage-coach"; each child is given a name, such as the whip, the nigh leader, the off wheeler, the old lady passenger, and, under penalty of paying a forfeit, must get up and turn round when the grown-up, who is improvising a thrilling story, mentions that particular object; and when the word "stage-coach" is mentioned, everybody has to get up and turn round. well, we used to play stage-coach on the float while in swimming, and instead of tamely getting up and turning round, the child whose turn it was had to plunge overboard. when i mentioned "stage-coach," the water fairly foamed with vigorously kicking little legs; and then there was always a moment of interest while i counted, so as to be sure that the number of heads that came up corresponded with the number of children who had gone down. no man or woman will ever forget the time when some child lies sick of a disease that threatens its life. moreover, much less serious sickness is unpleasant enough at the time. looking back, however, there are elements of comedy in certain of the less serious cases. i well remember one such instance which occurred when we were living in washington, in a small house, with barely enough room for everybody when all the chinks were filled. measles descended on the household. in the effort to keep the children that were well and those that were sick apart, their mother and i had to camp out in improvised fashion. when the eldest small boy was getting well, and had recovered his spirits, i slept on a sofa beside his bed--the sofa being so short that my feet projected over anyhow. one afternoon the small boy was given a toy organ by a sympathetic friend. next morning early i was waked to find the small boy very vivacious and requesting a story. having drowsily told the story, i said, "now, father's told you a story, so you amuse yourself and let father go to sleep"; to which the small boy responded most virtuously, "yes, father will go to sleep and i'll play the organ," which he did, at a distance of two feet from my head. later his sister, who had just come down with the measles, was put into the same room. the small boy was convalescing, and was engaged in playing on the floor with some tin ships, together with two or three pasteboard monitors and rams of my own manufacture. he was giving a vivid rendering of farragut at mobile bay, from memories of how i had told the story. my pasteboard rams and monitors were fascinating--if a naval architect may be allowed to praise his own work--and as property they were equally divided between the little girl and the small boy. the little girl looked on with alert suspicion from the bed, for she was not yet convalescent enough to be allowed down on the floor. the small boy was busily reciting the phases of the fight, which now approached its climax, and the little girl evidently suspected that her monitor was destined to play the part of victim. little boy. "and then they steamed bang into the monitor." little girl. "brother, don't you sink my monitor!" little boy (without heeding, and hurrying toward the climax). "and the torpedo went at the monitor!" little girl. "my monitor is not to sink!" little boy, dramatically: "and bang the monitor sank!" little girl. "it didn't do any such thing. my monitor always goes to bed at seven, and it's now quarter past. my monitor was in bed and couldn't sink!" when i was assistant secretary of the navy, leonard wood and i used often to combine forces and take both families of children out to walk, and occasionally some of their playmates. leonard wood's son, i found, attributed the paternity of all of those not of his own family to me. once we were taking the children across rock creek on a fallen tree. i was standing on the middle of the log trying to prevent any of the children from falling off, and while making a clutch at one peculiarly active and heedless child i fell off myself. as i emerged from the water i heard the little wood boy calling frantically to the general: "oh! oh! the father of all the children fell into the creek!"--which made me feel like an uncommonly moist patriarch. of course the children took much interest in the trophies i occasionally brought back from my hunts. when i started for my regiment, in ' , the stress of leaving home, which was naturally not pleasant, was somewhat lightened by the next to the youngest boy, whose ideas of what was about to happen were hazy, clasping me round the legs with a beaming smile and saying, "and is my father going to the war? and will he bring me back a bear?" when, some five months later, i returned, of course in my uniform, this little boy was much puzzled as to my identity, although he greeted me affably with "good afternoon, colonel." half an hour later somebody asked him, "where's father?" to which he responded, "i don't know; but the colonel is taking a bath." of course the children anthropomorphized--if that is the proper term--their friends of the animal world. among these friends at one period was the baker's horse, and on a very rainy day i heard the little girl, who was looking out of the window, say, with a melancholy shake of her head, "oh! there's poor kraft's horse, all soppin' wet!" while i was in the white house the youngest boy became an _habitue_ of a small and rather noisome animal shop, and the good-natured owner would occasionally let him take pets home to play with. on one occasion i was holding a conversation with one of the leaders in congress, uncle pete hepburn, about the railroad rate bill. the children were strictly trained not to interrupt business, but on this particular occasion the little boy's feelings overcame him. he had been loaned a king-snake, which, as all nature-lovers know, is not only a useful but a beautiful snake, very friendly to human beings; and he came rushing home to show the treasure. he was holding it inside his coat, and it contrived to wiggle partly down the sleeve. uncle pete hepburn naturally did not understand the full import of what the little boy was saying to me as he endeavored to wriggle out of his jacket, and kindly started to help him--and then jumped back with alacrity as the small boy and the snake both popped out of the jacket. there could be no healthier and pleasanter place in which to bring up children than in that nook of old-time america around sagamore hill. certainly i never knew small people to have a better time or a better training for their work in after life than the three families of cousins at sagamore hill. it was real country, and--speaking from the somewhat detached point of view of the masculine parent--i should say there was just the proper mixture of freedom and control in the management of the children. they were never allowed to be disobedient or to shirk lessons or work; and they were encouraged to have all the fun possible. they often went barefoot, especially during the many hours passed in various enthralling pursuits along and in the waters of the bay. they swam, they tramped, they boated, they coasted and skated in winter, they were intimate friends with the cows, chickens, pigs, and other live stock. they had in succession two ponies, general grant and, when the general's legs became such that he lay down too often and too unexpectedly in the road, a calico pony named algonquin, who is still living a life of honorable leisure in the stable and in the pasture--where he has to be picketed, because otherwise he chases the cows. sedate pony grant used to draw the cart in which the children went driving when they were very small, the driver being their old nurse mame, who had held their mother in her arms when she was born, and who was knit to them by a tie as close as any tie of blood. i doubt whether i ever saw mame really offended with them except once when, out of pure but misunderstood affection, they named a pig after her. they loved pony grant. once i saw the then little boy of three hugging pony grant's fore legs. as he leaned over, his broad straw hat tilted on end, and pony grant meditatively munched the brim; whereupon the small boy looked up with a wail of anguish, evidently thinking the pony had decided to treat him like a radish. the children had pets of their own, too, of course. among them guinea pigs were the stand-bys--their highly unemotional nature fits them for companionship with adoring but over-enthusiastic young masters and mistresses. then there were flying squirrels, and kangaroo rats, gentle and trustful, and a badger whose temper was short but whose nature was fundamentally friendly. the badger's name was josiah; the particular little boy whose property he was used to carry him about, clasped firmly around what would have been his waist if he had had any. inasmuch as when on the ground the badger would play energetic games of tag with the little boy and nip his bare legs, i suggested that it would be uncommonly disagreeable if he took advantage of being held in the little boy's arms to bite his face; but this suggestion was repelled with scorn as an unworthy assault on the character of josiah. "he bites legs sometimes, but he never bites faces," said the little boy. we also had a young black bear whom the children christened jonathan edwards, partly out of compliment to their mother, who was descended from that great puritan divine, and partly because the bear possessed a temper in which gloom and strength were combined in what the children regarded as calvinistic proportions. as for the dogs, of course there were many, and during their lives they were intimate and valued family friends, and their deaths were household tragedies. one of them, a large yellow animal of several good breeds and valuable rather because of psychical than physical traits, was named "susan" by his small owners, in commemoration of another retainer, a white cow; the fact that the cow and the dog were not of the same sex being treated with indifference. much the most individual of the dogs and the one with the strongest character was sailor boy, a chesapeake bay dog. he had a masterful temper and a strong sense of both dignity and duty. he would never let the other dogs fight, and he himself never fought unless circumstances imperatively demanded it; but he was a murderous animal when he did fight. he was not only exceedingly fond of the water, as was to be expected, but passionately devoted to gunpowder in every form, for he loved firearms and fairly reveled in the fourth of july celebrations--the latter being rather hazardous occasions, as the children strongly objected to any "safe and sane" element being injected into them, and had the normal number of close shaves with rockets, roman candles, and firecrackers. one of the stand-bys for enjoyment, especially in rainy weather, was the old barn. this had been built nearly a century previously, and was as delightful as only the pleasantest kind of old barn can be. it stood at the meeting-spot of three fences. a favorite amusement used to be an obstacle race when the barn was full of hay. the contestants were timed and were started successively from outside the door. they rushed inside, clambered over or burrowed through the hay, as suited them best, dropped out of a place where a loose board had come off, got over, through, or under the three fences, and raced back to the starting-point. when they were little, their respective fathers were expected also to take part in the obstacle race, and when with the advance of years the fathers finally refused to be contestants, there was a general feeling of pained regret among the children at such a decline in the sporting spirit. another famous place for handicap races was cooper's bluff, a gigantic sand-bank rising from the edge of the bay, a mile from the house. if the tide was high there was an added thrill, for some of the contestants were sure to run into the water. as soon as the little boys learned to swim they were allowed to go off by themselves in rowboats and camp out for the night along the sound. sometimes i would go along so as to take the smaller children. once a schooner was wrecked on a point half a dozen miles away. she held together well for a season or two after having been cleared of everything down to the timbers, and this gave us the chance to make camping-out trips in which the girls could also be included, for we put them to sleep in the wreck, while the boys slept on the shore; squaw picnics, the children called them. my children, when young, went to the public school near us, the little cove school, as it is called. for nearly thirty years we have given the christmas tree to the school. before the gifts are distributed i am expected to make an address, which is always mercifully short, my own children having impressed upon me with frank sincerity the attitude of other children to addresses of this kind on such occasions. there are of course performances by the children themselves, while all of us parents look admiringly on, each sympathizing with his or her particular offspring in the somewhat wooden recital of "darius green and his flying machine" or "the mountain and the squirrel had a quarrel." but the tree and the gifts make up for all shortcomings. we had a sleigh for winter; but if, when there was much snow, the whole family desired to go somewhere, we would put the body of the farm wagon on runners and all bundle in together. we always liked snow at christmas time, and the sleigh-ride down to the church on christmas eve. one of the hymns always sung at this christmas eve festival begins, "it's christmas eve on the river, it's christmas eve on the bay." all good natives of the village firmly believe that this hymn was written here, and with direct reference to oyster bay; although if such were the case the word "river" would have to be taken in a hyperbolic sense, as the nearest approach to a river is the village pond. i used to share this belief myself, until my faith was shaken by a denver lady who wrote that she had sung that hymn when a child in michigan, and that at the present time her little denver babies also loved it, although in their case the river was not represented by even a village pond. when we were in washington, the children usually went with their mother to the episcopal church, while i went to the dutch reformed. but if any child misbehaved itself, it was sometimes sent next sunday to church with me, on the theory that my companionship would have a sedative effect--which it did, as i and the child walked along with rather constrained politeness, each eying the other with watchful readiness for the unexpected. on one occasion, when the child's conduct fell just short of warranting such extreme measures, his mother, as they were on the point of entering church, concluded a homily by a quotation which showed a certain haziness of memory concerning the marriage and baptismal services: "no, little boy, if this conduct continues, i shall think that you neither love, honor, nor obey me!" however, the culprit was much impressed with a sense of shortcoming as to the obligations he had undertaken; so the result was as satisfactory as if the quotation had been from the right service. as for the education of the children, there was of course much of it that represented downright hard work and drudgery. there was also much training that came as a by-product and was perhaps almost as valuable--not as a substitute but as an addition. after their supper, the children, when little, would come trotting up to their mother's room to be read to, and it was always a surprise to me to notice the extremely varied reading which interested them, from howard pyle's "robin hood," mary alicia owen's "voodoo tales," and joel chandler harris's "aaron in the wild woods," to "lycides" and "king john." if their mother was absent, i would try to act as vice-mother--a poor substitute, i fear--superintending the supper and reading aloud afterwards. the children did not wish me to read the books they desired their mother to read, and i usually took some such book as "hereward the wake," or "guy mannering," or "the last of the mohicans" or else some story about a man-eating tiger, or a man-eating lion, from one of the hunting books in my library. these latter stories were always favorites, and as the authors told them in the first person, my interested auditors grew to know them by the name of the "i" stories, and regarded them as adventures all of which happened to the same individual. when selous, the african hunter, visited us, i had to get him to tell to the younger children two or three of the stories with which they were already familiar from my reading; and as selous is a most graphic narrator, and always enters thoroughly into the feeling not only of himself but of the opposing lion or buffalo, my own rendering of the incidents was cast entirely into the shade. besides profiting by the more canonical books on education, we profited by certain essays and articles of a less orthodox type. i wish to express my warmest gratitude for such books--not of avowedly didactic purpose--as laura richards's books, josephine dodge daskam's "madness of philip," palmer cox's "queer people," the melodies of father goose and mother wild goose, flandreau's "mrs. white's," myra kelly's stories of her little east side pupils, and michelson's "madigans." it is well to take duties, and life generally, seriously. it is also well to remember that a sense of humor is a healthy anti-scorbutic to that portentous seriousness which defeats its own purpose. occasionally bits of self-education proved of unexpected help to the children in later years. like other children, they were apt to take to bed with them treasures which they particularly esteemed. one of the boys, just before his sixteenth birthday, went moose hunting with the family doctor, and close personal friend of the entire family, alexander lambert. once night overtook them before they camped, and they had to lie down just where they were. next morning dr. lambert rather enviously congratulated the boy on the fact that stones and roots evidently did not interfere with the soundness of his sleep; to which the boy responded, "well, doctor, you see it isn't very long since i used to take fourteen china animals to bed with me every night!" as the children grew up, sagamore hill remained delightful for them. there were picnics and riding parties, there were dances in the north room--sometimes fancy dress dances--and open-air plays on the green tennis court of one of the cousin's houses. the children are no longer children now. most of them are men and women, working out their own fates in the big world; some in our own land, others across the great oceans or where the southern cross blazes in the tropic nights. some of them have children of their own; some are working at one thing, some at another; in cable ships, in business offices, in factories, in newspaper offices, building steel bridges, bossing gravel trains and steam shovels, or laying tracks and superintending freight traffic. they have had their share of accidents and escapes; as i write, word comes from a far-off land that one of them, whom seth bullock used to call "kim" because he was the friend of all mankind, while bossing a dangerous but necessary steel structural job has had two ribs and two back teeth broken, and is back at work. they have known and they will know joy and sorrow, triumph and temporary defeat. but i believe they are all the better off because of their happy and healthy childhood. it is impossible to win the great prizes of life without running risks, and the greatest of all prizes are those connected with the home. no father and mother can hope to escape sorrow and anxiety, and there are dreadful moments when death comes very near those we love, even if for the time being it passes by. but life is a great adventure, and the worst of all fears is the fear of living. there are many forms of success, many forms of triumph. but there is no other success that in any shape or way approaches that which is open to most of the many, many men and women who have the right ideals. these are the men and the women who see that it is the intimate and homely things that count most. they are the men and women who have the courage to strive for the happiness which comes only with labor and effort and self-sacrifice, and only to those whose joy in life springs in part from power of work and sense of duty. chapter x the presidency; making an old party progressive on september , , president mckinley was shot by an anarchist in the city of buffalo. i went to buffalo at once. the president's condition seemed to be improving, and after a day or two we were told that he was practically out of danger. i then joined my family, who were in the adirondacks, near the foot of mount tahawus. a day or two afterwards we took a long tramp through the forest, and in the afternoon i climbed mount tahawus. after reaching the top i had descended a few hundred feet to a shelf of land where there was a little lake, when i saw a guide coming out of the woods on our trail from below. i felt at once that he had bad news, and, sure enough, he handed me a telegram saying that the president's condition was much worse and that i must come to buffalo immediately. it was late in the afternoon, and darkness had fallen by the time i reached the clubhouse where we were staying. it was some time afterwards before i could get a wagon to drive me out to the nearest railway station, north creek, some forty or fifty miles distant. the roads were the ordinary wilderness roads and the night was dark. but we changed horses two or three times--when i say "we" i mean the driver and i, as there was no one else with us--and reached the station just at dawn, to learn from mr. loeb, who had a special train waiting, that the president was dead. that evening i took the oath of office, in the house of ansley wilcox, at buffalo. on three previous occasions the vice-president had succeeded to the presidency on the death of the president. in each case there had been a reversal of party policy, and a nearly immediate and nearly complete change in the personnel of the higher offices, especially the cabinet. i had never felt that this was wise from any standpoint. if a man is fit to be president, he will speedily so impress himself in the office that the policies pursued will be his anyhow, and he will not have to bother as to whether he is changing them or not; while as regards the offices under him, the important thing for him is that his subordinates shall make a success in handling their several departments. the subordinate is sure to desire to make a success of his department for his own sake, and if he is a fit man, whose views on public policy are sound, and whose abilities entitle him to his position, he will do excellently under almost any chief with the same purposes. i at once announced that i would continue unchanged mckinley's policies for the honor and prosperity of the country, and i asked all the members of the cabinet to stay. there were no changes made among them save as changes were made among their successors whom i myself appointed. i continued mr. mckinley's policies, changing and developing them and adding new policies only as the questions before the public changed and as the needs of the public developed. some of my friends shook their heads over this, telling me that the men i retained would not be "loyal to me," and that i would seem as if i were "a pale copy of mckinley." i told them that i was not nervous on this score, and that if the men i retained were loyal to their work they would be giving me the loyalty for which i most cared; and that if they were not, i would change them anyhow; and that as for being "a pale copy of mckinley," i was not primarily concerned with either following or not following in his footsteps, but in facing the new problems that arose; and that if i were competent i would find ample opportunity to show my competence by my deeds without worrying myself as to how to convince people of the fact. for the reasons i have already given in my chapter on the governorship of new york, the republican party, which in the days of abraham lincoln was founded as the radical progressive party of the nation, had been obliged during the last decade of the nineteenth century to uphold the interests of popular government against a foolish and illjudged mock-radicalism. it remained the nationalist as against the particularist or state's rights party, and in so far it remained absolutely sound; for little permanent good can be done by any party which worships the state's rights fetish or which fails to regard the state, like the county or the municipality, as merely a convenient unit for local self-government, while in all national matters, of importance to the whole people, the nation is to be supreme over state, county, and town alike. but the state's rights fetish, although still effectively used at certain times by both courts and congress to block needed national legislation directed against the huge corporations or in the interests of workingmen, was not a prime issue at the time of which i speak. in , , and the campaigns were waged on two great moral issues: ( ) the imperative need of a sound and honest currency; ( ) the need, after , of meeting in manful and straightforward fashion the extraterritorial problems arising from the spanish war. on these great moral issues the republican party was right, and the men who were opposed to it, and who claimed to be the radicals, and their allies among the sentimentalists, were utterly and hopelessly wrong. this had, regrettably but perhaps inevitably, tended to throw the party into the hands not merely of the conservatives but of the reactionaries; of men who, sometimes for personal and improper reasons, but more often with entire sincerity and uprightness of purpose, distrusted anything that was progressive and dreaded radicalism. these men still from force of habit applauded what lincoln had done in the way of radical dealing with the abuses of his day; but they did not apply the spirit in which lincoln worked to the abuses of their own day. both houses of congress were controlled by these men. their leaders in the senate were messrs. aldrich and hale. the speaker of the house when i became president was mr. henderson, but in a little over a year he was succeeded by mr. cannon, who, although widely differing from senator aldrich in matters of detail, represented the same type of public sentiment. there were many points on which i agreed with mr. cannon and mr. aldrich, and some points on which i agreed with mr. hale. i made a resolute effort to get on with all three and with their followers, and i have no question that they made an equally resolute effort to get on with me. we succeeded in working together, although with increasing friction, for some years, i pushing forward and they hanging back. gradually, however, i was forced to abandon the effort to persuade them to come my way, and then i achieved results only by appealing over the heads of the senate and house leaders to the people, who were the masters of both of us. i continued in this way to get results until almost the close of my term; and the republican party became once more the progressive and indeed the fairly radical progressive party of the nation. when my successor was chosen, however, the leaders of the house and senate, or most of them, felt that it was safe to come to a break with me, and the last or short session of congress, held between the election of my successor and his inauguration four months later, saw a series of contests between the majorities in the two houses of congress and the president,--myself,--quite as bitter as if they and i had belonged to opposite political parties. however, i held my own. i was not able to push through the legislation i desired during these four months, but i was able to prevent them doing anything i did not desire, or undoing anything that i had already succeeded in getting done. there were, of course, many senators and members of the lower house with whom up to the very last i continued to work in hearty accord, and with a growing understanding. i have not the space to enumerate, as i would like to, these men. for many years senator lodge had been my close personal and political friend, with whom i discussed all public questions that arose, usually with agreement; and our intimately close relations were of course unchanged by my entry into the white house. he was of all our public men the man who had made the closest and wisest study of our foreign relations, and more clearly than almost any other man he understood the vital fact that the efficiency of our navy conditioned our national efficiency in foreign affairs. anything relating to our international relations, from panama and the navy to the alaskan boundary question, the algeciras negotiations, or the peace of portsmouth, i was certain to discuss with senator lodge and also with certain other members of congress, such as senator turner of washington and representative hitt of illinois. anything relating to labor legislation and to measures for controlling big business or efficiently regulating the giant railway systems, i was certain to discuss with senator dolliver or congressman hepburn or congressman cooper. with men like senator beveridge, congressman (afterwards senator) dixon, and congressman murdock, i was apt to discuss pretty nearly everything relating to either our internal or our external affairs. there were many, many others. the present president of the senate, senator clark, of arkansas, was as fearless and high-minded a representative of the people of the united states as i ever dealt with. he was one of the men who combined loyalty to his own state with an equally keen loyalty to the people of all the united states. he was politically opposed to me; but when the interests of the country were at stake, he was incapable of considering party differences; and this was especially his attitude in international matters--including certain treaties which most of his party colleagues, with narrow lack of patriotism, and complete subordination of national to factional interest, opposed. i have never anywhere met finer, more faithful, more disinterested, and more loyal public servants than senator o. h. platt, a republican, from connecticut, and senator cockrell, a democrat, from missouri. they were already old men when i came to the presidency; and doubtless there were points on which i seemed to them to be extreme and radical; but eventually they found that our motives and beliefs were the same, and they did all in their power to help any movement that was for the interest of our people as a whole. i had met them when i was civil service commissioner and assistant secretary of the navy. all i ever had to do with either was to convince him that a given measure i championed was right, and he then at once did all he could to have it put into effect. if i could not convince them, why! that was my fault, or my misfortune; but if i could convince them, i never had to think again as to whether they would or would not support me. there were many other men of mark in both houses with whom i could work on some points, whereas on others we had to differ. there was one powerful leader--a burly, forceful man, of admirable traits--who had, however, been trained in the post-bellum school of business and politics, so that his attitude towards life, quite unconsciously, reminded me a little of artemus ward's view of the tower of london--"if i like it, i'll buy it." there was a big governmental job in which this leader was much interested, and in reference to which he always wished me to consult a man whom he trusted, whom i will call pitt rodney. one day i answered him, "the trouble with rodney is that he misestimates his relations to cosmos"; to which he responded, "cosmos--cosmos? never heard of him. you stick to rodney. he's your man!" outside of the public servants there were multitudes of men, in newspaper offices, in magazine offices, in business or the professions or on farms or in shops, who actively supported the policies for which i stood and did work of genuine leadership which was quite as effective as any work done by men in public office. without the active support of these men i would have been powerless. in particular, the leading newspaper correspondents at washington were as a whole a singularly able, trustworthy, and public-spirited body of men, and the most useful of all agents in the fight for efficient and decent government. as for the men under me in executive office, i could not overstate the debt of gratitude i owe them. from the heads of the departments, the cabinet officers, down, the most striking feature of the administration was the devoted, zealous, and efficient work that was done as soon as it became understood that the one bond of interest among all of us was the desire to make the government the most effective instrument in advancing the interests of the people as a whole, the interests of the average men and women of the united states and of their children. i do not think i overstate the case when i say that most of the men who did the best work under me felt that ours was a partnership, that we all stood on the same level of purpose and service, and that it mattered not what position any one of us held so long as in that position he gave the very best that was in him. we worked very hard; but i made a point of getting a couple of hours off each day for equally vigorous play. the men with whom i then played, whom we laughingly grew to call the "tennis cabinet," have been mentioned in a previous chapter of this book in connection with the gift they gave me at the last breakfast which they took at the white house. there were many others in the public service under me with whom i happened not to play, but who did their share of our common work just as effectively as it was done by us who did play. of course nothing could have been done in my administration if it had not been for the zeal, intelligence, masterful ability, and downright hard labor of these men in countless positions under me. i was helpless to do anything except as my thoughts and orders were translated into action by them; and, moreover, each of them, as he grew specially fit for his job, used to suggest to me the right thought to have, and the right order to give, concerning that job. it is of course hard for me to speak with cold and dispassionate partiality of these men, who were as close to me as were the men of my regiment. but the outside observers best fitted to pass judgment about them felt as i did. at the end of my administration mr. bryce, the british ambassador, told me that in a long life, during which he had studied intimately the government of many different countries, he had never in any country seen a more eager, high-minded, and efficient set of public servants, men more useful and more creditable to their country, than the men then doing the work of the american government in washington and in the field. i repeat this statement with the permission of mr. bryce. at about the same time, or a little before, in the spring of , there appeared in the english _fortnightly review_ an article, evidently by a competent eye witness, setting forth more in detail the same views to which the british ambassador thus privately gave expression. it was in part as follows: "mr. roosevelt has gathered around him a body of public servants who are nowhere surpassed, i question whether they are anywhere equaled, for efficiency, self-sacrifice, and an absolute devotion to their country's interests. many of them are poor men, without private means, who have voluntarily abandoned high professional ambitions and turned their backs on the rewards of business to serve their country on salaries that are not merely inadequate, but indecently so. there is not one of them who is not constantly assailed by offers of positions in the world of commerce, finance, and the law that would satisfy every material ambition with which he began life. there is not one of them who could not, if he chose, earn outside washington from ten to twenty times the income on which he economizes as a state official. but these men are as indifferent to money and to the power that money brings as to the allurements of newport and new york, or to merely personal distinctions, or to the commercialized ideals which the great bulk of their fellow-countrymen accept without question. they are content, and more than content, to sink themselves in the national service without a thought of private advancement, and often at a heavy sacrifice of worldly honors, and to toil on . . . sustained by their own native impulse to make of patriotism an efficient instrument of public betterment." the american public rarely appreciate the high quality of the work done by some of our diplomats--work, usually entirely unnoticed and unrewarded, which redounds to the interest and the honor of all of us. the most useful man in the entire diplomatic service, during my presidency, and for many years before, was henry white; and i say this having in mind the high quality of work done by such admirable ambassadors and ministers as bacon, meyer, straus, o'brien, rockhill, and egan, to name only a few among many. when i left the presidency white was ambassador to france; shortly afterwards he was removed by mr. taft, for reasons unconnected with the good of the service. the most important factor in getting the right spirit in my administration, next to the insistence upon courage, honesty, and a genuine democracy of desire to serve the plain people, was my insistence upon the theory that the executive power was limited only by specific restrictions and prohibitions appearing in the constitution or imposed by the congress under its constitutional powers. my view was that every executive officer, and above all every executive officer in high position, was a steward of the people bound actively and affirmatively to do all he could for the people, and not to content himself with the negative merit of keeping his talents undamaged in a napkin. i declined to adopt the view that what was imperatively necessary for the nation could not be done by the president unless he could find some specific authorization to do it. my belief was that it was not only his right but his duty to do anything that the needs of the nation demanded unless such action was forbidden by the constitution or by the laws. under this interpretation of executive power i did and caused to be done many things not previously done by the president and the heads of the departments. i did not usurp power, but i did greatly broaden the use of executive power. in other words, i acted for the public welfare, i acted for the common well-being of all our people, whenever and in whatever manner was necessary, unless prevented by direct constitutional or legislative prohibition. i did not care a rap for the mere form and show of power; i cared immensely for the use that could be made of the substance. the senate at one time objected to my communicating with them in printing, preferring the expensive, foolish, and laborious practice of writing out the messages by hand. it was not possible to return to the outworn archaism of hand writing; but we endeavored to have the printing made as pretty as possible. whether i communicated with the congress in writing or by word of mouth, and whether the writing was by a machine, or a pen, were equally, and absolutely, unimportant matters. the importance lay in what i said and in the heed paid to what i said. so as to my meeting and consulting senators, congressmen, politicians, financiers, and labor men. i consulted all who wished to see me; and if i wished to see any one, i sent for him; and where the consultation took place was a matter of supreme unimportance. i consulted every man with the sincere hope that i could profit by and follow his advice; i consulted every member of congress who wished to be consulted, hoping to be able to come to an agreement of action with him; and i always finally acted as my conscience and common sense bade me act. about appointments i was obliged by the constitution to consult the senate; and the long-established custom of the senate meant that in practice this consultation was with individual senators and even with big politicians who stood behind the senators. i was only one-half the appointing power; i nominated; but the senate confirmed. in practice, by what was called "the courtesy of the senate," the senate normally refused to confirm any appointment if the senator from the state objected to it. in exceptional cases, where i could arouse public attention, i could force through the appointment in spite of the opposition of the senators; in all ordinary cases this was impossible. on the other hand, the senator could of course do nothing for any man unless i chose to nominate him. in consequence the constitution itself forced the president and the senators from each state to come to a working agreement on the appointments in and from that state. my course was to insist on absolute fitness, including honesty, as a prerequisite to every appointment; and to remove only for good cause, and, where there was such cause, to refuse even to discuss with the senator in interest the unfit servant's retention. subject to these considerations, i normally accepted each senator's recommendations for offices of a routine kind, such as most post-offices and the like, but insisted on myself choosing the men for the more important positions. i was willing to take any good man for postmaster; but in the case of a judge or district attorney or canal commissioner or ambassador, i was apt to insist either on a given man or else on any man with a given class of qualifications. if the senator deceived me, i took care that he had no opportunity to repeat the deception. i can perhaps best illustrate my theory of action by two specific examples. in new york governor odell and senator platt sometimes worked in agreement and sometimes were at swords' points, and both wished to be consulted. to a friendly congressman, who was also their friend, i wrote as follows on july , : "i want to work with platt. i want to work with odell. i want to support both and take the advice of both. but of course ultimately i must be the judge as to acting on the advice given. when, as in the case of the judgeship, i am convinced that the advice of both is wrong, i shall act as i did when i appointed holt. when i can find a friend of odell's like cooley, who is thoroughly fit for the position i desire to fill, it gives me the greatest pleasure to appoint him. when platt proposes to me a man like hamilton fish, it is equally a pleasure to appoint him." this was written in connection with events which led up to my refusing to accept senator platt's or governor odell's suggestions as to a federal judgeship and a federal district attorneyship, and insisting on the appointment, first of judge hough and later of district attorney stimson; because in each case i felt that the work to be done was of so high an order that i could not take an ordinary man. the other case was that of senator fulton, of oregon. through francis heney i was prosecuting men who were implicated in a vast network of conspiracy against the law in connection with the theft of public land in oregon. i had been acting on senator fulton's recommendations for office, in the usual manner. heney had been insisting that fulton was in league with the men we were prosecuting, and that he had recommended unfit men. fulton had been protesting against my following heney's advice, particularly as regards appointing judge wolverton as united states judge. finally heney laid before me a report which convinced me of the truth of his statements. i then wrote to fulton as follows, on november , : "my dear senator fulton: i inclose you herewith a copy of the report made to me by mr. heney. i have seen the originals of the letters from you and senator mitchell quoted therein. i do not at this time desire to discuss the report itself, which of course i must submit to the attorney-general. but i have been obliged to reach the painful conclusion that your own letters as therein quoted tend to show that you recommended for the position of district attorney b when you had good reason to believe that he had himself been guilty of fraudulent conduct; that you recommended c for the same position simply because it was for b's interest that he should be so recommended, and, as there is reason to believe, because he had agreed to divide the fees with b if he were appointed; and that you finally recommended the reappointment of h with the knowledge that if h were appointed he would abstain from prosecuting b for criminal misconduct, this being why b advocated h's claims for reappointment. if you care to make any statement in the matter, i shall of course be glad to hear it. as the district judge of oregon i shall appoint judge wolverton." in the letter i of course gave in full the names indicated above by initials. senator fulton gave no explanation. i therefore ceased to consult him about appointments under the department of justice and the interior, the two departments in which the crookedness had occurred--there was no question of crookedness in the other offices in the state, and they could be handled in the ordinary manner. legal proceedings were undertaken against his colleague in the senate, and one of his colleagues in the lower house, and the former was convicted and sentenced to the penitentiary. in a number of instances the legality of executive acts of my administration was brought before the courts. they were uniformly sustained. for example, prior to statutes relating to the disposition of coal lands had been construed as fixing the flat price at $ to $ per acre. the result was that valuable coal lands were sold for wholly inadequate prices, chiefly to big corporations. by executive order the coal lands were withdrawn and not opened for entry until proper classification was placed thereon by government agents. there was a great clamor that i was usurping legislative power; but the acts were not assailed in court until we brought suits to set aside entries made by persons and associations to obtain larger areas than the statutes authorized. this position was opposed on the ground that the restrictions imposed were illegal; that the executive orders were illegal. the supreme court sustained the government. in the same way our attitude in the water power question was sustained, the supreme court holding that the federal government had the rights we claimed over streams that are or may be declared navigable by congress. again, when oklahoma became a state we were obliged to use the executive power to protect indian rights and property, for there had been an enormous amount of fraud in the obtaining of indian lands by white men. here we were denounced as usurping power over a state as well as usurping power that did not belong to the executive. the supreme court sustained our action. in connection with the indians, by the way, it was again and again necessary to assert the position of the president as steward of the whole people. i had a capital indian commissioner, francis e. leupp. i found that i could rely on his judgment not to get me into fights that were unnecessary, and therefore i always backed him to the limit when he told me that a fight was necessary. on one occasion, for example, congress passed a bill to sell to settlers about half a million acres of indian land in oklahoma at one and a half dollars an acre. i refused to sign it, and turned the matter over to leupp. the bill was accordingly withdrawn, amended so as to safeguard the welfare of the indians, and the minimum price raised to five dollars an acre. then i signed the bill. we sold that land under sealed bids, and realized for the kiowa, comanche, and apache indians more than four million dollars--three millions and a quarter more than they would have obtained if i had signed the bill in its original form. in another case, where there had been a division among the sac and fox indians, part of the tribe removing to iowa, the iowa delegation in congress, backed by two iowans who were members of my cabinet, passed a bill awarding a sum of nearly a half million dollars to the iowa seceders. they had not consulted the indian bureau. leupp protested against the bill, and i vetoed it. a subsequent bill was passed on the lines laid down by the indian bureau, referring the whole controversy to the courts, and the supreme court in the end justified our position by deciding against the iowa seceders and awarding the money to the oklahoma stay-at-homes. as to all action of this kind there have long been two schools of political thought, upheld with equal sincerity. the division has not normally been along political, but temperamental, lines. the course i followed, of regarding the executive as subject only to the people, and, under the constitution, bound to serve the people affirmatively in cases where the constitution does not explicitly forbid him to render the service, was substantially the course followed by both andrew jackson and abraham lincoln. other honorable and well-meaning presidents, such as james buchanan, took the opposite and, as it seems to me, narrowly legalistic view that the president is the servant of congress rather than of the people, and can do nothing, no matter how necessary it be to act, unless the constitution explicitly commands the action. most able lawyers who are past middle age take this view, and so do large numbers of well-meaning, respectable citizens. my successor in office took this, the buchanan, view of the president's powers and duties. for example, under my administration we found that one of the favorite methods adopted by the men desirous of stealing the public domain was to carry the decision of the secretary of the interior into court. by vigorously opposing such action, and only by so doing, we were able to carry out the policy of properly protecting the public domain. my successor not only took the opposite view, but recommended to congress the passage of a bill which would have given the courts direct appellate power over the secretary of the interior in these land matters. this bill was reported favorably by mr. mondell, chairman of the house committee on public lands, a congressman who took the lead in every measure to prevent the conservation of our natural resources and the preservation of the national domain for the use of home-seekers. fortunately, congress declined to pass the bill. its passage would have been a veritable calamity. i acted on the theory that the president could at any time in his discretion withdraw from entry any of the public lands of the united states and reserve the same for forestry, for water-power sites, for irrigation, and other public purposes. without such action it would have been impossible to stop the activity of the land thieves. no one ventured to test its legality by lawsuit. my successor, however, himself questioned it, and referred the matter to congress. again congress showed its wisdom by passing a law which gave the president the power which he had long exercised, and of which my successor had shorn himself. perhaps the sharp difference between what may be called the lincoln-jackson and the buchanan-taft schools, in their views of the power and duties of the president, may be best illustrated by comparing the attitude of my successor toward his secretary of the interior, mr. ballinger, when the latter was accused of gross misconduct in office, with my attitude towards my chiefs of department and other subordinate officers. more than once while i was president my officials were attacked by congress, generally because these officials did their duty well and fearlessly. in every such case i stood by the official and refused to recognize the right of congress to interfere with me excepting by impeachment or in other constitutional manner. on the other hand, wherever i found the officer unfit for his position i promptly removed him, even although the most influential men in congress fought for his retention. the jackson-lincoln view is that a president who is fit to do good work should be able to form his own judgment as to his own subordinates, and, above all, of the subordinates standing highest and in closest and most intimate touch with him. my secretaries and their subordinates were responsible to me, and i accepted the responsibility for all their deeds. as long as they were satisfactory to me i stood by them against every critic or assailant, within or without congress; and as for getting congress to make up my mind for me about them, the thought would have been inconceivable to me. my successor took the opposite, or buchanan, view when he permitted and requested congress to pass judgment on the charges made against mr. ballinger as an executive officer. these charges were made to the president; the president had the facts before him and could get at them at any time, and he alone had power to act if the charges were true. however, he permitted and requested congress to investigate mr. ballinger. the party minority of the committee that investigated him, and one member of the majority, declared that the charges were well founded and that mr. ballinger should be removed. the other members of the majority declared the charges ill founded. the president abode by the view of the majority. of course believers in the jackson-lincoln theory of the presidency would not be content with this town meeting majority and minority method of determining by another branch of the government what it seems the especial duty of the president himself to determine for himself in dealing with his own subordinate in his own department. there are many worthy people who reprobate the buchanan method as a matter of history, but who in actual life reprobate still more strongly the jackson-lincoln method when it is put into practice. these persons conscientiously believe that the president should solve every doubt in favor of inaction as against action, that he should construe strictly and narrowly the constitutional grant of powers both to the national government, and to the president within the national government. in addition, however, to the men who conscientiously believe in this course from high, although as i hold misguided, motives, there are many men who affect to believe in it merely because it enables them to attack and to try to hamper, for partisan or personal reasons, an executive whom they dislike. there are other men in whom, especially when they are themselves in office, practical adherence to the buchanan principle represents not well-thought-out devotion to an unwise course, but simple weakness of character and desire to avoid trouble and responsibility. unfortunately, in practice it makes little difference which class of ideas actuates the president, who by his action sets a cramping precedent. whether he is highminded and wrongheaded or merely infirm of purpose, whether he means well feebly or is bound by a mischievous misconception of the powers and duties of the national government and of the president, the effect of his actions is the same. the president's duty is to act so that he himself and his subordinates shall be able to do efficient work for the people, and this efficient work he and they cannot do if congress is permitted to undertake the task of making up his mind for him as to how he shall perform what is clearly his sole duty. one of the ways in which by independent action of the executive we were able to accomplish an immense amount of work for the public was through volunteer unpaid commissions appointed by the president. it was possible to get the work done by these volunteer commissions only because of the enthusiasm for the public service which, starting in the higher offices at washington, made itself felt throughout the government departments--as i have said, i never knew harder and more disinterested work done by any people than was done by the men and women of all ranks in the government service. the contrast was really extraordinary between their live interest in their work and the traditional clerical apathy which has so often been the distinguishing note of governmental work in washington. most of the public service performed by these volunteer commissions, carried on without a cent of pay to the men themselves, and wholly without cost to the government, was done by men the great majority of whom were already in the government service and already charged with responsibilities amounting each to a full man's job. the first of these commissions was the commission on the organization of government scientific work, whose chairman was charles d. walcott. appointed march , , its duty was to report directly to the president "upon the organization, present condition, and needs of the executive government work wholly or partly scientific in character, and upon the steps which should be taken, if any, to prevent the duplication of such work, to co-ordinate its various branches, to increase its efficiency and economy, and to promote its usefulness to the nation at large." this commission spent four months in an examination which covered the work of about thirty of the larger scientific and executive bureaus of the government, and prepared a report which furnished the basis for numerous improvements in the government service. another commission, appointed june , , was that on department methods--charles h. keep, chairman--whose task was to "find out what changes are needed to place the conduct of the executive business of the government in all its branches on the most economical and effective basis in the light of the best modern business practice." the letter appointing this commission laid down nine principles of effective governmental work, the most striking of which was: "the existence of any method, standard, custom, or practice is no reason for its continuance when a better is offered." this commission, composed like that just described, of men already charged with important work, performed its functions wholly without cost to the government. it was assisted by a body of about seventy experts in the government departments chosen for their special qualifications to carry forward a study of the best methods in business, and organized into assistant committees under the leadership of overton w. price, secretary of the commission. these assistant committees, all of whose members were still carrying on their regular work, made their reports during the last half of . the committee informed itself fully regarding the business methods of practically every individual branch of the business of the government, and effected a marked improvement in general efficiency throughout the service. the conduct of the routine business of the government had never been thoroughly overhauled before, and this examination of it resulted in the promulgation of a set of working principles for the transaction of public business which are as sound to-day as they were when the committee finished its work. the somewhat elaborate and costly investigations of government business methods since made have served merely to confirm the findings of the committee on departmental methods, which were achieved without costing the government a dollar. the actual saving in the conduct of the business of the government through the better methods thus introduced amounted yearly to many hundreds of thousands of dollars; but a far more important gain was due to the remarkable success of the commission in establishing a new point of view in public servants toward their work. the need for improvement in the governmental methods of transacting business may be illustrated by an actual case. an officer in charge of an indian agency made a requisition in the autumn for a stove costing seven dollars, certifying at the same time that it was needed to keep the infirmary warm during the winter, because the old stove was worn out. thereupon the customary papers went through the customary routine, without unusual delay at any point. the transaction moved like a glacier with dignity to its appointed end, and the stove reached the infirmary in good order in time for the indian agent to acknowledge its arrival in these words: "the stove is here. so is spring." the civil service commission, under men like john mcilhenny and garfield, rendered service without which the government could have been conducted with neither efficiency nor honesty. the politicians were not the only persons at fault; almost as much improper pressure for appointments is due to mere misplaced sympathy, and to the spiritless inefficiency which seeks a government office as a haven for the incompetent. an amusing feature of office seeking is that each man desiring an office is apt to look down on all others with the same object as forming an objectionable class with which _he_ has nothing in common. at the time of the eruption of mt. pelee, when among others the american consul was killed, a man who had long been seeking an appointment promptly applied for the vacancy. he was a good man, of persistent nature, who felt i had been somewhat blind to his merits. the morning after the catastrophe he wrote, saying that as the consul was dead he would like his place, and that i could surely give it to him, because "even the office seekers could not have applied for it yet!" the method of public service involved in the appointment and the work of the two commissions just described was applied also in the establishment of four other commissions, each of which performed its task without salary or expense for its members, and wholly without cost to the government. the other four commissions were: commission on public lands; commission on inland waterways; commission on country life; and commission on national conservation. all of these commissions were suggested to me by gifford pinchot, who served upon them all. the work of the last four will be touched upon in connection with the chapter on conservation. these commissions by their reports and findings directly interfered with many place-holders who were doing inefficient work, and their reports and the action taken thereon by the administration strengthened the hands of those administrative officers who in the various departments, and especially in the secret service, were proceeding against land thieves and other corrupt wrong-doers. moreover, the mere fact that they did efficient work for the public along lines new to veteran and cynical politicians of the old type created vehement hostility to them. senators like mr. hale and congressmen like mr. tawney were especially bitter against these commissions; and towards the end of my term they were followed by the majority of their fellows in both houses, who had gradually been sundered from me by the open or covert hostility of the financial or wall street leaders, and of the newspaper editors and politicians who did their bidding in the interest of privilege. these senators and congressmen asserted that they had a right to forbid the president profiting by the unpaid advice of disinterested experts. of course i declined to admit the existence of any such right, and continued the commissions. my successor acknowledged the right, upheld the view of the politicians in question, and abandoned the commissions, to the lasting detriment of the people as a whole. one thing is worth pointing out: during the seven and a half years of my administration we greatly and usefully extended the sphere of governmental action, and yet we reduced the burden of the taxpayers; for we reduced the interest-bearing debt by more than $ , , . to achieve a marked increase in efficiency and at the same time an increase in economy is not an easy feat; but we performed it. there was one ugly and very necessary task. this was to discover and root out corruption wherever it was found in any of the departments. the first essential was to make it clearly understood that no political or business or social influence of any kind would for one moment be even considered when the honesty of a public official was at issue. it took a little time to get this fact thoroughly drilled