images generously made available by the bibliothèque nationale de france (bnf/gallica) (http://gallica.bnf.fr/) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) this document is taken from the _sixteenth annual report of the bureau of ethnology to the secretary of the smithsonian institution_, - , government printing office, washington, , pages - . images of the original pages are available through the bibliothèque nationale de france (bnf/gallica) (http://gallica.bnf.fr/). transcriber's note: typographical errors are listed at the end of the text. brackets within quotations are in the original. the cliff ruins of canyon de chelly, arizona by cosmos mindeleff contents page introduction history and literature geography classification and descriptions ruins of the pueblo region i--old villages on open sites ii--home villages on bottom lands iii--home villages located for defense iv--cliff outlooks or farming shelters details sites masonry openings roofs, floors, and timber work storage and burial cists (navaho) defensive and constructive expedients kivas or sacred chambers chimney-like structures traditions conclusions illustrations plate page xli. map of the ancient pueblo region, showing location of canyon de chelly xlii. map of canyon de chelly and its branches xliii. detailed map of part of canyon de chelly, showing areas of cultivable land xliv. section of old walls, canyon de chelly xlv. general view of ruin on bottom land, canyon del muerto xlvi. village ruin in canyon de chelly xlvii. casa blanca ruin, canyon de chelly xlviii. mummy cave, central and eastern part xlix. eastern cove of mummy cave l. reservoir in ruin no. li. small village, ruin no. , canyon de chelly lii. walls resting on refuse in ruin no. liii. cliff outlook in lower canyon de chelly liv. cliff ruin no. lv. site marked by pictographs lvi. site difficult of approach lvii. masonry in canyon de chelly lviii. chinked walls in canyon de chelly lix. a partly plastered wall lx. plastered wall in canyon de chelly lxi. storage cist in canyon de chelly lxii. navaho burial cists lxiii. kivas in ruin no. , showing second-story walls figure page . ground plan of an old ruin in canyon del muerto . ground plan of a ruin on bottom land in canyon del muerto . ground plan of small ruin in canyon de chelly . granary in the rocks, connected with a ruin . ground plan of a ruin in a cave . ground plan of pakashi-izini ruin, canyon del muerto . ground plan of a ruin in canyon del muerto . ground plan of a ruin in tseonitsosi canyon . ground plan of a much obliterated ruin . ground plan of a ruin in canyon de chelly . ground plan of a village ruin . ground plan of kivas in canyon de chelly . ground plan of a small ruin on bottom land . ground plan of the upper part of casa blanca ruin . ground plan of the lower part of casa blanca ruin . ground plan of mummy cave ruin . ruin in a rock cove . ground plan of a ruin in a rock cove . ground plan of a ruin on a ledge . ground plan of ruin no. , canyon de chelly . ground plan of ruin no. , canyon de chelly . section of a kiva wall . ruin no. on a ledge in a cove . ground plan of ruin no. . oven-like structure in ruin no. . plan of oven-like structure . ground plan of a small village, ruin no. . ruins on a large rock . ground plan of ruins no. . ruins on an almost inaccessible site . ground plan of a large ruin in canyon del muerto . ground plan of a small ruin in canyon del muerto . ground plan of a small ruin . plan of a ruin of three rooms . ground plan of a small ruin, with two kivas . ground plan of a small ruin, no. . ground plan of a ruin on a rocky site . rock with cups and petroglyphs . ground plan of a ruin in canyon de chelly . site showing recent fall of rock . ruin no. in a branch canyon . ground plan of a small ruin in canyon del muerto . ground plan of a small ruin . plan of a ruin with curved inclosing wall . ground plan of ruin no. . ground plan of cliff outlook no. . plan of a cliff outlook . plan of cliff ruin no. . plan of cliff room with partitions . plan of a large cliff outlook in canyon del muerto . plan of a cluster of rooms in canyon del muerto . white house ruin in tseonitsosi canyon . ground plan of a ruin in tseonitsosi canyon . plan of rooms against a convex cliff . small ruin with curved wall . ground plan of a cliff outlook . plan of cliff outlook no. , in canyon de chelly . ground plan of outlooks in a cleft . plan of a single-room outlook . three-room outlook in canyon del muerto . plan of a two-room outlook . plan of outlook and burial cists, no. . plan of rectangular room, no. . rectangular single room . single-room remains . site apparently very difficult of access . notched doorway in canyon de chelly . cist composed of upright slabs . retaining walls in canyon de chelly . part of a kiva in ruin no. . plan of part of a kiva in ruin no. . kiva decoration in white . pictograph in white . markings on cliff wall, ruin no. . decorative band in kiva in mummy cave ruin . design employed in decorative band . pictographs in canyon de chelly . plan of chimney-like structure in ruin no. . section of chimney-like structure in ruin no. . plan of chimney-like structure in ruin no. . section of chimney-like structure in ruin no. . plan of the principal kiva in mummy cave ruin . chimney-like structure in mummy cave ruin [illustration: plate xli (map) ancient pueblo region showing location of canyon de chelly] the cliff ruins of canyon de chelly, arizona by cosmos mindeleff introduction history and literature although canyon de chelly is one of the best cliff-ruin regions of the united states, it is not easily accessible and is practically unknown. at the time of the conquest of this country by the "army of the west" in , and of the rush to california in , vague rumors were current of wonderful "cities" built in the cliffs, but the position of the canyon in the heart of the navaho country apparently prevented exploration. in it was found necessary to make a demonstration against these indians, and an expedition was sent out under the command of colonel washington, then governor of new mexico. a detachment of troops set out from santa fé, and was accompanied by lieutenant (afterward general) j. h. simpson, of the topographical engineers, to whose indefatigable zeal for investigation and carefulness of observation much credit is due. he was much interested in the archeology of the country passed over and his descriptions are remarkable for their freedom from the exaggerations and erroneous observations which characterize many of the publications of that period. his journal was published by congress the next year[ ] and was also printed privately. [footnote : thirty-first congress, first session, senate ex. doc. no. , washington, .] the expedition camped in the chin lee valley outside of canyon de chelly, and lieutenant simpson made a side trip into the canyon itself. he mentions ruins noticed by him at ½, , and miles from the mouth; the latter, the ruin subsequently known as casa blanca, he describes at some length. he also gives an illustration drawn by r. h. kern, which is very bad, and pictures some pottery fragments found near or in the ruin. the name de chelly was apparently used before this time. simpson obtained its orthography from vigil, secretary of the province (of new mexico), who told him it was of indian origin and was pronounced _chay-e_. possibly it was derived from the navaho name of the place, tsé-gi. simpson's description, although very brief, formed the basis of all the succeeding accounts for the next thirty years. the pacific railroad surveys, which added so much to our knowledge of the southwest, did not touch this field. in the abbé domenech published his "deserts of north america," which contains a reference to casa blanca ruin, but his knowledge was apparently derived wholly from simpson. none of the assistants of the hayden survey actually penetrated the canyon, but one of them, w. h. jackson, examined and described some ruins on the rio de chelly, in the lower chin lee valley. but in an article in scribner's magazine for december, , emma c. hardacre published a number of descriptions and illustrations derived from the hayden corps, among others figures one entitled "ruins in cañon de chelly," from a drawing by thomas moran. the ruin can not be identified from the drawing. this article is worth more than a passing notice, as it not only illustrates the extent of knowledge of the ruins at that time ( ), but probably had much to do with disseminating and making current erroneous inferences which survive to this day. in an introductory paragraph the author says: of late, blown over the plains, come stories of strange newly discovered cities of the far south-west; picturesque piles of masonry, of an age unknown to tradition. these ruins mark an era among antiquarians. the mysterious mound-builders fade into comparative insignificance before the grander and more ancient cliff-dwellers, whose castles lift their towers amid the sands of arizona and crown the terraced slopes of the rio mancos and the hovenweap. of the chaco ruins it is said: in size and grandeur of conception, they equal any of the present buildings of the united states, if we except the capitol at washington, and may without discredit be compared to the pantheon and the colosseum of the old world. in the same year mr j. h. beadle gave an account[ ] of a visit he made to the canyon. he entered it over the bat trail, near the junction of monument canyon, and saw several ruins in the upper part. his descriptions are hardly more than a mention. much archeologic data were secured by the assistants of the wheeler survey, but it does not appear that any of them, except the photographer, visited canyon de chelly. in the final reports of the survey there is an illustration of the ruin visited by lieutenant simpson about thirty years before.[ ] the illustration is a beautiful heliotype from a fine photograph made by t. h. o'sullivan, but one serious defect renders it useless; through some blunder of the photographer or the engraver, the picture is reversed, the right and left sides being interchanged, so that to see it properly it must be looked at in a mirror. the illustration is accompanied by a short text, apparently prepared by prof. f. w. putnam, who edited the volume. the account by simpson is quoted and some additional data are given, derived from notes accompanying the photograph. the ruin is said to have "now received the name of the casa blanca, or white house," but the derivation of the name is not stated. [footnote : western wilds, and the men who redeem them: cincinnati, philadelphia, chicago, memphis, .] [footnote : u.s. geog. surveys west of the th meridian, lieutenant george m. wheeler in charge; reports, vol. vii, archæology; washington, , pp. - , pl. xx.] in bancroft could find no better or fuller description than simpson's, which he uses fully, and reproduces also simpson's (kern's) illustration. in the same year investigation by the assistants of the bureau of ethnology was commenced. colonel james stevenson and a party visited the canyon, and a considerable amount of data was obtained. in all, ruins were visited, of which were in del muerto; and sketches, ground plans, and photographs were obtained. the report of the bureau for that year contains an account of this expedition, including a short description of a large ruin in del muerto, subsequently known as mummy cave. a brief account of the trip was also published elsewhere.