into the heads both of the men within the service and of the political leaders without. the feat was accomplished so thoroughly that every effort to interfere in any shape or way with the course of justice was abandoned definitely and for good. most, although not all, of the frauds occurred in connection with the post-office department and the land office. it was in the post-office department that we first definitely established the rule of conduct which became universal throughout the whole service. rumors of corruption in the department became rife, and finally i spoke of them to the then first assistant postmaster-general, afterwards postmaster-general, robert j. wynne. he reported to me, after some investigation, that in his belief there was doubtless corruption, but that it was very difficult to get at it, and that the offenders were confident and defiant because of their great political and business backing and the ramifications of their crimes. talking the matter over with him, i came to the conclusion that the right man to carry on the investigation was the then fourth assistant postmaster-general, now a senator from kansas, joseph l. bristow, who possessed the iron fearlessness needful to front such a situation. mr. bristow had perforce seen a good deal of the seamy side of politics, and of the extent of the unscrupulousness with which powerful influence was brought to bear to shield offenders. before undertaking the investigation he came to see me, and said that he did not wish to go into it unless he could be assured that i would stand personally behind him, and, no matter where his inquiries led him, would support him and prevent interference with him. i answered that i would certainly do so. he went into the investigation with relentless energy, dogged courage, and keen intelligence. his success was complete, and the extent of his services to the nation are not easily to be exaggerated. he unearthed a really appalling amount of corruption, and he did his work with such absolute thoroughness that the corruption was completely eradicated. we had, of course, the experience usual in all such investigations. at first there was popular incredulity and disbelief that there was much behind the charges, or that much could be unearthed. then when the corruption was shown there followed a yell of anger from all directions, and a period during which any man accused was forthwith held guilty by the public; and violent demands were made by the newspapers for the prosecution not only of the men who could be prosecuted with a fair chance of securing conviction and imprisonment, but of other men whose misconduct had been such as to warrant my removing them from office, but against whom it was not possible to get the kind of evidence which would render likely conviction in a criminal case. suits were brought against all the officials whom we thought we could convict; and the public complained bitterly that we did not bring further suits. we secured several convictions, including convictions of the most notable offenders. the trials consumed a good deal of time. public attention was attracted to something else. indifference succeeded to excitement, and in some subtle way the juries seemed to respond to the indifference. one of the worst offenders was acquitted by a jury; whereupon not a few of the same men who had insisted that the government was derelict in not criminally prosecuting every man whose misconduct was established so as to make it necessary to turn him out of office, now turned round and, inasmuch as the jury had not found this man guilty of crime, demanded that he should be reinstated in office! it is needless to say that the demand was not granted. there were two or three other acquittals, of prominent outsiders. nevertheless the net result was that the majority of the worst offenders were sent to prison, and the remainder dismissed from the government service, if they were public officials, and if they were not public officials at least so advertised as to render it impossible that they should ever again have dealings with the government. the department was absolutely cleaned and became one of the very best in the government. several senators came to me--mr. garfield was present on the occasion--and said that they were glad i was putting a stop to corruption, but they hoped i would avoid all scandal; that if i would make an example of some one man and then let the others quietly resign, it would avoid a disturbance which might hurt the party. they were advising me in good faith, and i was as courteous as possible in my answer, but explained that i would have to act with the utmost rigor against the offenders, no matter what the effect on the party, and, moreover, that i did not believe it would hurt the party. it did not hurt the party. it helped the party. a favorite war-cry in american political life has always been, "turn the rascals out." we made it evident that, as far as we were concerned, this war-cry was pointless; for we turned our own rascals out. there were important and successful land fraud prosecutions in several western states. probably the most important were the cases prosecuted in oregon by francis j. heney, with the assistance of william j. burns, a secret service agent who at that time began his career as a great detective. it would be impossible to overstate the services rendered to the cause of decency and honesty by messrs. heney and burns. mr. heney was my close and intimate adviser professionally and non-professionally, not only as regards putting a stop to frauds in the public lands, but in many other matters of vital interest to the republic. no man in the country has waged the battle for national honesty with greater courage and success, with more whole-hearted devotion to the public good; and no man has been more traduced and maligned by the wrong-doing agents and representatives of the great sinister forces of evil. he secured the conviction of various men of high political and financial standing in connection with the oregon prosecutions; he and burns behaved with scrupulous fairness and propriety; but their services to the public caused them to incur the bitter hatred of those who had wronged the public, and after i left office the national administration turned against them. one of the most conspicuous of the men whom they had succeeded in convicting was pardoned by president taft--in spite of the fact that the presiding judge, judge hunt, had held that the evidence amply warranted the conviction, and had sentenced the man to imprisonment. as was natural, the one hundred and forty-six land-fraud defendants in oregon, who included the foremost machine political leaders in the state, furnished the backbone of the opposition to me in the presidential contest of . the opposition rallied behind messrs. taft and lafollette; and although i carried the primaries handsomely, half of the delegates elected from oregon under instructions to vote for me, sided with my opponents in the national convention--and as regards some of them i became convinced that the mainspring of their motive lay in the intrigue for securing the pardon of certain of the men whose conviction heney had secured. land fraud and post-office cases were not the only ones. we were especially zealous in prosecuting all of the "higher up" offenders in the realms of politics and finance who swindled on a large scale. special assistants of the attorney-general, such as mr. frank kellogg, of st. paul, and various first-class federal district attorneys in different parts of the country secured notable results: mr. stimson and his assistants, messrs. wise, denison, and frankfurter, in new york, for instance, in connection with the prosecution of the sugar trust and of the banker morse, and of a great metropolitan newspaper for opening its columns to obscene and immoral advertisements; and in st. louis messrs. dyer and nortoni, who, among other services, secured the conviction and imprisonment of senator burton, of kansas; and in chicago mr. sims, who raised his office to the highest pitch of efficiency, secured the conviction of the banker walsh and of the beef trust, and first broke through the armor of the standard oil trust. it is not too much to say that these men, and others like them, worked a complete revolution in the enforcement of the federal laws, and made their offices organized legal machines fit and ready to conduct smashing fights for the people's rights and to enforce the laws in aggressive fashion. when i took the presidency, it was a common and bitter saying that a big man, a rich man, could not be put in jail. we put many big and rich men in jail; two united states senators, for instance, and among others two great bankers, one in new york and one in chicago. one of the united states senators died, the other served his term. (one of the bankers was released from prison by executive order after i left office.) these were merely individual cases among many others like them. moreover, we were just as relentless in dealing with crimes of violence among the disorderly and brutal classes as in dealing with the crimes of cunning and fraud of which certain wealthy men and big politicians were guilty. mr. sims in chicago was particularly efficient in sending to the penitentiary numbers of the infamous men who batten on the "white slave" traffic, after july, , when by proclamation i announced the adherence of our government to the international agreement for the suppression of the traffic. the views i then held and now hold were expressed in a memorandum made in the case of a negro convicted of the rape of a young negro girl, practically a child. a petition for his pardon had been sent me. white house, washington, d. c., august , . the application for the commutation of sentence of john w. burley is denied. this man committed the most hideous crime known to our laws, and twice before he has committed crimes of a similar, though less horrible, character. in my judgment there is no justification whatever for paying heed to the allegations that he is not of sound mind, allegations made after the trial and conviction. nobody would pretend that there has ever been any such degree of mental unsoundness shown as would make people even consider sending him to an asylum if he had not committed this crime. under such circumstances he should certainly be esteemed sane enough to suffer the penalty for his monstrous deed. i have scant sympathy with the plea of insanity advanced to save a man from the consequences of crime, when unless that crime had been committed it would have been impossible to persuade any responsible authority to commit him to an asylum as insane. among the most dangerous criminals, and especially among those prone to commit this particular kind of offense, there are plenty of a temper so fiendish or so brutal as to be incompatible with any other than a brutish order of intelligence; but these men are nevertheless responsible for their acts; and nothing more tends to encourage crime among such men than the belief that through the plea of insanity or any other method it is possible for them to escape paying the just penalty of their crimes. the crime in question is one to the existence of which we largely owe the existence of that spirit of lawlessness which takes form in lynching. it is a crime so revolting that the criminal is not entitled to one particle of sympathy from any human being. it is essential that the punishment for it should be not only as certain but as swift as possible. the jury in this case did their duty by recommending the infliction of the death penalty. it is to be regretted that we do not have special provision for more summary dealing with this type of case. the more we do what in us lies to secure certain and swift justice in dealing with these cases, the more effectively do we work against the growth of that lynching spirit which is so full of evil omen for this people, because it seeks to avenge one infamous crime by the commission of another of equal infamy. the application is denied and the sentence will be carried into effect. (signed) theodore roosevelt. one of the most curious incidents of lawlessness with which i had to deal affected an entire state. the state of nevada in the year was gradually drifting into utter governmental impotence and downright anarchy. the people were at heart all right; but the forces of evil had been permitted to get the upper hand, and for the time being the decent citizens had become helpless to assert themselves either by controlling the greedy corporations on the one hand or repressing the murderous violence of certain lawless labor organizations on the other hand. the governor of the state was a democrat and a southern man, and in the abstract a strong believer in the doctrine of state's rights. but his experience finally convinced him that he could obtain order only through the intervention of the national government; and then he went over too far and wished to have the national government do his police work for him. in the rocky mountain states there had existed for years what was practically a condition of almost constant war between the wealthy mine-owners and the western federation of miners, at whose head stood messrs. haywood, pettibone, and moyer, who were about that time indicted for the murder of the governor of idaho. much that was lawless, much that was indefensible, had been done by both sides. the legislature of nevada was in sympathy with, or at least was afraid of not expressing sympathy for, messrs. moyer, haywood, pettibone, and their associates. the state was practically without any police, and the governor had recommended the establishment of a state constabulary, along the lines of the texas rangers; but the legislature rejected his request. the governor reported to me the conditions as follows. during the goldfield mining district became divided into two hostile camps. half of the western federation of miners were constantly armed, and arms and ammunition were purchased and kept by the union as a body, while the mine-owners on their side retained large numbers of watchmen and guards who were also armed and always on duty. in addition to these opposing forces there was, as the governor reported, an unusually large number of the violent and criminal element, always attracted to a new and booming mining camp. under such conditions the civil authorities were practically powerless, and the governor, being helpless to avert civil war, called on me to keep order. i accordingly threw in a body of regular troops under general funston. these kept order completely, and the governor became so well satisfied that he thought he would like to have them there permanently! this seemed to me unhealthy, and on december , , i notified him that while i would do my duty, the first need was that the state authorities should do theirs, and that the first step towards this was the assembling of the legislature. i concluded my telegram: "if within five days from receipt of this telegram you shall have issued the necessary notice to convene the legislature of nevada, i shall continue the troops during a period of three weeks. if when the term of five days has elapsed the notice has not been issued, the troops will be immediately returned to their former stations." i had already investigated the situation through a committee, composed of the chief of the bureau of corporations, mr. h. k. smith, the chief of the bureau of labor, mr. c. p. neill, and the comptroller of the treasury, mr. lawrence murray. these men i could thoroughly trust, and their report, which was not over-favorable to either side, had convinced me that the only permanent way to get good results was to insist on the people of the state themselves grappling with and solving their own troubles. the governor summoned the legislature, it met, and the constabulary bill was passed. the troops remained in nevada until time had been given for the state authorities to organize their force so that violence could at once be checked. then they were withdrawn. nor was it only as regards their own internal affairs that i sometimes had to get into active communication with the state authorities. there has always been a strong feeling in california against the immigration of asiatic laborers, whether these are wage-workers or men who occupy and till the soil. i believe this to be fundamentally a sound and proper attitude, an attitude which must be insisted upon, and yet which can be insisted upon in such a manner and with such courtesy and such sense of mutual fairness and reciprocal obligation and respect as not to give any just cause of offense to asiatic peoples. in the present state of the world's progress it is highly inadvisable that peoples in wholly different stages of civilization, or of wholly different types of civilization even although both equally high, shall be thrown into intimate contact. this is especially undesirable when there is a difference of both race and standard of living. in california the question became acute in connection with the admission of the japanese. i then had and now have a hearty admiration for the japanese people. i believe in them; i respect their great qualities; i wish that our american people had many of these qualities. japanese and american students, travelers, scientific and literary men, merchants engaged in international trade, and the like can meet on terms of entire equality and should be given the freest access each to the country of the other. but the japanese themselves would not tolerate the intrusion into their country of a mass of americans who would displace japanese in the business of the land. i think they are entirely right in this position. i would be the first to admit that japan has the absolute right to declare on what terms foreigners shall be admitted to work in her country, or to own land in her country, or to become citizens of her country. america has and must insist upon the same right. the people of california were right in insisting that the japanese should not come thither in mass, that there should be no influx of laborers, of agricultural workers, or small tradesmen--in short, no mass settlement or immigration. unfortunately, during the latter part of my term as president certain unwise and demagogic agitators in california, to show their disapproval of the japanese coming into the state, adopted the very foolish procedure of trying to provide by law that the japanese children should not be allowed to attend the schools with the white children, and offensive and injurious language was used in connection with the proposal. the federal administration promptly took up the matter with the california authorities, and i got into personal touch with them. at my request the mayor of san francisco and other leaders in the movement came on to see me. i explained that the duty of the national government was twofold: in the first place, to meet every reasonable wish and every real need of the people of california or any other state in dealing with the people of a foreign power; and, in the next place, itself exclusively and fully to exercise the right of dealing with this foreign power. inasmuch as in the last resort, including that last of all resorts, war, the dealing of necessity had to be between the foreign power and the national government, it was impossible to admit that the doctrine of state sovereignty could be invoked in such a matter. as soon as legislative or other action in any state affects a foreign nation, then the affair becomes one for the nation, and the state should deal with the foreign power purely through the nation. i explained that i was in entire sympathy with the people of california as to the subject of immigration of the japanese in mass; but that of course i wished to accomplish the object they had in view in the way that would be most courteous and most agreeable to the feelings of the japanese; that all relations between the two peoples must be those of reciprocal justice, and that it was an intolerable outrage on the part of newspapers and public men to use offensive and insulting language about a high-spirited, sensitive, and friendly people; and that such action as was proposed about the schools could only have bad effects, and would in no shape or way achieve the purpose that the californians had in mind. i also explained that i would use every resource of the national government to protect the japanese in their treaty rights, and would count upon the state authorities backing me up to the limit in such action. in short, i insisted upon the two points ( ) that the nation and not the individual states must deal with matters of such international significance and must treat foreign nations with entire courtesy and respect; and ( ) that the nation would at once, and in efficient and satisfactory manner, take action that would meet the needs of california. i both asserted the power of the nation and offered a full remedy for the needs of the state. this is the right, and the only right, course. the worst possible course in such a case is to fail to insist on the right of the nation, to offer no action of the nation to remedy what is wrong, and yet to try to coax the state not to do what it is mistakenly encouraged to believe it has the power to do, when no other alternative is offered. after a good deal of discussion, we came to an entirely satisfactory conclusion. the obnoxious school legislation was abandoned, and i secured an arrangement with japan under which the japanese themselves prevented any immigration to our country of their laboring people, it being distinctly understood that if there was such emigration the united states would at once pass an exclusion law. it was of course infinitely better that the japanese should stop their own people from coming rather than that we should have to stop them; but it was necessary for us to hold this power in reserve. unfortunately, after i left office, a most mistaken and ill-advised policy was pursued towards japan, combining irritation and inefficiency, which culminated in a treaty under which we surrendered this important and necessary right. it was alleged in excuse that the treaty provided for its own abrogation; but of course it is infinitely better to have a treaty under which the power to exercise a necessary right is explicitly retained rather than a treaty so drawn that recourse must be had to the extreme step of abrogating if it ever becomes necessary to exercise the right in question. the arrangement we made worked admirably, and entirely achieved its purpose. no small part of our success was due to the fact that we succeeded in impressing on the japanese that we sincerely admired and respected them, and desired to treat them with the utmost consideration. i cannot too strongly express my indignation with, and abhorrence of, reckless public writers and speakers who, with coarse and vulgar insolence, insult the japanese people and thereby do the greatest wrong not only to japan but to their own country. such conduct represents that nadir of underbreeding and folly. the japanese are one of the great nations of the world, entitled to stand, and standing, on a footing of full equality with any nation of europe or america. i have the heartiest admiration for them. they can teach us much. their civilization is in some respects higher than our own. it is eminently undesirable that japanese and americans should attempt to live together in masses; any such attempt would be sure to result disastrously, and the far-seeing statesmen of both countries should join to prevent it. but this is not because either nation is inferior to the other; it is because they are different. the two peoples represent two civilizations which, although in many respects equally high, are so totally distinct in their past history that it is idle to expect in one or two generations to overcome this difference. one civilization is as old as the other; and in neither case is the line of cultural descent coincident with that of ethnic descent. unquestionably the ancestors of the great majority both of the modern americans and the modern japanese were barbarians in that remote past which saw the origins of the cultured peoples to which the americans and the japanese of to-day severally trace their civilizations. but the lines of development of these two civilizations, of the orient and the occident, have been separate and divergent since thousands of years before the christian era; certainly since that hoary eld in which the akkadian predecessors of the chaldean semites held sway in mesopotamia. an effort to mix together, out of hand, the peoples representing the culminating points of two such lines of divergent cultural development would be fraught with peril; and this, i repeat, because the two are different, not because either is inferior to the other. wise statesmen, looking to the future, will for the present endeavor to keep the two nations from mass contact and intermingling, precisely because they wish to keep each in relations of permanent good will and friendship with the other. exactly what was done in the particular crisis to which i refer is shown in the following letter which, after our policy had been successfully put into execution, i sent to the then speaker of the california lower house of the legislature: the white house, washington, february , . hon p. a. stanton, speaker of the assembly, sacramento, california: i trust there will be no misunderstanding of the federal government's attitude. we are jealously endeavoring to guard the interests of california and of the entire west in accordance with the desires of our western people. by friendly agreement with japan, we are now carrying out a policy which, while meeting the interests and desires of the pacific slope, is yet compatible, not merely with mutual self-respect, but with mutual esteem and admiration between the americans and japanese. the japanese government is loyally and in good faith doing its part to carry out this policy, precisely as the american government is doing. the policy aims at mutuality of obligation and behavior. in accordance with it the purpose is that the japanese shall come here exactly as americans go to japan, which is in effect that travelers, students, persons engaged in international business, men who sojourn for pleasure or study, and the like, shall have the freest access from one country to the other, and shall be sure of the best treatment, but that there shall be no settlement in mass by the people of either country in the other. during the last six months under this policy more japanese have left the country than have come in, and the total number in the united states has diminished by over two thousand. these figures are absolutely accurate and cannot be impeached. in other words, if the present policy is consistently followed and works as well in the future as it is now working, all difficulties and causes of friction will disappear, while at the same time each nation will retain its self-respect and the good will of the other. but such a bill as this school bill accomplishes literally nothing whatever in the line of the object aimed at, and gives just and grave cause for irritation; while in addition the united states government would be obliged immediately to take action in the federal courts to test such legislation, as we hold it to be clearly a violation of the treaty. on this point i refer you to the numerous decisions of the united states supreme court in regard to state laws which violate treaty obligations of the united states. the legislation would accomplish nothing beneficial and would certainly cause some mischief, and might cause very grave mischief. in short, the policy of the administration is to combine the maximum of efficiency in achieving the real object which the people of the pacific slope have at heart, with the minimum of friction and trouble, while the misguided men who advocate such action as this against which i protest are following a policy which combines the very minimum of efficiency with the maximum of insult, and which, while totally failing to achieve any real result for good, yet might accomplish an infinity of harm. if in the next year or two the action of the federal government fails to achieve what it is now achieving, then through the further action of the president and congress it can be made entirely efficient. i am sure that the sound judgment of the people of california will support you, mr. speaker, in your effort. let me repeat that at present we are actually doing the very thing which the people of california wish to be done, and to upset the arrangement under which this is being done cannot do good and may do great harm. if in the next year or two the figures of immigration prove that the arrangement which has worked so successfully during the last six months is no longer working successfully, then there would be ground for grievance and for the reversal by the national government of its present policy. but at present the policy is working well, and until it works badly it would be a grave misfortune to change it, and when changed it can only be changed effectively by the national government. theodore roosevelt. in foreign and domestic affairs alike the policy pursued during my administration was simple. in foreign affairs the principle from which we never deviated was to have the nation behave toward other nations precisely as a strong, honorable, and upright man behaves in dealing with his fellow-men. there is no such thing as international law in the sense that there is municipal law or law within a nation. within the nation there is always a judge, and a policeman who stands back of the judge. the whole system of law depends first upon the fact that there is a judge competent to pass judgment, and second upon the fact that there is some competent officer whose duty it is to carry out this judgment, by force if necessary. in international law there is no judge, unless the parties in interest agree that one shall be constituted; and there is no policeman to carry out the judge's orders. in consequence, as yet each nation must depend upon itself for its own protection. the frightful calamities that have befallen china, solely because she has had no power of self-defense, ought to make it inexcusable in any wise american citizen to pretend to patriotic purpose, and yet to fail to insist that the united states shall keep in a condition of ability if necessary to assert its rights with a strong hand. it is folly of the criminal type for the nation not to keep up its navy, not to fortify its vital strategic points, and not to provide an adequate army for its needs. on the other hand, it is wicked for the nation to fail in either justice, courtesy, or consideration when dealing with any other power, big or little. john hay was secretary of state when i became president, and continued to serve under me until his death, and his and my views as to the attitude that the nation should take in foreign affairs were identical, both as regards our duty to be able to protect ourselves against the strong and as regards our duty always to act not only justly but generously toward the weak. john hay was one of the most delightful of companions, one of the most charming of all men of cultivation and action. our views on foreign affairs coincided absolutely; but, as was natural enough, in domestic matters he felt much more conservative than he did in the days when as a young man he was private secretary to the great radical democratic leader of the ' 's, abraham lincoln. he was fond of jesting with me about my supposedly dangerous tendencies in favor of labor against capital. when i was inaugurated on march , , i wore a ring he sent me the evening before, containing the hair of abraham lincoln. this ring was on my finger when the chief justice administered to me the oath of allegiance to the united states; i often thereafter told john hay that when i wore such a ring on such an occasion i bound myself more than ever to treat the constitution, after the manner of abraham lincoln, as a document which put human rights above property rights when the two conflicted. the last christmas john hay was alive he sent me the manuscript of a norse saga by william morris, with the following note: christmas eve, . dear theodore: in your quality of viking this norse saga should belong to you, and in your character of enemy of property this ms. of william morris will appeal to you. wishing you a merry christmas and many happy years, i am yours affectionately, john hay. in internal affairs i cannot say that i entered the presidency with any deliberately planned and far-reaching scheme of social betterment. i had, however, certain strong convictions; and i was on the lookout for every opportunity of realizing those convictions. i was bent upon making the government the most efficient possible instrument in helping the people of the united states to better themselves in every way, politically, socially, and industrially. i believed with all my heart in real and thoroughgoing democracy, and i wished to make this democracy industrial as well as political, although i had only partially formulated the methods i believed we should follow. i believed in the people's rights, and therefore in national rights and states' rights just exactly to the degree in which they severally secured popular rights. i believed in invoking the national power with absolute freedom for every national need; and i believed that the constitution should be treated as the greatest document ever devised by the wit of man to aid a people in exercising every power necessary for its own betterment, and not as a straitjacket cunningly fashioned to strangle growth. as for the particular methods of realizing these various beliefs, i was content to wait and see what method might be necessary in each given case as it arose; and i was certain that the cases would arise fast enough. as the time for the presidential nomination of drew near, it became evident that i was strong with the rank and file of the party, but that there was much opposition to me among many of the big political leaders, and especially among many of the wall street men. a group of these men met in conference to organize this opposition. it was to be done with complete secrecy. but such secrets are very hard to keep. i speedily knew all about it, and took my measures accordingly. the big men in question, who possessed much power so long as they could work under cover, or so long as they were merely throwing their weight one way or the other between forces fairly evenly balanced, were quite helpless when fighting in the open by themselves. i never found out that anything practical was even attempted by most of the men who took part in the conference. three or four of them, however, did attempt something. the head of one big business corporation attempted to start an effort to control the delegations from new jersey, north carolina, and certain gulf states against me. the head of a great railway system made preparations for a more ambitious effort looking towards the control of the delegations from iowa, kansas, nebraska, colorado, and california against me. he was a very powerful man financially, but his power politically was much more limited, and he did not really understand his own limitations or the situation itself, whereas i did. he could not have secured a delegate against me from iowa, nebraska, or kansas. in colorado and california he could have made a fight, but even there i think he would have been completely beaten. however, long before the time for the convention came around, it was recognized that it was hopeless to make any opposition to my nomination. the effort was abandoned, and i was nominated unanimously. judge parker was nominated by the democrats against me. practically all the metropolitan newspapers of largest circulation were against me; in new york city fifteen out of every sixteen copies of papers issued were hostile to me. i won by a popular majority of about two million and a half, and in the electoral college carried votes against . it was by far the largest popular majority ever hitherto given any presidential candidate. my opponents during the campaign had laid much stress upon my supposed personal ambition and intention to use the office of president to perpetuate myself in power. i did not say anything on the subject prior to the election, as i did not wish to say anything that could be construed into a promise offered as a consideration in order to secure votes. but on election night, after the returns were in i issued the following statement: "the wise custom which limits the president to two terms regards the substance and not the form, and under no circumstances will i be a candidate for or accept another nomination." the reason for my choice of the exact phraseology used was twofold. in the first place, many of my supporters were insisting that, as i had served only three and a half years of my first term, coming in from the vice-presidency when president mckinley was killed, i had really had only one elective term, so that the third term custom did not apply to me; and i wished to repudiate this suggestion. i believed then (and i believe now) the third term custom or tradition to be wholesome, and, therefore, i was determined to regard its substance, refusing to quibble over the words usually employed to express it. on the other hand, i did not wish simply and specifically to say that i would not be a candidate for the nomination in , because if i had specified the year when i would not be a candidate, it would have been widely accepted as meaning that i intended to be a candidate some other year; and i had no such intention, and had no idea that i would ever be a candidate again. certain newspaper men did ask me if i intended to apply my prohibition to , and i answered that i was not thinking of , nor of , nor of , and that i must decline to say anything whatever except what appeared in my statement. the presidency is a great office, and the power of the president can be effectively used to secure a renomination, especially if the president has the support of certain great political and financial interests. it is for this reason, and this reason alone, that the wholesome principle of continuing in office, so long as he is willing to serve, an incumbent who has proved capable, is not applicable to the presidency. therefore, the american people have wisely established a custom against allowing any man to hold that office for more than two consecutive terms. but every shred of power which a president exercises while in office vanishes absolutely when he has once left office. an ex-president stands precisely in the position of any other private citizen, and has not one particle more power to secure a nomination or election than if he had never held the office at all--indeed, he probably has less because of the very fact that he has held the office. therefore the reasoning on which the anti-third term custom is based has no application whatever to an ex-president, and no application whatever to anything except consecutive terms. as a barrier of precaution against more than two consecutive terms the custom embodies a valuable principle. applied in any other way it becomes a mere formula, and like all formulas a potential source of mischievous confusion. having this in mind, i regarded the custom as applying practically, if not just as much, to a president who had been seven and a half years in office as to one who had been eight years in office, and therefore, in the teeth of a practically unanimous demand from my own party that i accept another nomination, and the reasonable certainty that the nomination would be ratified at the polls, i felt that the substance of the custom applied to me in . on the other hand, it had no application whatever to any human being save where it was invoked in the case of a man desiring a third consecutive term. having given such substantial proof of my own regard for the custom, i deem it a duty to add this comment on it. i believe that it is well to have a custom of this kind, to be generally observed, but that it would be very unwise to have it definitely hardened into a constitutional prohibition. it is not desirable ordinarily that a man should stay in office twelve consecutive years as president; but most certainly the american people are fit to take care of themselves, and stand in no need of an irrevocable self-denying ordinance. they should not bind themselves never to take action which under some quite conceivable circumstances it might be to their great interest to take. it is obviously of the last importance to the safety of a democracy that in time of real peril it should be able to command the service of every one among its citizens in the precise position where the service rendered will be most valuable. it would be a benighted policy in such event to disqualify absolutely from the highest office a man who while holding it had actually shown the highest capacity to exercise its powers with the utmost effect for the public defense. if, for instance, a tremendous crisis occurred at the end of the second term of a man like lincoln, as such a crisis occurred at the end of his first term, it would be a veritable calamity if the american people were forbidden to continue to use the services of the one man whom they knew, and did not merely guess, could carry them through the crisis. the third term tradition has no value whatever except as it applies to a third consecutive term. while it is well to keep it as a custom, it would be a mark both of weakness and unwisdom for the american people to embody it into a constitutional provision which could not do them good and on some given occasion might work real harm. there was one cartoon made while i was president, in which i appeared incidentally, that was always a great favorite of mine. it pictured an old fellow with chin whiskers, a farmer, in his shirt-sleeves, with his boots off, sitting before the fire, reading the president's message. on his feet were stockings of the kind i have seen hung up by the dozen in joe ferris's store at medora, in the days when i used to come in to town and sleep in one of the rooms over the store. the title of the picture was "his favorite author." this was the old fellow whom i always used to keep in mind. he had probably been in the civil war in his youth; he had worked hard ever since he left the army; he had been a good husband and father; he had brought up his boys and girls to work; he did not wish to do injustice to any one else, but he wanted justice done to himself and to others like him; and i was bound to secure that justice for him if it lay in my power to do so.[*] [*] i believe i realized fairly well this ambition. i shall turn to my enemies to attest the truth of this statement. the new york _sun_, shortly before the national convention of , spoke of me as follows: "president roosevelt holds that his nomination by the national republican convention of is an assured thing. he makes no concealment of his conviction, and it is unreservedly shared by his friends. we think president roosevelt is right. "there are strong and convincing reasons why the president should feel that success is within his grasp. he has used the opportunities that he found or created, and he has used them with consummate skill and undeniable success. "the president has disarmed all his enemies. every weapon they had, new or old, has been taken from them and added to the now unassailable roosevelt arsenal. why should people wonder that mr. bryan clings to silver? has not mr. roosevelt absorbed and sequestered every vestige of the kansas city platform that had a shred of practical value? suppose that mr. bryan had been elected president. what could he have accomplished compared with what mr. roosevelt has accomplished? will his most passionate followers pretend for one moment that mr. bryan could have conceived, much less enforced, any such pursuit of the trusts as that which mr. roosevelt has just brought to a triumphant issue? will mr. bryan himself intimate that the federal courts would have turned to his projects the friendly countenance which they have lent to those of mr. roosevelt? "where is 'government by injunction' gone to? the very emptiness of that once potent phrase is beyond description! a regiment of bryans could not compete with mr. roosevelt in harrying the trusts, in bringing wealth to its knees, and in converting into the palpable actualities of action the wildest dreams of bryan's campaign orators. he has outdone them all. "and how utterly the president has routed the pretensions of bryan, and of the whole democratic horde in respect to organized labor! how empty were all their professions, their mouthings and their howlings in the face of the simple and unpretentious achievements of the president! in his own straightforward fashion he inflicted upon capital in one short hour of the coal strike a greater humiliation than bryan could have visited upon it in a century. he is the leader of the labor unions of the united states. mr. roosevelt has put them above the law and above the constitution, because for him they are the american people." [this last, i need hardly say, is merely a rhetorical method of saying that i gave the labor union precisely the same treatment as the corporation.] senator la follette, in the issue of his magazine immediately following my leaving the presidency in march, , wrote as follows: "roosevelt steps from the stage gracefully. he has ruled his party to a large extent against its will. he has played a large part in the world's work, for the past seven years. the activities of his remarkably forceful personality have been so manifold that it will be long before his true rating will be fixed in the opinion of the race. he is said to think that the three great things done by him are the undertaking of the construction of the panama canal and its rapid and successful carrying forward, the making of peace between russia and japan, and the sending around the world of the fleet. "these are important things, but many will be slow to think them his greatest services. the panama canal will surely serve mankind when in operation; and the manner of organizing this work seems to be fine. but no one can say whether this project will be a gigantic success or a gigantic failure; and the task is one which must, in the nature of things, have been undertaken and carried through some time soon, as historic periods go, anyhow. the peace of portsmouth was a great thing to be responsible for, and roosevelt's good offices undoubtedly saved a great and bloody battle in manchuria. but the war was fought out, and the parties ready to quit, and there is reason to think that it was only when this situation was arrived at that the good offices of the president of the united states were, more or less indirectly, invited. the fleet's cruise was a strong piece of diplomacy, by which we informed japan that we will send our fleet wherever we please and whenever we please. it worked out well. "but none of these things, it will seem to many, can compare with some of roosevelt's other achievements. perhaps he is loath to take credit as a reformer, for he is prone to spell the word with question marks, and to speak disparagingly of 'reform.' "but for all that, this contemner of 'reformers' made reform respectable in the united states, and this rebuker of 'muck-rakers' has been the chief agent in making the history of 'muck-raking' in the united states a national one, conceded to be useful. he has preached from the white house many doctrines; but among them he has left impressed on the american mind the one great truth of economic justice couched in the pithy and stinging phrase 'the square deal.' the task of making reform respectable in a commercialized world, and of giving the nation a slogan in a phrase, is greater than the man who performed it is likely to think. "and, then, there is the great and statesmanlike movement for the conservation of our national resources, into which roosevelt so energetically threw himself at a time when the nation as a whole knew not that we are ruining and bankrupting ourselves as fast as we can. this is probably the greatest thing roosevelt did, undoubtedly. this globe is the capital stock of the race. it is just so much coal and oil and gas. this may be economized or wasted. the same thing is true of phosphates and other mineral resources. our water resources are immense, and we are only just beginning to use them. our forests have been destroyed; they must be restored. our soils are being depleted; they must be built up and conserved. "these questions are not of this day only or of this generation. they belong all to the future. their consideration requires that high moral tone which regards the earth as the home of a posterity to whom we owe a sacred duty. "this immense idea roosevelt, with high statesmanship, dinned into the ears of the nation until the nation heeded. he held it so high that it attracted the attention of the neighboring nations of the continent, and will so spread and intensify that we will soon see the world's conferences devoted to it. "nothing can be greater or finer than this. it is so great and so fine that when the historian of the future shall speak of theodore roosevelt he is likely to say that he did many notable things, among them that of inaugurating the movement which finally resulted in the square deal, but that his greatest work was inspiring and actually beginning a world movement for staying terrestrial waste and saving for the human race the things upon which, and upon which alone, a great and peaceful and progressive and happy race life can be founded. "what statesman in all history has done anything calling for so wide a view and for a purpose more lofty?" chapter xi the natural resources of the nation when governor of new york, as i have already described, i had been in consultation with gifford pinchot and f. h. newell, and had shaped my recommendations about forestry largely in accordance with their suggestions. like other men who had thought about the national future at all, i had been growing more and more concerned over the destruction of the forests. while i had lived in the west i had come to realize the vital need of irrigation to the country, and i had been both amused and irritated by the attitude of eastern men who obtained from congress grants of national money to develop harbors and yet fought the use of the nation's power to develop the irrigation work of the west. major john wesley powell, the explorer of the grand canyon, and director of the geological survey, was the first man who fought for irrigation, and he lived to see the reclamation act passed and construction actually begun. mr. f. h. newell, the present director of the reclamation service, began his work as an assistant hydraulic engineer under major powell; and, unlike powell, he appreciated the need of saving the forests and the soil as well as the need of irrigation. between powell and newell came, as director of the geological survey, charles d. walcott, who, after the reclamation act was passed, by his force, pertinacity, and tact, succeeded in putting the act into effect in the best possible manner. senator francis g. newlands, of nevada, fought hard for the cause of reclamation in congress. he attempted to get his state to act, and when that proved hopeless to get the nation to act; and was ably assisted by mr. g. h. maxwell, a californian, who had taken a deep interest in irrigation matters. dr. w. j. mcgee was one of the leaders in all the later stages of the movement. but gifford pinchot is the man to whom the nation owes most for what has been accomplished as regards the preservation of the natural resources of our country. he led, and indeed during its most vital period embodied, the fight for the preservation through use of our forests. he played one of the leading parts in the effort to make the national government the chief instrument in developing the irrigation of the arid west. he was the foremost leader in the great struggle to coordinate all our social and governmental forces in the effort to secure the adoption of a rational and farseeing policy for securing the conservation of all our national resources. he was already in the government service as head of the forestry bureau when i became president; he continued throughout my term, not only as head of the forest service, but as the moving and directing spirit in most of the conservation work, and as counsellor and assistant on most of the other work connected with the internal affairs of the country. taking into account the varied nature of the work he did, its vital importance to the nation and the fact that as regards much of it he was practically breaking new ground, and taking into account also his tireless energy and activity, his fearlessness, his complete disinterestedness, his single-minded devotion to the interests of the plain people, and his extraordinary efficiency, i believe it is but just to say that among the many, many public officials who under my administration rendered literally invaluable service to the people of the united states, he, on the whole, stood first. a few months after i left the presidency he was removed from office by president taft. the first work i took up when i became president was the work of reclamation. immediately after i had come to washington, after the assassination of president mckinley, while staying at the house of my sister, mrs. cowles, before going into the white house, newell and pinchot called upon me and laid before me their plans for national irrigation of the arid lands of the west, and for the consolidation of the forest work of the government in the bureau of forestry. at that time a narrowly legalistic point of view toward natural resources obtained in the departments, and controlled the governmental administrative machinery. through the general land office and other government bureaus, the public resources were being handled and disposed of in accordance with the small considerations of petty legal formalities, instead of for the large purposes of constructive development, and the habit of deciding, whenever possible, in favor of private interests against the public welfare was firmly fixed. it was as little customary to favor the bona-fide settler and home builder, as against the strict construction of the law, as it was to use the law in thwarting the operations of the land grabbers. a technical compliance with the letter of the law was all that was required. the idea that our natural resources were inexhaustible still obtained, and there was as yet no real knowledge of their extent and condition. the relation of the conservation of natural resources to the problems of national welfare and national efficiency had not yet dawned on the public mind. the reclamation of arid public lands in the west was still a matter for private enterprise alone; and our magnificent river system, with its superb possibilities for public usefulness, was dealt with by the national government not as a unit, but as a disconnected series of pork-barrel problems, whose only real interest was in their effect on the reelection or defeat of a congressman here and there--a theory which, i regret to say, still obtains. the place of the farmer in the national economy was still regarded solely as that of a grower of food to be eaten by others, while the human needs and interests of himself and his wife and children still remained wholly outside the recognition of the government. all the forests which belonged to the united states were held and administered in one department, and all the foresters in government employ were in another department. forests and foresters had nothing whatever to do with each other. the national forests in the west (then called forest reserves) were wholly inadequate in area to meet the purposes for which they were created, while the need for forest protection in the east had not yet begun to enter the public mind. such was the condition of things when newell and pinchot called on me. i was a warm believer in reclamation and in forestry, and, after listening to my two guests, i asked them to prepare material on the subject for me to use in my first message to congress, of december , . this message laid the foundation for the development of irrigation and forestry during the next seven and one-half years. it set forth the new attitude toward the natural resources in the words: "the forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal problems of the united states." on the day the message was read, a committee of western senators and congressmen was organized to prepare a reclamation bill in accordance with the recommendations. by far the most effective of the senators in drafting and pushing the bill, which became known by his name, was newlands. the draft of the bill was worked over by me and others at several conferences and revised in important particulars; my active interference was necessary to prevent it from being made unworkable by an undue insistence upon states rights, in accordance with the efforts of mr. mondell and other congressmen, who consistently fought for local and private interests as against the interests of the people as a whole. on june , , the reclamation act was passed. it set aside the proceeds of the disposal of public lands for the purpose of reclaiming the waste areas of the arid west by irrigating lands otherwise worthless, and thus creating new homes upon the land. the money so appropriated was to be repaid to the government by the settlers, and to be used again as a revolving fund continuously available for the work. the impatience of the western people to see immediate results from the reclamation act was so great that red tape was disregarded, and the work was pushed forward at a rate previously unknown in government affairs. later, as in almost all such cases, there followed the criticisms of alleged illegality and haste which are so easy to make after results have been accomplished and the need for the measures without which nothing could have been done has gone by. these criticisms were in character precisely the same as that made about the acquisition of panama, the settlement of the anthracite coal strike, the suits against the big trusts, the stopping of the panic of by the action of the executive concerning the tennessee coal and iron company; and, in short, about most of the best work done during my administration. with the reclamation work, as with much other work under me, the men in charge were given to understand that they must get into the water if they would learn to swim; and, furthermore, they learned to know that if they acted honestly, and boldly and fearlessly accepted responsibility, i would stand by them to the limit. in this, as in every other case, in the end the boldness of the action fully justified itself. every item of the whole great plan of reclamation now in effect was undertaken between and . by the spring of the work was an assured success, and the government had become fully committed to its continuance. the work of reclamation was at first under the united states geological survey, of which charles d. walcott was at that time director. in the spring of the united states reclamation service was established to carry it on, under the direction of frederick hayes newell, to whom the inception of the plan was due. newell's single-minded devotion to this great task, the constructive imagination which enabled him to conceive it, and the executive power and high character through which he and his assistant, arthur p. davis, built up a model service--all these have made him a model servant. the final proof of his merit is supplied by the character and records of the men who later assailed him. although the gross expenditure under the reclamation act is not yet as large as that for the panama canal, the engineering obstacles to be overcome have been almost as great, and the political impediments many times greater. the reclamation work had to be carried on at widely separated points, remote from railroads, under the most difficult pioneer conditions. the twenty-eight projects begun in the years to contemplated the irrigation of more than three million acres and the watering of more than thirty thousand farms. many of the dams required for this huge task are higher than any previously built anywhere in the world. they feed main-line canals over seven thousand miles in total length, and involve minor constructions, such as culverts and bridges, tens of thousands in number. what the reclamation act has done for the country is by no means limited to its material accomplishment. this act and the results flowing from it have helped powerfully to prove to the nation that it can handle its own resources and exercise direct and business-like control over them. the population which the reclamation act has brought into the arid west, while comparatively small when compared with that in the more closely inhabited east, has been a most effective contribution to the national life, for it has gone far to transform the social aspect of the west, making for the stability of the institutions upon which the welfare of the whole country rests: it has substituted actual homemakers, who have settled on the land with their families, for huge, migratory bands of sheep herded by the hired shepherds of absentee owners. the recent attacks on the reclamation service, and on mr. newell, arise in large part, if not altogether, from an organized effort to repudiate the obligation of the settlers to repay the government for what it has expended to reclaim the land. the repudiation of any debt can always find supporters, and in this case it has attracted the support not only of certain men among the settlers who hope to be relieved of paying what they owe, but also of a variety of unscrupulous politicians, some highly placed. it is unlikely that their efforts to deprive the west of the revolving irrigation fund will succeed in doing anything but discrediting these politicians in the sight of all honest men. when in the spring of i visited the roosevelt dam in arizona, and opened the reservoir, i made a short speech to the assembled people. among other things, i said to the engineers present that in the name of all good citizens i thanked them for their admirable work, as efficient as it was honest, and conducted according to the highest standards of public service. as i looked at the fine, strong, eager faces of those of the force who were present, and thought of the similar men in the service, in the higher positions, who were absent, and who were no less responsible for the work done, i felt a foreboding that they would never receive any real recognition for their achievement; and, only half humorously, i warned them not to expect any credit, or any satisfaction, except their own knowledge that they had done well a first-class job, for that probably the only attention congress would ever pay them would be to investigate them. well, a year later a congressional committee actually did investigate them. the investigation was instigated by some unscrupulous local politicians and by some settlers who wished to be relieved from paying their just obligations; and the members of the committee joined in the attack on as fine and honorable a set of public servants as the government has ever had; an attack made on them solely because they were honorable and efficient and loyal to the interests both of the government and the settlers. when i became president, the bureau of forestry (since the united states forest service) was a small but growing organization, under gifford pinchot, occupied mainly with laying the foundation of american forestry by scientific study of the forests, and with the promotion of forestry on private lands. it contained all the trained foresters in the government service, but had charge of no public timberland whatsoever. the government forest reserves of that day were in the care of a division in the general land office, under the management of clerks wholly without knowledge of forestry, few if any of whom had ever seen a foot of the timberlands for which they were responsible. thus the reserves were neither well protected nor well used. there were no foresters among the men who had charge of the national forests, and no government forests in charge of the government foresters. in my first message to congress i strongly recommended the consolidation of the forest work in the hands of the trained men of the bureau of forestry. this recommendation was repeated in other messages, but congress did not give effect to it until three years later. in the meantime, by thorough study of the western public timberlands, the groundwork was laid for the responsibilities which were to fall upon the bureau of forestry when the care of the national forests came to be transferred to it. it was evident that trained american foresters would be needed in considerable numbers, and a forest school was established at yale to supply them. in , at my suggestion as president, the secretary of the interior, mr. hitchcock, made a formal request for technical advice from the bureau of forestry in handling the national forests, and an extensive examination of their condition and needs was accordingly taken up. the same year a study was begun of the proposed appalachian national forest, the plan of which, already formulated at that time, has since been carried out. a year later experimental planting on the national forests was also begun, and studies preparatory to the application of practical forestry to the indian reservations were undertaken. in , so rapidly did the public work of the bureau of forestry increase, that the examination of land for new forest reserves was added to the study of those already created, the forest lands of the various states were studied, and cooperation with several of them in the examination and handling of their forest lands was undertaken. while these practical tasks were pushed forward, a technical knowledge of american forests was rapidly accumulated. the special knowledge gained was made public in printed bulletins; and at the same time the bureau undertook, through the newspaper and periodical press, to make all the people of the united states acquainted with the needs and the purposes of practical forestry. it is doubtful whether there has ever been elsewhere under the government such effective publicity--publicity purely in the interest of the people--at so low a cost. before the educational work of the forest service was stopped by the taft administration, it was securing the publication of facts about forestry in fifty million copies of newspapers a month at a total expense of $ a year. not one cent has ever been paid by the forest service to any publication of any kind for the printing of this material. it was given out freely, and published without cost because it was news. without this publicity the forest service could not have survived the attacks made upon it by the representatives of the great special interests in congress; nor could forestry in america have made the rapid progress it has. the result of all the work outlined above was to bring together in the bureau of forestry, by the end of , the only body of forest experts under the government, and practically all of the first-hand information about the public forests which was then in existence. in , the obvious foolishness of continuing to separate the foresters and the forests, reenforced by the action of the first national forest congress, held in washington, brought about the act of february , , which transferred the national forests from the care of the interior department to the department of agriculture, and resulted in the creation of the present united states forest service. the men upon whom the responsibility of handling some sixty million acres of national forest lands was thus thrown were ready for the work, both in the office and in the field, because they had been preparing for it for more than five years. without delay they proceeded, under the leadership of pinchot, to apply to the new work the principles they had already formulated. one of these was to open all the resources of the national forests to regulated use. another was that of putting every part of the land to that use in which it would best serve the public. following this principle, the act of june , , was drawn, and its passage was secured from congress. this law throws open to settlement all land in the national forests that is found, on examination, to be chiefly valuable for agriculture. hitherto all such land had been closed to the settler. the principles thus formulated and applied may be summed up in the statement that the rights of the public to the natural resources outweigh private rights, and must be given its first consideration. until that time, in dealing with the national forests, and the public lands generally, private rights had almost uniformly been allowed to overbalance public rights. the change we made was right, and was vitally necessary; but, of course, it created bitter opposition from private interests. one of the principles whose application was the source of much hostility was this: it is better for the government to help a poor man to make a living for his family than to help a rich man make more profit for his company. this principle was too sound to be fought openly. it is the kind of principle to which politicians delight to pay unctuous homage in words. but we translated the words into deeds; and when they found that this was the case, many rich men, especially sheep owners, were stirred to hostility, and they used the congressmen they controlled to assault us--getting most aid from certain demagogues, who were equally glad improperly to denounce rich men in public and improperly to serve them in private. the forest service established and enforced regulations which favored the settler as against the large stock owner; required that necessary reductions in the stock grazed on any national forest should bear first on the big man, before the few head of the small man, upon which the living of his family depended, were reduced; and made grazing in the national forests a help, instead of a hindrance, to permanent settlement. as a result, the small settlers and their families became, on the whole, the best friends the forest service has; although in places their ignorance was played on by demagogues to influence them against the policy that was primarily for their own interest. another principle which led to the bitterest antagonism of all was this--whoever (except a bona-fide settler) takes public property for private profit should pay for what he gets. in the effort to apply this principle, the forest service obtained a decision from the attorney-general that it was legal to make the men who grazed sheep and cattle on the national forests pay for what they got. accordingly, in the summer of , for the first time, such a charge was made; and, in the face of the bitterest opposition, it was collected. up to the time the national forests were put under the charge of the forest service, the interior department had made no effort to establish public regulation and control of water powers. upon the transfer, the service immediately began its fight to handle the power resources of the national forests so as to prevent speculation and monopoly and to yield a fair return to the government. on may , , an act was passed granting the use of certain power sites in southern california to the edison electric power company, which act, at the suggestion of the service, limited the period of the permit to forty years, and required the payment of an annual rental by the company, the same conditions which were thereafter adopted by the service as the basis for all permits for power development. then began a vigorous fight against the position of the service by the water-power interests. the right to charge for water-power development was, however, sustained by the attorney-general. in , the area of the national forests was increased by presidential proclamation more than forty-three million acres; the plant necessary for the full use of the forests, such as roads, trails, and telephone lines, began to be provided on a large scale; the interchange of field and office men, so as to prevent the antagonism between them, which is so destructive of efficiency in most great businesses, was established as a permanent policy; and the really effective management of the enormous area of the national forests began to be secured. with all this activity in the field, the progress of technical forestry and popular education was not neglected. in , for example, sixty-one publications on various phases of forestry, with a total of more than a million copies, were issued, as against three publications, with a total of eighty-two thousand copies, in . by this time, also, the opposition of the servants of the special interests in congress to the forest service had become strongly developed, and more time appeared to be spent in the yearly attacks upon it during the passage of the appropriation bills than on all other government bureaus put together. every year the forest service had to fight for its life. one incident in these attacks is worth recording. while the agricultural appropriation bill was passing through the senate, in , senator fulton, of oregon, secured an amendment providing that the president could not set aside any additional national forests in the six northwestern states. this meant retaining some sixteen million of acres to be exploited by land grabbers and by the representatives of the great special interests, at the expense of the public interest. but for four years the forest service had been gathering field notes as to what forests ought to be set aside in these states, and so was prepared to act. it was equally undesirable to veto the whole agricultural bill, and to sign it with this amendment effective. accordingly, a plan to create the necessary national forest in these states before the agricultural bill could be passed and signed was laid before me by mr. pinchot. i approved it. the necessary papers were immediately prepared. i signed the last proclamation a couple of days before, by my signature, the bill became law; and, when the friends of the special interests in the senate got their amendment through and woke up, they discovered that sixteen million acres of timberland had been saved for the people by putting them in the national forests before the land grabbers could get at them. the opponents of the forest service turned handsprings in their wrath; and dire were their threats against the executive; but the threats could not be carried out, and were really only a tribute to the efficiency of our action. by , the fire prevention work of the forest service had become so successful that eighty-six per cent of the fires that did occur were held down to an area of five acres or less, and the timber sales, which yielded $ , in , in produced $ , . in the same year, in addition to the work of the national forests, the responsibility for the proper handling of indian timberlands was laid upon the forest service, where it remained with great benefit to the indians until it was withdrawn, as a part of the attack on the conservation policy made after i left office. by march , , nearly half a million acres of agricultural land in the national forests had been opened to settlement under the act of june , . the business management of the forest service became so excellent, thanks to the remarkable executive capacity of the associate forester, overton w. price (removed after i left office), that it was declared by a well-known firm of business organizers to compare favorably with the best managed of the great private corporations, an opinion which was confirmed by the report of a congressional investigation, and by the report of the presidential committee on department method. the area of the national forests had increased from to million acres; the force from about to more than . there was saved for public use in the national forests more government timberland during the seven and a half years prior to march , , than during all previous and succeeding years put together. the idea that the executive is the steward of the public welfare was first formulated and given practical effect in the forest service by its law officer, george woodruff. the laws were often insufficient, and it became well-nigh impossible to get them amended in the public interest when once the representatives of privilege in congress grasped the fact that i would sign no amendment that contained anything not in the public interest. it was necessary to use what law was already in existence, and then further to supplement it by executive action. the practice of examining every claim to public land before passing it into private ownership offers a good example of the policy in question. this practice, which has since become general, was first applied in the national forests. enormous areas of valuable public timberland were thereby saved from fraudulent acquisition; more than , acres were thus saved in a single case. this theory of stewardship in the interest of the public was well illustrated by the establishment of a water-power policy. until the forest service changed the plan, water-powers on the navigable streams, on the public domain, and in the national forests were given away for nothing, and substantially without question, to whoever asked for them. at last, under the principle that public property should be paid for and should not be permanently granted away when such permanent grant is avoidable, the forest service established the policy of regulating the use of power in the national forests in the public interest and making a charge for value received. this was the beginning of the water-power policy now substantially accepted by the public, and doubtless soon to be enacted into law. but there was at the outset violent opposition to it on the part of the water-power companies, and such representatives of their views in congress as messrs. tawney and bede. many bills were introduced in congress aimed, in one way or another, at relieving the power companies of control and payment. when these bills reached me i refused to sign them; and the injury to the public interest which would follow their passage was brought sharply to public attention in my message of february , . the bills made no further progress. under the same principle of stewardship, railroads and other corporations, which applied for and were given rights in the national forests, were regulated in the use of those rights. in short, the public resources in charge of the forest service were handled frankly and openly for the public welfare under the clear-cut and clearly set forth principle that the public rights come first and private interest second. the natural result of this new attitude was the assertion in every form by the representatives of special interests that the forest service was exceeding its legal powers and thwarting the intention of congress. suits were begun wherever the chance arose. it is worth recording that, in spite of the novelty and complexity of the legal questions it had to face, no court of last resort has ever decided against the forest service. this statement includes two unanimous decisions by the supreme court of the united states (u. s. vs. grimaud, u. s., , and light vs. u. s., u. s., ). in its administration of the national forests, the forest service found that valuable coal lands were in danger of passing into private ownership without adequate money return to the government and without safeguard against monopoly; and that existing legislation was insufficient to prevent this. when this condition was brought to my attention i withdrew from all forms of entry about sixty-eight million acres of coal land in the united states, including alaska. the refusal of congress to act in the public interest was solely responsible for keeping these lands from entry. the conservation movement was a direct outgrowth of the forest movement. it was nothing more than the application to our other natural resources of the principles which had been worked out in connection with the forests. without the basis of public sentiment which had been built up for the protection of the forests, and without the example of public foresight in the protection of this, one of the great natural resources, the conservation movement would have been impossible. the first formal step was the creation of the inland waterways commission, appointed on march , . in my letter appointing the commission, i called attention to the value of our streams as great natural resources, and to the need for a progressive plan for their development and control, and said: "it is not possible to properly frame so large a plan as this for the control of our rivers without taking account of the orderly development of other natural resources. therefore i ask that the inland waterways commission shall consider the relations of the streams to the use of all the great permanent natural resources and their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes." over a year later, writing on the report of the commission, i said: "the preliminary report of the inland waterways commission was excellent in every way. it outlines a general plan of waterway improvement which when adopted will give assurance that the improvements will yield practical results in the way of increased navigation and water transportation. in every essential feature the plan recommended by the commission is new. in the principle of coordinating all uses of the waters and treating each waterway system as a unit; in the principle of correlating water traffic with rail and other land traffic; in the principle of expert initiation of projects in accordance with commercial foresight and the needs of a growing country; and in the principle of cooperation between the states and the federal government in the administration and use of waterways, etc.; the general plan proposed by the commission is new, and at the same time sane and simple. the plan deserves unqualified support. i regret that it has not yet been adopted by congress, but i am confident that ultimately it will be adopted." the most striking incident in the history of the commission was the trip down the mississippi river in october, , when, as president of the united states, i was the chief guest. this excursion, with the meetings which were held and the wide public attention it attracted, gave the development of our inland waterways a new standing in public estimation. during the trip a letter was prepared and presented to me asking me to summon a conference on the conservation of natural resources. my intention to call such a conference was publicly announced at a great meeting at memphis, tenn. in the november following i wrote to each of the governors of the several states and to the presidents of various important national societies concerned with natural resources, inviting them to attend the conference, which took place may to , , in the east room of the white house. it is doubtful whether, except in time of war, any new idea of like importance has ever been presented to a nation and accepted by it with such effectiveness and rapidity, as was the case with this conservation movement when it was introduced to the american people by the conference of governors. the first result was the unanimous declaration of the governors of all the states and territories upon the subject of conservation, a document which ought to be hung in every schoolhouse throughout the land. a further result was the appointment of thirty-six state conservation commissions and, on june , , of the national conservation commission. the task of this commission was to prepare an inventory, the first ever made for any nation, of all the natural resources which underlay its property. the making of this inventory was made possible by an executive order which placed the resources of the government departments at the command of the commission, and made possible the organization of subsidiary committees by which the actual facts for the inventory were prepared and digested. gifford pinchot was made chairman of the commission. the report of the national conservation commission was not only the first inventory of our resources, but was unique in the history of government in the amount and variety of information brought together. it was completed in six months. it laid squarely before the american people the essential facts regarding our natural resources, when facts were greatly needed as the basis for constructive action. this report was presented to the joint conservation congress in december, at which there were present governors of twenty states, representatives of twenty-two state conservation commissions, and representatives of sixty national organizations previously represented at the white house conference. the report was unanimously approved, and transmitted to me, january , . on january , , i transmitted the report of the national conservation commission to congress with a special message, in which it was accurately described as "one of the most fundamentally important documents ever laid before the american people." the joint conservation conference of december, , suggested to me the practicability of holding a north american conservation conference. i selected gifford pinchot to convey this invitation in person to lord grey, governor general of canada; to sir wilfrid laurier; and to president diaz of mexico; giving as reason for my action, in the letter in which this invitation was conveyed, the fact that: "it is evident that natural resources are not limited by the boundary lines which separate nations, and that the need for conserving them upon this continent is as wide as the area upon which they exist." in response to this invitation, which included the colony of newfoundland, the commissioners assembled in the white house on february , . the american commissioners were gifford pinchot, robert bacon, and james r. garfield. after a session continuing through five days, the conference united in a declaration of principles, and suggested to the president of the united states "that all nations should be invited to join together in conference on the subject of world resources, and their inventory, conservation, and wise utilization." accordingly, on february , , robert bacon, secretary of state, addressed to forty-five nations a letter of invitation "to send delegates to a conference to be held at the hague at such date to be found convenient, there to meet and consult the like delegates of the other countries, with a view of considering a general plan for an inventory of the natural resources of the world and to devising a uniform scheme for the expression of the results of such inventory, to the end that there may be a general understanding and appreciation of the world's supply of the material elements which underlie the development of civilization and the welfare of the peoples of the earth." after i left the white house the project lapsed. throughout the early part of my administration the public land policy was chiefly directed to the defense of the public lands against fraud and theft. secretary hitchcock's efforts along this line resulted in the oregon land fraud cases, which led to the conviction of senator mitchell, and which made francis j. heney known to the american people as one of their best and most effective servants. these land fraud prosecutions under mr. heney, together with the study of the public lands which preceded the passage of the reclamation act in , and the investigation of land titles in the national forests by the forest service, all combined to create a clearer understanding of the need of land law reform, and thus led to the appointment of the public lands commission. this commission, appointed by me on october , , was directed to report to the president: "upon the condition, operation, and effect of the present land laws, and to recommend such changes as are needed to effect the largest practicable disposition of the public lands to actual settlers who will build permanent homes upon them, and to secure in permanence the fullest and most effective use of the resources of the public lands." it proceeded without loss of time to make a personal study on the ground of public land problems throughout the west, to confer with the governors and other public men most concerned, and to assemble the information concerning the public lands, the laws and decisions which governed them, and the methods of defeating or evading those laws, which was already in existence, but which remained unformulated in the records of the general land office and in the mind of its employees. the public lands commission made its first preliminary report on march , . it found "that the present land laws do not fit the conditions of the remaining public lands," and recommended specific changes to meet the public needs. a year later the second report of the commission recommended still further changes, and said "the fundamental fact that characterizes the situation under the present land laws is this, that the number of patents issued is increasing out of all proportion to the number of new homes." this report laid the foundation of the movement for government control of the open range, and included by far the most complete statement ever made of the disposition of the public domain. among the most difficult topics considered by the public lands commission was that of the mineral land laws. this subject was referred by the commission to the american institute of mining engineers, which reported upon it through a committee. this committee made the very important recommendation, among others, "that the government of the united states should retain title to all minerals, including coal and oil, in the lands of unceded territory, and lease the same to individuals or corporations at a fixed rental." the necessity for this action has since come to be very generally recognized. another recommendation, since partly carried into effect, was for the separation of the surface and the minerals in lands containing coal and oil. our land laws have of recent years proved inefficient; yet the land laws themselves have not been so much to blame as the lax, unintelligent, and often corrupt administration of these laws. the appointment on march , , of james r. garfield as secretary of the interior led to a new era in the interpretation and enforcement of the laws governing the public lands. his administration of the interior department was beyond comparison the best we have ever had. it was based primarily on the conception that it is as much the duty of public land officials to help the honest settler get title to his claim as it is to prevent the looting of the public lands. the essential fact about public land frauds is not merely that public property is stolen, but that every claim fraudulently acquired stands in the way of the making of a home or a livelihood by an honest man. as the study of the public land laws proceeded and their administration improved, a public land policy was formulated in which the saving of the resources on the public domain for public use became the leading principle. there followed the withdrawal of coal lands as already described, of oil lands and phosphate lands, and finally, just at the end of the administration, of water-power sites on the public domain. these withdrawals were made by the executive in order to afford to congress the necessary opportunity to pass wise laws dealing with their use and disposal; and the great crooked special interests fought them with incredible bitterness. among the men of this nation interested in the vital problems affecting the welfare of the ordinary hard-working men and women of the nation, there is none whose interest has been more intense, and more wholly free from taint of thought of self, than that of thomas watson, of georgia. while president i often discussed with him the condition of women on the small farms, and on the frontier, the hardship of their lives as compared with those of the men, and the need for taking their welfare into consideration in whatever was done for the improvement of life on the land. i also went over the matter with c. s. barrett, of georgia, a leader in the southern farmers' movement, and with other men, such as henry wallace, dean l. h. bailey, of cornell, and kenyon butterfield. one man from whose advice i especially profited was not an american, but an irishman, sir horace plunkett. in various conversations he described to me and my close associates the reconstruction of farm life which had been accomplished by the agricultural organization society of ireland, of which he was the founder and the controlling force; and he discussed the application of similar methods to the improvements of farm life in the united states. in the spring of , at my request, plunkett conferred on the subject with garfield and pinchot, and the latter suggested to him the appointment of a commission on country life as a means for directing the attention of the nation to the problems of the farm, and for securing the necessary knowledge of the actual conditions of life in the open country. after long discussion a plan for a country life commission was laid before me and approved. the appointment of the commission followed in august, . in the letter of appointment the reasons for creating the commission were set forth as follows: "i doubt if any other nation can bear comparison with our own in the amount of attention given by the government, both federal and state, to agricultural matters. but practically the whole of this effort has hitherto been directed toward increasing the production of crops. our attention has been concentrated almost exclusively on getting better farming. in the beginning this was unquestionably the right thing to do. the farmer must first of all grow good crops in order to support himself and his family. but when this has been secured, the effort for better farming should cease to stand alone, and should be accompanied by the effort for better business and better living on the farm. it is at least as important that the farmer should get the largest possible return in money, comfort, and social advantages from the crops he grows, as that he should get the largest possible return in crops from the land he farms. agriculture is not the whole of country life. the great rural interests are human interests, and good crops are of little value to the farmer unless they open the door to a good kind of life on the farm." the commission on country life did work of capital importance. by means of a widely circulated set of questions the commission informed itself upon the status of country life throughout the nation. its trip through the east, south, and west brought it into contact with large numbers of practical farmers and their wives, secured for the commissioners a most valuable body of first-hand information, and laid the foundation for the remarkable awakening of interest in country life which has since taken place throughout the nation. one of the most illuminating--and incidentally one of the most interesting and amusing--series of answers sent to the commission was from a farmer in missouri. he stated that he had a wife and living children, he and his wife being each years old; and that they owned acres of land without any mortgage hanging over their heads. he had himself done well, and his views as to why many of his neighbors had done less well are entitled to consideration. these views are expressed in terse and vigorous english; they cannot always be quoted in full. he states that the farm homes in his neighborhood are not as good as they should be because too many of them are encumbered by mortgages; that the schools do not train boys and girls satisfactorily for life on the farm, because they allow them to get an idea in their heads that city life is better, and that to remedy this practical farming should be taught. to the question whether the farmers and their wives in his neighborhood are satisfactorily organized, he answers: "oh, there is a little one-horse grange gang in our locality, and every darned one thinks they ought to be a king." to the question, "are the renters of farms in your neighborhood making a satisfactory living?" he answers: "no; because they move about so much hunting a better job." to the question, "is the supply of farm labor in your neighborhood satisfactory?" the answer is: "no; because the people have gone out of the baby business"; and when asked as to the remedy, he answers, "give a pension to every mother who gives birth to seven living boys on american soil." to the question, "are the conditions surrounding hired labor on the farm in your neighborhood satisfactory to the hired men?" he answers: "yes, unless he is a drunken cuss," adding that he would like to blow up the stillhouses and root out whiskey and beer. to the question, "are the sanitary conditions on the farms in your neighborhood satisfactory?" he answers: "no; too careless about chicken yards, and the like, and poorly covered wells. in one well on neighbor's farm i counted seven snakes in the wall of the well, and they used the water daily: his wife dead now and he is looking for another." he ends by stating that the most important single thing to be done for the betterment of country life is "good roads"; but in his answers he shows very clearly that most important of all is the individual equation of the man or woman. like the rest of the commissions described in this chapter, the country life commission cost the government not one cent, but laid before the president and the country a mass of information so accurate and so vitally important as to disturb the serenity of the advocates of things as they are; and therefore it incurred the bitter opposition of the reactionaries. the report of the country life commission was transmitted to congress by me on february , . in the accompanying message i asked for $ , to print and circulate the report and to prepare for publication the immense amount of valuable material collected by the commission but still unpublished. the reply made by congress was not only a refusal to appropriate the money, but a positive prohibition against continuing the work. the tawney amendment to the sundry civil bill forbade the president to appoint any further commissions unless specifically authorized by congress to do so. had this prohibition been enacted earlier _and complied with_, it would have prevented the appointment of the six roosevelt commissions. but i would not have complied with it. mr. tawney, one of the most efficient representatives of the cause of special privilege as against public interest to be found in the house, was later, in conjunction with senator hale and others, able to induce my successor to accept their view. as what was almost my last official act, i replied to congress that if i did not believe the tawney amendment to be unconstitutional i would veto the sundry civil bill which contained it, and that if i were remaining in office i would refuse to obey it. the memorandum ran in part: "the chief object of this provision, however, is to prevent the executive repeating what it has done within the last year in connection with the conservation commission and the country life commission. it is for the people of the country to decide whether or not they believe in the work done by the conservation commission and by the country life commission. . . . "if they believe in improving our waterways, in preventing the waste of soil, in preserving the forests, in thrifty use of the mineral resources of the country for the nation as a whole rather than merely for private monopolies, in working for the betterment of the condition of the men and women who live on the farms, then they will unstintedly condemn the action of every man who is in any way responsible for inserting this provision, and will support those members of the legislative branch who opposed its adoption. i would not sign the bill at all if i thought the provision entirely effective. but the congress cannot prevent the president from seeking advice. any future president can do as i have done, and ask disinterested men who desire to serve the people to give this service free to the people through these commissions. . . . "my successor, the president-elect, in a letter to the senate committee on appropriations, asked for the continuance and support of the conservation commission. the conservation commission was appointed at the request of the governors of over forty states, and almost all of these states have since appointed commissions to cooperate with the national commission. nearly all the great national organizations concerned with natural resources have been heartily cooperating with the commission. "with all these facts before it, the congress has refused to pass a law to continue and provide for the commission; and it now passes a law with the purpose of preventing the executive from continuing the commission at all. the executive, therefore, must now either abandon the work and reject the cooperation of the states, or else must continue the work personally and through executive officers whom he may select for that purpose." the chamber of commerce of spokane, washington, a singularly energetic and far-seeing organization, itself published the report which congress had thus discreditably refused to publish. the work of the bureau of corporations, under herbert knox smith, formed an important part of the conservation movement almost from the beginning. mr. smith was a member of the inland waterways commission and of the national conservation commission and his bureau prepared material of importance for the reports of both. the investigation of standing timber in the united states by the bureau of corporations furnished for the first time a positive knowledge of the facts. over nine hundred counties in timbered regions were covered by the bureau, and the work took five years. the most important facts ascertained were that forty years ago three-fourths of the standing timber in the united states was publicly owned, while at the date of the report four-fifths of the timber in the country was in private hands. the concentration of private ownership had developed to such an amazing extent that about two hundred holders owned nearly one-half of all privately owned timber in the united states; and of this the three greatest holders, the southern pacific railway, the northern pacific railway, and the weyerhaeuser timber company, held over ten per cent. of this work, mr. smith says: "it was important, indeed, to know the facts so that we could take proper action toward saving the timber still left to the public. but of far more importance was the light that this history (and the history of our other resources) throws on the basic attitude, tradition and governmental beliefs of the american people. the whole standpoint of the people toward the proper aim of government, toward the relation of property to the citizen, and the relation of property to the government, were brought out first by this conservation work." the work of the bureau of corporations as to water power was equally striking. in addition to bringing the concentration of water-power control first prominently to public attention, through material furnished for my message in my veto of the james river dam bill, the work of the bureau showed that ten great interests and their allies held nearly sixty per cent of the developed water power of the united states. says commissioner smith: "perhaps the most important thing in the whole work was its clear demonstration of the fact that the only effective place to control water power in the public interest is at the power sites; that as to powers now owned by the public it is absolutely essential that the public shall retain title. . . . the only way in which the public can get back to itself the margin of natural advantage in the water-power site is to rent that site at a rental which, added to the cost of power production there, will make the total cost of water power about the same as fuel power, and then let the two sell at the same price, i. e., the price of fuel power." of the fight of the water-power men for states rights at the st. paul conservation congress in september, , commissioner smith says: "it was the first open sign of the shift of the special interests to the democratic party for a logical political reason, namely, because of the availability of the states rights idea for the purposes of the large corporations. it marked openly the turn of the tide." mr. smith brought to the attention of the inland waterways commission the overshadowing importance to waterways of their relation with railroad lines, the fact that the bulk of the traffic is long distance traffic, that it cannot pass over the whole distance by water, while it can go anywhere by rail, and that therefore the power of the rail lines to pro-rate or not to pro-rate, with water lines really determines the practical value of a river channel. the controlling value of terminals and the fact that out of fifty of our leading ports, over half the active water frontage in twenty-one ports was controlled by the railroads, was also brought to the commission's attention, and reports of great value were prepared both for the inland waterways commission and for the national conservation commission. in addition to developing the basic facts about the available timber supply, about waterways, water power, and iron ore, mr. smith helped to develop and drive into the public conscience the idea that the people ought to retain title to our natural resources and handle them by the leasing system. the things accomplished that have been enumerated above were of immediate consequence to the economic well-being of our people. in addition certain things were done of which the economic bearing was more remote, but which bore directly upon our welfare, because they add to the beauty of living and therefore to the joy of life. securing a great artist, saint-gaudens, to give us the most beautiful coinage since the decay of hellenistic greece was one such act. in this case i had power myself to direct the mint to employ saint-gaudens. the first, and most beautiful, of his coins were issued in thousands before congress assembled or could intervene; and a great and permanent improvement was made in the beauty of the coinage. in the same way, on the advice and suggestion of frank millet, we got some really capital medals by sculptors of the first rank. similarly, the new buildings in washington were erected and placed in proper relation to one another, on plans provided by the best architects and landscape architects. i also appointed a fine arts council, an unpaid body of the best architects, painters, and sculptors in the country, to advise the government as to the erection and decoration of all new buildings. the "pork-barrel" senators and congressmen felt for this body an instinctive, and perhaps from their standpoint a natural, hostility; and my successor a couple of months after taking office revoked the appointment and disbanded the council. even more important was the taking of steps to preserve from destruction beautiful and wonderful wild creatures whose existence was threatened by greed and wantonness. during the seven and a half years closing on march , , more was accomplished for the protection of wild life in the united states than during all the previous years, excepting only the creation of the yellowstone national park. the record includes the creation of five national parks--crater lake, oregon; wind cave, south dakota; platt, oklahoma; sully hill, north dakota, and mesa verde, colorado; four big game refuges in oklahoma, arizona, montana, and washington; fifty-one bird reservations; and the enactment of laws for the protection of wild life in alaska, the district of columbia, and on national bird reserves. these measures may be briefly enumerated as follows: the enactment of the first game laws for the territory of alaska in and , resulting in the regulation of the export of heads and trophies of big game and putting an end to the slaughter of deer for hides along the southern coast of the territory. the securing in of the first appropriation for the preservation of buffalo and the establishment in the yellowstone national park of the first and now the largest herd of buffalo belonging to the government. the passage of the act of january , , creating the wichita game preserves, the first of the national game preserves. in , , acres of this preserve were inclosed with a woven wire fence for the reception of the herd of fifteen buffalo donated by the new york zoological society. the passage of the act of june , , providing for the establishment of the grand canyon game preserve of arizona, now comprising , , acres. the passage of the national monuments act of june , , under which a number of objects of scientific interest have been preserved for all time. among the monuments created are muir woods, pinnacles national monument in california, and the mount olympus national monument, washington, which form important refuges for game. the passage of the act of june , , regulating shooting in the district of columbia and making three-fourths of the environs of the national capital within the district in effect a national refuge. the passage of the act of may , , providing for the establishment of the national bison range in montana. this range comprises about , acres of land formerly in the flathead indian reservation, on which is now established a herd of eighty buffalo, a nucleus of which was donated to the government by the american bison society. the issue of the order protecting birds on the niobrara military reservation, nebraska, in , making this entire reservation in effect a bird reservation. the establishment by executive order between march , , and march , , of fifty-one national bird reservations distributed in seventeen states and territories from porto rico to hawaii and alaska. the creation of these reservations at once placed the united states in the front rank in the world work of bird protection. among these reservations are the celebrated pelican island rookery in indian river, florida; the mosquito inlet reservation, florida, the northernmost home of the manatee; the extensive marshes bordering klamath and malhuer lakes in oregon, formerly the scene of slaughter of ducks for market and ruthless destruction of plume birds for the millinery trade; the tortugas key, florida, where, in connection with the carnegie institute, experiments have been made on the homing instinct of birds; and the great bird colonies on laysan and sister islets in hawaii, some of the greatest colonies of sea birds in the world. chapter xii the big stick and the square deal one of the vital questions with which as president i had to deal was the attitude of the nation toward the great corporations. men who understand and practice the deep underlying philosophy of the lincoln school of american political thought are necessarily hamiltonian in their belief in a strong and efficient national government and jeffersonian in their belief in the people as the ultimate authority, and in the welfare of the people as the end of government. the men who first applied the extreme democratic theory in american life were, like jefferson, ultra individualists, for at that time what was demanded by our people was the largest liberty for the individual. during the century that had elapsed since jefferson became president the need had been exactly reversed. there had been in our country a riot of individualistic materialism, under which complete freedom for the individual--that ancient license which president wilson a century after the term was excusable has called the "new" freedom--turned out in practice to mean perfect freedom for the strong to wrong the weak. the total absence of governmental control had led to a portentous growth in the financial and industrial world both of natural individuals and of artificial individuals--that is, corporations. in no other country in the world had such enormous fortunes been gained. in no other country in the world was such power held by the men who had gained these fortunes; and these men almost always worked through, and by means of, the giant corporations which they controlled. the power of the mighty industrial overlords of the country had increased with giant strides, while the methods of controlling them, or checking abuses by them, on the part of the people, through the government, remained archaic and therefore practically impotent. the courts, not unnaturally, but most regrettably, and to the grave detriment of the people and of their own standing, had for a quarter of a century been on the whole the agents of reaction, and by conflicting decisions which, however, in their sum were hostile to the interests of the people, had left both the nation and the several states well-nigh impotent to deal with the great business combinations. sometimes they forbade the nation to interfere, because such interference trespassed on the rights of the states; sometimes they forbade the states to interfere (and often they were wise in this), because to do so would trespass on the rights of the nation; but always, or well-nigh always, their action was negative action against the interests of the people, ingeniously devised to limit their power against wrong, instead of affirmative action giving to the people power to right wrong. they had rendered these decisions sometimes as upholders of property rights against human rights, being especially zealous in securing the rights of the very men who were most competent to take care of themselves; and sometimes in the name of liberty, in the name of the so-called "new freedom," in reality the old, old "freedom," which secured to the powerful the freedom to prey on the poor and the helpless. one of the main troubles was the fact that the men who saw the evils and who tried to remedy them attempted to work in two wholly different ways, and the great majority of them in a way that offered little promise of real betterment. they tried (by the sherman law method) to bolster up an individualism already proved to be both futile and mischievous; to remedy by more individualism the concentration that was the inevitable result of the already existing individualism. they saw the evil done by the big combinations, and sought to remedy it by destroying them and restoring the country to the economic conditions of the middle of the nineteenth century. this was a hopeless effort, and those who went into it, although they regarded themselves as radical progressives, really represented a form of sincere rural toryism. they confounded monopolies with big business combinations, and in the effort to prohibit both alike, instead of where possible prohibiting one and drastically controlling the other, they succeeded merely in preventing any effective control of either. on the other hand, a few men recognized that corporations and combinations had become indispensable in the business world, that it was folly to try to prohibit them, but that it was also folly to leave them without thoroughgoing control. these men realized that the doctrines of the old laissez faire economists, of the believers in unlimited competition, unlimited individualism, were in the actual state of affairs false and mischievous. they realized that the government must now interfere to protect labor, to subordinate the big corporation to the public welfare, and to shackle cunning and fraud exactly as centuries before it had interfered to shackle the physical force which does wrong by violence. the big reactionaries of the business world and their allies and instruments among politicians and newspaper editors took advantage of this division of opinion, and especially of the fact that most of their opponents were on the wrong path; and fought to keep matters absolutely unchanged. these men demanded for themselves an immunity from governmental control which, if granted, would have been as wicked and as foolish as immunity to the barons of the twelfth century. many of them were evil men. many others were just as good men as were some of these same barons; but they were as utterly unable as any medieval castle-owner to understand what the public interest really was. there have been aristocracies which have played a great and beneficent part at stages in the growth of mankind; but we had come to the stage where for our people what was needed was a real democracy; and of all forms of tyranny the least attractive and the most vulgar is the tyranny of mere wealth, the tyranny of a plutocracy. when i became president, the question as to the method by which the united states government was to control the corporations was not yet important. the absolutely vital question was whether the government had power to control them at all. this question had not yet been decided in favor of the united states government. it was useless to discuss methods of controlling big business by the national government until it was definitely settled that the national government had the power to control it. a decision of the supreme court had, with seeming definiteness, settled that the national government had not the power. this decision i caused to be annulled by the court that had rendered it; and the present power of the national government to deal effectively with the trusts is due solely to the success of the administration in securing this reversal of its former decision by the supreme court. the constitution was formed very largely because it had become imperative to give to some central authority the power to regulate and control interstate commerce. at that time when corporations were in their infancy and big combinations unknown, there was no difficulty in exercising the power granted. in theory, the right of the nation to exercise this power continued unquestioned. but changing conditions obscured the matter in the sight of the people as a whole; and the conscious and the unconscious advocates of an unlimited and uncontrollable capitalism gradually secured the whittling away of the national power to exercise this theoretical right of control until it practically vanished. after the civil war, with the portentous growth of industrial combinations in this country, came a period of reactionary decisions by the courts which, as regards corporations, culminated in what is known as the knight case. the sherman anti-trust law was enacted in because the formation of the tobacco trust and the sugar trust, the only two great trusts then in the country (aside from the standard oil trust, which was a gradual growth), had awakened a popular demand for legislation to destroy monopoly and curb industrial combinations. this demand the anti-trust law was intended to satisfy. the administrations of mr. harrison and mr. cleveland evidently construed this law as prohibiting such combinations in the future, not as condemning those which had been formed prior to its enactment. in , however, the sugar trust, whose output originally was about fifty-five per cent of all sugar produced in the united states, obtained control of three other companies in philadelphia by exchanging its stock for theirs, and thus increased its business until it controlled ninety-eight per cent of the entire product. under cleveland, the government brought proceedings against the sugar trust, invoking the anti-trust law, to set aside the acquisition of these corporations. the test case was on the absorption of the knight company. the supreme court of the united states, with but one dissenting vote, held adversely to the government. they took the ground that the power conferred by the constitution to regulate and control interstate commerce did not extend to the production or manufacture of commodities within a state, and that nothing in the sherman anti-trust law prohibited a corporation from acquiring all the stock of other corporations through exchange of its stock for theirs, such exchange not being "commerce" in the opinion of the court, even though by such acquisition the corporation was enabled to control the entire production of a commodity that was a necessary of life. the effect of this decision was not merely the absolute nullification of the anti-trust law, so far as industrial corporations were concerned, but was also in effect a declaration that, under the constitution, the national government could pass no law really effective for the destruction or control of such combinations. this decision left the national government, that is, the people of the nation, practically helpless to deal with the large combinations of modern business. the courts in other cases asserted the power of the federal government to enforce the anti-trust law so far as transportation rates by railways engaged in interstate commerce were concerned. but so long as the trusts were free to control the production of commodities without interference from the general government, they were well content to let the transportation of commodities take care of itself--especially as the law against rebates was at that time a dead letter; and the court by its decision in the knight case had interdicted any interference by the president or by congress with the production of commodities. it was on the authority of this case that practically all the big trusts in the united states, excepting those already mentioned, were formed. usually they were organized as "holding" companies, each one acquiring control of its constituent corporations by exchanging its stock for theirs, an operation which the supreme court had thus decided could not be prohibited, controlled, regulated, or even questioned by the federal government. such was the condition of our laws when i acceded to the presidency. just before my accession, a small group of financiers, desiring to profit by the governmental impotence to which we had been reduced by the knight decision, had arranged to take control of practically the entire railway system in the northwest--possibly as the first step toward controlling the entire railway system of the country. this control of the northwestern railway systems was to be effected by organizing a new "holding" company, and exchanging its stock against the stock of the various corporations engaged in railway transportation throughout that vast territory, exactly as the sugar trust had acquired control of the knight company and other concerns. this company was called the northern securities company. not long after i became president, on the advice of the attorney-general, mr. knox, and through him, i ordered proceedings to be instituted for the dissolution of the company. as far as could be told by their utterances at the time, among all the great lawyers in the united states mr. knox was the only one who believed that this action could be sustained. the defense was based expressly on the ground that the supreme court in the knight case had explicitly sanctioned the formation of such a company as the northern securities company. the representatives of privilege intimated, and sometimes asserted outright, that in directing the action to be brought i had shown a lack of respect for the supreme court, which had already decided the question at issue by a vote of eight to one. mr. justice white, then on the court and now chief justice, set forth the position that the two cases were in principle identical with incontrovertible logic. in giving the views of the dissenting minority on the action i had brought, he said: "the parallel between the two cases [the knight case and the northern securities case] is complete. the one corporation acquired the stock of other and competing corporations in exchange for its own. it was conceded for the purposes of the case, that in doing so monopoly had been brought about in the refining of sugar, that the sugar to be produced was likely to become the subject of interstate commerce, and indeed that part of it would certainly become so. but the power of congress was decided not to extend to the subject, because the ownership of the stock in the corporations was not itself commerce." mr. justice white was entirely correct in this statement. the cases were parallel. it was necessary to reverse the knight case in the interests of the people against monopoly and privilege just as it had been necessary to reverse the dred scott case in the interest of the people against slavery and privilege; just as later it became necessary to reverse the new york bakeshop case in the interest of the people against that form of monopolistic privilege which put human rights below property rights where wage workers were concerned. by a vote of five to four the supreme court reversed its decision in the knight case, and in the northern securities case sustained the government. the power to deal with industrial monopoly and suppress it and to control and regulate combinations, of which the knight case had deprived the federal government, was thus restored to it by the northern securities case. after this later decision was rendered, suits were brought by my direction against the american tobacco company and the standard oil company. both were adjudged criminal conspiracies, and their dissolution ordered. the knight case was finally overthrown. the vicious doctrine it embodied no longer remains as an obstacle to obstruct the pathway of justice when it assails monopoly. messrs. knox, moody, and bonaparte, who successively occupied the position of attorney-general under me, were profound lawyers and fearless and able men; and they completely established the newer and more wholesome doctrine under which the federal government may now deal with monopolistic combinations and conspiracies. the decisions rendered in these various cases brought under my direction constitute the entire authority upon which any action must rest that seeks through the exercise of national power to curb monopolistic control. the men who organized and directed the northern securities company were also the controlling forces in the steel corporation, which has since been prosecuted under the act. the proceedings against the sugar trust for corruption in connection with the new york custom house are sufficiently interesting to be considered separately. from the standpoint of giving complete control to the national government over big corporations engaged in inter-state business, it would be impossible to over-estimate the importance of the northern securities decision and of the decisions afterwards rendered in line with it in connection with the other trusts whose dissolution was ordered. the success of the northern securities case definitely established the power of the government to deal with all great corporations. without this success the national government must have remained in the impotence to which it had been reduced by the knight decision as regards the most important of its internal functions. but our success in establishing the power of the national government to curb monopolies did not establish the right method of exercising that power. we had gained the power. we had not devised the proper method of exercising it. monopolies can, although in rather cumbrous fashion, be broken up by law suits. great business combinations, however, cannot possibly be made useful instead of noxious industrial agencies merely by law suits, and especially by law suits supposed to be carried on for their destruction and not for their control and regulation. i at once began to urge upon congress the need of laws supplementing the anti-trust law--for this law struck at all big business, good and bad, alike, and as the event proved was very inefficient in checking bad big business, and yet was a constant threat against decent business men. i strongly urged the inauguration of a system of thoroughgoing and drastic governmental regulation and control over all big business combinations engaged in inter-state industry. here i was able to accomplish only a small part of what i desired to accomplish. i was opposed both by the foolish radicals who desired to break up all big business, with