[ ] the next year a map of the canyon was made by the writer and many new ruins were discovered, making the total number in the canyon and its branches about . since two short visits have been made to the place, the last late in , and on each trip additional material was obtained. in mr f. t. bickford[ ] published an account of a visit to the canyon, illustrated with a series of woodcuts made from the photographs of the bureau. the illustrations are excellent and the text is pleasantly written, but the descriptions of ruins are too general to be of much value to the student. [footnote : bull. am. geog. soc., , no. ; ancient habitations of the southwest, by james stevenson.] [footnote : century magazine, october, , vol. xl, no. , p. et seq.] in recent years several publications have appeared which, while not bearing directly on the de chelly ruins, are of great interest, as they treat of analogous remains--the cliff ruins of the mancos canyon and the mesa verde. these ruins were discovered in by w. h. jackson and were visited and described in by w. h. holmes,[ ] both of the hayden survey. this region was roamed over by bands of renegade ute and navaho, who were constantly making trouble, and for fifteen years was apparently not visited by whites. recent exploration appears to have been inaugurated by mr f. h. chapin, who spent two summers in the mesa verde country. subsequently he published the results of some of his observations in a handsome little volume.[ ] in dr w. r. birdsall made a flying trip to this region and published an account[ ] of the ruins he saw the same year. at the time of this visit a more elaborate exploration was being carried on by the late g. nordenskiöld, who made some excavations and obtained much valuable data which formed the basis of a book published in .[ ] this is the most important treatise on the cliff ruins that has ever been published, and the illustrations can only be characterized as magnificent. all of these works, and especially the last named, are of great value to the student of the cliff ruins wherever located, or of pueblo architecture. [footnote : u.s. geol. survey, f. v. hayden in charge; th ann. rept. (for ), washington, .] [footnote : the land of the cliff dwellers, by frederick h. chapin; boston, .] [footnote : bull. am. geog. soc., vol. xxiii, no. , ; the cliff dwellings of the cañons of the mesa verde.] [footnote : the cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, by g. nordenskiöld; stockholm and chicago, .] geography the ancient pueblo culture was so intimately connected with and dependent on the character of the country where its remains are found that some idea of this country is necessary to understand it. the limits of the region are closely coincident with the boundaries of the plateau country except on the south, so much so that a map of the latter,[ ] slightly extended around its margin, will serve to show the former. the area of the ancient pueblo region may be , square miles; that of the plateau country, approximately, , . [footnote : see major c. e. dutton's map of the plateau country in th ann. rept. u.s. geol. survey, pl. xi. his report on "mount taylor and the zuñi plateau," of which this map is a part, presents a vivid picture of the plateau country, and his descriptions are so clear and expressive that any attempt to better them must result in failure. the statement of the geologic and topographic features which is incorporated herein is derived directly from major dutton's description, much of it being taken bodily.] the plateau country is not a smooth and level region, as its name might imply; it is extremely rugged, and the topographic obstacles to travel are greater than in many wild mountain regions. it is a country of cliffs and canyons, often of considerable magnitude and forming a bar to extended progress in any direction. the surface is generally smooth or slightly undulating and apparently level, but it is composed of a series of platforms or mesas, which are seldom of great extent and generally terminate at the brink of a wall, often of huge dimensions. there are mesas everywhere; it is the mesa country. although the strata appear to be horizontal, they are slightly tilted. the inclination, although slight, is remarkably persistent, and the thickness of the strata remains almost constant. the beds, therefore, extend from very high altitudes to very low ones, and often the formation which is exposed to view at the summit of an incline is lost to view after a few miles, being covered by some later formation, which in turn is covered by a still later one. each formation thus appears as a terrace, bounded on one side by a descending cliff carved out of the edges of its own strata and on the other by an ascending cliff carved out of the strata which overlie it. this is the more common form, although isolated mesas, bits of tableland completely engirdled by cliffs, are but little less common. the courses of the margins of the mesas are not regular. the cliffs sometimes maintain an average trend through great distances, but in detail their courses are extremely crooked; they wind in and out, forming alternate alcoves and promontories in the wall, and frequently they are cut through by valleys, which may be either narrow canyons or interspaces or even miles wide. the whole region has been subjected to many displacements, both flexures of the monoclinal type and faults. some of these flexures attain a length of over miles and a displacement of , feet, and the faults reach even a greater magnitude. there is also an abundance of volcanic rocks and extinct volcanoes, and while the principal eruptions have occurred about the borders of the region, extending but slightly into it, traces of lesser disturbances can be found throughout the country. it has been said that if a geologist should actually make the circuit of the plateau country, he could so conduct his route that for three-fourths of the time he would be treading upon volcanic materials and could pitch his camp upon them every night. the oldest eruptions do not go back of tertiary time, while some are so recent as probably to come within the historic period--within three or four centuries. the strata of the plateau country are remarkable for their homogeneity, when considered with reference to their horizontal extensions; hardly less so for their diversity when considered in their vertical relation. although the groups differ radically from each other, still each preserves its characteristics with singularly slight degrees of variation from place to place. hence we have a certain amount of similarity and monotony in the landscape which is aided rather than diminished by the vegetation; for the vegetation, like the human occupants of this country, has come under its overpowering influence. the characteristic landscape consists of a wide expanse of featureless plains, bounded by far-off cliffs in gorgeous colors; in the foreground a soil of bright yellow or ashy gray; over all the most brilliant sunlight, while the distant features are softened by a blue haze. the most conspicuous formation of the whole region is a massive bright-red sandstone out of which have been carved "the most striking and typical features of those marvelous plateau landscapes which will be subjects of wonder and delight to all coming generations of men. the most superb canyons of the neighboring region, the canyon de chelly and the del muerto, the lofty pinnacles and towers of the san juan country, the finest walls in the great upper chasms of the colorado, are the vertical edges of this red sandstone." of the climate of the plateau country it has been said that in the large valleys it is "temperate in winter and insufferable in summer; higher up the summers are temperate and the winters barely sufferable." it is as though there were two distinct regions covering the same area, for there are marked differences throughout, except in topographic configuration, between the lowlands and the uplands or high plateaus. the lowlands present an appearance which is barren and desolate in the extreme, although the soil is fertile and under irrigation yields good crops. vegetation is limited to a scanty growth of grass during a small part of the year, with small areas here and there scantily covered by the prickly greasewood and at intervals by clumps of sagebrush; but even these prefer a higher level, and develop better on the neighboring mesas than in the valleys proper. the arborescent growth consists of sparsely distributed cottonwoods and willows, closely confined to the river bottoms. on intermediate higher levels junipers and cedars appear, often standing so closely together as to seriously impede travel, but they are confined to the tops of mesas and other high ground, the valleys being generally clear or covered with sagebrush. still higher up yellow pines become abundant and in places spread out into magnificent forests, while in some mountain regions scrub oak, quaking asp, and even spruce trees are abundant. in the mountain regions there is often a reasonable amount of moisture, and some crops, potatoes for example, are grown there without irrigation; but the season is short. in the tunicha mountains the navaho raise corn at an altitude of nearly , feet, but they often lose the crop from drought or from frost. on the intermediate levels and in the lowlands cultivation by modern methods is practically impossible without irrigation, except in a few favored localities, where a crop can be obtained perhaps two years or three years in five. but with a minute knowledge of the climatic conditions, and with methods adapted to meet these conditions, scanty crops can be and are raised by the indians without irrigation throughout the whole region; but everywhere that water can be applied the product of the soil is increased many fold. near the center of the plateau country, in the northeastern corner of arizona, a range of mountains crosses diagonally from northwest to southeast, extending into new mexico. in the north an irregular cluster of considerable size, separated from the remainder of the range, is called the carrizo; and the range proper has no less than three names applied to different parts of it. the northern end is known as the lukachukai, the central part as the tunicha, and the southern part as the chuska or choiskai mountains, all navaho names. the two former clusters attain an altitude of , feet; the tunicha and the chuska are about , feet high, the latter having a flat top of considerable area. on the east these mountains break down rather abruptly into the broad valley of the chaco river, or the chaco wash, as it is more commonly designated; on the west they break down gradually, through a series of slopes and mesas, into the chin lee valley. canyon de chelly has been cut in the western slope by a series of small streams, which, rising near the crest of the mountain, combine near its head and flow in a general westerly direction. the mouth of the canyon is on the eastern border of the chin lee valley. it is miles south of the utah boundary and miles west of that of new mexico; hence it is miles east and a little north from the old province of tusayan, the modern moki, and miles northwest from