the impossible ideal of returning to mid-nineteenth century industrial conditions; and also by the great privileged interests themselves, who used these ordinarily--but sometimes not entirely--well-meaning "stool pigeon progressives" to further their own cause. the worst representatives of big business encouraged the outcry for the total abolition of big business, because they knew that they could not be hurt in this way, and that such an outcry distracted the attention of the public from the really efficient method of controlling and supervising them, in just but masterly fashion, which was advocated by the sane representatives of reform. however, we succeeded in making a good beginning by securing the passage of a law creating the department of commerce and labor, and with it the erection of the bureau of corporations. the first head of the department of commerce and labor was mr. cortelyou, later secretary of the treasury. he was succeeded by mr. oscar straus. the first head of the bureau of corporations was mr. garfield, who was succeeded by mr. herbert knox smith. no four better public servants from the standpoint of the people as a whole could have been found. the standard oil company took the lead in opposing all this legislation. this was natural, for it had been the worst offender in the amassing of enormous fortunes by improper methods of all kinds, at the expense of business rivals and of the public, including the corruption of public servants. if any man thinks this condemnation extreme, i refer him to the language officially used by the supreme court of the nation in its decision against the standard oil company. through their counsel, and by direct telegrams and letters to senators and congressmen from various heads of the standard oil organization, they did their best to kill the bill providing for the bureau of corporations. i got hold of one or two of these telegrams and letters, however, and promptly published them; and, as generally happens in such a case, the men who were all-powerful as long as they could work in secret and behind closed doors became powerless as soon as they were forced into the open. the bill went through without further difficulty. the true way of dealing with monopoly is to prevent it by administrative action before it grows so powerful that even when courts condemn it they shrink from destroying it. the supreme court in the tobacco and standard oil cases, for instance, used very vigorous language in condemning these trusts; but the net result of the decision was of positive advantage to the wrongdoers, and this has tended to bring the whole body of our law into disrepute in quarters where it is of the very highest importance that the law be held in respect and even in reverence. my effort was to secure the creation of a federal commission which should neither excuse nor tolerate monopoly, but prevent it when possible and uproot it when discovered; and which should in addition effectively control and regulate all big combinations, and should give honest business certainty as to what the law was and security as long as the law was obeyed. such a commission would furnish a steady expert control, a control adapted to the problem; and dissolution is neither control nor regulation, but is purely negative; and negative remedies are of little permanent avail. such a commission would have complete power to examine into every big corporation engaged or proposing to engage in business between the states. it would have the power to discriminate sharply between corporations that are doing well and those that are doing ill; and the distinction between those who do well and those who do ill would be defined in terms so clear and unmistakable that no one could misapprehend them. where a company is found seeking its profits through serving the community by stimulating production, lowering prices, or improving service, while scrupulously respecting the rights of others (including its rivals, its employees, its customers, and the general public), and strictly obeying the law, then no matter how large its capital, or how great the volume of its business it would be encouraged to still more abundant production, or better service, by the fullest protection that the government could afford it. on the other hand, if a corporation were found seeking profit through injury or oppression of the community, by restricting production through trick or device, by plot or conspiracy against competitors, or by oppression of wage-workers, and then extorting high prices for the commodity it had made artificially scarce, it would be prevented from organizing if its nefarious purpose could be discovered in time, or pursued and suppressed by all the power of government whenever found in actual operation. such a commission, with the power i advocate, would put a stop to abuses of big corporations and small corporations alike; it would draw the line on conduct and not on size; it would destroy monopoly, and make the biggest business man in the country conform squarely to the principles laid down by the american people, while at the same time giving fair play to the little man and certainty of knowledge as to what was wrong and what was right both to big man and little man. although under the decision of the courts the national government had power over the railways, i found, when i became president, that this power was either not exercised at all or exercised with utter inefficiency. the law against rebates was a dead letter. all the unscrupulous railway men had been allowed to violate it with impunity; and because of this, as was inevitable, the scrupulous and decent railway men had been forced to violate it themselves, under penalty of being beaten by their less scrupulous rivals. it was not the fault of these decent railway men. it was the fault of the government. thanks to a first-class railway man, paul morton of the santa fe, son of mr. cleveland's secretary of agriculture, i was able completely to stop the practice. mr. morton volunteered to aid the government in abolishing rebates. he frankly stated that he, like every one else, had been guilty in the matter; but he insisted that he uttered the sentiments of the decent railway men of the country when he said that he hoped the practice would be stopped, and that if i would really stop it, and not merely make believe to stop it, he would give the testimony which would put into the hands of the government the power to put a complete check to the practice. accordingly he testified, and on the information which he gave us we were able to take such action through the inter-state commerce commission and the department of justice, supplemented by the necessary additional legislation, that the evil was absolutely eradicated. he thus rendered, of his own accord, at his own personal risk, and from purely disinterested motives, an invaluable service to the people, a service which no other man who was able to render was willing to render. as an immediate sequel, the world-old alliance between blifil and black george was immediately revived against paul morton. in giving rebates he had done only what every honest railway man in the country had been obliged to do because of the failure of the government to enforce the prohibition as regards dishonest railway men. but unlike his fellows he had then shown the courage and sense of obligation to the public which made him come forward and without evasion or concealment state what he had done, in order that we might successfully put an end to the practice; and put an end to the practice we did, and we did it because of the courage and patriotism he had shown. the unscrupulous railway men, whose dishonest practices were thereby put a stop to, and the unscrupulous demagogues who were either under the influence of these men or desirous of gaining credit with thoughtless and ignorant people no matter who was hurt, joined in vindictive clamor against mr. morton. they actually wished me to prosecute him, although such prosecution would have been a piece of unpardonable ingratitude and treachery on the part of the public toward him--for i was merely acting as the steward of the public in this matter. i need hardly say that i stood by him; and later he served under me as secretary of the navy, and a capital secretary he made too. we not only secured the stopping of rebates, but in the hepburn rate bill we were able to put through a measure which gave the inter-state commerce commission for the first time real control over the railways. there were two or three amusing features in the contest over this bill. all of the great business interests which objected to governmental control banded to fight it, and they were helped by the honest men of ultra-conservative type who always dread change, whether good or bad. we finally forced it through the house. in the senate it was referred to a committee in which the republican majority was under the control of senator aldrich, who took the lead in opposing the bill. there was one republican on the committee, however, whom senator aldrich could not control--senator dolliver, of iowa. the leading democrat on the committee was senator tillman, of south carolina, with whom i was not on good terms, because i had been obliged to cancel an invitation to him to dine at the white house on account of his having made a personal assault in the senate chamber on his colleague from south carolina; and later i had to take action against him on account of his conduct in connection with certain land matters. senator tillman favored the bill. the republican majority in the committee under senator aldrich, when they acted adversely on the bill, turned it over to senator tillman, thereby making him its sponsor. the object was to create what it was hoped would be an impossible situation in view of the relations between senator tillman and myself. i regarded the action as simply childish. it was a curious instance of how able and astute men sometimes commit blunders because of sheer inability to understand intensity of disinterested motive in others. i did not care a rap about mr. tillman's getting credit for the bill, or having charge of it. i was delighted to go with him or with any one else just so long as he was traveling in my way--and no longer. there was another amusing incident in connection with the passage of the bill. all the wise friends of the effort to secure governmental control of corporations know that this government control must be exercised through administrative and not judicial officers if it is to be effective. everything possible should be done to minimize the chance of appealing from the decisions of the administrative officer to the courts. but it is not possible constitutionally, and probably would not be desirable anyhow, completely to abolish the appeal. unwise zealots wished to make the effort totally to abolish the appeal in connection with the hepburn bill. representatives of the special interests wished to extend the appeal to include what it ought not to include. between stood a number of men whose votes would mean the passage of, or the failure to pass, the bill, and who were not inclined towards either side. three or four substantially identical amendments were proposed, and we then suddenly found ourselves face to face with an absurd situation. the good men who were willing to go with us but had conservative misgivings about the ultra-radicals would not accept a good amendment if one of the latter proposed it; and the radicals would not accept their own amendment if one of the conservatives proposed it. each side got so wrought up as to be utterly unable to get matters into proper perspective; each prepared to stand on unimportant trifles; each announced with hysterical emphasis--the reformers just as hysterically as the reactionaries--that the decision as regards each unimportant trifle determined the worth or worthlessness of the measure. gradually we secured a measurable return to sane appreciation of the essentials. finally both sides reluctantly agreed to accept the so-called allison amendment which did not, as a matter of fact, work any change in the bill at all. the amendment was drawn by attorney-general moody after consultation with the inter-state commerce commission, and was forwarded by me to senator dolliver; it was accepted, and the bill became law. thanks to this law and to the way in which the inter-state commerce commission was backed by the administration, the commission, under men like prouty, lane, and clark, became a most powerful force for good. some of the good that we had accomplished was undone after the close of my administration by the unfortunate law creating a commerce court; but the major part of the immense advance we had made remained. there was one point on which i insisted, and upon which it is necessary always to insist. the commission cannot do permanent good unless it does justice to the corporations precisely as it exacts justice from them. the public, the shippers, the stock and bondholders, and the employees, all have their rights, and none should be allowed unfair privileges at the expense of the others. stock watering and swindling of any kind should of course not only be stopped but punished. when, however, a road is managed fairly and honestly, and when it renders a real and needed service, then the government must see that it is not so burdened as to make it impossible to run it at a profit. there is much wise legislation necessary for the safety of the public, or--like workmen's compensation--necessary to the well-being of the employee, which nevertheless imposes such a burden on the road that the burden must be distributed between the general public and the corporation, or there will be no dividends. in such a case it may be the highest duty of the commission to raise rates; and the commission, when satisfied that the necessity exists, in order to do justice to the owners of the road, should no more hesitate to raise rates, than under other circumstances to lower them. so much for the "big stick" in dealing with the corporations when they went wrong. now for a sample of the square deal. in the fall of there were severe business disturbances and financial stringency, culminating in a panic which arose in new york and spread over the country. the damage actually done was great, and the damage threatened was incalculable. thanks largely to the action of the government, the panic was stopped before, instead of being merely a serious business check, it became a frightful and nation-wide calamity, a disaster fraught with untold misery and woe to all our people. for several days the nation trembled on the brink of such a calamity, of such a disaster. during these days both the secretary of the treasury and i personally were in hourly communication with new york, following every change in the situation, and trying to anticipate every development. it was the obvious duty of the administration to take every step possible to prevent appalling disaster by checking the spread of the panic before it grew so that nothing could check it. and events moved with such speed that it was necessary to decide and to act on the instant, as each successive crisis arose, if the decision and action were to accomplish anything. the secretary of the treasury took various actions, some on his own initiative, some by my direction. late one evening i was informed that two representatives of the steel corporation wished to see me early the following morning, the precise object not being named. next morning, while at breakfast, i was informed that messrs. frick and gary were waiting at the office. i at once went over, and, as the attorney-general, mr. bonaparte, had not yet arrived from baltimore, where he had been passing the night, i sent a message asking the secretary of state, mr. root, who was also a lawyer, to join us, which he did. before the close of the interview and in the presence of the three gentlemen named, i dictated a note to mr. bonaparte, setting forth exactly what messrs. frick and gary had proposed, and exactly what i had answered--so that there might be no possibility of misunderstanding. this note was published in a senate document while i was still president. it runs as follows: the white house, washington, november , . my dear mr. attorney-general: judge e. h. gary and mr. h. c. frick, on behalf of the steel corporation, have just called upon me. they state that there is a certain business firm (the name of which i have not been told, but which is of real importance in new york business circles), which will undoubtedly fail this week if help is not given. among its assets are a majority of the securities of the tennessee coal company. application has been urgently made to the steel corporation to purchase this stock as the only means of avoiding a failure. judge gary and mr. frick informed me that as a mere business transaction they do not care to purchase the stock; that under ordinary circumstances they would not consider purchasing the stock, because but little benefit will come to the steel corporation from the purchase; that they are aware that the purchase will be used as a handle for attack upon them on the ground that they are striving to secure a monopoly of the business and prevent competition--not that this would represent what could honestly be said, but what might recklessly and untruthfully be said. they further informed me that, as a matter of fact, the policy of the company has been to decline to acquire more than sixty per cent of the steel properties, and that this purpose has been persevered in for several years past, with the object of preventing these accusations, and, as a matter of fact, their proportion of steel properties has slightly decreased, so that it is below this sixty per cent, and the acquisition of the property in question will not raise it above sixty per cent. but they feel that it is immensely to their interest, as to the interest of every responsible business man, to try to prevent a panic and general industrial smash-up at this time, and that they are willing to go into this transaction, which they would not otherwise go into, because it seems the opinion of those best fitted to express judgment in new york that it will be an important factor in preventing a break that might be ruinous; and that this has been urged upon them by the combination of the most responsible bankers in new york who are now thus engaged in endeavoring to save the situation. but they asserted that they did not wish to do this if i stated that it ought not to be done. i answered that, while of course i could not advise them to take the action proposed, i felt it no public duty of mine to interpose any objections. sincerely yours, (signed) theodore roosevelt. hon. charles j. bonaparte, attorney-general. mr. bonaparte received this note in about an hour, and that same morning he came over, acknowledged its receipt, and said that my answer was the only proper answer that could have been made, having regard both to the law and to the needs of the situation. he stated that the legal situation had been in no way changed, and that no sufficient ground existed for prosecution of the steel corporation. but i acted purely on my own initiative, and the responsibility for the act was solely mine. i was intimately acquainted with the situation in new york. the word "panic" means fear, unreasoning fear; to stop a panic it is necessary to restore confidence; and at the moment the so-called morgan interests were the only interests which retained a full hold on the confidence of the people of new york--not only the business people, but the immense mass of men and women who owned small investments or had small savings in the banks and trust companies. mr. morgan and his associates were of course fighting hard to prevent the loss of confidence and the panic distrust from increasing to such a degree as to bring any other big financial institutions down; for this would probably have been followed by a general, and very likely a worldwide, crash. the knickerbocker trust company had already failed, and runs had begun on, or were threatened as regards, two other big trust companies. these companies were now on the fighting line, and it was to the interest of everybody to strengthen them, in order that the situation might be saved. it was a matter of general knowledge and belief that they, or the individuals prominent in them, held the securities of the tennessee coal and iron company, which securities had no market value, and were useless as a source of strength in the emergency. the steel corporation securities, on the contrary, were immediately marketable, their great value being known and admitted all over the world--as the event showed. the proposal of messrs. frick and gary was that the steel corporation should at once acquire the tennessee coal and iron company, and thereby substitute, among the assets of the threatened institutions (which, by the way, they did not name to me), securities of great and immediate value for securities which at the moment were of no value. it was necessary for me to decide on the instant, before the stock exchange opened, for the situation in new york was such that any hour might be vital, and failure to act for even an hour might make all subsequent effort to act utterly useless. from the best information at my disposal, i believed (what was actually the fact) that the addition of the tennessee coal and iron property would only increase the proportion of the steel company's holdings by about four per cent, making them about sixty-two per cent instead of about fifty-eight per cent of the total value in the country; an addition which, by itself, in my judgment (concurred in, not only by the attorney-general but by every competent lawyer), worked no change in the legal status of the steel corporation. the diminution in the percentage of holdings, and production, has gone on steadily, and the percentage is now about ten per cent less than it was ten years ago. the action was emphatically for the general good. it offered the only chance for arresting the panic, and it did arrest the panic. i answered messrs. frick and gary, as set forth in the letter quoted above, to the effect that i did not deem it my duty to interfere, that is, to forbid the action which more than anything else in actual fact saved the situation. the result justified my judgment. the panic was stopped, public confidence in the solvency of the threatened institution being at once restored. business was vitally helped by what i did. the benefit was not only for the moment. it was permanent. particularly was this the case in the south. three or four years afterwards i visited birmingham. every man i met, without exception, who was competent to testify, informed me voluntarily that the results of the action taken had been of the utmost benefit to birmingham, and therefore to alabama, the industry having profited to an extraordinary degree, not only from the standpoint of the business, but from the standpoint of the community at large and of the wage-workers, by the change in ownership. the results of the action i took were beneficial from every standpoint, and the action itself, at the time when it was taken, was vitally necessary to the welfare of the people of the united states. i would have been derelict in my duty, i would have shown myself a timid and unworthy public servant, if in that extraordinary crisis i had not acted precisely as i did act. in every such crisis the temptation to indecision, to non-action, is great, for excuses can always be found for non-action, and action means risk and the certainty of blame to the man who acts. but if the man is worth his salt he will do his duty, he will give the people the benefit of the doubt, and act in any way which their interests demand and which is not affirmatively prohibited by law, unheeding the likelihood that he himself, when the crisis is over and the danger past, will be assailed for what he has done. every step i took in this matter was open as the day, and was known in detail at the moment to all people. the press contained full accounts of the visit to me of messrs. frick and gary, and heralded widely and with acclamation the results of that visit. at the time the relief and rejoicing over what had been done were well-nigh universal. the danger was too imminent and too appalling for me to be willing to condemn those who were successful in saving them from it. but i fully understood and expected that when there was no longer danger, when the fear had been forgotten, attack would be made upon me; and as a matter of fact after a year had elapsed the attack was begun, and has continued at intervals ever since; my ordinary assailant being some politician of rather cheap type. if i were on a sail-boat, i should not ordinarily meddle with any of the gear; but if a sudden squall struck us, and the main sheet jammed, so that the boat threatened to capsize, i would unhesitatingly cut the main sheet, even though i were sure that the owner, no matter how grateful to me at the moment for having saved his life, would a few weeks later, when he had forgotten his danger and his fear, decide to sue me for the value of the cut rope. but i would feel a hearty contempt for the owner who so acted. there were many other things that we did in connection with corporations. one of the most important was the passage of the meat inspection law because of scandalous abuses shown to exist in the great packing-houses in chicago and elsewhere. there was a curious result of this law, similar to what occurred in connection with the law providing for effective railway regulation. the big beef men bitterly opposed the law; just as the big railway men opposed the hepburn act. yet three or four years after these laws had been put on the statute books every honest man both in the beef business and the railway business came to the conclusion that they worked good and not harm to the decent business concerns. they hurt only those who were not acting as they should have acted. the law providing for the inspection of packing-houses, and the pure food and drugs act, were also extremely important; and the way in which they were administered was even more important. it would be hard to overstate the value of the service rendered in all these cases by such cabinet officers as moody and bonaparte, and their outside assistants of the stamp of frank kellogg. it would be useless to enumerate all the suits we brought. some of them i have already touched upon. others, such as the suits against the harriman railway corporations, which were successful, and which had been rendered absolutely necessary by the grossly improper action of the corporations concerned, offered no special points of interest. the sugar trust proceedings, however, may be mentioned as showing just the kind of thing that was done and the kind of obstacle encountered and overcome in prosecutions of this character. it was on the advice of my secretary, william loeb, jr., afterward head of the new york custom-house, that the action was taken which started the uncovering of the frauds perpetrated by the sugar trust and other companies in connection with the importing of sugar. loeb had from time to time told me that he was sure that there was fraud in connection with the importations by the sugar trust through the new york custom-house. finally, some time toward the end of , he informed me that richard parr, a sampler at the new york appraisers' stores (whose duties took him almost continually on the docks in connection with the sampling of merchandise), had called on him, and had stated that in his belief the sugar companies were defrauding the government in the matter of weights, and had stated that if he could be made an investigating officer of the treasury department, he was confident that he could show there was wrongdoing. parr had been a former school fellow of loeb in albany, and loeb believed him to be loyal, honest, and efficient. he thereupon laid the matter before me, and advised the appointment of parr as a special employee of the treasury department, for the specific purpose of investigating the alleged sugar frauds. i instructed the treasury department accordingly, and was informed that there was no vacancy in the force of special employees, but that parr would be given the first place that opened up. early in the spring of parr came to loeb again, and said that he had received additional information about the sugar frauds, and was anxious to begin the investigation. loeb again discussed the matter with me; and i notified the treasury department to appoint parr immediately. on june , , he received his appointment, and was assigned to the port of boston for the purpose of gaining some experience as an investigating officer. during the month he was transferred to the maine district, with headquarters at portland, where he remained until march, . during his service in maine he uncovered extensive wool smuggling frauds. at the conclusion of the wool case, he appealed to loeb to have him transferred to new york, so that he might undertake the investigation of the sugar underweighing frauds. i now called the attention of secretary cortelyou personally to the matter, so that he would be able to keep a check over any subordinates who might try to interfere with parr, for the conspiracy was evidently widespread, the wealth of the offenders great, and the corruption in the service far-reaching--while moreover as always happens with "respectable" offenders, there were many good men who sincerely disbelieved in the possibility of corruption on the part of men of such high financial standing. parr was assigned to new york early in march, , and at once began an active investigation of the conditions existing on the sugar docks. this terminated in the discovery of a steel spring in one of the scales of the havemeyer & elder docks in brooklyn, november , , which enabled us to uncover what were probably the most colossal frauds ever perpetrated in the customs service. from the beginning of his active work in the investigation of the sugar frauds in march, , to march , , parr, from time to time, personally reported to loeb, at the white house, the progress of his investigations, and loeb in his turn kept me personally advised. on one occasion there was an attempt made to shunt parr off the investigation and substitute another agent of the treasury, who was suspected of having some relations with the sugar companies under investigation; but parr reported the facts to loeb, i sent for secretary cortelyou, and secretary cortelyou promptly took charge of the matter himself, putting parr back on the investigation. during the investigation parr was subjected to all sorts of harassments, including an attempt to bribe him by spitzer, the dock superintendent of the havemeyer & elder refinery, for which spitzer was convicted and served a term in prison. brzezinski, a special agent, who was assisting parr, was convicted of perjury and also served a term in prison, he having changed his testimony, in the trial of spitzer for the attempted bribery of parr, from that which he gave before the grand jury. for his extraordinary services in connection with this investigation parr was granted an award of $ , by the treasury department. district-attorney stimson, of new york, assisted by denison, frankfurter, wise, and other employees of the department of justice, took charge of the case, and carried on both civil and criminal proceedings. the trial in the action against the sugar trust, for the recovery of duties on the cargo of sugar, which was being sent over the scales at the time of the discovery of the steel spring by parr, was begun in ; judgment was rendered against the defendants on march , , the day after i left office. over four million dollars were recovered and paid back into the united states treasury by the sugar companies which had perpetrated the various forms of fraud. these frauds were unearthed by parr, loeb, stimson, frankfurter, and the other men mentioned and their associates, and it was to them that the people owed the refunding of the huge sum of money mentioned. we had already secured heavy fines from the sugar trust, and from various big railways, and private individuals, such as edwin earle, for unlawful rebates. in the case of the chief offender, the american sugar refining company (the sugar trust), criminal prosecutions were carried on against every living man whose position was such that he would naturally know about the fraud. all of them were indicted, and the biggest and most responsible ones were convicted. the evidence showed that the president of the company, henry o. havemeyer, virtually ran the entire company, and was responsible for all the details of the management. he died two weeks after the fraud was discovered, just as proceedings were being begun. next to him in importance was the secretary and treasurer, charles r. heike, who was convicted. various other officials and employees of the trust, and various government employees, were indicted, and most of them convicted. ernest w. gerbracht, the superintendent of one of the refineries, was convicted, but his sentence was commuted to a short jail imprisonment, because he became a government witness and greatly assisted the government in the suits. heike's sentence was commuted so as to excuse him from going to the penitentiary; just as the penitentiary sentence of morse, the big new york banker, who was convicted of gross fraud and misapplication of funds, was commuted. both commutations were granted long after i left office. in each case the commutation was granted because, as was stated, of the prisoner's age and state of health. in morse's case the president originally refused the request, saying that morse had exhibited "fraudulent and criminal disregard of the trust imposed upon him," that "he was entirely unscrupulous as to the methods he adopted," and "that he seemed at times to be absolutely heartless with regard to the consequences to others, and he showed great shrewdness in obtaining large sums of money from the bank without adequate security and without making himself personally liable therefor." the two cases may be considered in connection with the announcement in the public press that on may , , the president commuted the sentence of lewis a. banks, who was serving a very long term penitentiary sentence for an attack on a girl in the indian territory; "the reason for the commutation which is set forth in the press being that 'banks is in poor health.'" it is no easy matter to balance the claims of justice and mercy in such cases. in these three cases, of all of which i had personal cognizance, i disagreed radically with the views my successors took, and with the views which many respectable men took who in these and similar cases, both while i was in office and afterward, urged me to show, or to ask others to show, clemency. it then seemed to me, and it now seems to me, that such clemency is from the larger standpoint a gross wrong to the men and women of the country. one of the former special assistants of the district-attorney, mr. w. cleveland runyon, in commenting bitterly on the release of heike and morse on account of their health, pointed out that their health apparently became good when once they themselves became free men, and added: "the commutation of these sentences amounts to a direct interference with the administration of justice by the courts. heike got a $ , salary and has escaped his imprisonment, but what about the six $ a week checkers, who were sent to jail, one of them a man of more than sixty? it is cases like this that create discontent and anarchy. they make it seem plain that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor man, and i for one will protest." in dealing with heike the individual (or morse or any other individual), it is necessary to emphasize the social aspects of his case. the moral of the heike case, as has been well said, is "how easy it is for a man in modern corporate organization to drift into wrongdoing." the moral restraints are loosened in the case of a man like heike by the insulation of himself from the sordid details of crime, through industrially coerced intervening agents. professor ross has made the penetrating observation that "distance disinfects dividends"; it also weakens individual responsibility, particularly on the part of the very managers of large business, who should feel it most acutely. one of the officers of the department of justice who conducted the suit, and who inclined to the side of mercy in the matter, nevertheless writes: "heike is a beautiful illustration of mental and moral obscuration in the business life of an otherwise valuable member of society. heike had an ample share in the guidance of the affairs of the american sugar company, and we are apt to have a foreshortened picture of his responsibility, because he operated from the easy coign of vantage of executive remoteness. it is difficult to say to what extent he did, directly or indirectly, profit by the sordid practices of his company. but the social damage of an individual in his position may be just as deep, whether merely the zest of the game or hard cash be his dominant motive." i have coupled the cases of the big banker and the sugar trust official and the case of the man convicted of a criminal assault on a woman. all of the criminals were released from penitentiary sentences on grounds of ill health. the offenses were typical of the worst crimes committed at the two ends of the social scale. one offense was a crime of brutal violence; the other offenses were crimes of astute corruption. all of them were offenses which in my judgment were of such a character that clemency towards the offender worked grave injustice to the community as a whole, injustice so grave that its effects might be far-reaching in their damage. every time that rape or criminal assault on a woman is pardoned, and anything less than the full penalty of the law exacted, a premium is put on the practice of lynching such offenders. every time a big moneyed offender, who naturally excites interest and sympathy, and who has many friends, is excused from serving a sentence which a man of less prominence and fewer friends would have to serve, justice is discredited in the eyes of plain people--and to undermine faith in justice is to strike at the foundation of the republic. as for ill health, it must be remembered that few people are as healthy in prison as they would be outside; and there should be no discrimination among criminals on this score; either all criminals who grow unhealthy should be let out, or none. pardons must sometimes be given in order that the cause of justice may be served; but in cases such as these i am considering, while i know that many amiable people differ from me, i am obliged to say that in my judgment the pardons work far-reaching harm to the cause of justice. among the big corporations themselves, even where they did wrong, there was a wide difference in the moral obliquity indicated by the wrongdoer. there was a wide distinction between the offenses committed in the case of the northern securities company, and the offenses because of which the sugar trust, the tobacco trust, and the standard oil trust were successfully prosecuted under my administration. it was vital to destroy the northern securities company; but the men creating it had done so in open and above-board fashion, acting under what they, and most of the members of the bar, thought to be the law established by the supreme court in the knight sugar case. but the supreme court in its decree dissolving the standard oil and tobacco trusts, condemned them in the severest language for moral turpitude; and an even severer need of condemnation should be visited on the sugar trust. however, all the trusts and big corporations against which we proceeded--which included in their directorates practically all the biggest financiers in the country--joined in making the bitterest assaults on me and on my administration. of their actions i wrote as follows to attorney-general bonaparte, who had been a peculiarly close friend and adviser through the period covered by my public life in high office and who, together with attorney-general moody, possessed the same understanding sympathy with my social and industrial program that was possessed by such officials as straus, garfield, h. k. smith, and pinchot. the letter runs: january , . my dear bonaparte: i must congratulate you on your admirable speech at chicago. you said the very things it was good to say at this time. what you said bore especial weight because it represented what you had done. you have shown by what you have actually accomplished that the law is enforced against the wealthiest corporation, and the richest and most powerful manager or manipulator of that corporation, just as resolutely and fearlessly as against the humblest citizen. the department of justice is now in very fact the department of justice, and justice is meted out with an even hand to great and small, rich and poor, weak and strong. those who have denounced you and the action of the department of justice are either misled, or else are the very wrongdoers, and the agents of the very wrongdoers, who have for so many years gone scot-free and flouted the laws with impunity. above all, you are to be congratulated upon the bitterness felt and expressed towards you by the representatives and agents of the great law-defying corporations of immense wealth, who, until within the last half-dozen years, have treated themselves and have expected others to treat them as being beyond and above all possible check from law. it was time to say something, for the representatives of predatory wealth, of wealth accumulated on a giant scale by iniquity, by wrongdoing in many forms, by plain swindling, by oppressing wage-workers, by manipulating securities, by unfair and unwholesome competition and by stock-jobbing,--in short, by conduct abhorrent to every man of ordinarily decent conscience, have during the last few months made it evident that they are banded together to work for a reaction, to endeavor to overthrow and discredit all who honestly administer the law, and to secure a return to the days when every unscrupulous wrongdoer could do what he wished unchecked, provided he had enough money. they attack you because they know your honesty and fearlessness, and dread them. the enormous sums of money these men have at their control enable them to carry on an effective campaign. they find their tools in a portion of the public press, including especially certain of the great new york newspapers. they find their agents in some men in public life,--now and then occupying, or having occupied, positions as high as senator or governor,--in some men in the pulpit, and most melancholy of all, in a few men on the bench. by gifts to colleges and universities they are occasionally able to subsidize in their own interest some head of an educational body, who, save only a judge, should of all men be most careful to keep his skirts clear from the taint of such corruption. there are ample material rewards for those who serve with fidelity the mammon of unrighteousness, but they are dearly paid for by that institution of learning whose head, by example and precept, teaches the scholars who sit under him that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor. the amount of money the representatives of the great moneyed interests are willing to spend can be gauged by their recent publication broadcast throughout the papers of this country from the atlantic to the pacific of huge advertisements, attacking with envenomed bitterness the administration's policy of warring against successful dishonesty, advertisements that must have cost enormous sums of money. this advertisement, as also a pamphlet called "the roosevelt panic," and one or two similar books and pamphlets, are written especially in the interest of the standard oil and harriman combinations, but also defend all the individuals and corporations of great wealth that have been guilty of wrongdoing. from the railroad rate law to the pure food law, every measure for honesty in business that has been pressed during the last six years, has been opposed by these men, on its passage and in its administration, with every resource that bitter and unscrupulous craft could suggest, and the command of almost unlimited money secure. these men do not themselves speak or write; they hire others to do their bidding. their spirit and purpose are made clear alike by the editorials of the papers owned in, or whose policy is dictated by, wall street, and by the speeches of public men who, as senators, governors, or mayors, have served these their masters to the cost of the plain people. at one time one of their writers or speakers attacks the rate law as the cause of the panic; he is, whether in public life or not, usually a clever corporation lawyer, and he is not so foolish a being as to believe in the truth of what he says; he has too closely represented the railroads not to know well that the hepburn rate bill has helped every honest railroad, and has hurt only the railroads that regarded themselves as above the law. at another time, one of them assails the administration for not imprisoning people under the sherman anti-trust law; for declining to make what he well knows, in view of the actual attitude of juries (as shown in the tobacco trust cases and in san francisco in one or two of the cases brought against corrupt business men) would have been the futile endeavor to imprison defendants whom we are actually able to fine. he raises the usual clamor, raised by all who object to the enforcement of the law, that we are fining corporations instead of putting the heads of the corporations in jail; and he states that this does not really harm the chief offenders. were this statement true, he himself would not be found attacking us. the extraordinary violence of the assault upon our policy contained in speeches like these, in the articles in the subsidized press, in such huge advertisements and pamphlets as those above referred to, and the enormous sums of money spent in these various ways, give a fairly accurate measure of the anger and terror which our actions have caused the corrupt men of vast wealth to feel in the very marrow of their being. the man thus attacking us is usually, like so many of his fellows, either a great lawyer, or a paid editor who takes his commands from the financiers and his arguments from their attorneys. if the former, he has defended many malefactors, and he knows well that, thanks to the advice of lawyers like himself, a certain kind of modern corporation has been turned into an admirable instrument by which to render it well nigh impossible to get at the really guilty man, so that in most cases the only way of punishing the wrong is by fining the corporation or by proceeding personally against some of the minor agents. these lawyers and their employers are the men mainly responsible for this state of things, and their responsibility is shared with the legislators who ingeniously oppose the passing of just and effective laws, and with those judges whose one aim seems to be to construe such laws so that they cannot be executed. nothing is sillier than this outcry on behalf of the "innocent stockholders" in the corporations. we are besought to pity the standard oil company for a fine relatively far less great than the fines every day inflicted in the police courts upon multitudes of push cart peddlers and other petty offenders, whose woes never extort one word from the men whose withers are wrung by the woes of the mighty. the stockholders have the control of the corporation in their own hands. the corporation officials are elected by those holding the majority of the stock and can keep office only by having behind them the good-will of these majority stockholders. they are not entitled to the slightest pity if they deliberately choose to resign into the hands of great wrongdoers the control of the corporations in which they own the stock. of course innocent people have become involved in these big corporations and suffer because of the misdeeds of their criminal associates. let these innocent people be careful not to invest in corporations where those in control are not men of probity, men who respect the laws; above all let them avoid the men who make it their one effort to evade or defy the laws. but if these honest innocent people are in the majority in any corporation they can immediately resume control and throw out of the directory the men who misrepresent them. does any man for a moment suppose that the majority stockholders of the standard oil are others than mr. rockefeller and his associates themselves and the beneficiaries of their wrongdoing? when the stock is watered so that the innocent investors suffer, a grave wrong is indeed done to these innocent investors as well as to the public; but the public men, lawyers and editors, to whom i refer, do not under these circumstances express sympathy for the innocent; on the contrary they are the first to protest with frantic vehemence against our efforts by law to put a stop to over-capitalization and stock-watering. the apologists of successful dishonesty always declaim against any effort to punish or prevent it on the ground that such effort will "unsettle business." it is they who by their acts have unsettled business; and the very men raising this cry spend hundreds of thousands of dollars in securing, by speech, editorial, book or pamphlet, the defense by misstatement of what they have done; and yet when we correct their misstatements by telling the truth, they declaim against us for breaking silence, lest "values be unsettled!" they have hurt honest business men, honest working men, honest farmers; and now they clamor against the truth being told. the keynote of all these attacks upon the effort to secure honesty in business and in politics, is expressed in a recent speech, in which the speaker stated that prosperity had been checked by the effort for the "moral regeneration of the business world," an effort which he denounced as "unnatural, unwarranted, and injurious" and for which he stated the panic was the penalty. the morality of such a plea is precisely as great as if made on behalf of the men caught in a gambling establishment when that gambling establishment is raided by the police. if such words mean anything they mean that those whose sentiments they represent stand against the effort to bring about a moral regeneration of business which will prevent a repetition of the insurance, banking, and street railroad scandals in new york; a repetition of the chicago and alton deal; a repetition of the combination between certain professional politicians, certain professional labor leaders and certain big financiers from the disgrace of which san francisco has just been rescued; a repetition of the successful efforts by the standard oil people to crush out every competitor, to overawe the common carriers, and to establish a monopoly which treats the public with the contempt which the public deserves so long as it permits men like the public men of whom i speak to represent it in politics, men like the heads of colleges to whom i refer to educate its youth. the outcry against stopping dishonest practices among the very wealthy is precisely similar to the outcry raised against every effort for cleanliness and decency in city government because, forsooth, it will "hurt business." the same outcry is made against the department of justice for prosecuting the heads of colossal corporations that is made against the men who in san francisco are prosecuting with impartial severity the wrongdoers among business men, public officials, and labor leaders alike. the principle is the same in the two cases. just as the blackmailer and the bribe giver stand on the same evil eminence of infamy, so the man who makes an enormous fortune by corrupting legislatures and municipalities and fleecing his stockholders and the public stands on a level with the creature who fattens on the blood money of the gambling house, the saloon and the brothel. moreover, both kinds of corruption in the last analysis are far more intimately connected than would at first sight appear; the wrong-doing is at bottom the same. corrupt business and corrupt politics act and react, with ever increasing debasement, one on the other; the rebate-taker, the franchise-trafficker, the manipulator of securities, the purveyor and protector of vice, the black-mailing ward boss, the ballot box stuffer, the demagogue, the mob leader, the hired bully and mankiller, all alike work at the same web of corruption, and all alike should be abhorred by honest men. the "business" which is hurt by the movement for honesty is the kind of business which, in the long run, it pays the country to have hurt. it is the kind of business which has tended to make the very name "high finance" a term of scandal to which all honest american men of business should join in putting an end. one of the special pleaders for business dishonesty, in a recent speech, in denouncing the administration for enforcing the law against the huge and corrupt corporations which have defied the law, also denounced it for endeavoring to secure a far-reaching law making employers liable for injuries to their employees. it is meet and fit that the apologists for corrupt wealth should oppose every effort to relieve weak and helpless people from crushing misfortune brought upon them by injury in the business from which they gain a bare livelihood and their employers fortunes. it is hypocritical baseness to speak of a girl who works in a factory where the dangerous machinery is unprotected as having the "right" freely to contract to expose herself to dangers to life and limb. she has no alternative but to suffer want or else to expose herself to such dangers, and when she loses a hand or is otherwise maimed or disfigured for life it is a moral wrong that the burden of the risk necessarily incidental to the business should be placed with crushing weight upon her weak shoulders and the man who has profited by her work escape scot-free. this is what our opponents advocate, and it is proper that they should advocate it, for it rounds out their advocacy of those most dangerous members of the criminal class, the criminals of vast wealth, the men who can afford best to pay for such championship in the press and on the stump. it is difficult to speak about the judges, for it behooves us all to treat with the utmost respect the high office of judge; and our judges as a whole are brave and upright men. but there is need that those who go wrong should not be allowed to feel that there is no condemnation of their wrongdoing. a judge who on the bench either truckles to the mob or bows down before a corporation; or who, having left the bench to become a corporation lawyer, seeks to aid his clients by denouncing as enemies of property all those who seek to stop the abuses of the criminal rich; such a man performs an even worse service to the body politic than the legislator or executive who goes wrong. in no way can respect for the courts be so quickly undermined as by teaching the public through the action of a judge himself that there is reason for the loss of such respect. the judge who by word or deed makes it plain that the corrupt corporation, the law-defying corporation, the law-defying rich man, has in him a sure and trustworthy ally, the judge who by misuse of the process of injunction makes it plain that in him the wage-worker has a determined and unscrupulous enemy, the judge who when he decides in an employers' liability or a tenement house factory case shows that he has neither sympathy for nor understanding of those fellow-citizens of his who most need his sympathy and understanding; these judges work as much evil as if they pandered to the mob, as if they shrank from sternly repressing violence and disorder. the judge who does his full duty well stands higher, and renders a better service to the people, than any other public servant; he is entitled to greater respect; and if he is a true servant of the people, if he is upright, wise and fearless, he will unhesitatingly disregard even the wishes of the people if they conflict with the eternal principles of right as against wrong. he must serve the people; but he must serve his conscience first. all honor to such a judge; and all honor cannot be rendered him if it is rendered equally to his brethren who fall immeasurably below the high ideals for which he stands. there should be a sharp discrimination against such judges. they claim immunity from criticism, and the claim is heatedly advanced by men and newspapers like those of whom i speak. most certainly they can claim immunity from untruthful criticism; and their champions, the newspapers and the public men i have mentioned, exquisitely illustrate by their own actions mendacious criticism in its most flagrant and iniquitous form. but no servant of the people has a right to expect to be free from just and honest criticism. it is the newspapers, and the public men whose thoughts and deeds show them to be most alien to honesty and truth who themselves loudly object to truthful and honest criticism of their fellow-servants of the great moneyed interests. we have no quarrel with the individuals, whether public men, lawyers or editors, to whom i refer. these men derive their sole power from the great, sinister offenders who stand behind them. they are but puppets who move as the strings are pulled by those who control the enormous masses of corporate wealth which if itself left uncontrolled threatens dire evil to the republic. it is not the puppets, but the strong, cunning men and the mighty forces working for evil behind, and to a certain extent through, the puppets, with whom we have to deal. we seek to control law-defying wealth, in the first place to prevent its doing evil, and in the next place to avoid the vindictive and dreadful radicalism which if left uncontrolled it is certain in the end to arouse. sweeping attacks upon all property, upon all men of means, without regard to whether they do well or ill, would sound the death knell of the republic; and such attacks become inevitable if decent citizens permit rich men whose lives are corrupt and evil to domineer in swollen pride, unchecked and unhindered, over the destinies of this country. we act in no vindictive spirit, and we are no respecters of persons. if a labor union does what is wrong, we oppose it as fearlessly as we oppose a corporation that does wrong; and we stand with equal stoutness for the rights of the man of wealth and for the rights of the wage-workers; just as much so for one as for the other. we seek to stop wrongdoing; and we desire to punish the wrongdoer only so far as is necessary in order to achieve this end. we are the stanch upholders of every honest man, whether business man or wage-worker. i do not for a moment believe that our actions have brought on business distress; so far as this is due to local and not world-wide causes, and to the actions of any particular individuals, it is due to the speculative folly and flagrant dishonesty of a few men of great wealth, who now seek to shield themselves from the effects of their own wrongdoings by ascribing its results to the actions of those who have sought to put a stop to the wrongdoing. but if it were true that to cut out rottenness from the body politic meant a momentary check to an unhealthy seeming prosperity, i should not for one moment hesitate to put the knife to the cancer. on behalf of all our people, on behalf no less of the honest man of means than of the honest man who earns each day's livelihood by that day's sweat of his brow, it is necessary to insist upon honesty in business and politics alike, in all walks of life, in big things and in little things; upon just and fair dealing as between man and man. we are striving for the right in the spirit of abraham lincoln when he said: "fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge may speedily pass away. yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether.' "with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as god gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in." sincerely yours, theodore roosevelt. hon. charles j. bonaparte. attorney-general. chapter xiii social and industrial justice by the time i became president i had grown to feel with deep intensity of conviction that governmental agencies must find their justification largely in the way in which they are used for the practical betterment of living and working conditions among the mass of the people. i felt that the fight was really for the abolition of privilege; and one of the first stages in the battle was necessarily to fight for the rights of the workingman. for this reason i felt most strongly that all that the government could do in the interest of labor should be done. the federal government can rarely act with the directness that the state governments act. it can, however, do a good deal. my purpose was to make the national government itself a model employer of labor, the effort being to make the per diem employee just as much as the cabinet officer regard himself as one of the partners employed in the service of the public, proud of his work, eager to do it in the best possible manner, and confident of just treatment. our aim was also to secure good laws wherever the national government had power, notably in the territories, in the district of columbia, and in connection with inter-state commerce. i found the eight-hour law a mere farce, the departments rarely enforcing it with any degree of efficiency. this i remedied by executive action. unfortunately, thoroughly efficient government servants often proved to be the prime offenders so far as the enforcement of the eight-hour law was concerned, because in their zeal to get good work done for the government they became harsh taskmasters, and declined to consider the needs of their fellow-employees who served under them. the more i had studied the subject the more strongly i had become convinced that an eight-hour day under the conditions of labor in the united states was all that could, with wisdom and propriety, be required either by the government or by private employers; that more than this meant, on the average, a decrease in the qualities that tell for good citizenship. i finally solved the problem, as far as government employees were concerned, by calling in charles p. neill, the head of the labor bureau; and acting on his advice, i speedily made the eight-hour law really effective. any man who shirked his work, who dawdled and idled, received no mercy; slackness is even worse than harshness; for exactly as in battle mercy to the coward is cruelty to the brave man, so in civil life slackness towards the vicious and idle is harshness towards the honest and hardworking. we passed a good law protecting the lives and health of miners in the territories, and other laws providing for the supervision of employment agencies in the district of columbia, and protecting the health of motormen and conductors on street railways in the district. we practically started the bureau of mines. we provided for safeguarding factory employees in the district against accidents, and for the restriction of child labor therein. we passed a workmen's compensation law for the protection of government employees; a law which did not go as far as i wished, but which was the best i could get, and which committed the government to the right policy. we provided for an investigation of woman and child labor in the united states. we incorporated the national child labor committee. where we had most difficulty was with the railway companies engaged in inter-state business. we passed an act improving safety appliances on railway trains without much opposition, but we had more trouble with acts regulating the hours of labor of railway employees and making those railways which were engaged in inter-state commerce liable for injuries to or the death of their employees while on duty. one important step in