the old province of cibola, the modern zuñi. its position is almost in the heart of the ancient pueblo region; the chaco ruins lie about miles east, and the ruins of the san juan from to miles north and northeast. [illustration: plate xlii map of canyon de chelly and its branches surveyed by cosmos mindeleff] the geographic position of canyon de chelly has had an important effect on its history, forming as it does an available resting place in any migratory movement either on the north and south line or east and west. the tunicha mountains are a serious obstacle to north and south movement at the present day, but less so than the arid valleys which border them. except at one place, and that place is difficult, it is almost impossible to cross the mountains with a wheeled vehicle, but there are innumerable trails running in all directions, and these trails are in constant use by the navaho, except in the depths of winter. the mountain route is preferable, however, to the valley roads, where the traveler for several days is without wood, with very little water and forage, and his movements are impeded by deep sand. to the traveler on foot, or even on horseback, canyon de chelly is easily accessible from almost any direction. good trails run northward to the san juan and northeastward over the tunicha mountains to the upper part of that river; fort defiance is but half a day's journey to the southeast; tusayan and zuñi are but three days distant to the traveler on foot; the navaho often ride the distance in a day or a day and a half. the canyon is accessible to wagons, however, only at its mouth. the main canyon, shown on the map (plate xlii) as canyon de chelly and known to the navaho as tsé-gi, is about miles long. it heads near washington pass, within a few miles of the crest of the mountain, and extends almost due west to the chin lee valley. the country descends by a regular slope from an altitude of about , feet at the foot of the main crest to about , feet in the chin lee valley, miles west, and is so much cut up locally by ravines and washes that it is impassable to wagons, but it preserves throughout its mesa-like character. about miles from its mouth de chelly is joined by another canyon almost as long, which, heading also in the tunicha mountains, comes in from the northeast. it is over miles long, and is called on the map canyon del muerto; the navaho know it as Én-a-tsé-gi. about miles above the mouth of the main canyon a small branch comes in from the southeast. it is about miles long, and has been called monument canyon, on account of the number of upright natural pinnacles of rock in it. in addition to those named there are innumerable small branches, ranging in size from deep coves to real canyons a mile or two long. outside of de chelly, and independent of it, there is a little canyon about miles long, called tse-on-i-tso-si by the navaho. at one point near its head it approaches so near to de chelly that but a few feet of rock separate them. on the western side of the mountains there are a number of small perennial streams fed by springs on the upper slopes. several of these meet in the upper part of de chelly, others in del muerto, and in the upper parts of these canyons there is generally water. but, except at the time of the autumn and winter rains and in the spring when the mountain snows are melting, the streams are not powerful enough to carry the water to the mouth of the canyon. the flow is absorbed by the deep sand which forms the stream bed. ordinarily it is difficult to procure enough water to drink less than or miles from the mouth of de chelly, but occasionally the whole stream bed, at places over a quarter of a mile wide, is occupied by a raging torrent impassable to man or beast. such ebullitions, however, seldom last more than a few hours. usually water can be obtained anywhere in the bottom by sinking a shallow well in the sand, and it is by this method that the navaho, the present occupants of the canyon, obtain their supply. the walls of the canyon are composed of brilliant red sandstone, discolored everywhere by long streaks of black and gray coming from above. at its mouth it is about feet wide. higher up the walls sometimes approach to feet of each other, elsewhere broadening out to half a mile or more; but everywhere the wall line is tortuous and crooked in the extreme, and, while the general direction of de chelly is east and west, the traveler on the trail which runs through it is as often headed north or south. del muerto is even more tortuous than de chelly, and in places it is so narrow that one could almost throw a stone across it. at its mouth the walls of canyon de chelly are but to feet high, descending vertically to a wide bed of loose white sand, and absolutely free from talus or débris. three miles above del muerto comes in, but its mouth is so narrow it appears like an alcove and might easily be overlooked. here the walls are over feet high, but the rise is so gradual that it is impossible to appreciate its amount. at the point where monument canyon comes in, miles above the mouth of de chelly, the walls reach a height of over feet, about one-third of which consists of talus. the rise in the height of the walls is so gradual that when the canyon is entered at its mouth the mental scale by which we estimate distances and magnitudes is lost and the wildest conjectures result. we fail at first to realize the stupendous scale on which the work was done, and when we do finally realize it we swing to the opposite side and exaggerate. at the junction of monument canyon there is a beautiful rock pinnacle or needle standing out clear from the cliff and not more than feet on the ground. it has been named, in conjunction with a somewhat similar pinnacle on the other side of the canyon, "the captains," and its height has been variously estimated at from , to , feet. it is less than . a curious illustration of the effects of the scenery in connection with this pinnacle may not be amiss. the author of western wilds (cincinnati, ) thus describes it: but the most remarkable and unaccountable feature of the locality is where the canyons meet. there stands out feet from the point, entirely isolated, a vast leaning rock tower at least , feet high and not over thick at the base, as if it had originally been the sharp termination of the cliff and been broken off and shoved farther out. it almost seems that one must be mistaken; that it must have some connection with the cliff, until one goes around it and finds it feet or more from the former. it leans at an angle from the perpendicular of at least degrees; and lying down at the base on the under side, by the best sighting i could make, it seemed to me that the opposite upper edge was directly over me--that is to say, mechanically speaking, its center of gravity barely falls with the base, and a heave of only a yard or two more would cause it to topple over. (page .) the dimensions have already been given. the pinnacle is perfectly plumb. the rock of which the canyon walls are formed is a massive sandstone in which the lines of bedding are almost completely obliterated. it is rather soft in texture, and has been carved by atmospheric erosion into grotesque and sometimes beautiful forms. in places great blocks have fallen off, leaving smooth vertical surfaces, extending sometimes from the top nearly to the stream bed, feet or more in height and as much in breadth. in the lower parts of the canyons the walls, sometimes of the character described, sometimes with the surfaces and angles smoothed by the flying sand, are generally vertical and often overhang, descending sheer to the canyon bottom without talus or intervening slopes of débris. the talus, where there is any, is slight and consists of massive sandstone of the same character as the walls, but much rounded by atmospheric erosion. the enlarged map (plate xliii) shows something of this character. near its mouth the whole bottom of the canyon consists of an even stretch of white sand extending from cliff to cliff. a little higher up there are small areas of alluvium, or bottom land, in recesses and coves in the walls and generally only a foot or two above the stream bed. still higher up these areas become more abundant and of greater extent, forming regular benches or terraces, generally well raised above the stream bed. at the casa blanca ruin, miles up the canyon, the bench is or feet above the stream. each little branch canyon and deep cove in the cliffs is fronted by a more or less extended area of this cultivable bottom land. ten miles up the talus has become a prominent feature. it consists of broken rock, sand, and soil, generally overlying a slope of massive sandstone, such as has been described, and which occasionally crops out on the surface. with the development of the talus the area of bottom land dwindles, and the former encroaches more and more until a little above the junction of monument canyon the bottom land is limited to narrow strips and small patches here and there. these bottom lands are the cultivable areas of the canyon bottom, and their occurrence and distribution have dictated the location of the villages now in ruins. they are also the sites of all the navaho settlements in the canyon. the navaho hogans are generally placed directly on the bottoms; the ruins are always so located as to overlook them. only a very small proportion of the available land is utilized by the navaho, and not all of it was used by the old village builders. the navaho sites, as a whole, are far superior to the village sites. the horticultural conditions here, while essentially the same as those of the whole pueblo region, present some peculiar features. except for a few modern examples there are no traces of irrigating works, and the navaho work can not be regarded as a success. the village builders probably did not require irrigation for the successful cultivation of their crops, and under the ordinary indian methods of planting and cultivation a failure to harvest a good crop was probably rare. after the harvest season it is the practice of the navaho to abandon the canyon for the winter, driving their flocks and carrying the season's produce to more open localities in the neighboring valleys. the canyon is not a desirable place of residence in the winter to a people who live in the saddle and have large flocks of sheep and goats, but there is no evidence that the old inhabitants followed the navaho practice. during most of the year there is no water in the lower miles of the canyons, where most of the cultivable land is situated. the autumn rains in the mountains, which occur late in july or early in august, sometimes send down a little stream, which, however, generally lasts but a few days and fails to reach the mouth of the canyon. late in october, or early in november, a small amount comes down and is fairly permanent through the winter and spring. the stream bed is even more tortuous than the canyon it occupies, often washing the cliffs on one side, then passing directly across the bottom and returning again to the same side, the stream bed being many times wider than the stream, which constantly shifts its channel. in december it becomes very cold and so much of the stream is in shade during a large part of the day that much of the water becomes frozen and, as it were, held in