connection with these latter laws was taken by attorney-general moody when, on behalf of the government, he intervened in the case of a wronged employee. it is unjust that a law which has been declared public policy by the representatives of the people should be submitted to the possibility of nullification because the government leaves the enforcement of it to the private initiative of poor people who have just suffered some crushing accident. it should be the business of the government to enforce laws of this kind, and to appear in court to argue for their constitutionality and proper enforcement. thanks to moody, the government assumed this position. the first employers' liability law affecting inter-state railroads was declared unconstitutional. we got through another, which stood the test of the courts. the principle to which we especially strove to give expression, through these laws and through executive action, was that a right is valueless unless reduced from the abstract to the concrete. this sounds like a truism. so far from being such, the effort practically to apply it was almost revolutionary, and gave rise to the bitterest denunciation of us by all the big lawyers, and all the big newspaper editors, who, whether sincerely or for hire, gave expression to the views of the privileged classes. ever since the civil war very many of the decisions of the courts, not as regards ordinary actions between man and man, but as regards the application of great governmental policies for social and industrial justice, had been in reality nothing but ingenious justification of the theory that these policies were mere high-sounding abstractions, and were not to be given practical effect. the tendency of the courts had been, in the majority of cases, jealously to exert their great power in protecting those who least needed protection and hardly to use their power at all in the interest of those who most needed protection. our desire was to make the federal government efficient as an instrument for protecting the rights of labor within its province, and therefore to secure and enforce judicial decisions which would permit us to make this desire effective. not only some of the federal judges, but some of the state courts invoked the constitution in a spirit of the narrowest legalistic obstruction to prevent the government from acting in defense of labor on inter-state railways. in effect, these judges took the view that while congress had complete power as regards the goods transported by the railways, and could protect wealthy or well-to-do owners of these goods, yet that it had no power to protect the lives of the men engaged in transporting the goods. such judges freely issued injunctions to prevent the obstruction of traffic in the interest of the property owners, but declared unconstitutional the action of the government in seeking to safeguard the men, and the families of the men, without whose labor the traffic could not take place. it was an instance of the largely unconscious way in which the courts had been twisted into the exaltation of property rights over human rights, and the subordination of the welfare of the laborer when compared with the profit of the man for whom he labored. by what i fear my conservative friends regarded as frightfully aggressive missionary work, which included some uncommonly plain speaking as to certain unjust and anti-social judicial decisions, we succeeded in largely, but by no means altogether, correcting this view, at least so far as the best and most enlightened judges were concerned. very much the most important action i took as regards labor had nothing to do with legislation, and represented executive action which was not required by the constitution. it illustrated as well as anything that i did the theory which i have called the jackson-lincoln theory of the presidency; that is, that occasionally great national crises arise which call for immediate and vigorous executive action, and that in such cases it is the duty of the president to act upon the theory that he is the steward of the people, and that the proper attitude for him to take is that he is bound to assume that he has the legal right to do whatever the needs of the people demand, unless the constitution or the laws explicitly forbid him to do it. early in the spring of a universal strike began in the anthracite regions. the miners and the operators became deeply embittered, and the strike went on throughout the summer and the early fall without any sign of reaching an end, and with almost complete stoppage of mining. in many cities, especially in the east, the heating apparatus is designed for anthracite, so that the bituminous coal is only a very partial substitute. moreover, in many regions, even in farmhouses, many of the provisions are for burning coal and not wood. in consequence, the coal famine became a national menace as the winter approached. in most big cities and many farming districts east of the mississippi the shortage of anthracite threatened calamity. in the populous industrial states, from ohio eastward, it was not merely calamity, but the direct disaster, that was threatened. ordinarily conservative men, men very sensitive as to the rights of property under normal conditions, when faced by this crisis felt, quite rightly, that there must be some radical action. the governor of massachusetts and the mayor of new york both notified me, as the cold weather came on, that if the coal famine continued the misery throughout the northeast, and especially in the great cities, would become appalling, and the consequent public disorder so great that frightful consequences might follow. it is not too much to say that the situation which confronted pennsylvania, new york, and new england, and to a less degree the states of the middle west, in october, , was quite as serious as if they had been threatened by the invasion of a hostile army of overwhelming force. the big coal operators had banded together, and positively refused to take any steps looking toward an accommodation. they knew that the suffering among the miners was great; they were confident that if order were kept, and nothing further done by the government, they would win; and they refused to consider that the public had any rights in the matter. they were, for the most part, men of unquestionably good private life, and they were merely taking the extreme individualistic view of the rights of property and the freedom of individual action upheld in the _laissez-faire_ political economics. the mines were in the state of pennsylvania. there was no duty whatever laid upon me by the constitution in the matter, and i had in theory the power to act directly unless the governor of pennsylvania or the legislature, if it were in session, should notify me that pennsylvania could not keep order, and request me as commander-in-chief of the army of the united states to intervene and keep order. as long as i could avoid interfering i did so; but i directed the head of the labor bureau, carroll wright, to make a thorough investigation and lay the facts fully before me. as september passed without any sign of weakening either among the employers or the striking workmen, the situation became so grave that i felt i would have to try to do something. the thing most feasible was to get both sides to agree to a commission of arbitration, with a promise to accept its findings; the miners to go to work as soon as the commission was appointed, at the old rate of wages. to this proposition the miners, headed by john mitchell, agreed, stipulating only that i should have the power to name the commission. the operators, however, positively refused. they insisted that all that was necessary to do was for the state to keep order, using the militia as a police force; although both they and the miners asked me to intervene under the inter-state commerce law, each side requesting that i proceed against the other, and both requests being impossible. finally, on october , the representatives of both the operators and the miners met before me, in pursuance of my request. the representatives of the miners included as their head and spokesman john mitchell, who kept his temper admirably and showed to much advantage. the representatives of the operators, on the contrary, came down in a most insolent frame of mind, refused to talk of arbitration or other accommodation of any kind, and used language that was insulting to the miners and offensive to me. they were curiously ignorant of the popular temper; and when they went away from the interview they, with much pride, gave their own account of it to the papers, exulting in the fact that they had "turned down" both the miners and the president. i refused to accept the rebuff, however, and continued the effort to get an agreement between the operators and the miners. i was anxious to get this agreement, because it would prevent the necessity of taking the extremely drastic action i meditated, and which is hereinafter described. fortunately, this time we were successful. yet we were on the verge of failure, because of self-willed obstinacy on the part of the operators. this obstinacy was utterly silly from their own standpoint, and well-nigh criminal from the standpoint of the people at large. the miners proposed that i should name the commission, and that if i put on a representative of the employing class i should also put on a labor union man. the operators positively declined to accept the suggestion. they insisted upon my naming a commission of only five men, and specified the qualifications these men should have, carefully choosing these qualifications so as to exclude those whom it had leaked out i was thinking of appointing, including ex-president cleveland. they made the condition that i was to appoint one officer of the engineer corps of the army or navy, one man with experience of mining, one "man of prominence," "eminent as a sociologist," one federal judge of the eastern district of pennsylvania, and one mining engineer. they positively refused to have me appoint any representative of labor, or to put on an extra man. i was desirous of putting on the extra man, because mitchell and the other leaders of the miners had urged me to appoint some high catholic ecclesiastic. most of the miners were catholics, and mitchell and the leaders were very anxious to secure peaceful acquiescence by the miners in any decision rendered, and they felt that their hands would be strengthened if such an appointment were made. they also, quite properly, insisted that there should be one representative of labor on the commission, as all of the others represented the propertied classes. the operators, however, absolutely refused to acquiesce in the appointment of any representative of labor, and also announced that they would refuse to accept a sixth man on the commission; although they spoke much less decidedly on this point. the labor men left everything in my hands. the final conferences with the representatives of the operators took place in my rooms on the evening of october . hour after hour went by while i endeavored to make the operators through their representatives see that the country would not tolerate their insisting upon such conditions; but in vain. the two representatives of the operators were robert bacon and george w. perkins. they were entirely reasonable. but the operators themselves were entirely unreasonable. they had worked themselves into a frame of mind where they were prepared to sacrifice everything and see civil war in the country rather than back down and acquiesce in the appointment of a representative of labor. it looked as if a deadlock were inevitable. then, suddenly, after about two hours' argument, it dawned on me that they were not objecting to the thing, but to the name. i found that they did not mind my appointing any man, whether he was a labor man or not, so long as he was not appointed _as_ a labor man, or _as_ a representative of labor; they did not object to my exercising any latitude i chose in the appointments so long as they were made under the headings they had given. i shall never forget the mixture of relief and amusement i felt when i thoroughly grasped the fact that while they would heroically submit to anarchy rather than have tweedledum, yet if i would call it tweedledee they would accept it with rapture; it gave me an illuminating glimpse into one corner of the mighty brains of these "captains of industry." in order to carry the great and vital point and secure agreement by both parties, all that was necessary for me to do was to commit a technical and nominal absurdity with a solemn face. this i gladly did. i announced at once that i accepted the terms laid down. with this understanding, i appointed the labor man i had all along had in view, mr. e. e. clark, the head of the brotherhood of railway conductors, calling him an "eminent sociologist"--a term which i doubt whether he had ever previously heard. he was a first-class man, whom i afterward put on the inter-state commerce commission. i added to the arbitration commission, on my own authority, a sixth member, in the person of bishop spalding, a catholic bishop, of peoria, ill., one of the very best men to be found in the entire country. the man whom the operators had expected me to appoint as the sociologist was carroll wright--who really was an eminent sociologist. i put him on as recorder of the commission, and added him as a seventh member as soon as the commission got fairly started. in publishing the list of the commissioners, when i came to clark's appointment, i added: "as a sociologist--the president assuming that for the purposes of such a commission, the term sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on social questions and has practically applied his knowledge." the relief of the whole country was so great that the sudden appearance of the head of the brotherhood of railway conductors as an "eminent sociologist" merely furnished material for puzzled comment on the part of the press. it was a most admirable commission. it did a noteworthy work, and its report is a monument in the history of the relations of labor and capital in this country. the strike, by the way, brought me into contact with more than one man who was afterward a valued friend and fellow-worker. on the suggestion of carroll wright i appointed as assistant recorders to the commission charles p. neill, whom i afterward made labor commissioner, to succeed wright himself, and mr. edward a. moseley. wilkes-barre was the center of the strike; and the man in wilkes-barre who helped me most was father curran; i grew to know and trust and believe in him, and throughout my term in office, and afterward, he was not only my stanch friend, but one of the men by whose advice and counsel i profited most in matters affecting the welfare of the miners and their families. i was greatly relieved at the result, for more than one reason. of course, first and foremost, my concern was to avert a frightful calamity to the united states. in the next place i was anxious to save the great coal operators and all of the class of big propertied men, of which they were members, from the dreadful punishment which their own folly would have brought on them if i had not acted; and one of the exasperating things was that they were so blinded that they could not see that i was trying to save them from themselves and to avert, not only for their sakes, but for the sake of the country, the excesses which would have been indulged in at their expense if they had longer persisted in their conduct. the great anthracite strike of left an indelible impress upon the people of the united states. it showed clearly to all wise and far-seeing men that the labor problem in this country had entered upon a new phase. industry had grown. great financial corporations, doing a nation-wide and even a world-wide business, had taken the place of the smaller concerns of an earlier time. the old familiar, intimate relations between employer and employee were passing. a few generations before, the boss had known every man in his shop; he called his men bill, tom, dick, john; he inquired after their wives and babies; he swapped jokes and stories and perhaps a bit of tobacco with them. in the small establishment there had been a friendly human relationship between employer and employee. there was no such relation between the great railway magnates, who controlled the anthracite industry, and the one hundred and fifty thousand men who worked in their mines, or the half million women and children who were dependent upon these miners for their daily bread. very few of these mine workers had ever seen, for instance, the president of the reading railroad. had they seen him many of them could not have spoken to him, for tens of thousands of the mine workers were recent immigrants who did not understand the language which he spoke and who spoke a language which he could not understand. again, a few generations ago an american workman could have saved money, gone west and taken up a homestead. now the free lands were gone. in earlier days a man who began with pick and shovel might have come to own a mine. that outlet too was now closed, as regards the immense majority, and few, if any, of the one hundred and fifty thousand mine workers could ever aspire to enter the small circle of men who held in their grasp the great anthracite industry. the majority of the men who earned wages in the coal industry, if they wished to progress at all, were compelled to progress not by ceasing to be wage-earners, but by improving the conditions under which all the wage-earners in all the industries of the country lived and worked, as well of course, as improving their own individual efficiency. another change which had come about as a result of the foregoing was a crass inequality in the bargaining relation between the employer and the individual employee standing alone. the great coal-mining and coal-carrying companies, which employed their tens of thousands, could easily dispense with the services of any particular miner. the miner, on the other hand, however expert, could not dispense with the companies. he needed a job; his wife and children would starve if he did not get one. what the miner had to sell--his labor--was a perishable commodity; the labor of to-day--if not sold to-day--was lost forever. moreover, his labor was not like most commodities--a mere thing; it was part of a living, breathing human being. the workman saw, and all citizens who gave earnest thought to the matter saw, that the labor problem was not only an economic, but also a moral, a human problem. individually the miners were impotent when they sought to enter a wage-contract with the great companies; they could make fair terms only by uniting into trade unions to bargain collectively. the men were forced to cooperate to secure not only their economic, but their simple human rights. they, like other workmen, were compelled by the very conditions under which they lived to unite in unions of their industry or trade, and these unions were bound to grow in size, in strength, and in power for good and evil as the industries in which the men were employed grew larger and larger. a democracy can be such in fact only if there is some rough approximation in similarity in stature among the men composing it. one of us can deal in our private lives with the grocer or the butcher or the carpenter or the chicken raiser, or if we are the grocer or carpenter or butcher or farmer, we can deal with our customers, because _we are all of about the same size_. therefore a simple and poor society can exist as a democracy on a basis of sheer individualism. but a rich and complex industrial society cannot so exist; for some individuals, and especially those artificial individuals called corporations, become so very big that the ordinary individual is utterly dwarfed beside them, and cannot deal with them on terms of equality. it therefore becomes necessary for these ordinary individuals to combine in their turn, first in order to act in their collective capacity through that biggest of all combinations called the government, and second, to act, also in their own self-defense, through private combinations, such as farmers' associations and trade unions. this the great coal operators did not see. they did not see that their property rights, which they so stoutly defended, were of the same texture as were the human rights, which they so blindly and hotly denied. they did not see that the power which they exercised by representing their stockholders was of the same texture as the power which the union leaders demanded of representing the workmen, who had democratically elected them. they did not see that the right to use one's property as one will can be maintained only so long as it is consistent with the maintenance of certain fundamental human rights, of the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, or, as we may restate them in these later days, of the rights of the worker to a living wage, to reasonable hours of labor, to decent working and living conditions, to freedom of thought and speech and industrial representation,--in short, to a measure of industrial democracy and, in return for his arduous toil, to a worthy and decent life according to american standards. still another thing these great business leaders did not see. they did not see that both their interests and the interests of the workers must be accommodated, and if need be, subordinated, to the fundamental permanent interests of the whole community. no man and no group of men may so exercise their rights as to deprive the nation of the things which are necessary and vital to the common life. a strike which ties up the coal supplies of a whole section is a strike invested with a public interest. so great was that public interest in the coal strike of , so deeply and strongly did i feel the wave of indignation which swept over the whole country that had i not succeeded in my efforts to induce the operators to listen to reason, i should reluctantly but none the less decisively have taken a step which would have brought down upon my head the execrations of many of "the captains of industry," as well as of sundry "respectable" newspapers who dutifully take their cue from them. as a man should be judged by his intentions as well as by his actions, i will give here the story of the intervention that never happened. while the coal operators were exulting over the fact that they had "turned down" the miners and the president, there arose in all parts of the country an outburst of wrath so universal that even so naturally conservative a man as grover cleveland wrote to me, expressing his sympathy with the course i was following, his indignation at the conduct of the operators, and his hope that i would devise some method of effective action. in my own mind i was already planning effective action; but it was of a very drastic character, and i did not wish to take it until the failure of all other expedients had rendered it necessary. above all, i did not wish to talk about it until and unless i actually acted. i had definitely determined that somehow or other act i would, that somehow or other the coal famine should be broken. to accomplish this end it was necessary that the mines should be run, and, if i could get no voluntary agreement between the contending sides, that an arbitration commission should be appointed which would command such public confidence as to enable me, without too much difficulty, to enforce its terms upon both parties. ex-president cleveland's letter not merely gratified me, but gave me the chance to secure him as head of the arbitration commission. i at once wrote him, stating that i would very probably have to appoint an arbitration commission or investigating commission to look into the matter and decide on the rights of the case, whether or not the operators asked for or agreed to abide by the decisions of such a commission; and that i would ask him to accept the chief place on the commission. he answered that he would do so. i picked out several first-class men for other positions on the commission. meanwhile the governor of pennsylvania had all the pennsylvania militia in the anthracite region, although without any effect upon the resumption of mining. the method of action upon which i had determined in the last resort was to get the governor of pennsylvania to ask me to keep order. then i would put in the army under the command of some first-rate general. i would instruct this general to keep absolute order, taking any steps whatever that was necessary to prevent interference by the strikers or their sympathizers with men who wanted to work. i would also instruct him to dispossess the operators and run the mines as a receiver until such time as the commission might make its report, and until i, as president, might issue further orders in view of this report. i had to find a man who possessed the necessary good sense, judgment, and nerve to act in such event. he was ready to hand in the person of major-general schofield. i sent for him, telling him that if i had to make use of him it would be because the crisis was only less serious than that of the civil war, that the action taken would be practically a war measure, and that if i sent him he must act in a purely military capacity under me as commander-in-chief, paying no heed to any authority, judicial or otherwise, except mine. he was a fine fellow--a most respectable-looking old boy, with side whiskers and a black skull-cap, without any of the outward aspect of the conventional military dictator; but in both nerve and judgment he was all right, and he answered quietly that if i gave the order he would take possession of the mines, and would guarantee to open them and to run them without permitting any interference either by the owners or the strikers or anybody else, so long as i told him to stay. i then saw senator quay, who, like every other responsible man in high position, was greatly wrought up over the condition of things. i told him that he need be under no alarm as to the problem not being solved, that i was going to make another effort to get the operators and miners to come together, but that i would solve the problem in any event and get coal; that, however, i did not wish to tell him anything of the details of my intention, but merely to have him arrange that whenever i gave the word the governor of pennsylvania should request me to intervene; that when this was done i would be responsible for all that followed, and would guarantee that the coal famine would end forthwith. the senator made no inquiry or comment, and merely told me that he in his turn would guarantee that the governor would request my intervention the minute i asked that the request be made. these negotiations were concluded with the utmost secrecy, general schofield being the only man who knew exactly what my plan was, and senator quay, two members of my cabinet, and ex-president cleveland and the other men whom i proposed to put on the commission, the only other men who knew that i had a plan. as i have above outlined, my efforts to bring about an agreement between the operators and miners were finally successful. i was glad not to have to take possession of the mines on my own initiative by means of general schofield and the regulars. i was all ready to act, and would have done so without the slightest hesitation or a moment's delay if the negotiations had fallen through. and my action would have been entirely effective. but it is never well to take drastic action if the result can be achieved with equal efficiency in less drastic fashion; and, although this was a minor consideration, i was personally saved a good deal of future trouble by being able to avoid this drastic action. at the time i should have been almost unanimously supported. with the famine upon them the people would not have tolerated any conduct that would have thwarted what i was doing. probably no man in congress, and no man in the pennsylvania state legislature, would have raised his voice against me. although there would have been plenty of muttering, nothing would have been done to interfere with the solution of the problem which i had devised, _until the solution was accomplished and the problem ceased to be a problem_. once this was done, and when people were no longer afraid of a coal famine, and began to forget that they ever had been afraid of it, and to be indifferent as regards the consequences to those who put an end to it, then my enemies would have plucked up heart and begun a campaign against me. i doubt if they could have accomplished much anyway, for the only effective remedy against me would have been impeachment, and that they would not have ventured to try.[*] [*] one of my appointees on the anthracite strike commission was judge george gray, of delaware, a democrat whose standing in the country was second only to that of grover cleveland. a year later he commented on my action as follows: "i have no hesitation in saying that the president of the united states was confronted in october, , by the existence of a crisis more grave and threatening than any that had occurred since the civil war. i mean that the cessation of mining in the anthracite country, brought about by the dispute between the miners and those who controlled the greatest natural monopoly in this country and perhaps in the world, had brought upon more than one-half of the american people a condition of deprivation of one of the necessaries of life, and the probable continuance of the dispute threatened not only the comfort and health, but the safety and good order, of the nation. he was without legal or constitutional power to interfere, but his position as president of the united states gave him an influence, a leadership, as first citizen of the republic, that enabled him to appeal to the patriotism and good sense of the parties to the controversy and to place upon them the moral coercion of public opinion to agree to an arbitrament of the strike then existing and threatening consequences so direful to the whole country. he acted promptly and courageously, and in so doing averted the dangers to which i have alluded. "so far from interfering or infringing upon property rights, the presidents' action tended to conserve them. the peculiar situation, as regards the anthracite coal interest, was that they controlled a natural monopoly of a product necessary to the comfort and to the very life of a large portion of the people. a prolonged deprivation of the enjoyment of this necessary of life would have tended to precipitate an attack upon these property rights of which you speak; for, after all, it is vain to deny that this property, so peculiar in its conditions, and which is properly spoken of as a natural monopoly, is affected with a public interest. "i do not think that any president ever acted more wisely, courageously or promptly in a national crisis. mr. roosevelt deserves unstinted praise for what he did." they would doubtless have acted precisely as they acted as regards the acquisition of the panama canal zone in , and the stoppage of the panic of by my action in the tennessee coal and iron company matter. nothing could have made the american people surrender the canal zone. but after it was an accomplished fact, and the canal was under way, then they settled down to comfortable acceptance of the accomplished fact, and as their own interests were no longer in jeopardy, they paid no heed to the men who attacked me because of what i had done--and also continue to attack me, although they are exceedingly careful not to propose to right the "wrong," in the only proper way if it really was a wrong, by replacing the old republic of panama under the tyranny of colombia and giving colombia sole or joint ownership of the canal itself. in the case of the panic of (as in the case of panama), what i did was not only done openly, but depended for its effect upon being done and with the widest advertisement. nobody in congress ventured to make an objection at the time. no serious leader outside made any objection. the one concern of everybody was to stop the panic, and everybody was overjoyed that i was willing to take the responsibility of stopping it upon my own shoulders. but a few months afterward, the panic was a thing of the past. people forgot the frightful condition of alarm in which they had been. they no longer had a personal interest in preventing any interference with the stoppage of the panic. then the men who had not dared to raise their voices until all danger was past came bravely forth from their hiding places and denounced the action which had saved them. they had kept a hushed silence when there was danger; they made clamorous outcry when there was safety in doing so. just the same course would have been followed in connection with the anthracite coal strike if i had been obliged to act in the fashion i intended to act had i failed to secure a voluntary agreement between the miners and the operators. even as it was, my action was remembered with rancor by the heads of the great moneyed interests; and as time went by was assailed with constantly increasing vigor by the newspapers these men controlled. had i been forced to take possession of the mines, these men and the politicians hostile to me would have waited until the popular alarm was over and the popular needs met, just as they waited in the case of the tennessee coal and iron company; and then they would have attacked me precisely as they did attack me as regards the tennessee coal and iron company. of course, in labor controversies it was not always possible to champion the cause of the workers, because in many cases strikes were called which were utterly unwarranted and were fought by methods which cannot be too harshly condemned. no straightforward man can believe, and no fearless man will assert, that a trade union is always right. that man is an unworthy public servant who by speech or silence, by direct statement or cowardly evasion, invariably throws the weight of his influence on the side of the trade union, whether it is right or wrong. it has occasionally been my duty to give utterance to the feelings of all right thinking men by expressing the most emphatic disapproval of unwise or even immoral notions by representatives of labor. the man is no true democrat, and if an american, is unworthy of the traditions of his country who, in problems calling for the exercise of a moral judgment, fails to take his stand on conduct and not on class. there are good and bad wage-workers just as there are good and bad employers, and good and bad men of small means and of large means alike. but a willingness to do equal and exact justice to all citizens, irrespective of race, creed, section or economic interest and position, does not imply a failure to recognize the enormous economic, political and moral possibilities of the trade union. just as democratic government cannot be condemned because of errors and even crimes committed by men democratically elected, so trade-unionism must not be condemned because of errors or crimes of occasional trade-union leaders. the problem lies deeper. while we must repress all illegalities and discourage all immoralities, whether of labor organizations or of corporations, we must recognize the fact that to-day the organization of labor into trade unions and federations is necessary, is beneficent, and is one of the greatest possible agencies in the attainment of a true industrial, as well as a true political, democracy in the united states. this is a fact which many well-intentioned people even to-day do not understand. they do not understand that the labor problem is a human and a moral as well as an economic problem; that a fall in wages, an increase in hours, a deterioration of labor conditions mean wholesale moral as well as economic degeneration, and the needless sacrifice of human lives and human happiness, while a rise of wages, a lessening of hours, a bettering of conditions, mean an intellectual, moral and social uplift of millions of american men and women. there are employers to-day who, like the great coal operators, speak as though they were lords of these countless armies of americans, who toil in factory, in shop, in mill and in the dark places under the earth. they fail to see that all these men have the right and the duty to combine to protect themselves and their families from want and degradation. they fail to see that the nation and the government, within the range of fair play and a just administration of the law, must inevitably sympathize with the men who have nothing but their wages, with the men who are struggling for a decent life, as opposed to men, however honorable, who are merely fighting for larger profits and an autocratic control of big business. each man should have all he earns, whether by brain or body; and the director, the great industrial leader, is one of the greatest of earners, and should have a proportional reward; but no man should live on the earnings of another, and there should not be too gross inequality between service and reward. there are many men to-day, men of integrity and intelligence, who honestly believe that we must go back to the labor conditions of half a century ago. they are opposed to trade unions, root and branch. they note the unworthy conduct of many labor leaders, they find instances of bad work by union men, of a voluntary restriction of output, of vexations and violent strikes, of jurisdictional disputes between unions which often disastrously involve the best intentioned and fairest of employers. all these things occur and should be repressed. but the same critic of the trade union might find equal causes of complaint against individual employers of labor, or even against great associations of manufacturers. he might find many instances of an unwarranted cutting of wages, of flagrant violations of factory laws and tenement house laws, of the deliberate and systematic cheating of employees by means of truck stores, of the speeding up of work to a point which is fatal to the health of the workman, of the sweating of foreign-born workers, of the drafting of feeble little children into dusty workshops, of black-listing, of putting spies into union meetings and of the employment in strike times of vicious and desperate ruffians, who are neither better nor worse than are the thugs who are occasionally employed by unions under the sinister name, "entertainment committees." i believe that the overwhelming majority, both of workmen and of employers, are law-abiding peaceful, and honorable citizens, and i do not think that it is just to lay up the errors and wrongs of individuals to the entire group to which they belong. i also think--and this is a belief which has been borne upon me through many years of practical experience--that the trade union is growing constantly in wisdom as well as in power, and is becoming one of the most efficient agencies toward the solution of our industrial problems, the elimination of poverty and of industrial disease and accidents, the lessening of unemployment, the achievement of industrial democracy and the attainment of a larger measure of social and industrial justice. if i were a factory employee, a workman on the railroads or a wage-earner of any sort, i would undoubtedly join the union of my trade. if i disapproved of its policy, i would join in order to fight that policy; if the union leaders were dishonest, i would join in order to put them out. i believe in the union and i believe that all men who are benefited by the union are morally bound to help to the extent of their power in the common interests advanced by the union. nevertheless, irrespective of whether a man should or should not, and does or does not, join the union of his trade, all the rights, privileges and immunities of that man as an american and as a citizen should be safeguarded and upheld by the law. we dare not make an outlaw of any individual or any group, whatever his or its opinions or professions. the non-unionist, like the unionist, must be protected in all his legal rights by the full weight and power of the law. this question came up before me in the shape of the right of a non-union printer named miller to hold his position in the government printing office. as i said before, i believe in trade unions. i always prefer to see a union shop. but any private preferences cannot control my public actions. the government can recognize neither union men nor non-union men as such, and is bound to treat both exactly alike. in the government printing office not many months prior to the opening of the presidential campaign of , when i was up for reelection, i discovered that a man had been dismissed because he did not belong to the union. i reinstated him. mr. gompers, the president of the american federation of labor, with various members of the executive council of that body, called upon me to protest on september , , and i answered them as follows: "i thank you and your committee for your courtesy, and i appreciate the opportunity to meet with you. it will always be a pleasure to see you or any representative of your organizations or of your federation as a whole. "as regards the miller case, i have little to add to what i have already said. in dealing with it i ask you to remember that i am dealing purely with the relation of the government to its employees. i must govern my action by the laws of the land, which i am sworn to administer, and which differentiate any case in which the government of the united states is a party from all other cases whatsoever. these laws are enacted for the benefit of the whole people, and cannot and must not be construed as permitting the crimination against some of the people. i am president of all the people of the united states, without regard to creed, color, birthplace, occupation or social condition. my aim is to do equal and exact justice as among them all. in the employment and dismissal of men in the government service i can no more recognize the fact that a man does or does not belong to a union as being for or against him than i can recognize the fact that he is a protestant or a catholic, a jew or a gentile, as being for or against him. "in the communications sent me by various labor organizations protesting against the retention of miller in the government printing office, the grounds alleged are twofold: , that he is a non-union man; , that he is not personally fit. the question of his personal fitness is one to be settled in the routine of administrative detail, and cannot be allowed to conflict with or to complicate the larger question of governmental discrimination for or against him or any other man because he is or is not a member of a union. this is the only question now before me for decision; and as to this my decision is final." because of things i have done on behalf of justice to the workingman, i have often been called a socialist. usually i have not taken the trouble even to notice the epithet. i am not afraid of names, and i am not one of those who fear to do what is right because some one else will confound me with partisans with whose principles i am not in accord. moreover, i know that many american socialists are high-minded and honorable citizens, who in reality are merely radical social reformers. they are oppressed by the brutalities and industrial injustices which we see everywhere about us. when i recall how often i have seen socialists and ardent non-socialists working side by side for some specific measure of social or industrial reform, and how i have found opposed to them on the side of privilege many shrill reactionaries who insist on calling all reformers socialists, i refuse to be panic-stricken by having this title mistakenly applied to me. none the less, without impugning their motives, i do disagree most emphatically with both the fundamental philosophy and the proposed remedies of the marxian socialists. these socialists are unalterably opposed to our whole industrial system. they believe that the payment of wages means everywhere and inevitably an exploitation of the laborer by the employer, and that this leads inevitably to a class war between those two groups, or, as they would say, between the capitalists and the proletariat. they assert that this class war is already upon us and can only be ended when capitalism is entirely destroyed and all the machines, mills, mines, railroads and other private property used in production are confiscated, expropriated or taken over by the workers. they do not as a rule claim--although some of the sinister extremists among them do--that there is and must be a continual struggle between two great classes, whose interests are opposed and cannot be reconciled. in this war they insist that the whole government--national, state and local--is on the side of the employers and is used by them against the workmen, and that our law and even our common morality are class weapons, like a policeman's club or a gatling gun. i have never believed, and do not to-day believe, that such a class war is upon us, or need ever be upon us; nor do i believe that the interests of wage-earners and employers cannot be harmonized, compromised and adjusted. it would be idle to deny that wage-earners have certain different economic interests from, let us say, manufacturers or importers, just as farmers have different interests from sailors, and fishermen from bankers. there is no reason why any of these economic groups should not consult their group interests by any legitimate means and with due regard to the common, overlying interests of all. i do not even deny that the majority of wage-earners, because they have less property and less industrial security than others and because they do not own the machinery with which they work (as does the farmer) are perhaps in greater need of acting together than are other groups in the community. but i do insist (and i believe that the great majority of wage-earners take the same view) that employers and employees have overwhelming interests in common, both as partners in industry and as citizens of the republic, and that where these interests are apart they can be adjusted by so altering our laws and their interpretation as to secure to all members of the community social and industrial justice. i have always maintained that our worst revolutionaries to-day are those reactionaries who do not see and will not admit that there is any need for change. such men seem to believe that the four and a half million progressive voters, who in registered their solemn protest against our social and industrial injustices, are "anarchists," who are not willing to let ill enough alone. if these reactionaries had lived at an earlier time in our history, they would have advocated sedition laws, opposed free speech and free assembly, and voted against free schools, free access by settlers to the public lands, mechanics' lien laws, the prohibition of truck stores and the abolition of imprisonment for debt; and they are the men who to-day oppose minimum wage laws, insurance of workmen against the ills of industrial life and the reform of our legislators and our courts, which can alone render such measures possible. some of these reactionaries are not bad men, but merely shortsighted and belated. it is these reactionaries, however, who, by "standing pat" on industrial injustice, incite inevitably to industrial revolt, and it is only we who advocate political and industrial democracy who render possible the progress of our american industry on large constructive lines with a minimum of friction because with a maximum of justice. everything possible should be done to secure the wage-workers fair treatment. there should be an increased wage for the worker of increased productiveness. everything possible should be done against the capitalist who strives, not to reward special efficiency, but to use it as an excuse for reducing the reward of moderate efficiency. the capitalist is an unworthy citizen who pays the efficient man no more than he has been content to pay the average man, and nevertheless reduces the wage of the average man; and effort should be made by the government to check and punish him. when labor-saving machinery is introduced, special care should be taken--by the government if necessary--to see that the wage-worker gets his share of the benefit, and that it is not all absorbed by the employer or capitalist. the following case, which has come to my knowledge, illustrates what i mean. a number of new machines were installed in a certain shoe factory, and as a result there was a heavy increase in production even though there was no increase in the labor force. some of the workmen were instructed in the use of these machines by special demonstrators sent out by the makers of the machines. these men, by reason of their special aptitudes and the fact that they were not called upon to operate the machines continuously nine hours every day, week in and week out, but only for an hour or so at special times, were naturally able to run the machines at their maximum capacity. when these demonstrators had left the factory, and the company's own employees had become used to operating the machines at a fair rate of speed, the foreman of the establishment gradually speeded the machines and demanded a larger and still larger output, constantly endeavoring to drive the men on to greater exertions. even with a slightly less maximum capacity, the introduction of this machinery resulted in a great increase over former production with the same amount of labor; and so great were the profits from the business in the following two years as to equal the total capitalized stock of the company. but not a cent got into the pay envelope of the workmen beyond what they had formerly been receiving before the introduction of this new machinery, notwithstanding that it had meant an added strain, physical and mental, upon their energies, and that they were forced to work harder than ever before. the whole of the increased profits remained with the company. now this represented an "increase of efficiency," with a positive decrease of social and industrial justice. the increase of prosperity which came from increase of production in no way benefited the wage-workers. i hold that they were treated with gross injustice; and that society, acting if necessary through the government, in such a case should bend its energies to remedy such injustice; and i will support any proper legislation that will aid in securing the desired end. the wage-worker should not only receive fair treatment; he should give fair treatment. in order that prosperity may be passed around it is necessary that the prosperity exist. in order that labor shall receive its fair share in the division of reward it is necessary that there be a reward to divide. any proposal to reduce efficiency by insisting that the most efficient shall be limited in their output to what the least efficient can do, is a proposal to limit by so much production, and therefore to impoverish by so much the public, and specifically to reduce the amount that can be divided among the producers. this is all wrong. our protest must be against unfair division of the reward for production. every encouragement should be given the business man, the employer, to make his business prosperous, and therefore to earn more money for himself; and in like fashion every encouragement should be given the efficient workman. we must always keep in mind that to reduce the amount of production serves merely to reduce the amount that is to be divided, is in no way permanently efficient as a protest against unequal distribution and is permanently detrimental to the entire community. but increased productiveness is not secured by excessive labor amid unhealthy surroundings. the contrary is true. shorter hours, and healthful conditions, and opportunity for the wage-worker to make more money, and the chance for enjoyment as well as work, all add to efficiency. my contention is that there should be no penalization of efficient productiveness, brought about under healthy conditions; but that every increase of production brought about by an increase in efficiency should benefit all the parties to it, including wage-workers as well as employers or capitalists, men who work with their hands as well as men who work with their heads. with the western federation of miners i more than once had serious trouble. the leaders of this organization had preached anarchy, and certain of them were indicted for having practiced murder in the case of governor steunenberg, of idaho. on one occasion in a letter or speech i coupled condemnation of these labor leaders and condemnation of certain big capitalists, describing them all alike as "undesirable citizens." this gave great offense to both sides. the open attack upon me was made for the most part either by the new york newspapers which were frankly representatives of wall street, or else by those so-called--and miscalled--socialists who had anarchistic leanings. many of the latter sent me open letters of denunciation, and to one of them i responded as follows: the white house, washington, april , . dear sir: i have received your letter of the th instant, in which you enclose the draft of the formal letter which is to follow. i have been notified that several delegations, bearing similar requests, are on the way hither. in the letter you, on behalf of the cook county, moyer-haywood conference, protest against certain language i used in a recent letter which you assert to be designed to influence the course of justice in the case of the trial for murder of messrs. moyer and haywood. i entirely agree with you that it is improper to endeavor to influence the course of justice, whether by threats or in any similar manner. for this reason i have regretted most deeply the actions of such organizations as your own in undertaking to accomplish this very result in the very case of which you speak. for instance, your letter is headed "cook county moyer-haywood-pettibone conference," with the headlines: "_death_--cannot--will not--and shall not claim our brothers!" this shows that you and your associates are not demanding a fair trial, or working for a fair trial, but are announcing in advance that the verdict shall only be one way and that you will not tolerate any other verdict. such action is flagrant in its impropriety, and i join heartily in condemning it. but it is a simple absurdity to suppose that because any man is on trial for a given offense he is therefore to be freed from all criticism upon his general conduct and manner of life. in my letter to which you object i referred to a certain prominent financier, mr. harriman, on the one hand, and to messrs. moyer, haywood and debs on the other, as being equally undesirable citizens. it is as foolish to assert that this was designed to influence the trial of moyer and haywood as to assert that it was designed to influence the suits that have been brought against mr. harriman. i neither expressed nor indicated any opinion as to whether messrs. moyer and haywood were guilty of the murder of governor steunenberg. if they are guilty, they certainly ought to be punished. if they are not guilty, they certainly ought not to be punished. but no possible outcome either of the trial or the suits can affect my judgment as to the undesirability of the type of citizenship of those whom i mentioned. messrs. moyer, haywood, and debs stand as representatives of those men who have done as much to discredit the labor movement as the worst speculative financiers or most unscrupulous employers of labor and debauchers of legislatures have done to discredit honest capitalists and fair-dealing business men. they stand as the representatives of those men who by their public utterances and manifestoes, by the utterances of the papers they control or inspire, and by the words and deeds of those associated with or subordinated to them, habitually appear as guilty of incitement to or apology for bloodshed and violence. if this does not constitute undesirable citizenship, then there can never be any undesirable citizens. the men whom i denounce represent the men who have abandoned that legitimate movement for the uplifting of labor, with which i have the most hearty sympathy; they have adopted practices which cut them off from those who lead this legitimate movement. in every way i shall support the law-abiding and upright representatives of labor, and in no way can i better support them than by drawing the sharpest possible line between them on the one hand, and, on the other hand, those preachers of violence who are themselves the worst foes of the honest laboring man. let me repeat my deep regret that any body of men should so far forget their duty to the country as to endeavor by the formation of societies and in other ways to influence the course of justice in this matter. i have received many such letters as yours. accompanying them were newspaper clippings announcing demonstrations, parades, and mass-meetings designed to show that the representatives of labor, without regard to the facts, demand the acquittal of messrs. haywood and moyer. such meetings can, of course, be designed only to coerce court or jury in rendering a verdict, and they therefore deserve all the condemnation which you in your letters say should be awarded to those who endeavor improperly to influence the course of justice. you would, of course, be entirely within your rights if you merely announced that you thought messrs. moyer and haywood were "desirable citizens"--though in such case i should take frank issue with you and should say that, wholly without regard to whether or not they are guilty of the crime for which they are now being tried, they represent as thoroughly undesirable a type of citizenship as can be found in this country; a type which, in the letter to which you so unreasonably take exception, i showed not to be confined to any one class, but to exist among some representatives of great capitalists as well as among some representatives of wage-workers. in that letter i condemned both types. certain representatives of the great capitalists in turn condemned me for including mr. harriman in my condemnation of messrs. moyer and haywood. certain of the representatives of labor in their turn condemned me because i included messrs. moyer and haywood as undesirable citizens together with mr. harrison. i am as profoundly indifferent to the condemnation in one case as in the other. i challenge as a right the support of all good americans, whether wage-workers or capitalists, whatever their occupation or creed, or in whatever portion of the country they live, when i condemn both the types of bad citizenship which i have held up to reprobation. it seems to be a mark of utter insincerity to fail thus to condemn both; and to apologize for either robs the man thus apologizing of all right to condemn any wrongdoing in any man, rich or poor, in public or in private life. you say you ask for a "square deal" for messrs. moyer and haywood. so do i. when i say "square deal," i mean a square deal to every one; it is equally a violation of the policy of the square deal for a capitalist to protest against denunciation of a capitalist who is guilty of wrongdoing and for a labor leader to protest against the denunciation of a labor leader who has been guilty of wrongdoing. i stand for equal justice to both; and so far as in my power lies i shall uphold justice, whether the man accused of guilt has behind him the wealthiest corporation, the greatest aggregations of riches in the country, or whether he has behind him the most influential labor organization in the country. i treated anarchists and the bomb-throwing and dynamiting gentry precisely as i treated other criminals. murder is murder. it is not rendered one whit better by the allegation that it is committed on behalf of "a cause." it is true that law and order are not all sufficient; but they are essential; lawlessness and murderous violence must be quelled before any permanence of reform can be obtained. yet when they have been quelled, the beneficiaries of the enforcement of law must in their turn be taught that law is upheld as a means to the enforcement of justice, and that we will not tolerate its being turned into an engine of injustice and oppression. the fundamental need in dealing with our people, whether laboring men or others, is not charity but justice; we must all work in common for the common end of helping each and all, in a spirit of the sanest, broadest and deepest brotherhood. it was not always easy to avoid feeling very deep anger with the selfishness and short-sightedness shown both by the representatives of certain employers' organizations and by certain great labor federations or unions. one such employers' association was called the national association of manufacturers. extreme though the attacks sometimes made upon me by the extreme labor organizations were, they were not quite as extreme as the attacks made upon me by the head of the national association of manufacturers, and as regards their attitude toward legislation i came to the conclusion toward the end of my term that the latter had actually gone further the wrong way than did the former--and the former went a good distance also. the opposition of the national association of manufacturers to every rational and moderate measure for benefiting workingmen, such as measures abolishing child labor, or securing workmen's compensation, caused me real and grave concern; for i felt that it was ominous of evil for the whole country to have men who ought to stand high in wisdom and in guiding force take a course and use language of such reactionary type as directly to incite revolution--for this is what the extreme reactionary always does. often i was attacked by the two sides at once. in the spring of i received in the same mail a letter from a very good friend of mine who thought that i had been unduly hard on some labor men, and a letter from another friend, the head of a great corporation, who complained about me for both favoring labor and speaking against large fortunes. my answers ran as follows: april , . "personal. _my dear doctor_: "in one of my last letters to you i enclosed you a copy of a letter of mine, in which i quoted from [so and so's] advocacy of murder. you may be interested to know that he and his brother socialists--in reality anarchists--of the frankly murderous type have been violently attacking my speech because of my allusion to the sympathy expressed for murder. in _the socialist_, of toledo, ohio, of april st, for instance, the attack [on me] is based specifically on the following paragraph of my speech, to which he takes violent exception: "we can no more and no less afford to condone evil in the man of capital than evil in the man of no capital. the wealthy man who exults because there is a failure of justice in the effort to bring some trust magnate to an account for his misdeeds is as bad as, and no worse than, the so-called labor leader who clamorously strives to excite a foul class feeling on behalf of some other labor leader who is implicated in murder. one attitude is as bad as the other, and no worse; in each case the accused is entitled to exact justice; and in neither case is there need of action by others which can be construed into an expression of sympathy for crime. "remember that this crowd of labor leaders have done all in their power to overawe the executive and the courts of idaho on behalf of men accused of murder, and beyond question inciters of murder in the past." april , . "_my dear judge_: "i wish the papers had given more prominence to what i said as to the murder part of my speech. but oh, my dear sir, i utterly and radically disagree with you in what you say about large fortunes. i wish it were in my power to devise some scheme to make it increasingly difficult to heap them up beyond a certain amount. as the difficulties in the way of such a scheme are very great, let us at least prevent their being bequeathed after death or given during life to any one man in excessive