place. in the warm parts of the day, and in the sunshine, the ice is melted, the stream resumes its flow, and so gradually pushes its way farther and farther down the canyon. but some sections, less exposed to warmth than others, retain their ice during the day. these points are flooded by the water from above, which is again frozen during the night and again flooded the next day, and so on. in a short time great fields of smooth ice are formed, which render travel on horseback very difficult and even dangerous. this, and the scant grazing afforded by the bottom lands in winter, doubtless is the cause of the annual migration of the navaho; but these conditions would not materially affect a people living in the canyon who did not possess or were but scantily supplied with horses and sheep. the stream when it is flowing is seldom more than a foot deep, generally only a few inches, except in times of flood, when it becomes a raging torrent, carrying everything before it. hence irrigation would be impracticable, even if its principles were known, nor is it essential here to successful horticulture. one of the characteristic features of the canyons at the present day is the immense number of peach trees within them. wherever there is a favorable site, in some sheltered cove or little branch canyon, there is a clump of peach trees, in some instances perhaps as many as , in one "orchard." when the peaches ripen, hundreds and even thousands of navaho flock to the place, coming from all over the reservation, like an immense flock of vultures, and with disastrous results to the food supply. a few months after it is difficult to procure even a handful of dried fruit. the peach trees are, of course, modern. they were introduced into this country originally by the spanish monks, but in de chelly there are not more than two or three trees which are older than the last navaho war. at that time, it is said, the soldiers cut down every peach tree they could find. but, aside from the peaches, de chelly was until recently the great agricultural center of the navaho tribe, and large quantities of corn, melons, pumpkins, beans, etc, were and are raised there every year. under modern conditions many other localities now vie with it, and some surpass it in output of agricultural products, but not many years ago de chelly was regarded as the place par excellence. it will be clear, therefore, that prior to very recent times de chelly would be selected by almost any tribe moving across the country, and, barring a hostile prior occupancy, would be the most desirable place for the pursuit of horticultural operations for many miles in any direction. the vicinity of the tunicha mountains, which could be reached in half a day from any part of the canyons, and which must have abounded in game, for even now some is found there, would be a material advantage. the position of the canyon in the heart of the plateau country and of the ancient pueblo region would make it a natural stopping place during any migratory movement either north and south or east and west, and its settlement was doubtless due to this favorable position and to the natural advantages it offered. this settlement was effected probably not by one band or tribe, nor at one time, but by many bands at many times. probably the first settlements were very old; certainly the last were very recent. classification and descriptions ruins of the pueblo region no satisfactory general classification of the ruins of the ancient pueblo region has yet been made; possibly because the material in hand is not sufficiently abundant. there are thousands of ruins scattered over the southwest, of many different types which merge more or less into each other. in mr a. f. bandelier, whose knowledge of the archeology of the southwest is very extensive, formulated a classification, and in , in his final report,[ ] he announces that he has nothing to change in it. the classification is as follows: i. large communal houses several stories high. (_a_) composed of one or two, seldom three, extensive buildings, generally so disposed as to surround an interior court. (_b_) polygonal pueblos. (_c_) scattered pueblos, composed of a number of large many-storied houses, disposed in a more or less irregular manner; sometimes in irregular squares or on a line. (_d_) artificial caves, resembling in number, size, and disposition of the cells the many-storied communal dwelling. (_e_) many-storied dwellings, with artificial walls, erected inside of natural caves of great size. ii. detached family dwellings, either isolated or in groups forming villages. [footnote : arch. inst. of america, th ann. rept., p. ; and arch. inst. of america, papers, american series, iv, p. .] many hundreds of ruins have been examined by mr bandelier, and doubtless the classification above afforded a convenient working basis for the region with which he is most familiar, the basin of the rio grande and its tributaries. it does not apply very well to the western part of the pueblo region. the distinguishing characteristics of the first group (of five classes)--houses several stories high--are as follows: each building consisted of an agglomeration of a great number of small cells, without any larger halls of particularly striking dimensions. all the buildings, except outhouses or additions, were at least two stories high, and the lower story was entered only from the roof. the various stories receded from the bottom to the top. the prevalence of the estufa (kiva) generally, or often, circular in form. ruins of class ii--detached family dwellings--consist sometimes of a single room; more often of several rooms. the rooms are generally built of stone, although examples constructed of mud and adobe are also found in certain regions. the average size of the room is larger than in the communal building, and there is a gradual increase in size of rooms from north to south. there are front doorways and light and air holes are larger than in the communal houses. mr bandolier suggests that the detached family dwelling was the early type, and that only when enemies began to threaten were the communal houses resorted to for purposes of defense. this classification is apparently based on external form alone, without taking into account the numerous influences which modify or produce form; and while no doubt it was sufficient for field use, it is not likely to be permanently adopted; for there does not appear to be any essential or radical difference between the various classes. moreover, there does not appear to be any place in the scheme for the cliff ruins of the variety especially abundant in de chelly and found in many other localities, unless indeed such ruins come under class ii--detached family dwellings; yet this would imply precedence in time, and the ruins themselves will not permit such an inference. the essential uniformity of types which prevails over the immense area covered by the ancient pueblo ruins is a noteworthy feature, and any system of classification which does not take it into account must be considered as only tentative. what elements should be considered and what weight assigned to each in preparing a scheme of classification is yet to be determined, but probably one of the most important elements is the character of the site occupied, with reference to its convenience and defensibility. there are great differences in kind between the great valley pueblos, located without reference to defense and depending for security on their size and the number of their population, of which zuñi and taos are examples, and the villages which are located on high mesas and projecting tongues of rock; in other words, on defensive sites where reliance for security was placed on the character of the site occupied, such as the tusayan villages of today. within each of these classes there are varieties, and there are also secondary types which pertain sometimes to one, sometimes to the other, and sometimes to both. such are the cliff ruins, the cavate lodges, and the single house remains. the unit of pueblo architecture is the single cell, and in its development the highest point reached is the aggregation of a great number of such cells into one or more clusters, either connected with or adjacent to each other. these cells were all the same, or essentially so; for while differentiation in use or function had been or was being developed at the time of the spanish conquest, differentiation in form had not been reached. the kiva, of circular or rectangular shape, is a survival and not a development. large aggregations of many cells into one cluster are the latest development of pueblo architecture. they were immediately preceded by a type composed of a larger number of smaller villages, located on sites selected with reference to their ease of defense, and apparently the change from the latter to the former type was made at one step, without developing any intermediate forms. the differences between the largest examples of villages on defensive sites and the smallest appear to be only differences of size. doubtless in the early days of pueblo architecture small settlements were the rule. probably these settlements were located in the valleys, on sites most convenient for horticulture, each gens occupying its own village. incursions by neighboring wild tribes, or by hostile neighbors, and constant annoyance and loss at their hands, gradually compelled the removal of these little villages to sites more easily defended, and also forced the aggregation of various related gentes into one group or village. at a still later period the same motive, considerably emphasized perhaps, compelled a further removal to even more difficult sites. the tusayan villages at the time of the spanish discovery were located on the foothills of the mesas, and many pueblo villages at that period occupied similar sites. actuated by fear of the ute and comanche, and perhaps of the spaniards, the inhabitants soon after moved to the top of the mesa, where they now are. many villages stopped at this stage. some were in this stage at the time of the discovery--acoma, for example. finally, whole villages whose inhabitants spoke the same language combined to form one larger village, which, depending now on size and numbers for defense, was again located on a site convenient for horticulture. the process sketched above was by no means continuous. the population was in slow but practically constant movement, much the same as that now taking place in the zuñi country; it was a slow migration. outlying settlements were established at points convenient to cultivable fields, and probably were intended to be occupied only during the summer. sometimes these temporary sites might be found more convenient than that of the parent village, and it would gradually come about that some of the inhabitants would remain there all the year. eventually the temporary settlement might outgrow the parent, and would in turn put out other temporary settlements. this process would be possible only during prolonged periods of peace, but it is known to have taken place in several regions. necessarily hundreds of small settlements, ranging in size from one room to a great many, would be established, and as the population moved onward would be abandoned, without ever developing into regular villages occupied all the year. it is