amount. "you and other capitalist friends, on one side, shy off at what i say against them. have you seen the frantic articles against me by [the anarchists and] the socialists of the bomb-throwing persuasion, on the other side, because of what i said in my speech in reference to those who, in effect, advocate murder?" on another occasion i was vehemently denounced in certain capitalistic papers because i had a number of labor leaders, including miners from butte, lunch with me at the white house; and this at the very time that the western federation of miners was most ferocious in its denunciation of me because of what it alleged to be my unfriendly attitude toward labor. to one of my critics i set forth my views in the following letter: november , . "i have your letter of the th instant, with enclosure. these men, not all of whom were miners, by the way, came here and were at lunch with me, in company with mr. carroll d. wright, mr. wayne macveagh, and secretary cortelyou. they are as decent a set of men as can be. they all agreed entirely with me in my denunciation of what had been done in the court d'alene country; and it appeared that some of them were on the platform with me when i denounced this type of outrage three years ago in butte. there is not one man who was here, who, i believe, was in any way, shape or form responsible for such outrages. i find that the ultra-socialistic members of the unions in butte denounced these men for coming here, in a manner as violent--and i may say as irrational--as the denunciation [by the capitalistic writer] in the article you sent me. doubtless the gentleman of whom you speak as your general manager is an admirable man. i, of course, was not alluding to him; but i most emphatically _was_ alluding to men who write such articles as that you sent me. these articles are to be paralleled by the similar articles in the populist and socialist papers when two years ago i had at dinner at one time pierpont morgan, and at another time j. j. hill, and at another, harriman, and at another time schiff. furthermore, they could be paralleled by the articles in the same type of paper which at the time of the miller incident in the printing office were in a condition of nervous anxiety because i met the labor leaders to discuss it. it would have been a great misfortune if i had not met them; and it would have been an even greater misfortune if after meeting them i had yielded to their protests in the matter. "you say in your letter that you know that i am 'on record' as opposed to violence. pardon my saying that this seems to me not the right way to put the matter, if by 'record' you mean utterance and not action. aside from what happened when i was governor in connection, for instance with the croton dam strike riots, all you have to do is to turn back to what took place last june in arizona--and you can find out about it from [mr. x] of new york. the miners struck, violence followed, and the arizona territorial authorities notified me they could not grapple with the situation. within twenty minutes of the receipt of the telegram, orders were issued to the nearest available troops, and twenty-four hours afterwards general baldwin and his regulars were on the ground, and twenty-four hours later every vestige of disorder had disappeared. the miners' federation in their meeting, i think at denver, a short while afterwards, passed resolutions denouncing me. i do not know whether the _mining and engineering journal_ paid any heed to this incident or know of it. if the _journal_ did, i suppose it can hardly have failed to understand that to put an immediate stop to rioting by the use of the united states army is a fact of importance beside which the criticism of my having 'labor leaders' to lunch, shrinks into the same insignificance as the criticism in a different type of paper about my having 'trust magnates' to lunch. while i am president i wish the labor man to feel that he has the same right of access to me that the capitalist has; that the doors swing open as easily to the wage-worker as to the head of a big corporation--_and no easier_. anything else seems to be not only un-american, but as symptomatic of an attitude which will cost grave trouble if persevered in. to discriminate against labor men from butte because there is reason to believe that rioting has been excited in other districts by certain labor unions, or individuals in labor unions in butte, would be to adopt precisely the attitude of those who desire me to discriminate against all capitalists in wall street because there are plenty of capitalists in wall street who have been guilty of bad financial practices and who have endeavored to override or evade the laws of the land. in my judgment, the only safe attitude for a private citizen, and still more for a public servant, to assume, is that he will draw the line on conduct, discriminating against neither corporation nor union as such, nor in favor of either as such, but endeavoring to make the decent member of the union and the upright capitalists alike feel that they are bound, not only by self-interest, but by every consideration of principle and duty to stand together on the matters of most moment to the nation." on another of the various occasions when i had labor leaders to dine at the white house, my critics were rather shocked because i had john morley to meet them. the labor leaders in question included the heads of the various railroad brotherhoods, men like mr. morrissey, in whose sound judgment and high standard of citizenship i had peculiar confidence; and i asked mr. morley to meet them because they represented the exact type of american citizen with whom i thought he ought to be brought in contact. one of the devices sometimes used by big corporations to break down the law was to treat the passage of laws as an excuse for action on their part which they knew would be resented by the public, it being their purpose to turn this resentment against the law instead of against themselves. the heads of the louisville and nashville road were bitter opponents of everything done by the government toward securing good treatment for their employees. in february, , they and various other railways announced that they intended to reduce the wages of their employees. a general strike, with all the attendant disorder and trouble, was threatened in consequence. i accordingly sent the following open letter to the inter-state commerce commission: february , . "to the inter-state commerce commission: "i am informed that a number of railroad companies have served notice of a proposed reduction of wages of their employees. one of them, the louisville and nashville, in announcing the reduction, states that 'the drastic laws inimical to the interests of the railroads that have in the past year or two been enacted by congress and the state legislatures' are largely or chiefly responsible for the conditions requiring the reduction. "under such circumstances it is possible that the public may soon be confronted by serious industrial disputes, and the law provides that in such case either party may demand the services of your chairman and of the commissioner of labor as a board of mediation and conciliation. these reductions in wages may be warranted, or they may not. as to this the public, which is a vitally interested party, can form no judgment without a more complete knowledge of the essential facts and real merits of the case than it now has or than it can possibly obtain from the special pleadings, certain to be put forth by each side in case their dispute should bring about serious interruption to traffic. if the reduction in wages is due to natural causes, the loss of business being such that the burden should be and is, equitably distributed between capitalist and wage-worker, the public should know it. if it is caused by legislation, the public, and congress, should know it; and if it is caused by misconduct in the past financial or other operations of any railroad, then everybody should know it, especially if the excuse of unfriendly legislation is advanced as a method of covering up past business misconduct by the railroad managers, or as a justification for failure to treat fairly the wage-earning employees of the company. "moreover, an industrial conflict between a railroad corporation and its employees offers peculiar opportunities to any small number of evil-disposed persons to destroy life and property and foment public disorder. of course, if life, property, and public order are endangered, prompt and drastic measures for their protection become the first plain duty. all other issues then become subordinate to the preservation of the public peace, and the real merits of the original controversy are necessarily lost from view. this vital consideration should be ever kept in mind by all law-abiding and far-sighted members of labor organizations. "it is sincerely to be hoped, therefore, that any wage controversy that may arise between the railroads and their employees may find a peaceful solution through the methods of conciliation and arbitration already provided by congress, which have proven so effective during the past year. to this end the commission should be in a position to have available for any board of conciliation or arbitration relevant data pertaining to such carriers as may become involved in industrial disputes. should conciliation fail to effect a settlement and arbitration be rejected, accurate information should be available in order to develop a properly informed public opinion. "i therefore ask you to make such investigation, both of your records and by any other means at your command, as will enable you to furnish data concerning such conditions obtaining on the louisville and nashville and any other roads, as may relate, directly or indirectly, to the real merits of the possibly impending controversy. "theodore roosevelt." this letter achieved its purpose, and the threatened reduction of wages was not made. it was an instance of what could be accomplished by governmental action. let me add, however, with all the emphasis i possess, that this does not mean any failure on my part to recognize the fact that if governmental action places too heavy burdens on railways, it will be impossible for them to operate without doing injustice to somebody. railways cannot pay proper wages and render proper service unless they make money. the investors must get a reasonable profit or they will not invest, and the public cannot be well served unless the investors are making reasonable profits. there is every reason why rates should not be too high, but they must be sufficiently high to allow the railways to pay good wages. moreover, when laws like workmen's compensation laws, and the like are passed, it must always be kept in mind by the legislature that the purpose is to distribute over the whole community a burden that should not be borne only by those least able to bear it--that is, by the injured man or the widow and orphans of the dead man. if the railway is already receiving a disproportionate return from the public, then the burden may, with propriety, bear purely on the railway; but if it is not earning a disproportionate return, then the public must bear its share of the burden of the increased service the railway is rendering. dividends and wages should go up together; and the relation of rates to them should never be forgotten. this of course does not apply to dividends based on water; nor does it mean that if foolish people have built a road that renders no service, the public must nevertheless in some way guarantee a return on the investment; but it does mean that the interests of the honest investor are entitled to the same protection as the interests of the honest manager, the honest shipper and the honest wage-earner. all these conflicting considerations should be carefully considered by legislatures before passing laws. one of the great objects in creating commissions should be the provision of disinterested, fair-minded experts who will really and wisely consider all these matters, and will shape their actions accordingly. this is one reason why such matters as the regulation of rates, the provision for full crews on roads and the like should be left for treatment by railway commissions, and not be settled off hand by direct legislative action. appendix socialism as regards what i have said in this chapter concerning socialism, i wish to call especial attention to the admirable book on "marxism versus socialism," which has just been published by vladimir d. simkhovitch. what i have, here and elsewhere, merely pointed out in rough and ready fashion from actual observation of the facts of life around me, professor simkhovitch in his book has discussed with keen practical insight, with profundity of learning, and with a wealth of applied philosophy. crude thinkers in the united states, and moreover honest and intelligent men who are not crude thinkers, but who are oppressed by the sight of the misery around them and have not deeply studied what has been done elsewhere, are very apt to adopt as their own the theories of european marxian socialists of half a century ago, ignorant that the course of events has so completely falsified the prophecies contained in these theories that they have been abandoned even by the authors themselves. with quiet humor professor simkhovitch now and then makes an allusion which shows that he appreciates to perfection this rather curious quality of some of our fellow countrymen; as for example when he says that "a socialist state with the farmer outside of it is a conception that can rest comfortably only in the head of an american socialist," or as when he speaks of marx and engels as men "to whom thinking was not an irrelevant foreign tradition." too many thoroughly well-meaning men and women in the america of to-day glibly repeat and accept--much as medieval schoolmen repeated and accepted authorized dogma in their day--various assumptions and speculations by marx and others which by the lapse of time and by actual experiment have been shown to possess not one shred of value. professor simkhovitch possesses the gift of condensation as well as the gift of clear and logical statement, and it is not possible to give in brief any idea of his admirable work. every social reformer who desires to face facts should study it--just as social reformers should study john graham brooks's "american syndicalism." from professor simkhovitch's book we americans should learn: first, to discard crude thinking; second, to realize that the orthodox or so-called scientific or purely economic or materialistic socialism of the type preached by marx is an exploded theory; and, third, that many of the men who call themselves socialists to-day are in reality merely radical social reformers, with whom on many points good citizens can and ought to work in hearty general agreement, and whom in many practical matters of government good citizens well afford to follow. chapter xiv the monroe doctrine and the panama canal no nation can claim rights without acknowledging the duties that go with the rights. it is a contemptible thing for a great nation to render itself impotent in international action, whether because of cowardice or sloth, or sheer inability or unwillingness to look into the future. it is a very wicked thing for a nation to do wrong to others. but the most contemptible and most wicked course of conduct is for a nation to use offensive language or be guilty of offensive actions toward other people and yet fail to hold its own if the other nation retaliates; and it is almost as bad to undertake responsibilities and then not fulfil them. during the seven and a half years that i was president, this nation behaved in international matters toward all other nations precisely as an honorable man behaves to his fellow-men. we made no promise which we could not and did not keep. we made no threat which we did not carry out. we never failed to assert our rights in the face of the strong, and we never failed to treat both strong and weak with courtesy and justice; and against the weak when they misbehaved we were slower to assert our rights than we were against the strong. as a legacy of the spanish war we were left with peculiar relations to the philippines, cuba, and porto rico, and with an immensely added interest in central america and the caribbean sea. as regards the philippines my belief was that we should train them for self-government as rapidly as possible, and then leave them free to decide their own fate. i did not believe in setting the time-limit within which we would give them independence, because i did not believe it wise to try to forecast how soon they would be fit for self-government; and once having made the promise i would have felt that it was imperative to keep it. within a few months of my assuming office we had stamped out the last armed resistance in the philippines that was not of merely sporadic character; and as soon as peace was secured we turned our energies to developing the islands in the interests of the natives. we established schools everywhere; we built roads; we administered an even-handed justice; we did everything possible to encourage agriculture and industry; and in constantly increasing measure we employed natives to do their own governing, and finally provided a legislative chamber. no higher grade of public officials ever handled the affairs of any colony than the public officials who in succession governed the philippines. with the possible exception of the sudan, and not even excepting algiers, i know of no country ruled and administered by men of the white race where that rule and that administration have been exercised so emphatically with an eye single to the welfare of the natives themselves. the english and dutch administrators of malaysia have done admirable work; but the profit to the europeans in those states has always been one of the chief elements considered; whereas in the philippines our whole attention was concentrated upon the welfare of the filipinos themselves, if anything to the neglect of our own interests. i do not believe that america has any special beneficial interest in retaining the philippines. our work there has benefited us only as any efficiently done work performed for the benefit of others does incidentally help the character of those who do it. the people of the islands have never developed so rapidly, from every standpoint, as during the years of the american occupation. the time will come when it will be wise to take their own judgment as to whether they wish to continue their association with america or not. there is, however, one consideration upon which we should insist. either we should retain complete control of the islands, or absolve ourselves from all responsibility for them. any half and half course would be both foolish and disastrous. we are governing and have been governing the islands in the interests of the filipinos themselves. if after due time the filipinos themselves decide that they do not wish to be thus governed, then i trust that we will leave; but when we do leave it must be distinctly understood that we retain no protectorate--and above all that we take part in no joint protectorate--over the islands, and give them no guarantee, of neutrality or otherwise; that, in short, we are absolutely quit of responsibility for them, of every kind and description. the filipinos were quite incapable of standing by themselves when we took possession of the islands, and we had made no promise concerning them. but we had explicitly promised to leave the island of cuba, had explicitly promised that cuba should be independent. early in my administration that promise was redeemed. when the promise was made, i doubt if there was a single ruler or diplomat in europe who believed that it would be kept. as far as i know, the united states was the first power which, having made such a promise, kept it in letter and spirit. england was unwise enough to make such a promise when she took egypt. it would have been a capital misfortune to have kept the promise, and england has remained in egypt for over thirty years, and will unquestionably remain indefinitely; but though it is necessary for her to do so, the fact of her doing so has meant the breaking of a positive promise and has been a real evil. japan made the same guarantee about korea, but as far as can be seen there was never even any thought of keeping the promise in this case; and korea, which had shown herself utterly impotent either for self-government or self-defense, was in actual fact almost immediately annexed to japan. we made the promise to give cuba independence; and we kept the promise. leonard wood was left in as governor for two or three years, and evolved order out of chaos, raising the administration of the island to a level, moral and material, which it had never before achieved. we also by treaty gave the cubans substantial advantages in our markets. then we left the island, turning the government over to its own people. after four or five years a revolution broke out, during my administration, and we again had to intervene to restore order. we promptly sent thither a small army of pacification. under general barry, order was restored and kept, and absolute justice done. the american troops were then withdrawn and the cubans reestablished in complete possession of their own beautiful island, and they are in possession of it now. there are plenty of occasions in our history when we have shown weakness or inefficiency, and some occasions when we have not been as scrupulous as we should have been as regards the rights of others. but i know of no action by any other government in relation to a weaker power which showed such disinterested efficiency in rendering service as was true in connection with our intervention in cuba. in cuba, as in the philippines and as in porto rico, santo domingo, and later in panama, no small part of our success was due to the fact that we put in the highest grade of men as public officials. this practice was inaugurated under president mckinley. i found admirable men in office, and i continued them and appointed men like them as their successors. the way that the custom-houses in santo domingo were administered by colton definitely established the success of our experiment in securing peace for that island republic; and in porto rico, under the administration of affairs under such officials as hunt, winthrop, post, ward and grahame, more substantial progress was achieved in a decade than in any previous century. the philippines, cuba, and porto rico came within our own sphere of governmental action. in addition to this we asserted certain rights in the western hemisphere under the monroe doctrine. my endeavor was not only to assert these rights, but frankly and fully to acknowledge the duties that went with the rights. the monroe doctrine lays down the rule that the western hemisphere is not hereafter to be treated as subject to settlement and occupation by old world powers. it is not international law; but it is a cardinal principle of our foreign policy. there is no difficulty at the present day in maintaining this doctrine, save where the american power whose interest is threatened has shown itself in international matters both weak and delinquent. the great and prosperous civilized commonwealths, such as the argentine, brazil, and chile, in the southern half of south america, have advanced so far that they no longer stand in any position of tutelage toward the united states. they occupy toward us precisely the position that canada occupies. their friendship is the friendship of equals for equals. my view was that as regards these nations there was no more necessity for asserting the monroe doctrine than there was to assert it in regard to canada. they were competent to assert it for themselves. of course if one of these nations, or if canada, should be overcome by some old world power, which then proceeded to occupy its territory, we would undoubtedly, if the american nation needed our help, give it in order to prevent such occupation from taking place. but the initiative would come from the nation itself, and the united states would merely act as a friend whose help was invoked. the case was (and is) widely different as regards certain--not all--of the tropical states in the neighborhood of the caribbean sea. where these states are stable and prosperous, they stand on a footing of absolute equality with all other communities. but some of them have been a prey to such continuous revolutionary misrule as to have grown impotent either to do their duties to outsiders or to enforce their rights against outsiders. the united states has not the slightest desire to make aggressions on any one of these states. on the contrary, it will submit to much from them without showing resentment. if any great civilized power, russia or germany, for instance, had behaved toward us as venezuela under castro behaved, this country would have gone to war at once. we did not go to war with venezuela merely because our people declined to be irritated by the actions of a weak opponent, and showed a forbearance which probably went beyond the limits of wisdom in refusing to take umbrage at what was done by the weak; although we would certainly have resented it had it been done by the strong. in the case of two states, however, affairs reached such a crisis that we had to act. these two states were santo domingo and the then owner of the isthmus of panama, colombia. the santo domingan case was the less important; and yet it possessed a real importance, and moreover is instructive because the action there taken should serve as a precedent for american action in all similar cases. during the early years of my administration santo domingo was in its usual condition of chronic revolution. there was always fighting, always plundering; and the successful graspers for governmental power were always pawning ports and custom-houses, or trying to put them up as guarantees for loans. of course the foreigners who made loans under such conditions demanded exorbitant interest, and if they were europeans expected their governments to stand by them. so utter was the disorder that on one occasion when admiral dewey landed to pay a call of ceremony on the president, he and his party were shot at by revolutionists in crossing the square, and had to return to the ships, leaving the call unpaid. there was default on the interest due to the creditors; and finally the latter insisted upon their governments intervening. two or three of the european powers were endeavoring to arrange for concerted action, and i was finally notified that these powers intended to take and hold several of the seaports which held custom-houses. this meant that unless i acted at once i would find foreign powers in partial possession of santo domingo; in which event the very individuals who, in the actual event deprecated the precaution taken to prevent such action, would have advocated extreme and violent measures to undo the effect of their own supineness. nine-tenths of wisdom is to be wise in time, and at the right time; and my whole foreign policy was based on the exercise of intelligent forethought and of decisive action sufficiently far in advance of any likely crisis to make it improbable that we would run into serious trouble. santo domingo had fallen into such chaos that once for some weeks there were two rival governments in it, and a revolution was being carried on against each. at one period one government was at sea in a small gunboat, but still stoutly maintained that it was in possession of the island and entitled to make loans and declare peace or war. the situation had become intolerable by the time that i interfered. there was a naval commander in the waters whom i directed to prevent any fighting which might menace the custom-houses. he carried out his orders, both to his and my satisfaction, in thoroughgoing fashion. on one occasion, when an insurgent force threatened to attack a town in which americans had interests, he notified the commanders on both sides that he would not permit any fighting in the town, but that he would appoint a certain place where they could meet and fight it out, and that the victors should have the town. they agreed to meet his wishes, the fight came off at the appointed place, and the victors, who if i remember rightly were the insurgents, were given the town. it was the custom-houses that caused the trouble, for they offered the only means of raising money, and the revolutions were carried on to get possession of them. accordingly i secured an agreement with the governmental authorities, who for the moment seemed best able to speak for the country, by which these custom-houses were placed under american control. the arrangement was that we should keep order and prevent any interference with the custom-houses or the places where they stood, and should collect the revenues. forty-five per cent of the revenue was then turned over to the santo domingan government, and fifty-five per cent put in a sinking fund in new york for the benefit of the creditors. the arrangement worked in capital style. on the forty-five per cent basis the santo domingan government received from us a larger sum than it had ever received before when nominally all the revenue went to it. the creditors were entirely satisfied with the arrangement, and no excuse for interference by european powers remained. occasional disturbances occurred in the island, of course, but on the whole there ensued a degree of peace and prosperity which the island had not known before for at least a century. all this was done without the loss of a life, with the assent of all the parties in interest, and without subjecting the united states to any charge, while practically all of the interference, after the naval commander whom i have mentioned had taken the initial steps in preserving order, consisted in putting a first-class man trained in our insular service at the head of the santo domingan customs service. we secured peace, we protected the people of the islands against foreign foes, and we minimized the chance of domestic trouble. we satisfied the creditors and the foreign nations to which the creditors belonged; and our own part of the work was done with the utmost efficiency and with rigid honesty, so that not a particle of scandal was ever so much as hinted at. under these circumstances those who do not know the nature of the professional international philanthropists would suppose that these apostles of international peace would have been overjoyed with what we had done. as a matter of fact, when they took any notice of it at all it was to denounce it; and those american newspapers which are fondest of proclaiming themselves the foes of war and the friends of peace violently attacked me for averting war from, and bringing peace to, the island. they insisted i had no power to make the agreement, and demanded the rejection of the treaty which was to perpetuate the agreement. they were, of course, wholly unable to advance a single sound reason of any kind for their attitude. i suppose the real explanation was partly their dislike of me personally, and unwillingness to see peace come through or national honor upheld by me; and in the next place their sheer, simple devotion to prattle and dislike of efficiency. they liked to have people come together and talk about peace, or even sign bits of paper with something about peace or arbitration on them, but they took no interest whatever in the practical achievement of a peace that told for good government and decency and honesty. they were joined by the many moderately well-meaning men who always demand that a thing be done, but also always demand that it be not done in the only way in which it is, as a matter of fact, possible to do it. the men of this kind insisted that of course santo domingo must be protected and made to behave itself, and that of course the panama canal must be dug; but they insisted even more strongly that neither feat should be accomplished in the only way in which it was possible to accomplish it at all. the constitution did not explicitly give me power to bring about the necessary agreement with santo domingo. but the constitution did not forbid my doing what i did. i put the agreement into effect, and i continued its execution for two years before the senate acted; and i would have continued it until the end of my term, if necessary, without any action by congress. but it was far preferable that there should be action by congress, so that we might be proceeding under a treaty which was the law of the land and not merely by a direction of the chief executive which would lapse when that particular executive left office. i therefore did my best to get the senate to ratify what i had done. there was a good deal of difficulty about it. with the exception of one or two men like clark of arkansas, the democratic senators acted in that spirit of unworthy partisanship which subordinates national interest to some fancied partisan advantage, and they were cordially backed by all that portion of the press which took its inspiration from wall street, and was violently hostile to the administration because of its attitude towards great corporations. most of the republican senators under the lead of senator lodge stood by me; but some of them, of the more "conservative" or reactionary type, who were already growing hostile to me on the trust question, first proceeded to sneer at what had been done, and to raise all kinds of meticulous objections, which they themselves finally abandoned, but which furnished an excuse on which the opponents of the treaty could hang adverse action. unfortunately the senators who were most apt to speak of the dignity of the senate, and to insist upon its importance, were the very ones who were also most apt to try to make display of this dignity and importance by thwarting the public business. this case was typical. the republicans in question spoke against certain provisions of the proposed treaty. they then, having ingeniously provided ammunition for the foes of the treaty, abandoned their opposition to it, and the democrats stepped into the position they had abandoned. enough republicans were absent to prevent the securing of a two-thirds vote for the treaty, and the senate adjourned without any action at all, and with a feeling of entire self-satisfaction at having left the country in the position of assuming a responsibility and then failing to fulfil it. apparently the senators in question felt that in some way they had upheld their dignity. all that they had really done was to shirk their duty. somebody had to do that duty, and accordingly i did it. i went ahead and administered the proposed treaty anyhow, considering it as a simple agreement on the part of the executive which would be converted into a treaty whenever the senate acted. after a couple of years the senate did act, having previously made some utterly unimportant changes which i ratified and persuaded santo domingo to ratify. in all its history santo domingo has had nothing happen to it as fortunate as this treaty, and the passing of it saved the united states from having to face serious difficulties with one or more foreign powers. it cannot in the long run prove possible for the united states to protect delinquent american nations from punishment for the non-performance of their duties unless she undertakes to make them perform their duties. people may theorize about this as much as they wish, but whenever a sufficiently strong outside nation becomes sufficiently aggrieved, then either that nation will act or the united states government itself will have to act. we were face to face at one period of my administration with this condition of affairs in venezuela, when germany, rather feebly backed by england, undertook a blockade against venezuela to make venezuela adopt the german and english view about certain agreements. there was real danger that the blockade would finally result in germany's taking possession of certain cities or custom-houses. i succeeded, however, in getting all the parties in interest to submit their cases to the hague tribunal. by far the most important action i took in foreign affairs during the time i was president related to the panama canal. here again there was much accusation about my having acted in an "unconstitutional" manner--a position which can be upheld only if jefferson's action in acquiring louisiana be also treated as unconstitutional; and at different stages of the affair believers in a do-nothing policy denounced me as having "usurped authority"--which meant, that when nobody else could or would exercise efficient authority, i exercised it. during the nearly four hundred years that had elapsed since balboa crossed the isthmus, there had been a good deal of talk about building an isthmus canal, and there had been various discussions of the subject and negotiations about it in washington for the previous half century. so far it had all resulted merely in conversation; and the time had come when unless somebody was prepared to act with decision we would have to resign ourselves to at least half a century of further conversation. under the hay-pauncefote treaty signed shortly after i became president, and thanks to our negotiations with the french panama company, the united states at last acquired a possession, so far as europe was concerned, which warranted her in immediately undertaking the task. it remained to decide where the canal should be, whether along the line already pioneered by the french company in panama, or in nicaragua. panama belonged to the republic of colombia. nicaragua bid eagerly for the privilege of having the united states build the canal through her territory. as long as it was doubtful which route we would decide upon, colombia extended every promise of friendly cooperation; at the pan-american congress in mexico her delegate joined in the unanimous vote which requested the united states forthwith to build the canal; and at her eager request we negotiated the hay-herran treaty with her, which gave us the right to build the canal across panama. a board of experts sent to the isthmus had reported that this route was better than the nicaragua route, and that it would be well to build the canal over it provided we could purchase the rights of the french company for forty million dollars; but that otherwise they would advise taking the nicaragua route. ever since we had had a treaty with the power then in control of the isthmus, the republic of new granada, the predecessor of the republic of colombia and of the present republic of panama, by which treaty the united states was guaranteed free and open right of way across the isthmus of panama by any mode of communication that might be constructed, while in return our government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the isthmus with a view to the preservation of free transit. for nearly fifty years we had asserted the right to prevent the closing of this highway of commerce. secretary of state cass in officially stated the american position as follows: "sovereignty has its duties as well as its rights, and none of these local governments, even if administered with more regard to the just demands of other nations than they have been, would be permitted, in a spirit of eastern isolation, to close the gates of intercourse of the great highways of the world, and justify the act by the pretension that these avenues of trade and travel belong to them and that they choose to shut them, or, what is almost equivalent, to encumber them with such unjust relations as would prevent their general use." we had again and again been forced to intervene to protect the transit across the isthmus, and the intervention was frequently at the request of colombia herself. the effort to build a canal by private capital had been made under de lesseps and had resulted in lamentable failure. every serious proposal to build the canal in such manner had been abandoned. the united states had repeatedly announced that we would not permit it to be built or controlled by any old-world government. colombia was utterly impotent to build it herself. under these circumstances it had become a matter of imperative obligation that we should build it ourselves without further delay. i took final action in . during the preceding fifty-three years the governments of new granada and of its successor, colombia, had been in a constant state of flux; and the state of panama had sometimes been treated as almost independent, in a loose federal league, and sometimes as the mere property of the government at bogota; and there had been innumerable appeals to arms, sometimes of adequate, sometimes for inadequate, reasons. the following is a partial list of the disturbances on the isthmus of panama during the period in question, as reported to us by our consuls. it is not possible to give a complete list, and some of the reports that speak of "revolutions" must mean unsuccessful revolutions: may , .--outbreak; two americans killed. war vessel demanded to quell outbreak. october, .--revolutionary plot to bring about independence of the isthmus. july , .--revolution in four southern provinces. november , .--outbreak at chagres. man-of-war requested for chagres. june , .--insurrection at bogota, and consequent disturbance on isthmus. war vessel demanded. may , .--political disturbances. war vessel requested. june , .--attempted revolution. october , .--independence of isthmus demanded by provincial legislature. april, .--riot, and massacre of americans. may , .--riot. may , .--riot. june , .--riot. october , .--conflict between two native parties. united states force landed. december , .--attempted secession of panama. april, .--riots. september, .--outbreak. october , .--landing of united states forces in consequence. may , .--intervention of the united states force required, by intendente. october , .--insurrection and civil war. april , .--measures to prevent rebels crossing isthmus. june , .--mosquera's troops refused admittance to panama. march, .--revolution, and united states troops landed. august, .--riots; unsuccessful attempt to invade panama. march, .--unsuccessful revolution. april, .--attempt to overthrow government. august, .--attempt at revolution. july , .--revolution; provisional government inaugurated. august , .--revolution; provisional government overthrown. april, .--revolution; followed apparently by counter revolution. april, .--revolution and civil war which lasted to october, . august, .--civil war which lasted until april, . july, .--rebellion. december, .--revolt. april, .--revolution. june, .--revolution. march, .--riot. may, .--riot. june, .--revolutionary attempt. december, .--revolutionary attempt. january, .--revolutionary disturbances. march, .--revolution. april, .--disturbance on panama railroad. november, .--disturbance on line of canal. january, .--riot. january, .--revolution which lasted until april. march, .--incendiary attempt. october, .--revolution. february, , to july, .--revolution. january, .--revolution. july, .--revolutionary disturbances. september, .--city of colon taken by rebels. march, .--revolutionary disturbances. july, .--revolution the above is only a partial list of the revolutions, rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that occurred during the period in question; yet they number fifty-three for the fifty-three years, and they showed a tendency to increase, rather than decrease, in numbers and intensity. one of them lasted for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for nearly a year. in short, the experience of over half a century had shown colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on the isthmus. only the active interference of the united states had enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of sovereignty. had it not been for the exercise by the united states of the police power in her interest, her connection with the isthmus would have been sundered long before it was. in , in , in , in , in , and again in , sailors and marines from united states warships were forced to land in order to patrol the isthmus, to protect life and property, and to see that the transit across the isthmus was kept open. in , in , in , and in , the colombian government asked that the united states government would land troops to protect colombian interests and maintain order on the isthmus. the people of panama during the preceding twenty years had three times sought to establish their independence by revolution or secession--in , in , and in . the peculiar relations of the united states toward the isthmus, and the acquiescence by colombia in acts which were quite incompatible with the theory of her having an absolute and unconditioned sovereignty on the isthmus, are illustrated by the following three telegrams between two of our naval officers whose ships were at the isthmus, and the secretary of the navy on the occasion of the first outbreak that occurred on the isthmus after i became president (a year before panama became independent): september , . ranger, panama: united states guarantees perfect neutrality of isthmus and that a free transit from sea to sea be not interrupted or embarrassed. . . . any transportation of troops which might contravene these provisions of treaty should not be sanctioned by you, nor should use of road be permitted which might convert the line of transit into theater of hostility. moody. colon, september , . secretary navy, washington: everything is conceded. the united states guards and guarantees traffic and the line of transit. to-day i permitted the exchange of colombian troops from panama to colon, about men each way, the troops without arms in trains guarded by american naval force in the same manner as other passengers; arms and ammunition in separate train, guarded also by naval force in the same manner as other freight. mclean. panama, october , . secretary navy, washington, d.c.: have sent this communication to the american consul at panama: "inform governor, while trains running under united states protection, i must decline transportation any combatants, ammunition, arms, which might cause interruption to traffic or convert line of transit into theater hostilities." casey. when the government in nominal control of the isthmus continually besought american interference to protect the "rights" it could not itself protect, and permitted our government to transport colombian troops unarmed, under protection of our own armed men, while the colombian arms and ammunition came in a separate train, it is obvious that the colombian "sovereignty" was of such a character as to warrant our insisting that inasmuch as it only existed because of our protection there should be in requital a sense of the obligations that the acceptance of this protection implied. meanwhile colombia was under a dictatorship. in m. a. sanclamente was elected president, and j. m. maroquin vice-president, of the republic of colombia. on july , , the vice-president, maroquin, executed a "coup d'etat" by seizing the person of the president, sanclamente, and imprisoning him at a place a few miles out of bogota. maroquin thereupon declared himself possessed of the executive power because of "the absence of the president"--a delightful touch of unconscious humor. he then issued a decree that public order was disturbed, and, upon that ground, assumed to himself legislative power under another provision of the constitution; that is, having himself disturbed the public order, he alleged the disturbance as a justification for seizing absolute power. thenceforth maroquin, without the aid of any legislative body, ruled as a dictator, combining the supreme executive, legislative, civil, and military authorities, in the so-called republic of colombia. the "absence" of sanclamente from the capital became permanent by his death in prison in the year . when the people of panama declared their independence in november, , no congress had sat in colombia since the year , except the special congress called by maroquin to reject the canal treaty, and which did reject it by a unanimous vote, and adjourned without legislating on any other subject. the constitution of had taken away from panama the power of self-government and vested it in columbia. the _coup d'etat_ of maroquin took away from colombia herself the power of government and vested it in an irresponsible dictator. consideration of the above facts ought to be enough to show any human being that we were not dealing with normal conditions on the isthmus and in colombia. we were dealing with the government of an irresponsible alien dictator, and with a condition of affairs on the isthmus itself which was marked by one uninterrupted series of outbreaks and revolutions. as for the "consent of the governed" theory, that absolutely justified our action; the people on the isthmus were the "governed"; they were governed by colombia, without their consent, and they unanimously repudiated the colombian government, and demanded that the united states build the canal. i had done everything possible, personally and through secretary hay, to persuade the colombian government to keep faith. under the hay-pauncefote treaty, it was explicitly provided that the united states should build the canal, should control, police and protect it, and keep it open to the vessels of all nations on equal terms. we had assumed the position of guarantor of the canal, including, of course, the building of the canal, and of its peaceful use by all the world. the enterprise was recognized everywhere as responding to an international need. it was a mere travesty on justice to treat the government in possession of the isthmus as having the right--which secretary cass forty-five years before had so emphatically repudiated--to close the gates of intercourse on one of the great highways of the world. when we submitted to colombia the hay-herran treaty, it had been settled that the time for delay, the time for permitting any government of anti-social character, or of imperfect development, to bar the work, had passed. the united states had assumed in connection with the canal certain responsibilities not only to its own people but to the civilized world, which imperatively demanded that there should be no further delay in beginning the work. the hay-herran treaty, if it erred at all, erred in being overgenerous toward colombia. the people of panama were delighted with the treaty, and the president of colombia, who embodied in his own person the entire government of colombia, had authorized the treaty to be made. but after the treaty had been made the colombia government thought it had the matter in its own hands; and the further thought, equally wicked and foolish, came into the heads of the people in control at bogota that they would seize the french company at the end of another year and take for themselves the forty million dollars which the united states had agreed to pay the panama canal company. president maroquin, through his minister, had agreed to the hay-herran treaty in january, . he had the absolute power of an unconstitutional dictator to keep his promise or break it. he determined to break it. to furnish himself an excuse for breaking it he devised the plan of summoning a congress especially called to reject the canal treaty. this the congress--a congress of mere puppets--did, without a dissenting vote; and the puppets adjourned forthwith without legislating on any other subject. the fact that this was a mere sham, and that the president had entire power to confirm his own treaty and act on it if he desired, was shown as soon as the revolution took place, for on november general reyes of colombia addressed the american minister at bogota, on behalf of president maroquin, saying that "if the government of the united states would land troops and restore the colombian sovereignty" the colombian president would "declare martial law; and, by virtue of vested constitutional authority, when public order is disturbed, would approve by decree the ratification of the canal treaty as signed; or, if the government of the united states prefers, would call an extra session of the congress--with new and friendly members--next may to approve the treaty." this, of course, is proof positive that the colombian dictator had used his congress as a mere shield, and a sham shield at that, and it shows how utterly useless it would have been further to trust his good faith in the matter. when, in august, , i became convinced that colombia intended to repudiate the treaty made the preceding january, under cover of securing its rejection by the colombian legislature, i began carefully to consider what should be done. by my direction, secretary hay, personally and through the minister at bogota, repeatedly warned colombia that grave consequences might follow her rejection of the treaty. the possibility of ratification did not wholly pass away until the close of the session of the colombian congress on the last day of october. there would then be two possibilities. one was that panama would remain quiet. in that case i was prepared to recommend to congress that we should at once occupy the isthmus anyhow, and proceed to dig the canal; and i had drawn out a draft of my message to this effect.[*] but from the information i received, i deemed it likely that there would be a revolution in panama as soon as the colombian congress adjourned without ratifying the treaty, for the entire population of panama felt that the immediate building of the canal was of vital concern to their well-being. correspondents of the different newspapers on the isthmus had sent to their respective papers widely published forecasts indicating that there would be a revolution in such event. [*] see appendix at end of this chapter. moreover, on october , at the request of lieutenant-general young, captain humphrey, and lieutenant murphy, two army officers who had returned from the isthmus, saw me and told me that there would unquestionably be a revolution on the isthmus, that the people were unanimous in their criticism of the bogota government and their disgust over the failure of that government to ratify the treaty; and that the revolution would probably take place immediately after the adjournment of the colombian congress. they did not believe that it would be before october , but they were confident that it would certainly come at the end of october or immediately afterwards, when the colombian congress had adjourned. accordingly i directed the navy department to station various ships within easy reach of the isthmus, to be ready to act in the event of need arising. these ships were barely in time. on november the revolution occurred. practically everybody on the isthmus, including all the colombian troops that were already stationed there, joined in the revolution, and there was no bloodshed. but on that same day four hundred new colombian troops were landed at colon. fortunately, the gunboat _nashville_, under commander hubbard, reached colon almost immediately afterwards, and when the commander of the colombian forces threatened the lives and property of the american citizens, including women and children, in colon, commander hubbard landed a few score sailors and marines to protect them. by a mixture of firmness and tact he not only prevented any assault on our citizens, but persuaded the colombian commander to reembark his troops for cartagena. on the pacific side a colombian gunboat shelled the city of panama, with the result of killing one chinaman--the only life lost in the whole affair. no one connected with the american government had any part in preparing, inciting, or encouraging the revolution, and except for the reports of our military and naval officers, which i forwarded to congress, no one connected with the government had any previous knowledge concerning the proposed revolution, except such as was accessible to any person who read the newspapers and kept abreast of current questions and current affairs. by the unanimous action of its people, and without the firing of a shot, the state of panama declared themselves an independent republic. the time for hesitation on our part had passed. my belief then was, and the events that have occurred since have more than justified it, that from the standpoint of the united states it was imperative, not only for civil but for military reasons, that there should be the immediate establishment of easy and speedy communication by sea between the atlantic and the pacific. these reasons were not of convenience only, but of vital necessity, and did not admit of indefinite delay. the action of colombia had shown not only that the delay would be indefinite, but that she intended to confiscate the property and rights of the french panama canal company. the report of the panama canal committee of the colombian senate on october , , on the proposed treaty with the united states, proposed that all consideration of the matter should be postponed until october , , when the next colombian congress would have convened, because by that time the new congress would be in condition to determine whether through lapse of time the french company had not forfeited its property and rights. "when that time arrives," the report significantly declared, "the republic, without any impediment, will be able to contract and will be in more clear, more definite and more advantageous possession, both legally and materially." the naked meaning of this was that colombia proposed to wait a year, and then enforce a forfeiture of the rights and property of the french panama company, so as to secure the forty million dollars our government had authorized as payment to this company. if we had sat supine, this would doubtless have meant that france would have interfered to protect the company, and we should then have had on the isthmus, not the company, but france; and the gravest international complications might have ensued. every consideration of international morality and expediency, of duty to the panama people, and of satisfaction of our own national interests and honor, bade us take immediate action. i recognized panama forthwith on behalf of the united states, and practically all the countries of the world immediately followed suit. the state department immediately negotiated a canal treaty with the new republic. one of the foremost men in securing the independence of panama, and the treaty which authorized the united states forthwith to build the canal, was m. philippe bunau-varilla, an eminent french engineer formerly associated with de lesseps and then living on the isthmus; his services to civilization were notable, and deserve the fullest recognition. from the beginning to the end our course was straightforward and in absolute accord with the highest of standards of international morality. criticism of it can come only from misinformation, or else from a sentimentality which represents both mental weakness and a moral twist. to have acted otherwise than i did would have been on my part betrayal of the interests of the united states, indifference to the interests of panama, and recreancy to the interests of the world at large. colombia had forfeited every claim to consideration; indeed, this is not stating the case strongly enough: she had so acted that yielding to her would have meant on our part that culpable form of weakness which stands on a level with wickedness. as for me personally, if i had hesitated to act, and had not in advance discounted the clamor of those americans who have made a fetish of disloyalty to their country, i should have esteemed myself as deserving a place in dante's inferno beside the faint-hearted cleric who was guilty of "il gran rifiuto." the facts i have given above are mere bald statements from the record. they show that from the beginning there had been acceptance of our right to insist on free transit, in whatever form was best, across the isthmus; and that towards the end there had been a no less universal feeling that it was our duty to the world to provide this transit in the shape of a canal--the resolution of the pan-american congress was practically a mandate to this effect. colombia was then under a one-man government, a dictatorship, founded on usurpation of absolute and irresponsible power. she eagerly pressed us to enter into an agreement with her, as long as there was any chance of our going to the alternative route through nicaragua. when she thought we were committed, she refused to fulfil the agreement, with the avowed hope of seizing the french company's property for nothing and thereby holding us up. this was a bit of pure bandit morality. it would have achieved its purpose had i possessed as weak moral fiber as those of my critics who announced that i ought to have confined my action to feeble scolding and temporizing until the opportunity for action passed. i did not lift my finger to incite the revolutionists. the right simile to use is totally different. i simply ceased to stamp out the different revolutionary fuses that were already burning. when colombia committed flagrant wrong against us, i considered it no part of my duty to aid and abet her in her wrongdoing at our expense, and also at the expense of panama, of the french company, and of the world generally. there had been fifty years of continuous bloodshed and civil strife in panama; because of my action panama has now known ten years of such peace and prosperity as she never before saw during the four centuries of her existence--for in panama, as in cuba and santo domingo, it was the action of the american people, against the outcries of the professed apostles of peace, which alone brought peace. we gave to the people of panama self-government, and freed them from subjection to alien oppressors. we did our best to get colombia to let us treat her with a more than generous justice; we exercised patience to beyond the verge of proper forbearance. when we did act and recognize panama, colombia at once acknowledged her own guilt by promptly offering to do what we had demanded, and what she had protested it was not in her power to do. but the offer came too late. what we would gladly have done before, it had by that time become impossible for us honorably to do; for it would have necessitated our abandoning the people of panama, our friends, and turning them over to their and our foes, who would have wreaked vengeance on them precisely because they had shown friendship to us. colombia was solely responsible for her own humiliation; and she had not then, and has not now, one shadow of claim upon us, moral or legal; all the wrong that was done was done by her. if, as representing the american people, i had not acted precisely as i did, i would have been an unfaithful or incompetent representative; and inaction at that crisis would have meant not only indefinite delay in building the canal, but also practical admission on our part that we were not fit to play the part on the isthmus which we had arrogated to ourselves. i acted on my own responsibility in the panama matter. john hay spoke of this action as follows: "the action of the president in the panama matter is not only in the strictest accordance with the principles of justice and equity, and in line with all the best precedents of our public policy, but it was the only course he could have taken in compliance with our treaty rights and obligations." i deeply regretted, and now deeply regret, the fact that the colombian government rendered it imperative for me to take the action i took; but i had no alternative, consistent with the full performance of my duty to my own people, and to the nations of mankind. (for, be it remembered, that certain other nations, chile for example, will probably benefit even more by our action than will the united states itself.) i am well aware that the colombian people have many fine traits; that there is among them a circle of high-bred men and women which would reflect honor on the social life of any country; and that there has been an intellectual and literary development within this small circle which partially atones for the stagnation and illiteracy of the mass of the people; and i also know that even the illiterate mass possesses many sterling qualities. but unfortunately in international matters every nation must be judged by the action of its government. the good people in colombia apparently made no effort, certainly no successful effort, to cause the government to act with reasonable good faith towards the united states; and colombia had to take the consequences. if brazil, or the argentine, or chile, had been in possession of the isthmus, doubtless the canal would have been built under the governmental control of the nation thus controlling the isthmus, with the hearty acquiescence of the united states and of all other powers. but in the actual fact the canal would not have been built at all save for the action i took. if men choose to say that it would have been better not to build it, than to build it as the result of such action, their position, although foolish, is compatible with belief in their wrongheaded sincerity. but it is hypocrisy, alike odious and contemptible, for any man to say both that we ought to have built the canal and that we ought not to have acted in the way we did act. after a sufficient period of wrangling, the senate ratified the treaty with panama, and work on the canal was begun. the first thing that was necessary was to decide the type of canal. i summoned a board of engineering experts, foreign and native. they divided on their report. the majority of the members, including all the foreign members, approved a sea-level canal. the minority, including most of the american members, approved a lock canal. studying these conclusions, i came to the belief that the minority was right. the two great traffic canals of the world were the suez and the soo. the suez canal is a sea-level canal, and it was the one best known to european engineers. the soo canal, through which an even greater volume of traffic passes every year, is a lock canal, and the american engineers were thoroughly familiar with it; whereas, in my judgment, the european engineers had failed to pay proper heed to the lessons taught by its operation and management. moreover, the engineers who were to do the work at panama all favored a lock canal. i came to the conclusion that a sea-level canal would be slightly less exposed to damage in the event of war; that the running expenses, apart from the heavy cost of interest on the amount necessary to build it, would be less; and that for small ships the time of transit would be less. but i also came to the conclusion that the lock canal at the proposed level would cost only about half as much to build and would be built in half the time, with much less risk; that for large ships the transit would be quicker, and that, taking into account the interest saved, the cost of maintenance would be less. accordingly i recommended to congress, on february , , that a lock canal should be built, and my recommendation was adopted. congress insisted upon having it built by a commission of several men. i tried faithfully to get good work out of the commission, and found it quite impossible; for a many-headed commission is an extremely poor executive instrument. at last i put colonel goethals in as head of the commission. then, when congress still refused to make the commission single-headed, i solved the difficulty by an executive order of january , , which practically accomplished the object by enlarging the powers of the chairman, making all the other members of the commission dependent upon him, and thereby placing the work under one-man control. dr. gorgas had already performed an inestimable service by caring for the sanitary conditions so thoroughly as to make the isthmus as safe as a health resort. colonel goethals proved to be the man of all others to do the job. it would be impossible to overstate what he has done. it is the greatest task of any kind that any man in the world has accomplished during the years that colonel goethals has been at work. it is the greatest task of its own kind that has ever been performed in the world at all. colonel goethals has succeeded in instilling into the men under him a spirit which elsewhere has been found only in a few victorious armies. it is proper and appropriate that, like the soldiers of such armies, they should receive medals which are allotted each man who has served for a sufficient length of time. a finer body of men has never been gathered by any nation than the men who have done the work of building the panama canal; the conditions under which they have lived and have done their work have been better than in any similar work ever undertaken in the tropics; they have all felt an eager pride in their work; and they have made not only america but the whole world their debtors by what they have accomplished. appendix colombia: the proposed message to congress the rough draft of the message i had proposed to send congress ran as follows: "the colombian government, through its representative here, and directly in communication with our representative at colombia, has refused to come to any agreement with us, and has delayed action so as to make it evident that it intends to make extortionate and improper terms with us. the isthmian canal bill was, of course, passed upon the assumption that whatever route was used, the benefit to the particular section of the isthmus through which it passed would be so great that the country controlling this part would be eager to facilitate the building of the canal. it is out of the question to submit to extortion on the part of a beneficiary of the scheme. all the labor, all the expense, all the risk are to be assumed by us and all the skill shown by us. those controlling the ground through which the canal is to be put are wholly incapable of building it. "yet the interest of international commerce generally and the interest of this country generally demands that the canal should be begun with no needless delay. the refusal of colombia properly to respond to our sincere and earnest efforts to come to an agreement, or to pay heed to the many concessions we have made, renders it in my judgment necessary that the united states should take immediate action on one of two lines: either we should drop the panama canal project and immediately begin work on the nicaraguan canal, or else we should purchase all the rights of the french company, and, without any further parley with colombia, enter upon the completion of the canal which the french company has begun. i feel that the latter course is the one demanded by the interests of this nation, and i therefore bring the matter to your attention for such action in the premises as you may deem wise. if in your judgment it is better not to take such action, then i shall proceed at once with the nicaraguan canal. "the reason that i advocate the action above outlined in regard to the panama canal is, in the first place, the strong testimony of the experts that this route is the most feasible; and in the next place, the impropriety from an international standpoint of permitting such conduct as that to which colombia seems to incline. the testimony of the experts is very strong, not only that the panama route is feasible, but that in the nicaragua route we may encounter some unpleasant surprises, and that it is far more difficult to forecast the result with any certainty as regards this latter route. as for colombia's attitude, it is incomprehensible upon any theory of desire to see the canal built upon the basis of mutual advantage alike to those building it and to colombia herself. all we desire to do is to take up the work begun by the french government and to finish it. obviously it is colombia's duty to help towards such completion. we are most anxious to come to an agreement with her in which most scrupulous care should be taken to guard her interests and ours. but we cannot consent to permit her to block the performance of the work which it is so greatly to our interest immediately to begin and carry through." shortly after this rough draft was dictated the panama revolution came, and i never thought of the rough draft again until i was accused of having instigated the revolution. this accusation is preposterous in the eyes of any one who knows the actual conditions at panama. only the menace of action by us in the interest of colombia kept down revolution; as soon as colombia's own conduct removed such menace, all check on the various revolutionary movements (there were at least three from entirely separate sources) ceased; and then an explosion was inevitable, for the french company knew that all their property would be confiscated if colombia put through her plans, and the entire people of panama felt that if in disgust with colombia's extortions the united states turned to nicaragua, they, the people of panama, would be ruined. knowing the character of those then in charge of the colombian government, i was not surprised at their bad faith; but i was surprised at their folly. they apparently had no idea either of the power of france or the power of the united states, and expected to be permitted to commit wrong with impunity, just as castro in venezuela had done. the difference was that, unless we acted in self-defense, colombia had it in her power to do us serious harm, and venezuela did not have such power. colombia's wrongdoing, therefore, recoiled on her own head. there was no new lesson taught; it ought already to have been known to every one that wickedness, weakness, and folly combined rarely fail to meet punishment, and that the intent to do wrong, when joined to inability to carry the evil purpose to a successful conclusion, inevitably reacts on the wrongdoer. for the full history of the acquisition and building of the canal see "the panama gateway," by joseph bucklin bishop (scribner's sons). mr. bishop has been for eight years secretary of the commission and is one of the most efficient of the many efficient men to whose work on the isthmus america owes so much. chapter xv the peace of righteousness there can be no nobler cause for which to work than the peace of righteousness; and high honor is due those serene and lofty souls who with wisdom and courage, with high idealism tempered by sane facing of the actual facts of life, have striven to bring nearer the day when armed strife between nation and nation, between class and class, between man and man shall end throughout the world. because all this is true, it is also true that there are no men more ignoble or more foolish, no men whose actions are fraught with greater possibility of mischief to their country and to mankind, than those who exalt unrighteous peace as better than righteous war. the men who have stood highest in our history, as in the history of all countries, are those who scorned injustice, who were incapable of oppressing the weak, or of permitting their country, with their consent, to oppress the weak, but who did not hesitate to draw the sword when to leave it undrawn meant inability to arrest triumphant wrong. all this is so obvious that it ought not to be necessary to repeat it. yet every man in active affairs, who also reads about the past, grows by bitter experience to realize that there are plenty of men, not only among those who mean ill, but among those who mean well, who are ready enough to praise what was done in the past, and yet are incapable of profiting by it when faced by the needs of the present. during our generation this seems to have been peculiarly the case among the men who have become obsessed with the idea of obtaining universal peace by some cheap patent panacea. there has been a real and substantial growth in the feeling for international responsibility and justice among the great civilized nations during the past threescore or fourscore years. there has been a real growth of recognition of the fact that moral turpitude is involved in the wronging of one nation by another, and that in most cases war is an evil method of settling international difficulties. but as yet there has been only a rudimentary beginning of the development of international tribunals of justice, and there has been no development at all of any international police power. now, as i have already said, the whole fabric of municipal law, of law within each nation, rests ultimately upon the judge and the policeman; and the complete absence of the policeman, and the almost complete absence of the judge, in international affairs, prevents there being as yet any real homology between municipal and international law. moreover, the questions which sometimes involve nations in war are far more difficult and complex than any questions that affect merely individuals. almost every great nation has inherited certain questions, either with other nations or with sections of its own people, which it is quite impossible, in the present state of civilization, to decide as matters between private individuals can be decided. during the last century at least half of the wars that have been fought have been civil and not foreign wars. there are big and powerful nations which habitually commit, either upon other nations or upon sections of their own people, wrongs so outrageous as to justify even the most peaceful persons in going to war. there are also weak nations so utterly incompetent either to protect the rights of foreigners against their own citizens, or to protect their own citizens against foreigners, that it becomes a matter of sheer duty for some outside power to interfere in connection with them. as yet in neither case is there any efficient method of getting international action; and if joint action by several powers is secured, the result is usually considerably worse than if only one power interfered. the worst infamies of modern times--such affairs as the massacres of the armenians by the turks, for instance--have been perpetrated in a time of nominally profound international peace, when there has been a concert of big powers to prevent the breaking of this peace, although only by breaking it could the outrages be stopped. be it remembered that the peoples who suffered by these hideous massacres, who saw their women violated and their children tortured, were actually enjoying all the benefits of "disarmament." otherwise they would not have been massacred; for if the jews in russia and the armenians in turkey had been armed, and had been efficient in the use of their arms, no mob would have meddled with them. yet amiable but fatuous persons, with all these facts before their eyes, pass resolutions demanding universal arbitration for everything, and the disarmament of the free civilized powers and their abandonment of their armed forces; or else they write well-meaning, solemn little books, or pamphlets or editorials, and articles in magazines or newspapers, to show that it is "an illusion" to believe that war ever pays, because it is expensive. this is precisely like arguing that we should disband the police and devote our sole attention to persuading criminals that it is "an illusion" to suppose that burglary, highway robbery and white slavery are profitable. it is almost useless to attempt to argue with these well-intentioned persons, because they are suffering under an obsession and are not open to reason. they go wrong at the outset, for they lay all the emphasis on peace and none at all on righteousness. they are not all of them physically timid men; but they are usually men of soft life; and they rarely possess a high sense of honor or a keen patriotism. they rarely try to prevent their fellow countrymen from insulting or wronging the people of other nations; but they always ardently advocate that we, in our turn, shall tamely submit to wrong and insult from other nations. as americans their folly is peculiarly scandalous, because if the principles they now uphold are right, it means that it would have been better that americans should never have achieved their independence, and better that, in , they should have peacefully submitted to seeing their country split into half a dozen jangling confederacies and slavery made perpetual. if unwilling to learn from their own history, let those who think that it is an "illusion" to believe that a war ever benefits a nation look at the difference between china and japan. china has neither a fleet nor an efficient army. it is a huge civilized empire, one of the most populous on the globe; and it has been the helpless prey of outsiders because it does not possess the power to fight. japan stands on a footing of equality with european and american nations because it does possess this power. china now sees japan, russia, germany, england and france in possession of fragments of her empire, and has twice within the lifetime of the present generation seen her capital in the hands of allied invaders, because she in very fact realizes the ideals of the persons who wish the united states to disarm, and then trust that our helplessness will secure us a contemptuous immunity from attack by outside nations. the chief trouble comes from the entire inability of these worthy people to understand that they are demanding things that are mutually incompatible when they demand peace at any price, and also justice and righteousness. i remember one representative of their number, who used to write little sonnets on behalf of the mahdi and the sudanese, these sonnets setting forth the need that the sudan should be both independent and peaceful. as a matter of fact, the sudan valued independence only because it desired to war against all christians and to carry on an unlimited slave trade. it was "independent" under the mahdi for a dozen years, and during those dozen years the bigotry, tyranny, and cruel religious intolerance were such as flourished in the seventh century, and in spite of systematic slave raids the population decreased by nearly two-thirds, and practically all the children died. peace came, well-being came, freedom from rape and murder and torture and highway robbery, and every brutal gratification of lust and greed came, only when the sudan lost its independence and passed under english rule. yet this well-meaning little sonneteer sincerely felt that his verses were issued in the cause of humanity. looking back from the vantage point of a score of years, probably every one will agree that he was an absurd person. but he was not one whit more absurd than most of the more prominent persons who advocate disarmament by the united states, the cessation of up-building the navy, and the promise to agree to arbitrate all matters, including those affecting our national interests and honor, with all foreign nations. these persons would do no harm if they affected only themselves. many of them are, in the ordinary relations of life, good citizens. they are exactly like the other good citizens who believe that enforced universal vegetarianism or anti-vaccination is the panacea for all ills. but in their particular case they are able to do harm because they affect our relations with foreign powers, so that other men pay the debt which they themselves have really incurred. it is the foolish, peace-at-any-price persons who try to persuade our people to make unwise and improper treaties, or to stop building up the navy. but if trouble comes and the treaties are repudiated, or there is a demand for armed intervention, it is not these people who will pay anything; they will stay at home in safety, and leave brave men to pay in blood, and honest men to pay in shame, for their folly. the trouble is that our policy is apt to go in zigzags, because different sections of our people exercise at different times unequal pressure on our government. one class of our citizens clamors for treaties impossible of fulfilment, and improper to fulfil; another class has no objection to the passage of these treaties so long as there is no concrete case to which they apply, but instantly oppose a veto on their application when any concrete case does actually arise. one of our cardinal doctrines is freedom of speech, which means freedom of speech about foreigners as well as about ourselves; and, inasmuch as we exercise this right with complete absence of restraint, we cannot expect other nations to hold us harmless unless in the last resort we are able to make our own words good by our deeds. one class of our citizens indulges in gushing promises to do everything for foreigners, another class offensively and improperly reviles them; and it is hard to say which class more thoroughly misrepresents the sober, self-respecting judgment of the american people as a whole. the only safe rule is to promise little, and faithfully to keep every promise; to "speak softly and carry a big stick." a prime need for our nation, as of course for every other nation, is to make up its mind definitely what it wishes, and not to try to pursue paths of conduct incompatible one with the other. if this nation is content to be the china of the new world, then and then only can it afford to do away with the navy and the army. if it is content to abandon hawaii and the panama canal, to cease to talk of the monroe doctrine, and to admit the right of any european or asiatic power to dictate what immigrants shall be sent to and received in america, and whether or not they shall be allowed to become citizens and hold land--why, of course, if america is content to have nothing to say on any of these matters and to keep silent in the presence of armed outsiders, then it can abandon its navy and agree to arbitrate all questions of all kinds with every foreign power. in such event it can afford to pass its spare time in one continuous round of universal peace celebrations, and of smug self-satisfaction in having earned the derision of all the virile peoples of mankind. those who advocate such a policy do not occupy a lofty position. but at least their position is understandable. it is entirely inexcusable, however, to try to combine the unready hand with the unbridled tongue. it is folly to permit freedom of speech about foreigners as well as ourselves--and the peace-at-any-price persons are much too feeble a folk to try to interfere with freedom of speech--and yet to try to shirk the consequences of freedom of speech. it is folly to try to abolish our navy, and at the same time to insist that we have a right to enforce the monroe doctrine, that we have a right to control the panama canal which we ourselves dug, that we have a right to retain hawaii and prevent foreign nations from taking cuba, and a right to determine what immigrants, asiatic or european, shall come to our shores, and the terms on which they shall be naturalized and shall hold land and exercise other privileges. we are a rich people, and an unmilitary people. in international affairs we are a short-sighted people. but i know my countrymen. down at bottom their temper is such that they will not permanently tolerate injustice done to them. in the long run they will no more permit affronts to their national honor than injuries to their national interest. such being the case, they will do well to remember that the surest of all ways to invite disaster is to be opulent, aggressive and unarmed. throughout the seven and a half years that i was president, i pursued without faltering one consistent foreign policy, a policy of genuine international good will and of consideration for the rights of others, and at the same time of steady preparedness. the weakest nations knew that they, no less than the strongest, were safe from insult and injury at our hands; and the strong and the weak alike also knew that we possessed both the will and the ability to guard ourselves from wrong or insult at the hands of any one. it was under my administration that the hague court was saved from becoming an empty farce. it had been established by joint international agreement, but no power had been willing to resort to it. those establishing it had grown to realize that it was in danger of becoming a mere paper court, so that it would never really come into being at all. m. d'estournelles de constant had been especially alive to this danger. by correspondence and in personal interviews he impressed upon me the need not only of making advances by actually applying arbitration--not merely promising by treaty to apply it--to questions that were up for settlement, but of using the hague tribunal for this purpose. i cordially sympathized with these views. on the recommendation of john hay, i succeeded in getting an agreement with mexico to lay a matter in dispute between the two republics before the hague court. this was the first case ever brought before the hague court. it was followed by numerous others; and it definitely established that court as the great international peace tribunal. by mutual agreement with great britain, through the decision of a joint commission, of which the american members were senators lodge and turner, and secretary root, we were able peacefully to settle the alaska boundary question, the only question remaining between ourselves and the british empire which it was not possible to settle by friendly arbitration; this therefore represented the removal of the last obstacle to absolute agreement between the two peoples. we were of substantial service in bringing to a satisfactory conclusion the negotiations at algeciras concerning morocco. we concluded with great britain, and with most of the other great nations, arbitration treaties specifically agreeing to arbitrate all matters, and especially the interpretation of treaties, save only as regards questions affecting territorial integrity, national honor and vital national interest. we made with great britain a treaty guaranteeing the free use of the panama canal on equal terms to the ships of all nations, while reserving to ourselves the right to police and fortify the canal, and therefore to control it in time of war. under this treaty we are in honor bound to arbitrate the question of canal tolls for coastwise traffic between the western and eastern coasts of the united states. i believe that the american position as regards this matter is right; but i also believe that under the arbitration treaty we are in honor bound to submit the matter to arbitration in view of great britain's contention--although i hold it to be an unwise contention--that our position is unsound. i emphatically disbelieve in making universal arbitration treaties which neither the makers nor any one else would for a moment dream of keeping. i no less emphatically insist that it is our duty to keep the limited and sensible arbitration treaties which we have already made. the importance of a promise lies not in making it, but in keeping it; and the poorest of all positions for a nation to occupy in such a matter is readiness to make impossible promises at the same time that there is failure to keep promises which have been made, which can be kept, and which it is discreditable to break. during the early part of the year , the strain on the civilized world caused by the russo-japanese war became serious. the losses of life and of treasure were frightful. from all the sources of information at hand, i grew most strongly to believe that a further continuation of the struggle would be a very bad thing for japan, and an even worse thing for russia. japan was already suffering terribly from the drain upon her men, and especially upon her resources, and had nothing further to gain from continuance of the struggle; its continuance meant to her more loss than gain, even if she were victorious. russia, in spite of her gigantic strength, was, in my judgment, apt to lose even more than she had already lost if the struggle continued. i deemed it probable that she would no more be able successfully to defend eastern siberia and northern manchuria than she had been able to defend southern manchuria and korea. if the war went on, i thought it, on the whole, likely that russia would be driven west of lake baikal. but it was very far from certain. there is no certainty in such a war. japan might have met defeat, and defeat to her would have spelt overwhelming disaster; and even if she had continued to win, what she thus won would have been of no value to her, and the cost in blood and money would have left her drained white. i believed, therefore, that the time had come when it was greatly to the interest of both combatants to have peace, and when therefore it was possible to get both to agree to peace. i first satisfied myself that each side wished me to act, but that, naturally and properly, each side was exceedingly anxious that the other should not believe that the action was taken on its initiative. i then sent an identical note to the two powers proposing that they should meet, through their representatives, to see if peace could not be made directly between them, and offered to act as an intermediary in bringing about such a meeting, but not for any other purpose. each assented to my proposal in principle. there was difficulty in getting them to agree on a common meeting place; but each finally abandoned its original contention in the matter, and the representatives of the two nations finally met at portsmouth, in new hampshire. i previously received the two delegations at oyster bay on the u. s. s. mayflower, which, together with another naval vessel, i put at their disposal, on behalf of the united states government, to take them from oyster bay to portsmouth. as is customary--but both unwise and undesirable--in such cases, each side advanced claims which the other could not grant. the chief difficulty came because of japan's demand for a money indemnity. i felt that it would be better for russia to pay some indemnity than to go on with the war, for there was little chance, in my judgment, of the war turning out favorably for russia, and the revolutionary movement already under way bade fair to overthrow the negotiations entirely. i advised the russian government to this effect, at the same time urging them to abandon their pretensions on certain other points, notably concerning the southern half of saghalien, which the japanese had taken. i also, however, and equally strongly, advised the japanese that in my judgment it would be the gravest mistake on their part to insist on continuing the war for the sake of a money indemnity; for russia was absolutely firm in refusing to give them an indemnity, and the longer the war continued the less able she would be to pay. i pointed out that there was no possible analogy between their case and that of germany in the war with france, which they were fond of quoting. the germans held paris and half of france, and gave up much territory in lieu of the indemnity, whereas the japanese were still many thousand miles from moscow, and had no territory whatever which they wished to give up. i also pointed out that in my judgment whereas the japanese had enjoyed the sympathy of most of the civilized powers at the outset of and during the continuance of the war, they would forfeit it if they turned the war into one merely for getting money--and, moreover, they would almost certainly fail to get the money, and would simply find themselves at the end of a year, even if things prospered with them, in possession of territory they did not want, having spent enormous additional sums of money, and lost enormous additional numbers of men, and yet without a penny of remuneration. the treaty of peace was finally signed. as is inevitable under such circumstances, each side felt that it ought to have got better terms; and when the danger was well past each side felt that it had been over-reached by the other, and that if the war had gone on it would have gotten more than it actually did get. the japanese government had been wise throughout, except in the matter of announcing that it would insist on a money indemnity. neither in national nor in private affairs is it ordinarily advisable to make a bluff which cannot be put through--personally, i never believe in doing it under any circumstances. the japanese people had been misled by this bluff of their government; and the unwisdom of the government's action in the matter was shown by the great resentment the treaty aroused in japan, although it was so beneficial to japan. there were various mob outbreaks, especially in the japanese cities; the police were roughly handled, and several christian churches were burned, as reported to me by the american minister. in both russia and japan i believe that the net result as regards myself was a feeling of injury, and of dislike of me, among the people at large. i had expected this; i regarded it as entirely natural; and i did not resent it in the least. the governments of both nations behaved toward me not only with correct and entire propriety, but with much courtesy and the fullest acknowledgment of the good effect of what i had done; and in japan, at least, i believe that the leading men sincerely felt that i had been their friend. i had certainly tried my best to be the friend not only of the japanese people but of the russian people, and i believe that what i did was for the best interests of both and of the world at large. during the course of the negotiations i tried to enlist the aid of the governments of one nation which was friendly to russia, and of another nation which was friendly to japan, in helping bring about peace. i got no aid from either. i did, however, receive aid from the emperor of germany. his ambassador at st. petersburg was the one ambassador who helped the american ambassador, mr. meyer, at delicate and doubtful points of the negotiations. mr. meyer, who was, with the exception of mr. white, the most useful diplomat in the american service, rendered literally invaluable aid by insisting upon himself seeing the czar at critical periods of the transaction, when it was no longer possible for me to act successfully through the representatives of the czar, who were often at cross purposes with one another. as a result of the portsmouth peace, i was given the nobel peace prize. this consisted of a medal, which i kept, and a sum of $ , , which i turned over as a foundation of industrial peace to a board of trustees which included oscar straus, seth low and john mitchell. in the present state of the world's development industrial peace is even more essential than international peace; and it was fitting and appropriate to devote the peace prize to such a purpose. in , while in europe, one of my most pleasant experiences was my visit to norway, where i addressed the nobel committee, and set forth in full the principles upon which i had acted, not only in this particular case but throughout my administration. i received another gift which i deeply appreciated, an original copy of sully's "memoires" of "henry le grand," sent me with the following inscription (i translate it roughly): paris, january, . "the undersigned members of the french parliamentary group of international arbitration and conciliation have decided to tender president roosevelt a token of their high esteem and their sympathetic recognition of the persistent and decisive initiative he has taken towards gradually substituting friendly and judicial for violent methods in case of conflict between nations. "they believe that the action of president roosevelt, which has realized the most generous hopes to be found in history, should be classed as a continuance of similar illustrious attempts of former times, notably the project for international concord known under the name of the 'great design of henry iv' in the memoirs of his prime minister, the duke de sully. in consequence they have sought out a copy of the first edition of these memoirs, and they take pleasure in offering it to him, with the request that he will keep it among his family papers." the signatures include those of emile loubet, a. carnot, d'estournelles de constant, aristide briand, sully prudhomme, jean jaurés, a. fallieres, r. poincare, and two or three hundred others. of course what i had done in connection with the portsmouth peace was misunderstood by some good and sincere people. just as after the settlement of the coal strike, there were persons who thereupon thought that it was in my power, and was my duty, to settle all other strikes, so after the peace of portsmouth there were other persons--not only americans, by the way,--who thought it my duty forthwith to make myself a kind of international meddlesome mattie and interfere for peace and justice promiscuously over the world. others, with a delightful non-sequitur, jumped to the conclusion that inasmuch as i had helped to bring about a beneficent and necessary peace i must of necessity have changed my mind about war being ever necessary. a couple of days after peace was concluded i wrote to a friend: "don't you be misled by the fact that just at the moment men are speaking well of me. they will speak ill soon enough. as loeb remarked to me to-day, some time soon i shall have to spank some little international brigand, and then all the well-meaning idiots will turn and shriek that this is inconsistent with what i did at the peace conference, whereas in reality it will be exactly in line with it." to one of my political opponents, mr. schurz, who wrote me congratulating me upon the outcome at portsmouth, and suggesting that the time was opportune for a move towards disarmament, i answered in a letter setting forth views which i thought sound then, and think sound now. the letter ran as follows: oyster bay, n. y., september , . my dear mr. schurz: i thank you for your congratulations. as to what you say about disarmament--which i suppose is the rough equivalent of "the gradual diminution of the oppressive burdens imposed upon the world by armed peace"--i am not clear either as to what can be done or what ought to be done. if i had been known as one of the conventional type of peace advocates i could have done nothing whatever in bringing about peace now, i would be powerless in the future to accomplish anything, and i would not have been able to help confer the boons upon cuba, the philippines, porto rico and panama, brought about by our action therein. if the japanese had not armed during the last twenty years, this would indeed be a sorrowful century for japan. if this country had not fought the spanish war; if we had failed to take the action we did about panama; all mankind would have been the loser. while the turks were butchering the armenians the european powers kept the peace and thereby added a burden of infamy to the nineteenth century, for in keeping that peace a greater number of lives were lost than in any european war since the days of napoleon, and these lives were those of women and children as well as of men; while the moral degradation, the brutality inflicted and endured, the aggregate of hideous wrong done, surpassed that of any war of which we have record in modern times. until people get it firmly fixed in their minds that peace is valuable chiefly as a means to righteousness, and that it can only be considered as an end when it also coincides with righteousness, we can do only a limited amount to advance its coming on this earth. there is of course no analogy at present between international law and private or municipal law, because there is no sanction of force for the former, while there is for the latter. inside our own nation the law-abiding man does not have to arm himself against the lawless simply because there is some armed force--the police, the sheriff's posse, the national guard, the regulars--which can be called out to enforce the laws. at present there is no similar international force to call on, and i do not as yet see how it could at present be created. hitherto peace has often come only because some strong and on the whole just power has by armed force, or the threat of armed force, put a stop to disorder. in a very interesting french book the other day i was reading how the mediterranean was freed from pirates only by the "pax britannica," established by england's naval force. the hopeless and hideous bloodshed and wickedness of algiers and turkestan was stopped, and could only be stopped, when civilized nations in the shape of russia and france took possession of them. the same was true of burma and the malay states, as well as egypt, with regard to england. peace has come only as the sequel to the armed interference of a civilized power which, relatively to its opponent, was a just and beneficent power. if england had disarmed to the point of being unable to conquer the sudan and protect egypt, so that the mahdists had established their supremacy in northeastern africa, the result would have been a horrible and bloody calamity to mankind. it was only the growth of the european powers in military efficiency that freed eastern europe from the dreadful scourge of the tartar and partially freed it from the dreadful scourge of the turk. unjust war is dreadful; a just war may be the highest duty. to have the best nations, the free and civilized nations, disarm and leave the despotisms and barbarisms with great military force, would be a calamity compared to which the calamities caused by all the wars of the nineteenth century would be trivial. yet it is not easy to see how we can by international agreement state exactly which power ceases to be free and civilized and which comes near the line of barbarism or despotism. for example, i suppose it would be very difficult to get russia and japan to come to a common agreement on this point; and there are at least some citizens of other nations, not to speak of their governments, whom it would also be hard to get together. this does not in the least mean that it is hopeless to make the effort. it may be that some scheme will be developed. america, fortunately, can cordially assist in such an effort, for no one in his senses would suggest our disarmament; and though we should continue to perfect our small navy and our minute army, i do not think it necessary to increase the number of our ships--at any rate as things look now--nor the number of our soldiers. of course our navy must be kept up to the highest point of efficiency, and the replacing of old and worthless vessels by first-class new ones may involve an increase in the personnel; but not enough to interfere with our action along the lines you have suggested. but before i would know how to advocate such action, save in some such way as commending it to the attention of the hague tribunal, i would have to have a feasible and rational plan of action presented. it seems to me that a general stop in the increase of the war navies of the world _might_ be a good thing; but i would not like to speak too positively offhand. of course it is only in continental europe that the armies are too large; and before advocating action as regards them i should have to weigh matters carefully--including by the way such a matter as the turkish army. at any rate nothing useful can be done unless with the clear recognition that we object to putting peace second to righteousness. sincerely yours, theodore roosevelt. hon. carl schurz, bolton landing, lake george, n. y. in my own judgment the most important service that i rendered to peace was the voyage of the battle fleet round the world. i had become convinced that for many reasons it was essential that we should have it clearly understood, by our own people especially, but also by other peoples, that the pacific was as much our home waters as the atlantic, and that our fleet could and would at will pass from one to the other of the two great oceans. it seemed to me evident that such a voyage would greatly benefit the navy itself; would arouse popular interest in and enthusiasm for the navy; and would make foreign nations accept as a matter of course that our fleet should from time to time be gathered in the pacific, just as from time to time it was gathered in the atlantic, and that its presence in one ocean was no more to be accepted as a mark of hostility to any asiatic power than its presence in the atlantic was to be accepted as a mark of hostility to any european power. i determined on the move without consulting the cabinet, precisely as i took panama without consulting the cabinet. a council of war never fights, and in a crisis the duty of a leader is to lead and not to take refuge behind the generally timid wisdom of a multitude of councillors. at that time, as i happen to know, neither the english nor the german authorities believed it possible to take a fleet of great battleships round the world. they did not believe that their own fleets could perform the feat, and still less did they believe that the american fleet could. i made up my mind that it was time to have a show down in the matter; because if it was really true that our fleet could not get from the atlantic to the pacific, it was much better to know it and be able to shape our policy in view of the knowledge. many persons publicly and privately protested against the move on the ground that japan would accept it as a threat. to this i answered nothing in public. in private i said that i did not believe japan would so regard it because japan knew my sincere friendship and admiration for her and realized that we could not as a nation have any intention of attacking her; and that if there were any such feeling on the part of japan as was alleged that very fact rendered it imperative that that fleet should go. when in the spring of i was in europe i was interested to find that high naval authorities in both germany and italy had expected that war would come at the time of the voyage. they asked me if i had not been afraid of it, and if i had not expected that hostilities would begin at least by the time that the fleet reached the straits of magellan? i answered that i did not expect it; that i believed that japan would feel as friendly in the matter as we did; but that if my expectations had proved mistaken, it would have been proof positive that we were going to be attacked anyhow, and that in such event it would have been an enormous gain to have had the three months' preliminary preparation which enabled the fleet to start perfectly equipped. in a personal interview before they left i had explained to the officers in command that i believed the trip would be one of absolute peace, but that they were to take exactly the same precautions against sudden attack of any kind as if we were at war with all the nations of the earth; and that no excuse of any kind would be accepted if there were a sudden attack of any kind and we were taken unawares. my prime purpose was to impress the american people; and this purpose was fully achieved. the cruise did make a very deep impression abroad; boasting about what we have done does not impress foreign nations at all, except unfavorably, but positive achievement does; and the two american achievements that really impressed foreign peoples during the first dozen years of this century were the digging of the panama canal and the cruise of the battle fleet round the world. but the impression made on our own people was of far greater consequence. no single thing in the history of the new united states navy has done as much to stimulate popular interest and belief in it as the world cruise. this effect was forecast in a well-informed and friendly english periodical, the london _spectator_. writing in october, , a month before the fleet sailed from hampton roads, the _spectator said_: "all over america the people will follow the movements of the fleet; they will learn something of the intricate details of the coaling and commissariat work under warlike conditions; and in a word their attention will be aroused. next time mr. roosevelt or his representatives appeal to the country for new battleships they will do so to people whose minds have been influenced one way or the other. the naval programme will not have stood still. we are sure that, apart from increasing the efficiency of the existing fleet, this is the aim which mr. roosevelt has in mind. he has a policy which projects itself far into the future, but it is an entire misreading of it to suppose that it is aimed narrowly and definitely at any single power." i first directed the fleet, of sixteen battleships, to go round through the straits of magellan to san francisco. from thence i ordered them to new zealand and australia, then to the philippines, china and japan, and home through suez--they stopped in the mediterranean to help the sufferers from the earthquake at messina, by the way, and did this work as effectively as they had done all their other work. admiral evans commanded the fleet to san francisco; there admiral sperry took it; admirals thomas, wainwright and schroeder rendered distinguished service under evans and sperry. the coaling and other preparations were made in such excellent shape by the department that there was never a hitch, not so much as the delay of an hour, in keeping every appointment made. all the repairs were made without difficulty, the ship concerned merely falling out of column for a few hours, and when the job was done steaming at speed until she regained her position. not a ship was left in any port; and there was hardly a desertion. as soon as it was known that the voyage was to be undertaken men crowded to enlist, just as freely from the mississippi valley as from the seaboard, and for the first time since the spanish war the ships put to sea overmanned--and by as stalwart a set of men-of-war's men as ever looked through a porthole, game for a fight or a frolic, but withal so self-respecting and with such a sense of responsibility that in all the ports in which they landed their conduct was exemplary. the fleet practiced incessantly during the voyage, both with the guns and in battle tactics, and came home a much more efficient fighting instrument than when it started sixteen months before. the best men of command rank in our own service were confident that the fleet would go round in safety, in spite of the incredulity of foreign critics. even they, however, did not believe that it was wise to send the torpedo craft around. i accordingly acquiesced in their views, as it did not occur to me to consult the lieutenants. but shortly before the fleet started, i went in the government yacht mayflower to inspect the target practice off provincetown. i was accompanied by two torpedo boat destroyers, in charge of a couple of naval lieutenants, thorough gamecocks; and i had the two lieutenants aboard to dine one evening. towards the end of the dinner they could not refrain from asking if the torpedo flotilla was to go round with the big ships. i told them no, that the admirals and captains did not believe that the torpedo boats could stand it, and believed that the officers and crews aboard the cockle shells would be worn out by the constant pitching and bouncing and the everlasting need to make repairs. my two guests chorused an eager assurance that the boats could stand it. they assured me that the enlisted men were even more anxious to go than were the officers, mentioning that on one of their boats the terms of enlistment of most of the crew were out, and the men were waiting to see whether or not to reenlist, as they did not care to do so unless the boats were to go on the cruise. i answered that i was only too glad to accept the word of the men who were to do the job, and that they should certainly go; and within half an hour i sent out the order for the flotilla to be got ready. it went round in fine shape, not a boat being laid up. i felt that the feat reflected even more credit upon the navy than did the circumnavigation of the big ships, and i wrote the flotilla commander the following letter: may , . my dear captain cone: a great deal of attention has been paid to the feat of our battleship fleet in encircling south america and getting to san francisco; and it would be hard too highly to compliment the officers and enlisted men of that fleet for what they have done. yet if i should draw any distinction at all it would be in favor of you and your associates who have taken out the torpedo flotilla. yours was an even more notable feat, and every officer and every enlisted man in the torpedo boat flotilla has the right to feel that he has rendered distinguished service to the united states navy and therefore to the people of the united states; and i wish i could thank each of them personally. will you have this letter read by the commanding officer of each torpedo boat to his officers and crew? sincerely yours, theodore roosevelt. lieutenant commander hutch. i. cone, u. s. n., commanding second torpedo flotilla, care postmaster, san francisco, cal. there were various amusing features connected with the trip. most of the wealthy people and "leaders of opinion" in the eastern cities were panic-struck at the proposal to take the fleet away from atlantic waters. the great new york dailies issued frantic appeals to congress to stop the fleet from going. the head of the senate committee on naval affairs announced that the fleet should not and could not go because congress would refuse to appropriate the money--he being from an eastern seaboard state. however, i announced in response that i had enough money to take the fleet around to the pacific anyhow, that the fleet would certainly go, and that if congress did not choose to appropriate enough money to get the fleet back, why, it would stay in the pacific. there was no further difficulty about the money. it was not originally my intention that the fleet should visit australia, but the australian government sent a most cordial invitation, which i gladly accepted; for i have, as every american ought to have, a hearty admiration for, and fellow feeling with, australia, and i believe that america should be ready to stand back of australia in any serious emergency. the reception accorded the fleet in australia was wonderful, and it showed the fundamental community of feeling between ourselves and the great commonwealth of the south seas. the considerate, generous, and open-handed hospitality with which the entire australian people treated our officers and men could not have been surpassed had they been our own countrymen. the fleet first visited sydney, which has a singularly beautiful harbor. the day after the arrival one of our captains noticed a member of his crew trying to go to sleep on a bench in the park. he had fixed above his head a large paper with some lines evidently designed to forestall any questions from friendly would-be hosts: "i am delighted with the australian people. i think your harbor the finest in the world. i am very tired and would like to go to sleep." the most noteworthy incident of the cruise was the reception given to our fleet in japan. in courtesy and good breeding, the japanese can certainly teach much to the nations of the western world. i had been very sure that the people of japan would understand aright what the cruise meant, and would accept the visit of our fleet as the signal honor which it was meant to be, a proof of the high regard and friendship i felt, and which i was certain the american people felt, for the great island empire. the event even surpassed my expectations. i cannot too strongly express my appreciation of the generous courtesy the japanese showed the officers and crews of our fleet; and i may add that every man of them came back a friend and admirer of the japanese. admiral sperry wrote me a letter of much interest, dealing not only with the reception in tokyo but with the work of our men at sea; i herewith give it almost in full: october, . dear mr. roosevelt: my official report of the visit to japan goes forward in this mail, but there are certain aspects of the affair so successfully concluded which cannot well be included in the report. you are perhaps aware that mr. denison of the japanese foreign office was one of my colleagues at the hague, for whom i have a very high regard. desiring to avoid every possibility of trouble or misunderstanding, i wrote to him last june explaining fully the character of our men, which they have so well lived up to, the desirability of ample landing places, guides, rest houses and places for changing money in order that there might be no delay in getting the men away from the docks on the excursions in which they delight. very few of them go into a drinking place, except to get a resting place not to be found elsewhere, paying for it by taking a drink. i also explained our system of landing with liberty men an unarmed patrol, properly officered, to quietly take in charge and send off to their ships any men who showed the slightest trace of disorderly conduct. this letter he showed to the minister of the navy, who highly approved of all our arrangements, including the patrol, of which i feared they might be jealous. mr. denison's reply reached me in manila, with a memorandum from the minister of the navy which removed all doubts. three temporary piers were built for our boat landings, each feet long, brilliantly lighted and decorated. the sleeping accommodations did not permit two or three thousand sailors to remain on shore, but the ample landings permitted them to be handled night and day with perfect order and safety. at the landings and railroad station in yokohama there were rest houses or booths, reputable money changers and as many as a thousand english-speaking japanese college students acted as volunteer guides, besides japanese sailors and petty officers detailed for the purpose. in tokyo there were a great many excellent refreshment places, where the men got excellent meals and could rest, smoke, and write letters, and in none of these places would they allow the men to pay anything, though they were more than ready to do so. the arrangements were marvelously perfect. as soon as your telegram of october , giving the address to be made to the emperor, was received, i gave copies of it to our ambassador to be sent to the foreign office. it seems that the emperor had already prepared a very cordial address to be forwarded through me to you, after delivery at the audience, but your telegram reversed the situation and his reply was prepared. i am convinced that your kind and courteous initiative on this occasion helped cause the pleasant feeling which was so obvious in the emperor's bearing at the luncheon which followed the audience. x., who is reticent and conservative, told me that not only the emperor but all the ministers were profoundly gratified by the course of events. i am confident that not even the most trifling incident has taken place which could in any way mar the general satisfaction, and our ambassador has expressed to me his great satisfaction with all that has taken place. owing to heavy weather encountered on the passage up from manila the fleet was obliged to take about tons of coal. the yankton remained behind to keep up communication for a few days, and yesterday she transmitted the emperor's telegram to you, which was sent in reply to your message through our ambassador after the sailing of the fleet. it must be profoundly gratifying to you to have the mission on which you sent the fleet terminate so happily, and i am profoundly thankful that, owing to the confidence which you displayed in giving me this command, my active career draws to a close with such honorable distinction. as for the effect of the cruise upon the training, discipline and effectiveness of the fleet, the good cannot be exaggerated. it is a war game in every detail. the wireless communication has been maintained with an efficiency hitherto unheard of. between honolulu and auckland, miles, we were out of communication with a cable station for only one night, whereas three [non-american] men-of-war trying recently to maintain a chain of only miles, between auckland and sydney, were only able to do so for a few hours. the officers and men as soon as we put to sea turn to their gunnery and tactical work far more eagerly than they go to functions. every morning certain ships leave the column and move off seven or eight thousand yards as targets for range measuring fire control and battery practice for the others, and at night certain ships do the same thing for night battery practice. i am sorry to say that this practice is unsatisfactory, and in some points misleading, owing to the fact that the ships are painted white. at portland, in , i saw admiral barker's white battleships under the searchlights of the army at a distance of , yards, seven sea miles, without glasses, while the hartford, a black ship, was never discovered at all, though she passed within a mile and a half. i have for years, while a member of the general board, advocated painting the ships war color at all times, and by this mail i am asking the department to make the necessary change in the regulations and paint the ships properly. i do not know that any one now dissents from my view. admiral wainwright strongly concurs, and the war college conference recommended it year after year without a dissenting voice. in the afternoons the fleet has two or three hours' practice at battle maneuvers, which excite as keen interest as gunnery exercises. the competition in coal economy goes on automatically and reacts in a hundred ways. it has reduced the waste in the use of electric light and water, and certain chief engineers are said to keep men ranging over the ships all night turning out every light not in actual and immediate use. perhaps the most important effect is the keen hunt for defects in the machinery causing waste of power. the yankton by resetting valves increased her speed from to / knots on the same expenditure. all this has been done, but the field is widening, the work has only begun. * * * * * c. s. sperry. when i left the presidency i finished seven and a half years of administration, during which not one shot had been fired against a foreign foe. we were at absolute peace, and there was no nation in the world with whom a war cloud threatened, no nation in the world whom we had wronged, or from whom we had anything to fear. the cruise of the battle fleet was not the least of the causes which ensured so peaceful an outlook. when the fleet returned after its sixteen months' voyage around the world i went down to hampton roads to greet it. the day was washington's birthday, february , . literally on the minute the homing battlecraft came into view. on the flagship of the admiral i spoke to the officers and enlisted men, as follows: "admiral sperry, officers and men of the battle fleet: "over a year has passed since you steamed out of this harbor, and over the world's rim, and this morning the hearts of all who saw you thrilled with pride as the hulls of the mighty warships lifted above the horizon. you have been in the northern and the southern hemispheres; four times you have crossed the line; you have steamed through all the great oceans; you have touched the coast of every continent. ever your general course has been westward; and now you come back to the port from which you set sail. this is the first battle fleet that has ever circumnavigated the globe. those who perform the feat again can but follow in your footsteps. "the little torpedo flotilla went with you around south america, through the straits of magellan, to our own pacific coast. the armored cruiser squadron met you, and left you again, when you were half way round the world. you have falsified every prediction of the prophets of failure. in all your long cruise not an accident worthy of mention has happened to a single battleship, nor yet to the cruisers or torpedo boats. you left this coast in a high state of battle efficiency, and you return with your efficiency increased; better prepared than when you left, not only in personnel but even in material. during your world cruise you have taken your regular gunnery practice, and skilled though you were before with the guns, you have grown more skilful still; and through practice you have improved in battle tactics, though here there is more room for improvement than in your gunnery. incidentally, i suppose i need hardly say that one measure of your fitness must be your clear recognition of the need always steadily to strive to render yourselves more fit; if you ever grow to think that you are fit enough, you can make up your minds that from that moment you will begin to go backward. "as a war-machine, the fleet comes back in better shape than it went out. in addition, you, the officers and men of this formidable fighting force, have shown yourselves the best of all possible ambassadors and heralds of peace. wherever you have landed you have borne yourselves so as to make us at home proud of being your countrymen. you have shown that the best type of fighting man of the sea knows how to appear to the utmost possible advantage when his business is to behave himself on shore, and to make a good impression in a foreign land. we are proud of all the ships and all the men in this whole fleet, and we welcome you home to the country whose good repute among nations has been raised by what you have done." appendix a the trusts, the people, and the square deal [written when mr. taft's administration brought suit to dissolve the steel corporation, one of the grounds for the suit being the acquisition by the corporation of the tennessee coal and iron company; this action was taken, with my acquiescence, while i was president, and while mr. taft was a member of my cabinet; at the time he never protested against, and as far as i knew approved of my action in this case, as in the harvester trust case, and all similar cases.] the suit against the steel trust by the government has brought vividly before our people the need of reducing to order our chaotic government policy as regards business. as president, in messages to congress i repeatedly called the attention of that body and of the public to the inadequacy of the anti-trust law by itself to meet business conditions and secure justice to the people, and to the further fact that it might, if left unsupplemented by additional legislation, work mischief, with no compensating advantage; and i urged as strongly as i knew how that the policy followed with relation to railways in connection with the inter-state commerce law should be followed by the national government as regards all great business concerns; and therefore that, as a first step, the powers of the bureau of corporations should be greatly enlarged, or else that there should be created a governmental board or commission, with powers somewhat similar to those of the inter-state commerce commission, but covering the whole field of inter-state business, exclusive of transportation (which should, by law, be kept wholly separate from ordinary industrial business, all common ownership of the industry and the railway being forbidden). in the end i have always believed that it would also be necessary to give the national government complete power over the organization and capitalization of all business concerns engaged in inter-state commerce. a member of my cabinet with whom, even more than with the various attorneys-general, i went over every detail of the trust situation, was the one time secretary of the interior, mr. james r. garfield. he writes me as follows concerning the suit against the steel corporation: "nothing appeared before the house committee that made me believe we were deceived by judge gary. "this, i think, is a case that shows clearly the difference between destructive litigation and constructive legislation. i have not yet seen a full copy of the government's petition, but our papers give nothing that indicates any kind of unfair or dishonest competition such as existed in both the standard oil and tobacco cases. as i understand it, the competitors of the steel company have steadily increased in strength during the last six or seven years. furthermore, the per cent of the business done by the steel corporation has decreased during that time. as you will remember, at our first conference with judge gary, the judge stated that it was the desire and purpose of the company to conform to what the government wished, it being the purpose of the company absolutely to obey the law both in spirit and letter. throughout the time that i had charge of the investigation, and while we were in washington, i do not know of a single instance where the steel company refused any information requested; but, on the contrary, aided in every possible way our investigation. "the position now taken by the government is absolutely destructive of legitimate business, because they outline no rule of conduct for business of any magnitude. it is absurd to say that the courts can lay down such rules. the most the courts can do is to find as legal or illegal the particular transactions brought before them. hence, after years of tedious litigation there would be no clear-cut rule for future action. this method of procedure is dealing with the device, not the result, and drives business to the elaboration of clever devices, each of which must be tested in the courts. "i have yet to find a better method of dealing with the anti-trust situation than that suggested by the bill which we agreed upon in the last days of your administration. that bill should be used as a basis for legislation, and there could be incorporated upon it whatever may be determined wise regarding the direct control and supervision of the national government, either through a commission similar to the inter-state commerce commission or otherwise." before taking up the matter in its large aspect, i wish to say one word as to one feature of the government suit against the steel corporation. one of the grounds for the suit is the acquisition by the steel corporation of the tennessee coal and iron company; and it has been alleged, on the authority of the government officials engaged in carrying on the suit, that as regards this transaction i was misled by the representatives of the steel corporation, and that the facts were not accurately or truthfully laid before me. this statement is not correct. i believed at the time that the facts in the case were as represented to me on behalf of the steel corporation, and my further knowledge has convinced me that this was true. i believed at the time that the representatives of the steel corporation told me the truth as to the change that would be worked in the percentage of the business which the proposed acquisition would give the steel corporation, and further inquiry has convinced me that they did so. i was not misled. the representatives of the steel corporation told me the truth as to what the effect of the action at that time would be, and any statement that i was misled or that the representatives of the steel corporation did not thus tell me the truth as to the facts of the case is itself not in accordance with the truth. in _the outlook_ of august last i gave in full the statement i had made to the investigating committee of the house of representatives on this matter. that statement is accurate, and i reaffirm everything i therein said, not only as to what occurred, but also as to my belief in the wisdom and propriety of my action--indeed, the action not merely was wise and proper, but it would have been a calamity from every standpoint had i failed to take it. on page of the printed report of the testimony before the committee will be found judge gary's account of the meeting between himself and mr. frick and mr. root and myself. this account states the facts accurately. it has been alleged that the purchase by the steel corporation of the property of the tennessee coal and iron company gave the steel corporation practically a monopoly of the southern iron ores--that is, of the iron ores south of the potomac and the ohio. my information, which i have every reason to believe is accurate and not successfully to be challenged, is that, of these southern iron ores the steel corporation has, including the property gained from the tennessee coal and iron company, less than per cent--perhaps not over per cent. this is a very much smaller percentage than the percentage it holds of the lake superior ores, which even after the surrender of the hill lease will be slightly over per cent. according to my view, therefore, and unless--which i do not believe possible--these figures can be successfully challenged, the acquisition of the tennessee coal and iron company's ores in no way changed the situation as regards making the steel corporation a monopoly.