believed that many of the single house remains of mr bandelier's classification[ ] belong to this type, as do also many cavate lodges, and in the present paper it will be shown that some at least of the cliff ruins belong to the same category. [footnote : see a paper by the author on "aboriginal remains in verde valley, arizona," in th ann. rept. bureau of ethnology, p. et seq.] the cliff ruins are a striking feature, and the ordinary traveler is apt to overlook the more important ruins which sometimes, if not generally, are associated with them. the study of the ruins in canyon de chelly has led to the conclusion that the cliff ruins there are generally subordinate structures, connected with and inhabited at the same time as a number of larger home villages located on the canyon bottom, and occupying much the same relation to the latter that moen-kapi does to oraibi, or that nutria, pescado, and ojo caliente do to zuñi; and that they are the functional analogues of the "watch towers" of the san juan and of zuñi, and the brush shelters or "kisis" of tusayan: in other words, they were horticultural outlooks occupied only during the farming season. mr g. nordenskiöld, who examined a number of cliff and other ruins in the mancos canyon and the mesa verde region, adopts[ ] a very simple classification, as follows: i. ruins in the valleys, on the plains, or on the plateaus. ii. ruins in caves in the walls of the canyons, subdivided as follows: (a) cave dwellings, or caves inhabited without the erection of any buildings within them. (b) cliff dwellings, or buildings erected in caves. [footnote : the cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, pp. and .] from its topographic character it might be expected that the canyon de chelly ruins would hardly come within a scheme of classification based upon those found in the open country; and here, if anywhere, we should find corroboration of the old idea that the cliff ruins were the homes and last refuge of a race harassed by powerful enemies and finally driven to the construction of dwellings in inaccessible cliffs, where a last ineffectual stand was made against their foes; or the more recent theory that they represent an early stage in the development of pueblo architecture, when the pueblo builders were few in number and surrounded by numerous enemies. neither of these theories are in accord with the facts of observation. the still later idea that the cliff dwellings were used as places of refuge by various pueblo tribes who, when the occasion for such use was passed, returned to their original homes, or to others constructed like them, may explain some of the cliff ruins, but if applicable at all to those of de chelly, it applies only to a small number of them. [illustration: plate xliii detailed map of part of canyon de chelly showing areas of cultivatable land] the ruins of de chelly show unmistakably several periods of occupancy, extending over considerable time and each fairly complete. they fall easily into the classification previously suggested, and exhibit various types, but the earliest and the latest forms are not found. in the descriptions which follow the classification below has been employed: i--old villages on open sites. ii--home villages on bottom lands. iii--home villages located for defense. iv--cliff outlooks or farming shelters. i--old villages on open sites in the upper part of the canyon, and extending into what we may call the middle region, there are a number of ruins that seem to be out of place in this locality. they are exactly similar to hundreds of ruins found in the open country; such, for example, as the older villages of tusayan, located on low foothills at the foot of the mesa, and the peculiar topographic characteristics of the location have not made the slightest impression on them. these ruins are located on gentle slopes, the foothills of the talus, as it were, away from the cliffs, and are now marked only by scattered fragments of building stone and broken pottery. the ground plans are in all cases indistinguishable; in only a few instances can even a short wall line be traced. they seem to have been located without special reference to large areas of cultivable land, although they always command small areas of such land. there is a remarkable uniformity in ruins of this type in character of site occupied, outlook, and general appearance. they are always close to the stream bed, seldom more than or feet above it, and the sites were chosen apparently without any reference to their defensibility. a typical example occurs at the point marked on the detailed map (plate xliii), another occurs at , and another at . one of the largest examples is in the lower part of the canyon. at the junction of del muerto there is a large mass of rock standing out alone and extending nearly to the full height of the canyon walls. on the south it is connected with the main wall back of it by a low tongue of rock, sparsely covered in places by soil and sand, and on the top of this tongue or saddle there is a large ruin of the type described, but no ground plan can now be made out. possibly the obliterated appearance of this ruin and of others of the same class is due to the use of the material, ready to hand and of the proper size, in later structures. it is known that a similar appearance was produced in tusayan by such a cause. the old village of walpi, on a foothill below the mesa point and the site of the village at the time of the spanish conquest, presents an appearance of great antiquity, although it was partly occupied so late as fifty years ago. when the movement to the summit of the mesa became general, the material of the old houses was utilized in the construction of the new ones, and at the present day it can almost be said that not one stone remains above another. so complete is the obliteration that no ground plan can be made out. if similar conditions prevailed in de chelly, there might be many more ruins of this class than those so far discovered. even those found are not easily distinguished and might easily be passed over. possibly there were small ruins of this type scattered over the whole canyon bottom. an example which occurs at the point marked on the map, and shown in plate xliv, presents no trace on the surface except some potsherds, which in this locality mean nothing. the site is a low hill or end of a slope, the top of which is perhaps feet above the stream bed, but separated from it by a belt of recent alluvium carpeted with grass. the hill itself was formed of talus, covered with alluvium, all but a small portion of which was subsequently cut away, leaving an almost vertical face or feet high. in this face the ends or vertical sections of several walls can be seen; one of them is nearly  feet thick and extends  feet below the present ground surface. the filling of these ruins to a depth of or feet and the almost complete absence of surface remains or indications does not necessarily imply a remote antiquity, although it suggests it. during the fall and early winter months tremendous sand storms rage in the canyon; the wind sweeps through the gorge with an almost irresistible power, carrying with it such immense quantities of sand that objects a few hundred feet distant can not be distinguished. these sand storms were and are potent factors in producing the picturesque features of the red cliffs forming the canyon walls; but they are constructive as well as destructive, and cavities and hollow places in exposed situations such as the canyon bottom are soon filled up. the stream itself is also a powerful agent of destruction and construction; during flood periods banks of sand and alluvium are often cut away and sometimes others are formed. yet there are reasons for believing that the old village ruins on open sites, now almost obliterated, mark the first period in the occupancy of the canyon, perhaps even a period distinctly separated from the others. excavation on these sites would probably yield valuable results. ii--home villages on bottom lands ruins comprised in the second class are located on the bottom lands, generally at the base of a cliff, and without reference to the defensibility of the site. they are, as a rule, much broken down, and might perhaps be classed with the ruins already described, but there are some distinctive features which justify us in separating them. ruins of this class are always located either at the base of a cliff or in a cove under it, on the level or raised but slightly above the bottom land, and sometimes at a considerable distance from the stream. the ground plans can generally be distinguished, and in many instances walls are still standing--sometimes to a height of three stories. the ground plans reflect more or less the character of the site they occupy, and we would be as much surprised to find plans of their character in the open country as we are to see plans of class i within the canyon. unlike the ground plans of class i, those of this group were laid out with direct reference to the cliff behind them, and which formed, as it were, a part of them. [illustration: plate xliv section of old walls, canyon de chelly] in point of size, long period of occupancy, and position these villages were the most important in the canyon. the ruins often cover considerable areas and almost invariably show the remains of one or more circular kivas. sometimes they are located directly upon the bottom land, more often they occupy low swells next the cliff, rising perhaps feet above the general level and affording a fine view over it. sometimes they are found in alcoves at the base of the cliff, but they always rest on the bottom land which extends into them; these merge insensibly into the next class--village ruins on defensible sites--and the distinction between them is partly an arbitrary one, as is also that between the last mentioned and the cliff ruins proper. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of an old ruin in canyon del muerto.] figure is a ground plan of a small ruin located in del muerto, on the bottom lands near its mouth. no standing walls now remain, but there is no doubt that the village at one time covered much more ground than that shown on the plan. there are now remains of sixteen rooms on the ground, in addition to two kivas. there is a shallow alcove in the cliff at the ground level, and the overhanging cliff gave the village some protection overhead. plate xlv shows another example in del muerto, the largest in that canyon. the walls are still standing to a height of three stories in one place, and the masonry is of high class. the back cliff has not entered into the plan here to the same extent that it generally does. figure , a ground plan, exhibits only that portion of the area of the ruin on which walls are still standing. it shows about rooms on the ground, exclusive of three or perhaps four kivas. the rooms are small as a rule, rectangular, and arranged with a more than ordinary degree of regularity. one room still carries its roof intact, as shown on the plan. in the center of the ruin are the remains of a very large kiva, over feet in diameter. it is now so much broken down that but little can be inferred as to its former condition, except that there was probably no interior bench, as no remains of such a structure can now be distinguished. the size of this kiva is exceptional, and it is very probable that it was never roofed. the structures within the kiva, shown on the ground plan, are navaho burial cists. west of the large kiva there were two others, less than feet in diameter. one of these was circular; the other was irregular in shape, perhaps more nearly approaching an oval form. at no fewer than five places within the ruin there are comparatively recent navaho burials. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin on bottom land in canyon del muerto.] [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin in canyon de chelly.] figure is a ground plan of a small and very compact village, situated on the south side of the canyon at the point marked on the detailed map. it is located on a slightly raised part of the bottom, commanding an outlook over a large area now under cultivation by the navaho. the wall lines are remarkably, although not perfectly, regular, and show at least rooms; there were probably others to the northward and eastward. the rooms are now almost filled with débris, but two of them are still intact, being kept in order by the navaho and used for the storage of corn. the roofs of both these rooms are now on the ground level. the covered room nearest the cliff, shown on the plan, has been divided into two small compartments by a wall through the middle; access to each of these is obtained by a framed trapdoor in the roof about a foot square. this dividing wall is probably of navaho origin, as the separate rooms formed by it are too small for habitation and the masonry is very rough. a short distance to the north along the cliff there is a navaho house, roughly rectangular in plan, which was constructed of stone obtained from this site. the masonry of the ruin presents a very good face, not due to chinking, however, which was but slightly practiced, but to the careful selection of material. some of the stones show surface pecking. [illustration: plate xlv general view of ruin on bottom land, canyon del muerto] about feet above or southeast of this ruin there are the remains of two small rooms which were placed against the cliff. they are of the same general character as those described, and doubtless formed part of the same settlement. between the two occurs a curious feature. a large slab of rock, feet long and not more than feet thick at any point, has split off from the cliff and dropped down to the ground, where it remains on edge. this slab is triangular in elevation and about feet high at the apex. between it and the cliff, in the upper part, there is a space from to ½ feet wide. this is easily accessible from the north, on the edge of the slab, and can be reached from the southern end, but with much difficulty. figure shows this feature and its relation to the ruin. there is no doubt that this was a granary or huge storage bin, and probably the two rooms on the south were placed there to guard that end; the northern end, of more easy access, being protected by the village itself. it was well adapted to this purpose--a fact that the navaho have not been slow to appreciate. they have constructed small bins near the northern end, shown on the plan, and beyond this timbers have been wedged in so as to furnish a means of closing the cleft. in the cleft itself cross walls have been constructed, dividing it into several compartments. the interior forms a convenient dry, airy space, and at the time it was visited the floor was covered with a litter of cornhusks. [illustration: fig. --granary in the rocks, connected with a ruin.] almost directly opposite this ruin, on the other side of the canyon, are the remains of a village that might properly be called a cave village. at this point a large rock stands out from the cliff and in it there is a cavity shaped almost like a quarter sphere. its greatest diameter is feet and its height about feet. the bottom land here is or feet above the stream bed and slopes up gradually toward the cliff, forming the bottom of the cave, which is perhaps or feet above the stream and some distance from it. the cave commands an extensive outlook over the cultivable lands below it and those extending up a branch canyon a little above. the whole bottom of the cave is covered by remains of rooms, shown in plan in figure . the population could not have been greater than or persons, yet the remains of two kivas are clearly shown. both were in the front of the cave, adjoining but not connected with each other, and were about feet in diameter. both had interior benches, extending in one perhaps completely around, in the other only partly around. the rooms are very irregular in shape and in size, ranging from by feet to by  feet, but the latter could be used only for storage. the masonry is not of fine grade, although good; but not much detail can be made out, as the place has been used as a sheepfold by the navaho and the ground surface has been filled up and smoothed over. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in a cave.] the largest ruin in the canyons is that shown in plan in figure . it is situated in del muerto, on the canyon bottom at the base of a cliff, and is known to the navaho as pakashi-izini (the blue cow). the name was derived probably from a pictograph of a cow done in blue paint on the canyon wall back of the ruin. traces of walls extend over a narrow belt against the cliffs about feet long and not over feet wide, and over this area many walls are still standing. scattered over the site are a number of large bowlders. no attempt to remove these was made, but walls were carried over and under them, and in some cases the direction of a wall was modified to correspond with a face of a bowlder. the settlement may have consisted of two separate portions, divided by a row or cluster of large bowlders. the group shown on the right of the plan was very compactly built, in one place being four rooms deep, but no traces of a kiva can be seen in it, nor does there appear to be any place where a kiva could be built within the house area or immediately adjacent to it. at present or rooms may be traced on the ground and the whole structure may have comprised rooms. the wall lines are not regular. in the western end of the structure there is a narrow passageway into a large room in the center. such passageways, while often seen in the valley pueblos, are rare in these canyons. the three rooms to the south of the passageway appear to have been added after the rest of the structure was completed, and diminished in size regularly by a series of steps or insets in the northern or passage wall. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of pakashi-izini ruins, canyon del muerto.] the other portion of the ruin shows the remains of about rooms on the ground, in addition to three kivas; there may have been rooms in this part of the settlement, or or rooms altogether. the population could not have been over or persons, or about families. in other words, it appears that, owing to the peculiarities of conditions under which they lived, and of the ground plan which resulted, the largest settlement of this class in the canyons, extending over feet in one direction, provided homes for a very limited number of people. as it is probable that each family had one or more outlooks, occupied in connection with their horticultural operations, it will readily be seen that only a small number of inhabitants might leave a large number of house remains, and that it is not necessary to assume either a large population or a long period of occupancy. the kivas are clustered in the lower end of the settlement, and all appear to have been inclosed within walls or other buildings. two of them are fairly well preserved; of the third only a fragment remains. the inclosure of the kivas is a suggestive feature, which will be discussed later, as will also the square shaft shown on the plan as attached to the principal kiva. it will be noticed that in several places where bowlders occur within the limits of the settlement they have been incorporated into the walls and form part of them. in two places they have altered the direction of walls and produced irregularities in the plan. elsewhere the face of a rock has been prolonged by a wall carried out to continue it, as in the front wall of the principal kiva apartment. this apartment appears to have been entered from the west through a passageway. this is an anomalous feature and suggests modernness. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in canyon del muerto.] figure is a ground plan of another ruin in del muerto. there is a slight cove or bay in the cliff at the point where the ruin occurs, and the ground, which is on the level of the bottom lands, is strewn with large bowlders, as in the example last described. but few remains of walls are now observable, and there are traces of only one kiva. this was situated near the outer edge of the settlement. the wall lines are irregular and the disposition and size of the bowlders are such that it is improbable that this site was ever occupied by a large cluster of rooms. on the left of the plan will be seen a small room or storage cist still intact. at the point marked > in the center of the site a burial cist was found and excavated in by mr thomas v. keam. it contained the remains of a child, almost perfectly desiccated. it is said that when the remains were first removed the color of the iris could be distinguished. the specimen was subsequently deposited in the national museum. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in tseonitsosi canyon.] a ruin which occurs in tse-on-i-tso-si canyon, near the mouth of de chelly, is shown in plan in figure . there were two kivas, one of which was benched. the number of rooms connected with them is remarkably small--there could not have been more than six, if there were that many--and the character of the site is such as to preclude the possibility of other rooms in the immediate vicinity. some of the walls are still standing, and exhibit a fair degree of skill in masonry. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a much obliterated ruin.] a type of which there are many examples is shown in plan in figure . these ruins occur on the flat, next the cliff, which is seldom bayed and overhangs but slightly. they are usually so much obliterated that only careful scrutiny reveals the presence of wall lines, and walls standing to a height of inches above the ground are rare. in the example illustrated no traces of a kiva can be found, but the almost complete destruction of the walls might account for this. there is every reason to suppose that these ruins are of the same class as those described above, the remains of home villages located without reference to defense, and no reason to suppose otherwise. they are probably instances where, owing to exposed situation, early abandonment, and possibly also proximity to later establishments, destruction has proceeded at a greater rate than in other examples. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in canyon de chelly.] ruins of the class under discussion were not confined to any part of the canyons, but were located wherever the conditions were favorable. an example which occurs in the lower part of the canyon, at the point marked on the map, is shown in plan in figure . it occurs at the back of a deep cove in a little branch canyon, and was at one time quite an extensive village. it was located on a slight slope or raised place next the cliffs and overhung by them. a stone dropped from the top of the cliffs would fall or feet out from their base. there are remains of three kivas. the central one, which was feet in diameter, still shows nearly all its periphery, and the wall is in one place  feet high. the western kiva is now almost obliterated, but it can still be made out, and shows a diameter of feet. it is feet west of the central kiva and on a level about  feet below it, being only about  feet above the bottom land. east of the central kiva, and between it and a large bowlder, there was another, of which only a part now remains. north of the central kiva, and extending nearly to the cliff behind, there are remains of rooms. one corner is still standing to a height of to  feet. the western wall was smoothly plastered outside and was pierced by a narrow notched doorway. the northern wall has an opening still intact, shown in plate lviii; it is  feet high and inches wide, with a lintel composed of six small sticks about an inch in diameter, laid side by side. the sticks are surmounted by a flat stone, very roughly shaped and separated from them by an inch of mud plaster or mortar. the masonry is exceptionally well executed, that of the northern wall being composed of large stones carefully chinked and rubbed down. the chinking appears to have been carried through in bands, producing a decorative effect, resembling some of the masonry of the chaco ruins. the western wall is composed of larger stones laid up more roughly with less chinking, and appears to have been a later addition. on the back wall of the cave are marks of walls showing a number of additional rooms, and there is no doubt that at one time there was quite an extensive settlement here. around the corner from the last example, as it were (at the point marked on the map), and at the mouth of a little canyon that opens out from the head of the cove, the ruin shown in plate xlvi occurs. the village was located on the canyon bottom, in a shallow cove hardly feet deep, but the view over the bottom is almost closed by a large sand dune, bare on top and but scantily covered on the sides with grass and weeds. were it not for this dune, the site of the ruin would command one of the best areas of cultivable land in the canyon, but apparently an extensive outlook was not a desideratum. the slight elevation of the site above the level of the bottom lands is shown in the illustration. [illustration: plate xlvi village ruin in canyon de chelly] the village was not a large one, having been occupied probably by only two families, yet there are traces of two kivas. that on the west is so far obliterated that its outline can be made out only with difficulty. that on the east still shows a part of its wall to a height of about a foot. the plan, figure , shows the general arrangement. some of the walls are still standing to a height of or  feet, and at the eastern end of the ruin there is a room with walls  feet high. more than the usual amount of mud mortar was used in the construction of the walls of this room, and the interstices were filled with this, chinking with small stones being but slightly practiced. the masonry of the other walls is rougher, with even less chinking, and some of them show later additions which did not follow the main lines. the eastern room had two openings and the tops of the walls are apparently finished, for there are no marks of roof timbers. the room may have been roofless, but the same effect might have been produced by recent navaho repairs and alterations. in the exterior wall, at the southeastern corner, there is a series of hand-holes, as though access to the interior were sometimes had in this way, but the hand-holes are later than the wall. on the back wall of the cove there are a number of pictographs. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a village ruin.] [illustration: fig. --ground plan of kivas in canyon de chelly.] just above the mouth of del muerto and on the opposite side of the main canyon, at the point marked on the map, there was a village on the canyon bottom. it overlooked a fine stretch of cultivable land on both sides of the canyon. there is a large isolated mass of rock here, nearly as high as the cliffs on either side, and connected with those back of it by a slope of talus and débris, partly bare rock, partly covered with sand dunes. at the point where the ruin occurs the rock is bare and about feet high, partly overhanging the site. the remains, shown in plan in figure , occupy the summit of a hill about feet high, composed principally of débris of walls. only a few faint traces now remain, but two kivas are still clearly distinguishable. the one on the south had an interior bench, which apparently extended around it. the other shows walls  feet high, and has been plastered with a number of successive coats. the small wall on the extreme right of the plan is composed of almost pure mud. there are a number of ruins in the canyons of the type shown in figure . they are generally located directly on the bottom, and seldom as much as  feet above it, within coves or under overhanging cliffs; they are always of small area, and generally so far obliterated that no walls or wall remains are now visible. the obliteration is due not so much to antiquity, which may or may not have been a cause, but to the character of the site they occupied. they are always in sheltered situations, and being on the canyon bottom are much used by the navaho as sheepfolds and have been so used for years. sometimes, although rarely, faint traces of kivas can be made out. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin on bottom land.] the example illustrated occurs at the point marked on the map. it is situated in a cove in a point of rock jutting out from the main cliff. the rock is about feet high and the cove about feet deep, and the remains are but a few feet above the level of the bottom land outside. the walls are composed of rather small stones; the interstices were chinked with spawls, and the masonry was laid up with an abundance of mud mortar. the back wall of the cove is considerably blackened by smoke. one of the most striking and most important ruins in the canyon is shown in plan in figures and . this is the ruin seen by lieutenant simpson in and subsequently called casa blanca. it is also known under the equivalent navaho term, kini-na e-kai or white house. the general character of the ruin is shown in plate xlvii, which is from a photograph. at first sight this ruin appears not to belong to this class, or rather to belong both to this class and the succeeding one composed of villages located with reference to defense; but, as will appear later, it has nothing in common with the latter. [illustration: plate xlvii casa blanca ruin, canyon de chelly] in its present condition the ruin consists of two distinct parts--a lower part, comprising a large cluster of rooms on the bottom land against the vertical cliff, and an upper part which was much smaller and occupied a cave directly over the lower portion and was separated from it only by some feet of vertical cliff. there is evidence, however, that some of the houses in the lower settlement were four stories high against the cliff, and in fact that the structures were practically continuous; but for convenience of description we may regard the ruin as composed of two. the lower ruin covers an area of about by feet, raised but a few feet above the bottom land, probably by its own debris. within this area there are remains of rooms on the ground, in addition to a circular kiva. on the east side there are walls still standing to a height of and feet. it is probable that the lower ruin comprised about rooms, which, with a liberal allowance for the rooms in the cave, would make a total of . this would furnish accommodations for a maximum of or families or a total population of or persons. it is probable, however, that this estimate is excessive and that the total population at any one time did not exceed or persons. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of the lower part of casa blanca ruin.] the ground plans shown are the result of a very careful survey, plotted on the ground on a large scale ( feet to inch-- : ), and the irregularities shown were carefully noted and put down at the time. these irregularities, which are commonly ignored in the preparation of plans of ruins, are of the highest importance. from them the sequence of construction can often be determined. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of the upper part of casa blanca ruin.] the walls of the lower ruin are somewhat obscured by loose débris, of which a large amount is lying about. roof débris is especially abundant; it consists of small twigs and lumps of clay, with ends of beams projecting here and there. the principal walls occur in the eastern part, where some of them are  feet thick and still standing to a height of and and in one place of feet. an inspection of the plan will show that, as is invariably the case where a wall rises to a height of more than one story, the lower part is massive and the upper wall sets back or inches, reducing its thickness by that amount. all the heavy walls occur either about the kiva or east of it. apparently these walls were built first especially heavy and massive, and afterward, when upper stories were added, it was not found necessary to carry them up the full thickness. it will be noticed that the wall extending eastward from the corner of the kiva, and which is from a foot to  feet high at the present time, extends through the heavy wall which crosses it feet to the east, and is continuous to its termination about feet east, against another heavy wall. the last-mentioned wall is also continuous from the cliff out to the front of the ruin, a distance of about feet. the heavy walls of the lower ruin are immediately under the upper cave. back of them the cliff presents an almost smooth face of rock, feet high and slightly overhanging. on this rock face there are marks which show that formerly there were upper stories, the rooms of which are outlined upon it. the rock surface was coated in places with a thin wash of clay, doubtless to correspond with the other walls of the rooms, but this coating was necessarily omitted where the partition walls and roofs and floors abutted on the rock. this is shown in plate xlvii. although the marks are now so faint as to be easily overlooked, at a certain hour in the day, when the light falls obliquely on the rock, they can be clearly made out. at a point about feet east of the kiva the structure was three stories higher than it is now. the roof of the upper story was within  feet of the floor of the cave, and under the gap or gateway in front of the main room above. west of this point there are the marks of but two stories additional. farther west the structure rose again, but not to the height attained on the east. the kiva was placed directly against the cliff. this is an unusual arrangement; but it will be noticed that the walls in front of it are of a different character from those on the east, and it is probable that when the kiva was built it opened to the air. the kiva is also anomalous in its construction. it