[*] the showing as to the percentage of production of all kinds of steel ingots and steel castings in the united states by the steel corporation and by all other manufacturers respectively makes an even stronger case. it makes the case even stronger than i put it in my testimony before the investigating committee, for i was scrupulously careful to make statements that erred, if at all, against my own position. it appears from the figures of production that in the steel corporation had to its credit nearly per cent of the total production as against a little over per cent by all other steel manufacturers. the percentage then shrank steadily, until in , the year before the acquisition of the tennessee coal and iron properties, the percentage was a little under per cent. in spite of the acquisition of these properties, the following year, , the total percentage shrank slightly, and this shrinking has continued until in the total percentage of the steel corporation is but a little over per cent, and the percentage by all other steel manufacturers but a fraction less than per cent. of the _ per cent produced by the steel corporation _ per cent is produced by the former tennessee coal and iron company. in other words, these figures show that the acquisition of the tennessee coal and iron company did not in the slightest degree change the situation, and that during the ten years which include the acquisition of these properties by the steel corporation the percentage of total output of steel manufacturers in this country by the steel corporation has shrunk from nearly per cent to but a trifle over per cent. i do not believe that these figures can be successfully controverted, and if not successfully controverted they show clearly not only that the acquisition of the tennessee coal and iron properties wrought no change in the status of the steel corporation, but that the steel corporation during the decade has steadily lost, instead of gained, in monopolistic character. [*] my own belief is that our nation should long ago have adopted the policy of merely leasing for a term of years mineral-bearing land; but it is the fault of us ourselves, of the people, not of the steel corporation, that this policy has not been adopted. so much for the facts in this particular case. now for the general subject. when my administration took office, i found, not only that there had been little real enforcement of the anti-trust law and but little more effective enforcement of the inter-state commerce law, but also that the decisions were so chaotic and the laws themselves so vaguely drawn, or at least interpreted in such widely varying fashions, that the biggest business men tended to treat both laws as dead letters. the series of actions by which we succeeded in making the inter-state commerce law an efficient and most useful instrument in regulating the transportation of the country and exacting justice from the big railways without doing them injustice--while, indeed, on the contrary, securing them against injustice--need not here be related. the anti-trust law it was also necessary to enforce as it had never hitherto been enforced; both because it was on the statute-books and because it was imperative to teach the masters of the biggest corporations in the land that they were not, and would not be permitted to regard themselves as, above the law. moreover, where the combination has really been guilty of misconduct the law serves a useful purpose, and in such cases as those of the standard oil and tobacco trusts, if effectively enforced, the law confers a real and great good. suits were brought against the most powerful corporations in the land, which we were convinced had clearly and beyond question violated the anti-trust law. these suits were brought with great care, and only where we felt so sure of our facts that we could be fairly certain that there was a likelihood of success. as a matter of fact, in most of the important suits we were successful. it was imperative that these suits should be brought, and very real good was achieved by bringing them, for it was only these suits that made the great masters of corporate capital in america fully realize that they were the servants and not the masters of the people, that they were subject to the law, and that they would not be permitted to be a law unto themselves; and the corporations against which we proceeded had sinned, not merely by being big (which we did not regard as in itself a sin), but by being guilty of unfair practices towards their competitors, and by procuring fair advantages from the railways. but the resulting situation has made it evident that the anti-trust law is not adequate to meet the situation that has grown up because of modern business conditions and the accompanying tremendous increase in the business use of vast quantities of corporate wealth. as i have said, this was already evident to my mind when i was president, and in communications to congress i repeatedly stated the facts. but when i made these communications there were still plenty of people who did not believe that we would succeed in the suits that had been instituted against the standard oil, the tobacco, and other corporations, and it was impossible to get the public as a whole to realize what the situation was. sincere zealots who believed that all combinations could be destroyed and the old-time conditions of unregulated competition restored, insincere politicians who knew better but made believe that they thought whatever their constituents wished them to think, crafty reactionaries who wished to see on the statute-books laws which they believed unenforceable, and the almost solid "wall street crowd" or representatives of "big business" who at that time opposed with equal violence both wise and necessary and unwise and improper regulation of business-all fought against the adoption of a sane, effective, and far-reaching policy. it is a vitally necessary thing to have the persons in control of big trusts of the character of the standard oil trust and tobacco trust taught that they are under the law, just as it was a necessary thing to have the sugar trust taught the same lesson in drastic fashion by mr. henry l. stimson when he was united states district attorney in the city of new york. but to attempt to meet the whole problem not by administrative governmental action but by a succession of lawsuits is hopeless from the standpoint of working out a permanently satisfactory solution. moreover, the results sought to be achieved are achieved only in extremely insufficient and fragmentary measure by breaking up all big corporations, whether they have behaved well or ill, into a number of little corporations which it is perfectly certain will be largely, and perhaps altogether, under the same control. such action is harsh and mischievous if the corporation is guilty of nothing except its size; and where, as in the case of the standard oil, and especially the tobacco, trusts, the corporation has been guilty of immoral and anti-social practices, there is need for far more drastic and thoroughgoing action than any that has been taken, under the recent decree of the supreme court. in the case of the tobacco trust, for instance, the settlement in the circuit court, in which the representatives of the government seem inclined to concur, practically leaves all of the companies still substantially under the control of the twenty-nine original defendants. such a result is lamentable from the standpoint of justice. the decision of the circuit court, if allowed to stand, means that the tobacco trust has merely been obliged to change its clothes, that none of the real offenders have received any real punishment, while, as the new york times, a pro-trust paper, says, the tobacco concerns, in their new clothes, are in positions of "ease and luxury," and "immune from prosecution under the law." surely, miscarriage of justice is not too strong a term to apply to such a result when considered in connection with what the supreme court said of this trust. that great court in its decision used language which, in spite of its habitual and severe self-restraint in stigmatizing wrong-doing, yet unhesitatingly condemns the tobacco trust for moral turpitude, saying that the case shows an "ever present manifestation . . . of conscious wrong-doing" by the trust, whose history is "replete with the doing of acts which it was the obvious purpose of the statute to forbid, . . . demonstrative of the existence from the beginning of a purpose to acquire dominion and control of the tobacco trade, not by the mere exertion of the ordinary right to contract and to trade, but by methods devised in order to monopolize the trade by driving competitors out of business, which were ruthlessly carried out upon the assumption that to work upon the fears or play upon the cupidity of competitors would make success possible." the letters from and to various officials of the trust, which were put in evidence, show a literally astounding and horrifying indulgence by the trust in wicked and depraved business methods--such as the "endeavor to cause a strike in their [a rival business firm's] factory," or the "shutting off the market" of an independent tobacco firm by "taking the necessary steps to give them a warm reception," or forcing importers into a price agreement by causing and continuing "a demoralization of the business for such length of time as may be deemed desirable" (i quote from the letters). a trust guilty of such conduct should be absolutely disbanded, and the only way to prevent the repetition of such conduct is by strict government supervision, and not merely by lawsuits. the anti-trust law cannot meet the whole situation, nor can any modification of the principle of the anti-trust law avail to meet the whole situation. the fact is that many of the men who have called themselves progressives, and who certainly believe that they are progressives, represent in reality in this matter not progress at all but a kind of sincere rural toryism. these men believe that it is possible by strengthening the anti-trust law to restore business to the competitive conditions of the middle of the last century. any such effort is foredoomed to end in failure, and, if successful, would be mischievous to the last degree. business cannot be successfully conducted in accordance with the practices and theories of sixty years ago unless we abolish steam, electricity, big cities, and, in short, not only all modern business and modern industrial conditions, but all the modern conditions of our civilization. the effort to restore competition as it was sixty years ago, and to trust for justice solely to this proposed restoration of competition, is just as foolish as if we should go back to the flintlocks of washington's continentals as a substitute for modern weapons of precision. the effort to prohibit all combinations, good or bad, is bound to fail, and ought to fail; when made, it merely means that some of the worst combinations are not checked and that honest business is checked. our purpose should be, not to strangle business as an incident of strangling combinations, but to regulate big corporations in thoroughgoing and effective fashion, so as to help legitimate business as an incident to thoroughly and completely safeguarding the interests of the people as a whole. against all such increase of government regulation the argument is raised that it would amount to a form of socialism. this argument is familiar; it is precisely the same as that which was raised against the creation of the inter-state commerce commission, and of all the different utilities commissions in the different states, as i myself saw, thirty years ago, when i was a legislator at albany, and these questions came up in connection with our state government. nor can action be effectively taken by any one state. congress alone has power under the constitution effectively and thoroughly and at all points to deal with inter-state commerce, and where congress, as it should do, provides laws that will give the nation full jurisdiction over the whole field, then that jurisdiction becomes, of necessity, exclusive--although until congress does act affirmatively and thoroughly it is idle to expect that the states will or ought to rest content with non-action on the part of both federal and state authorities. this statement, by the way, applies also to the question of "usurpation" by any one branch of our government of the rights of another branch. it is contended that in these recent decisions the supreme court legislated; so it did; and it had to; because congress had signally failed to do its duty by legislating. for the supreme court to nullify an act of the legislature as unconstitutional except on the clearest grounds is usurpation; to interpret such an act in an obviously wrong sense is usurpation; but where the legislative body persistently leaves open a field which it is absolutely imperative, from the public standpoint, to fill, then no possible blame attaches to the official or officials who step in because they have to, and who then do the needed work in the interest of the people. the blame in such cases lies with the body which has been derelict, and not with the body which reluctantly makes good the dereliction. a quarter of a century ago, senator cushman k. davis, a statesman who amply deserved the title of statesman, a man of the highest courage, of the sternest adherence to the principles laid down by an exacting sense of duty, an unflinching believer in democracy, who was as little to be cowed by a mob as by a plutocrat, and moreover a man who possessed the priceless gift of imagination, a gift as important to a statesman as to a historian, in an address delivered at the annual commencement of the university of michigan on july , , spoke as follows of corporations: "feudalism, with its domains, its untaxed lords, their retainers, its exemptions and privileges, made war upon the aspiring spirit of humanity, and fell with all its grandeurs. its spirit walks the earth and haunts the institutions of to-day, in the great corporations, with the control of the national highways, their occupation of great domains, their power to tax, their cynical contempt for the law, their sorcery to debase most gifted men to the capacity of splendid slaves, their pollution of the ermine of the judge and the robe of the senator, their aggregation in one man of wealth so enormous as to make croesus seem a pauper, their picked, paid, and skilled retainers who are summoned by the message of electricity and appear upon the wings of steam. if we look into the origin of feudalism and of the modern corporations--those dromios of history--we find that the former originated in a strict paternalism, which is scouted by modern economists, and that the latter has grown from an unrestrained freedom of action, aggression, and development, which they commend as the very ideal of political wisdom. _laissez-faire_, says the professor, when it often means bind and gag that the strongest may work his will. it is a plea for the survival of the fittest--for the strongest male to take possession of the herd by a process of extermination. if we examine this battle cry of political polemics, we find that it is based upon the conception of the divine right of property, and the preoccupation by older or more favored or more alert or richer men or nations, of territory, of the forces of nature, of machinery, of all the functions of what we call civilization. some of these men, who are really great, follow these conceptions to their conclusions with dauntless intrepidity." when senator davis spoke, few men of great power had the sympathy and the vision necessary to perceive the menace contained in the growth of corporations; and the men who did see the evil were struggling blindly to get rid of it, not by frankly meeting the new situation with new methods, but by insisting upon the entirely futile effort to abolish what modern conditions had rendered absolutely inevitable. senator davis was under no such illusion. he realized keenly that it was absolutely impossible to go back to an outworn social status, and that we must abandon definitely the _laissez-faire_ theory of political economy, and fearlessly champion a system of increased governmental control, paying no heed to the cries of the worthy people who denounce this as socialistic. he saw that, in order to meet the inevitable increase in the power of corporations produced by modern industrial conditions, it would be necessary to increase in like fashion the activity of the sovereign power which alone could control such corporations. as has been aptly said, the only way to meet a billion-dollar corporation is by invoking the protection of a hundred-billion-dollar government; in other words, of the national government, for no state government is strong enough both to do justice to corporations and to exact justice from them. said senator davis in this admirable address, which should be reprinted and distributed broadcast: "the liberty of the individual has been annihilated by the logical process constructed to maintain it. we have come to a political deification of mammon. _laissez-faire_ is not utterly blameworthy. it begat modern democracy, and made the modern republic possible. there can be no doubt of that. but there it reached its limit of political benefaction, and began to incline toward the point where extremes meet. . . . to every assertion that the people in their collective capacity of a government ought to exert their indefeasible right of self-defense, it is said you touch the sacred rights of property." the senator then goes on to say that we now have to deal with an oligarchy of wealth, and that the government must develop power sufficient enough to enable it to do the task. few will dispute the fact that the present situation is not satisfactory, and cannot be put on a permanently satisfactory basis unless we put an end to the period of groping and declare for a fixed policy, a policy which shall clearly define and punish wrong-doing, which shall put a stop to the iniquities done in the name of business, but which shall do strict equity to business. we demand that big business give the people a square deal; in return we must insist that when any one engaged in big business honestly endeavors to do right he shall himself be given a square deal; and the first, and most elementary, kind of square deal is to give him in advance full information as to just what he can, and what he cannot, legally and properly do. it is absurd, and much worse than absurd, to treat the deliberate lawbreaker as on an exact par with the man eager to obey the law, whose only desire is to find out from some competent governmental authority what the law is, and then to live up to it. moreover, it is absurd to treat the size of a corporation as in itself a crime. as judge hook says in his opinion in the standard oil case: "magnitude of business does not alone constitute a monopoly . . . the genius and industry of man when kept to ethical standards still have full play, and what he achieves is his . . . success and magnitude of business, the rewards of fair and honorable endeavor [are not forbidden] . . . [the public welfare is threatened only when success is attained] by wrongful or unlawful methods." size may, and in my opinion does, make a corporation fraught with potential menace to the community; and may, and in my opinion should, therefore make it incumbent upon the community to exercise through its administrative (not merely through its judicial) officers a strict supervision over that corporation in order to see that it does not go wrong; but the size in itself does not signify wrong-doing, and should not be held to signify wrong-doing. not only should any huge corporation which has gained its position by unfair methods, and by interference with the rights of others, by demoralizing and corrupt practices, in short, by sheer baseness and wrong-doing, be broken up, but it should be made the business of some administrative governmental body, by constant supervision, to see that it does not come together again, save under such strict control as shall insure the community against all repetition of the bad conduct--and it should never be permitted thus to assemble its parts as long as these parts are under the control of the original offenders, for actual experience has shown that these men are, from the standpoint of the people at large, unfit to be trusted with the power implied in the management of a large corporation. but nothing of importance is gained by breaking up a huge inter-state and international industrial organization _which has not offended otherwise than by its size_, into a number of small concerns without any attempt to regulate the way in which those concerns as a whole shall do business. nothing is gained by depriving the american nation of good weapons wherewith to fight in the great field of international industrial competition. those who would seek to restore the days of unlimited and uncontrolled competition, and who believe that a panacea for our industrial and economic ills is to be found in the mere breaking up of all big corporations, simply because they are big, are attempting not only the impossible, but what, if possible, would be undesirable. they are acting as we should act if we tried to dam the mississippi, to stop its flow outright. the effort would be certain to result in failure and disaster; we would have attempted the impossible, and so would have achieved nothing, or worse than nothing. but by building levees along the mississippi, not seeking to dam the stream, but to control it, we are able to achieve our object and to confer inestimable good in the course of so doing. this nation should definitely adopt the policy of attacking, not the mere fact of combination, but the evils and wrong-doing which so frequently accompany combination. the fact that a combination is very big is ample reason for exercising a close and jealous supervision over it, because its size renders it potent for mischief; but it should not be punished unless it actually does the mischief; it should merely be so supervised and controlled as to guarantee us, the people, against its doing mischief. we should not strive for a policy of unregulated competition and of the destruction of all big corporations, that is, of all the most efficient business industries in the land. nor should we persevere in the hopeless experiment of trying to regulate these industries by means only of lawsuits, each lasting several years, and of uncertain result. we should enter upon a course of supervision, control, and regulation of these great corporations--a regulation which we should not fear, if necessary, to bring to the point of control of monopoly prices, just as in exceptional cases railway rates are now regulated. either the bureau of corporations should be authorized, or some other governmental body similar to the inter-state commerce commission should be created, to exercise this supervision, this authoritative control. when once immoral business practices have been eliminated by such control, competition will thereby be again revived as a healthy factor, although not as formerly an all-sufficient factor, in keeping the general business situation sound. wherever immoral business practices still obtain--as they obtained in the cases of the standard oil trust and tobacco trust--the anti-trust law can be invoked; and wherever such a prosecution is successful, and the courts declare a corporation to possess a monopolistic character, then that corporation should be completely dissolved, and the parts ought never to be again assembled save on whatever terms and under whatever conditions may be imposed by the governmental body in which is vested the regulatory power. methods can readily be devised by which corporations sincerely desiring to act fairly and honestly can on their own initiative come under this thoroughgoing administrative control by the government and thereby be free from the working of the anti-trust law. but the law will remain to be invoked against wrongdoers; and under such conditions it could be invoked far more vigorously and successfully than at present. it is not necessary in an article like this to attempt to work out such a plan in detail. it can assuredly be worked out. moreover, in my opinion, substantially some such plan must be worked out or business chaos will continue. wrongdoing such as was perpetrated by the standard oil trust, and especially by the tobacco trust, should not only be punished, but if possible punished in the persons of the chief authors and beneficiaries of the wrong, far more severely than at present. but punishment should not be the only, or indeed the main, end in view. our aim should be a policy of construction and not one of destruction. our aim should not be to punish the men who have made a big corporation successful merely because they have made it big and successful, but to exercise such thoroughgoing supervision and control over them as to insure their business skill being exercised in the interest of the public and not against the public interest. ultimately, i believe that this control should undoubtedly indirectly or directly extend to dealing with all questions connected with their treatment of their employees, including the wages, the hours of labor, and the like. not only is the proper treatment of a corporation, from the standpoint of the managers, shareholders, and employees, compatible with securing from that corporation the best standard of public service, but when the effort is wisely made it results in benefit both to the corporation and to the public. the success of wisconsin in dealing with the corporations within her borders, so as both to do them justice and to exact justice in return from them toward the public, has been signal; and this nation should adopt a progressive policy in substance akin to the progressive policy not merely formulated in theory but reduced to actual practice with such striking success in wisconsin. to sum up, then. it is practically impossible, and, if possible, it would be mischievous and undesirable, to try to break up all combinations merely because they are large and successful, and to put the business of the country back into the middle of the eighteenth century conditions of intense and unregulated competition between small and weak business concerns. such an effort represents not progressiveness but an unintelligent though doubtless entirely well-meaning toryism. moreover, the effort to administer a law merely by lawsuits and court decisions is bound to end in signal failure, and meanwhile to be attended with delays and uncertainties, and to put a premium upon legal sharp practice. such an effort does not adequately punish the guilty, and yet works great harm to the innocent. moreover, it entirely fails to give the publicity which is one of the best by-products of the system of control by administrative officials; publicity, which is not only good in itself, but furnishes the data for whatever further action may be necessary. we need to formulate immediately and definitely a policy which, in dealing with big corporations that behave themselves and which contain no menace save what is necessarily potential in any corporation which is of great size and very well managed, shall aim not at their destruction but at their regulation and supervision, so that the government shall control them in such fashion as amply to safeguard the interests of the whole public, including producers, consumers, and wage-workers. this control should, if necessary, be pushed in extreme cases to the point of exercising control over monopoly prices, as rates on railways are now controlled; although this is not a power that should be used when it is possible to avoid it. the law should be clear, unambiguous, certain, so that honest men may not find that unwittingly they have violated it. in short, our aim should be, not to destroy, but effectively and in thoroughgoing fashion to regulate and control, in the public interest, the great instrumentalities of modern business, which it is destructive of the general welfare of the community to destroy, and which nevertheless it is vitally necessary to that general welfare to regulate and control. competition will remain as a very important factor when once we have destroyed the unfair business methods, the criminal interference with the rights of others, which alone enabled certain swollen combinations to crush out their competitors--and, incidentally, the "conservatives" will do well to remember that these unfair and iniquitous methods by great masters of corporate capital have done more to cause popular discontent with the propertied classes than all the orations of all the socialist orators in the country put together. i have spoken above of senator davis's admirable address delivered a quarter of a century ago. senator davis's one-time partner, frank b. kellogg, the government counsel who did so much to win success for the government in its prosecutions of the trusts, has recently delivered before the palimpsest club of omaha an excellent address on the subject; mr. prouty, of the inter-state commerce commission, has recently, in his speech before the congregational club of brooklyn, dealt with the subject from the constructive side; and in the proceedings of the american bar association for there is an admirable paper on the need of thoroughgoing federal control over corporations doing an inter-state business, by professor horace l. wilgus, of the university of michigan. the national government exercises control over inter-state commerce railways, and it can in similar fashion, through an appropriate governmental body, exercise control over all industrial organizations engaged in inter-state commerce. this control should be exercised, not by the courts, but by an administrative bureau or board such as the bureau of corporations or the inter-state commerce commission; for the courts cannot with advantage permanently perform executive and administrative functions. appendix b the control of corporations and "the new freedom" in his book "the new freedom," and in the magazine articles of which it is composed, which appeared just after he had been inaugurated as president, mr. woodrow wilson made an entirely unprovoked attack upon me and upon the progressive party in connection with what he asserts the policy of that party to be concerning the trusts, and as regards my attitude while president about the trusts. i am reluctant to say anything whatever about president wilson at the outset of his administration unless i can speak of him with praise. i have scrupulously refrained from saying or doing one thing since election that could put the slightest obstacle, even of misinterpretation, in his path. it is to the interest of the country that he should succeed in his office. i cordially wish him success, and i shall cordially support any policy of his that i believe to be in the interests of the people of the united states. but when mr. wilson, after being elected president, within the first fortnight after he has been inaugurated into that high office, permits himself to be betrayed into a public misstatement of what i have said, and what i stand for, then he forces me to correct his statements. mr. wilson opens his article by saying that the progressive "doctrine is that monopoly is inevitable, and that the only course open to the people of the united states is to submit to it." this statement is without one particle of foundation in fact. i challenge him to point out a sentence in the progressive platform or in any speech of mine which bears him out. i can point him out any number which flatly contradict him. we have never made any such statement as he alleges about monopolies. we have said: "the corporation is an essential part of modern business. the concentration of modern business, in some degree, is both inevitable and necessary for national and international business efficiency." does mr. wilson deny this? let him answer yes or no, directly. it is easy for a politician detected in a misstatement to take refuge in evasive rhetorical hyperbole. but mr. wilson is president of the united states, and as such he is bound to candid utterance on every subject of public interest which he himself has broached. if he disagrees with us, let him be frank and consistent, and recommend to congress that all corporations be made illegal. mr. wilson's whole attack is largely based on a deft but far from ingenuous confounding of what we have said of monopoly, which we propose so far as possible to abolish, and what we have said of big corporations, which we propose to regulate; mr. wilson's own vaguely set forth proposals being to attempt the destruction of both in ways that would harm neither. in our platform we use the word "monopoly" but once, and then we speak of it as an abuse of power, coupling it with stock-watering, unfair competition and unfair privileges. does mr. wilson deny this? if he does, then where else will he assert that we speak of monopoly as he says we do? he certainly owes the people of the united states a plain answer to the question. in my speech of acceptance i said: "we favor strengthening the sherman law by prohibiting agreements to divide territory or limit output; refusing to sell to customers who buy from business rivals; to sell below cost in certain areas while maintaining higher prices in other places; using the power of transportation to aid or injure special business concerns; and all other unfair trade practices." the platform pledges us to "guard and keep open equally to all, the highways of american commerce." this is the exact negation of monopoly. unless mr. wilson is prepared to show the contrary, surely he is bound in honor to admit frankly that he has been betrayed into a misrepresentation, and to correct it. mr. wilson says that for sixteen years the national administration has "been virtually under the regulation of the trusts," and that the big business men "have already captured the government." such a statement as this might perhaps be pardoned as mere rhetoric in a candidate seeking office--although it is the kind of statement that never under any circumstances have i permitted myself to make, whether on the stump or off the stump, about any opponent, unless i was prepared to back it up with explicit facts. but there is an added seriousness to the charge when it is made deliberately and in cold blood by a man who is at the time president. in this volume i have set forth my relations with the trusts. i challenge mr. wilson to controvert anything i have said, or to name any trusts or any big business men who regulated, or in any shape or way controlled, or captured, the government during my term as president. he must furnish specifications if his words are taken at their face value--and i venture to say in advance that the absurdity of such a charge is patent to all my fellow-citizens, not excepting mr. wilson. mr. wilson says that the new party was founded "under the leadership of mr. roosevelt, with the conspicuous aid--i mention him with no satirical intention, but merely to set the facts down accurately--of mr. george w. perkins, organizer of the steel trust." whether mr. wilson's intention was satirical or not is of no concern; but i call his attention to the fact that he has conspicuously and strikingly failed "to set the facts down accurately." mr. perkins was not the organizer of the steel trust, and when it was organized he had no connection with it or with the morgan people. this is well known, and it has again and again been testified to before congressional committees controlled by mr. wilson's friends who were endeavoring to find out something against mr. perkins. if mr. wilson does not know that my statement is correct, he ought to know it, and he is not to be excused for making such a misstatement as he has made when he has not a particle of evidence in support of it. mr. perkins was from the beginning in the harvester trust but, when mr. wilson points out this fact, why does he not add that he was the only man in that trust who supported me, and that the president of the trust ardently supported mr. wilson himself? it is disingenuous to endeavor to conceal these facts, and to mislead ordinary citizens about them. under the administrations of both mr. taft and mr. wilson, mr. perkins has been singled out for special attack, obviously not because he belonged to the harvester and steel trusts, but because he alone among the prominent men of the two corporations, fearlessly supported the only party which afforded any real hope of checking the evil of the trusts. mr. wilson states that the progressives have "a programme perfectly agreeable to monopolies." the plain and unmistakable inference to be drawn from this and other similar statements in his article, and the inference which he obviously desired to have drawn, is that the big corporations approved the progressive plan and supported the progressive candidate. if president wilson does not know perfectly well that this is not the case, he is the only intelligent person in the united states who is thus ignorant. everybody knows that the overwhelming majority of the heads of the big corporations supported him or mr. taft. it is equally well known that of the corporations he mentions, the steel and the harvester trusts, there was but one man who took any part in the progressive campaign, and that almost all the others, some thirty in number, were against us, and some of them, including the president of the harvester trust, openly and enthusiastically for mr. wilson himself. if he reads the newspapers at all, he must know that practically every man representing the great financial interests of the country, and without exception every newspaper controlled by wall street or state street, actively supported either him or mr. taft, and showed perfect willingness to accept either if only they could prevent the progressive party from coming into power and from putting its platform into effect. mr. wilson says of the trust plank in that platform that it "did not anywhere condemn monopoly except in words." exactly of what else could a platform consist? does mr. wilson expect us to use algebraic signs? this criticism is much as if he said the constitution or the declaration of independence contained nothing but words. the progressive platform did contain words, and the words were admirably designed to express thought and meaning and purpose. mr. wilson says that i long ago "classified trusts for us as good and bad," and said that i was "afraid only of the bad ones." mr. wilson would do well to quote exactly what my language was, and where it was used, for i am at a loss to know what statement of mine it is to which he refers. but if he means that i say that corporations can do well, and that corporations can also do ill, he is stating my position correctly. i hold that a corporation does ill if it seeks profit in restricting production and then by extorting high prices from the community by reason of the scarcity of the product; through adulterating, lyingly advertising, or over-driving the help; or replacing men workers with children; or by rebates; or in any illegal or improper manner driving competitors out of its way; or seeking to achieve monopoly by illegal or unethical treatment of its competitors, or in any shape or way offending against the moral law either in connection with the public or with its employees or with its rivals. any corporation which seeks its profit in such fashion is acting badly. it is, in fact, a conspiracy against the public welfare which the government should use all its powers to suppress. if, on the other hand, a corporation seeks profit solely by increasing its products through eliminating waste, improving its processes, utilizing its by-products, installing better machines, raising wages in the effort to secure more efficient help, introducing the principle of cooperation and mutual benefit, dealing fairly with labor unions, setting its face against the underpayment of women and the employment of children; in a word, treating the public fairly and its rivals fairly: then such a corporation is behaving well. it is an instrumentality of civilization operating to promote abundance by cheapening the cost of living so as to improve conditions everywhere throughout the whole community. does mr. wilson controvert either of these statements? if so, let him answer directly. it is a matter of capital importance to the country that his position in this respect be stated directly, not by indirect suggestion. much of mr. wilson's article, although apparently aimed at the progressive party, is both so rhetorical and so vague as to need no answer. he does, however, specifically assert (among other things equally without warrant in fact) that the progressive party says that it is "futile to undertake to prevent monopoly," and only ventures to ask the trusts to be "kind" and "pitiful"! it is a little difficult to answer a misrepresentation of the facts so radical--not to say preposterous--with the respect that one desires to use in speaking of or to the president of the united states. i challenge president wilson to point to one sentence of our platform or of my speeches which affords the faintest justification for these assertions. having made this statement in the course of an unprovoked attack on me, he cannot refuse to show that it is true. i deem it necessary to emphasize here (but with perfect respect) that i am asking for a plain statement of fact, not for a display of rhetoric. i ask him, as is my right under the circumstances, to quote the exact language which justifies him in attributing these views to us. if he cannot do this, then a frank acknowledgment on his part is due to himself and to the people. i quote from the progressive platform: "behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government, owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people. to destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics, is the first task of the statesmanship of the day. . . . this country belongs to the people. its resources, its business, its laws, its institutions, should be utilized, maintained, or altered in whatever manner will best promote the general interest." this assertion is explicit. we say directly that "the people" are absolutely to control in any way they see fit, the "business" of the country. i again challenge mr. wilson to quote any words of the platform that justify the statements he has made to the contrary. if he cannot do it--and of course he cannot do it, and he must know that he cannot do it--surely he will not hesitate to say so frankly. mr. wilson must know that every monopoly in the united states opposes the progressive party. if he challenges this statement, i challenge him in return (as is clearly my right) to name the monopoly that did support the progressive party, whether it was the sugar trust, the steel trust, the harvester trust, the standard oil trust, the tobacco trust, or any other. every sane man in the country knows well that there is not one word of justification that can truthfully be adduced for mr. wilson's statement that the progressive programme was agreeable to the monopolies. ours was the only programme to which they objected, and they supported either mr. wilson or mr. taft against me, indifferent as to which of them might be elected so long as i was defeated. mr. wilson says that i got my "idea with regard to the regulation of monopoly from the gentlemen who form the united states steel corporation." does mr. wilson pretend that mr. van hise and mr. croly got their ideas from the steel corporation? is mr. wilson unaware of the elementary fact that most modern economists believe that unlimited, unregulated competition is the source of evils which all men now concede must be remedied if this civilization of ours is to survive? is he ignorant of the fact that the socialist party has long been against unlimited competition? this statement of mr. wilson cannot be characterized properly with any degree of regard for the office mr. wilson holds. why, the ideas that i have championed as to controlling and regulating both competition and combination in the interest of the people, so that the people shall be masters over both, have been in the air in this country for a quarter of a century. i was merely the first prominent candidate for president who took them up. they are the progressive ideas, and progressive business men must in the end come to them, for i firmly believe that in the end all wise and honest business men, big and little, will support our programme. mr. wilson in opposing them is the mere apostle of reaction. he says that i got my "ideas from the gentlemen who form the steel corporation." i did not. but i will point out to him something in return. it was he himself, and mr. taft, who got the votes and the money of these same gentlemen, and of those in the harvester trust. mr. wilson has promised to break up all trusts. he can do so only by proceeding at law. if he proceeds at law, he can hope for success only by taking what i have done as a precedent. in fact, what i did as president is the base of every action now taken or that can be now taken looking toward the control of corporations, or the suppression of monopolies. the decisions rendered in various cases brought by my direction constitute the authority on which mr. wilson must base any action that he may bring to curb monopolistic control. will mr. wilson deny this, or question it in any way? with what grace can he describe my administration as satisfactory to the trusts when he knows that he cannot redeem a single promise that he has made to war upon the trusts unless he avails himself of weapons of which the federal government had been deprived before i became president, and which were restored to it during my administration and through proceedings which i directed? without my action mr. wilson could not now undertake or carry on a single suit against a monopoly, and, moreover, if it had not been for my action and for the judicial decision in consequence obtained, congress would be helpless to pass a single law against monopoly. let mr. wilson mark that the men who organized and directed the northern securities company were also the controlling forces in the very steel corporation which mr. wilson makes believe to think was supporting me. i challenge mr. wilson to deny this, and yet he well knew that it was my successful suit against the northern securities company which first efficiently established the power of the people over the trusts. after reading mr. wilson's book, i am still entirely in the dark as to what he means by the "new freedom." mr. wilson is an accomplished and scholarly man, a master of rhetoric, and the sentences in the book are well-phrased statements, usually inculcating a morality which is sound although vague and ill defined. there are certain proposals (already long set forth and practiced by me and by others who have recently formed the progressive party) made by mr. wilson with which i cordially agree. there are, however, certain things he has said, even as regards matters of abstract morality, with which i emphatically disagree. for example, in arguing for proper business publicity, as to which i cordially agree with mr. wilson, he commits himself to the following statement: "you know there is temptation in loneliness and secrecy. haven't you experienced it? i have. we are never so proper in our conduct as when everybody can look and see exactly what we are doing. if you are off in some distant part of the world and suppose that nobody who lives within a mile of your home is anywhere around, there are times when you adjourn your ordinary standards. you say to yourself, 'well, i'll have a fling this time; nobody will know anything about it.' if you were on the desert of sahara, you would feel that you might permit yourself--well, say, some slight latitude of conduct; but if you saw one of your immediate neighbors coming the other way on a camel, you would behave yourself until he got out of sight. the most dangerous thing in the world is to get off where nobody knows you. i advise you to stay around among the neighbors, and then you may keep out of jail. that is the only way some of us can keep out of jail." i emphatically disagree with what seems to be the morality inculcated in this statement, which is that a man is expected to do and is to be pardoned for doing all kinds of immoral things if he does them alone and does not expect to be found out. surely it is not necessary, in insisting upon proper publicity, to preach a morality of so basely material a character. there is much more that mr. wilson says as to which i do not understand him clearly, and where i condemn what i do understand. in economic matters the course he advocates as part of the "new freedom" simply means the old, old "freedom" of leaving the individual strong man at liberty, unchecked by common action, to prey on the weak and the helpless. the "new freedom" in the abstract seems to be the freedom of the big to devour the little. in the concrete i may add that mr. wilson's misrepresentations of what i have said seem to indicate that he regards the new freedom as freedom from all obligation to obey the ninth commandment. but, after all, my views or the principles of the progressive party are of much less importance now than the purposes of mr. wilson. these are wrapped in impenetrable mystery. his speeches and writings serve but to make them more obscure. if these attempts to refute his misrepresentation of my attitude towards the trusts should result in making his own clear, then this discussion will have borne fruits of substantial value to the country. if mr. wilson has any plan of his own for dealing with the trusts, it is to suppress all great industrial organizations--presumably on the principle proclaimed by his secretary of state four years ago, that every corporation which produced more than a certain percentage of a given commodity--i think the amount specified was twenty-five per cent--no matter how valuable its service, should be suppressed. the simple fact is that such a plan is futile. in operation it would do far more damage than it could remedy. the progressive plan would give the people full control of, and in masterful fashion prevent all wrongdoing by, the trusts, while utilizing for the public welfare every industrial energy and ability that operates to swell abundance, while obeying strictly the moral law and the law of the land. mr. wilson's plan would ultimately benefit the trusts and would permanently damage nobody but the people. for example, one of the steel corporations which has been guilty of the worst practices towards its employees is the colorado fuel and iron company. mr. wilson and mr. bryan's plan would, if successful, merely mean permitting four such companies, absolutely uncontrolled, to monopolize every big industry in the country. to talk of such an accomplishment as being "the new freedom" is enough to make the term one of contemptuous derision. president wilson has made explicit promises, and the democratic platform has made explicit promises. mr. wilson is now in power, with a democratic congress in both branches. he and the democratic platform have promised to destroy the trusts, to reduce the cost of living, and at the same time to increase the well-being of the farmer and of the workingman--which of course must mean to increase the profits of the farmer and the wages of the workingman. he and his party won the election on this promise. we have a right to expect that they will keep it. if mr. wilson's promises mean anything except the very emptiest words, he is pledged to accomplish the beneficent purposes he avows by breaking up all the trusts and combinations and corporations so as to restore competition precisely as it was fifty years ago. if he does not mean this, he means nothing. he cannot do anything else under penalty of showing that his promise and his performance do not square with each other. mr. wilson says that "the trusts are our masters now, but i for one do not care to live in a country called free even under kind masters." good! the progressives are opposed to having masters, kind or unkind, and they do not believe that a "new freedom" which in practice would mean leaving four fuel and iron companies free to do what they like in every industry would be of much benefit to the country. the progressives have a clear and definite programme by which the people would be the masters of the trusts instead of the trusts being their masters, as mr. wilson says they are. with practical unanimity the trusts supported the opponents of this programme, mr. taft and mr. wilson, and they evidently dreaded our programme infinitely more than anything that mr. wilson threatened. the people have accepted mr. wilson's assurances. now let him make his promises good. he is committed, if his words mean anything, to the promise to break up every trust, every big corporation--perhaps every small corporation--in the united states--not to go through the motions of breaking them up, but really to break them up. he is committed against the policy (of efficient control and mastery of the big corporations both by law and by administrative action in cooperation) proposed by the progressives. let him keep faith with the people; let him in good faith try to keep the promises he has thus repeatedly made. i believe that his promise is futile and cannot be kept. i believe that any attempt sincerely to keep it and in good faith to carry it out will end in either nothing at all or in disaster. but my beliefs are of no consequence. mr. wilson is president. it is his acts that are of consequence. he is bound in honor to the people of the united states to keep his promise, and to break up, not nominally but in reality, all big business, all trusts, all combinations of every sort, kind, and description, and probably all corporations. what he says is henceforth of little consequence. the important thing is what he does, and how the results of what he does square with the promises and prophecies he made when all he had to do was to speak, not to act. appendix c the blaine campaign in "the house of harper," written by j. henry harper, the following passage occurs: "curtis returned from the convention in company with young theodore roosevelt and they discussed the situation thoroughly on their trip to new york and came to the conclusion that it would be very difficult to consistently support blaine. roosevelt, however, had a conference afterward with senator lodge and eventually fell in line behind blaine. curtis came to our office and found that we were unanimously opposed to the support of blaine, and with a hearty good-will he trained his editorial guns on the 'plumed knight' of mulligan letter fame. his work was as effective and deadly as any fight he ever conducted in the _weekly_." this statement has no foundation whatever in fact. i did not return from the convention in company with mr. curtis. he went back to new york from the convention, whereas i went to my ranch in north dakota. no such conversation as that ever took place between me and mr. curtis. in my presence, in speaking to a number of men at the time in chicago, mr. curtis said: "you younger men can, if you think right, refuse to support mr. blaine, but i am too old a republican, and have too long been associated with the party, to break with it now." not only did i never entertain after the convention, but i never during the convention or at any other time, entertained the intention alleged in the quotation in question. i discussed the whole situation with mr. lodge before going to the convention, and we had made up our minds that if the nomination of mr. blaine was fairly made we would with equal good faith support him.