presents the usual features of the inner circular chamber and an inclosing rectangular wall, but in this case the intermediate space was filled in solidly, and perhaps was so constructed. the kiva is still  feet deep inside, which must be nearly its maximum depth, and the roof was probably placed at a level not more than a foot or two above the present top. whether the village was placed on a slight raise, or on the flat, level with the bottom land about it, and subsequently filled up with the debris of masonry, etc, can not be determined without excavation; but the top of the kiva is now feet above the general level of the bottom land, and its bottom feet above that level. it is possible that the kiva was much deeper than now appears, as no sign of the usual interior bench can be seen above the present ground surface, nor can any connection with the chimney-like structure to the south of it be determined, yet such connection must have existed. probably not only this kiva but the whole ruin would well repay excavation. the interior of the kiva was not exactly circular, being a little elongated northeast and southwest. the inclosing wall on the east is still standing in one place to a height of  feet above the top of the kiva structure, and about a foot above that level is marked by a setback, which reduces its thickness. apparently the upper part was added at a date some time subsequent to the completion of the kiva structure, as the wall on the south, now some  feet above the level mentioned, does not conform to the lower exterior wall on which it was placed. on the western side there is another fragment of the upper inclosing wall. both this wall and the one on the south are less than inches in thickness. west of the kiva there are remains of other stone walls which differ in character from those on the east. they are now usually less than  feet high; they were to inches thick, and the lines are very irregular. south of the kiva, in the center of the ruin, there are other stone walls even thinner and more irregularly placed than those on the west, but most of the walls here are of adobe. as the use of adobe blocks is not an aboriginal feature, the occurrence of these walls is a matter of much interest, especially as they are so intimately associated with the stonework that it is not always an easy matter to separate them. the occurrence and distribution of adobe walls is shown on the ground plan. they are not found as subordinate walls, dividing larger rooms, except perhaps in one instance; but apparently this method of construction was employed when it was desired to add new rooms to those already constructed. no room with walls constructed wholly of adobe can be made out, but walls of this character closing one side of a room are common, and rooms with two or even three sides of adobe are not uncommon. there are some instances in which part of a wall is stone and part adobe, and also instances in which the lower wall, complete in itself, is of stone, while the upper part, evidently a later addition, is of adobe; such, for example, is the cross wall in the eastern tier, about feet from the cliff. the mere occurrence of adobe here is evidence of the occupancy of this site at a period subsequent to the sixteenth century--we might almost say subsequent to the middle of the seventeenth; but its occurrence in this way and in such intimate association with the stone walls indicates that the occupancy was continuous from a time prior to the introduction of adobe construction to a period some time subsequent to it. this hypothesis is supported by other evidence, which will appear later. attention may here be directed to the fact that there are four chimney-like structures in the lower ruin, all of adobe, and all, except the one which pertains to the kiva, attached to adobe walls. on the western margin of the ruin, and nowhere else within it, there are traces of another kind of construction which was not found elsewhere within the canyon. this method is known to the mexicans as "jacal," and much used by them. it consists of a row of sticks or thin poles set vertically in the ground and heavily plastered with mud. at present not one of these walls remains to a height of inches above the ground, but the lines of poles broken off at the ground level are still visible. the ground at this point is but or  feet above the general level of the bottom. the ground plan shows the occurrence of these wall remains on the western edge of the site. they are all outside of but attached to what was formerly the exterior wall on that side. there are remains of four navaho burial cists in the lower ruin, at the points shown on the ground plan. these are constructed of stones and mud roughly put together in the ordinary manner, forming thin, rounded walls; but these can not be confounded with the other methods of construction described. three of the cists have long been in ruins and broken down; the one on the east is but a few years old. access to the upper ruin can now be had only with much difficulty. in the western end of the cave there is a single room placed on the cliff edge, and between this and the end of a wall to the right a small stick has been embedded in the masonry at a height of about  feet from the rock. the cliff here is vertical and affords no footing, but by throwing a rope over the stick a man can ascend hand over hand. during the period when the houses were occupied, access was had in another and much easier way, through a doorway or passageway nearly in the center of the ruin and directly over the point where the lower village was four stories high. the roof of the lower structure was less than  feet below the floor of the cave; yet there is no doubt that a doorway or passageway existed also at the western end of the cave, as the western end of the wall on the right of the stick is neatly finished and apparently complete. the principal room in the upper ruin is situated nearly in the center of the cave, and is the one that has given the whole ruin its name. the walls are  feet thick, constructed of stone, feet high in front and  feet high on the sides and inside. the exterior was finished with a coat of whitewash, with a decorative band in yellow; hence the name of casa blanca or white house. west of the principal room there is a smaller one, which appears to be a later addition. the walls of this room are only inches thick, of adobe on the sides and back and of small stones in front. the top of the wall is about  feet below the top of the wall on the east. the coat of whitewash and the yellow decorative band are continuous over both rooms, but the white coat was also applied to the exterior western wall of the main room. in the main room there is a series of small sticks, about half an inch in diameter, projecting inches from the wall and on a line or inches under where the roof was. the small room in the eastern end of the cave was located on a kind of bench or upper level, and was constructed partly of stone and partly of adobe. the stone part is the upper portion of the eastern half. on the west there is a small opening or window, with an appliance for closing it. it is probable that this room was used only for storage. in the western end of the cave there is another single room, which is clearly shown in plate xlvii. the front wall is feet high outside and  feet high inside. the lower portion is stone, the upper part and sides are adobe, and the side walls rest on nearly  feet of straw, ashes, etc. the buttress shown in the illustration is of stone and the front wall that it supports is slightly battened. a close inspection of the illustration will show that this wall rests partly on horizontal timber work, a feature which is repeated in several walls in the main cluster of the ruins. the use of timber laid horizontally under a wall is not uncommon, and as it will be discussed at greater length in another place, it may be dismissed here with the statement that as a rule it failed to accomplish the purpose intended. but the use of the buttress is an anomalous feature which it is difficult to believe was of aboriginal conception. its occurrence in this ruin together with so many other unaboriginal features is suggestive. the walls of the principal room and of the rooms immediately in front of it are constructed of stone; all the other walls in the upper ruin are of adobe or have adobe in them. the two rooms on the east and two walls of the room adjoining on the west are wholly of adobe, about inches thick and now and  feet high. in the southeast corner of the second room from the east there is an opening through the front wall which may have been a drain. it is on the floor level, round, inches in diameter, and smoothly plastered. in the fourth room from the east there is a similar hole. both of these discharge on the edge of the cliff, and it is difficult to imagine their purpose unless they were expedients for draining the rooms; but this would imply that the rooms were not roofed. although the cliff above is probably feet high, and overhangs to the degree that a rock pushed over its edge falls feet or more outside of the outermost wall remains, and over feet from the foot of the cliff, still a driving storm of rain or snow would leave considerable quantities of water in the front rooms if they were not roofed, and some means would have to be provided to carry it off. in the same room, the fourth from the east, there are the remains of a chimney-like structure, the only one in the upper ruin. it is in the northeast corner, at a point where the wall has fallen and been replaced by a navaho burial cist also fallen in ruin, and was constructed of stone. there is no doubt that it was added some time after the walls were built, as it has cracked off from the wall on the east, which shows at that point its original finish. in the eastern wall of this room there is a well-finished opening, and at the corresponding point in the wall of the room on the right, the third wall from the east, there is another. the latter wall is of adobe, or rather there are two adobe walls built side by side; one, the eastern, considerably thinner than the other. the opening extends through both walls; it was neatly finished and was closed by a thin slab of stone plastered in with mud. it has the appliance for closing mentioned above and described later (page ). most of the openings in the walls appear to have been closed up at the time the houses were abandoned. the front wall of the main room is feet high in front and was stepped back inches at half its height from the ground. the stepback is continued through the front wall of the small room on the west. near the center of the main room there is a well-finished doorway, directly over the point where a cross wall in front of it comes in. this opening was originally a double-notched or t-shape doorway, but at a later period was filled up so as to leave only a rectangular orifice. the principal entrance to the upper ruin was in front of this opening and a little to the left of it. it will be noticed from an inspection of the plan that the room into which this entrance opened was divided at a point about  feet back from the cliff edge by a stone wall not more than half the thickness of the walls on either side of it. this cross wall is still  feet high on the side nearest the cliff, but there is no evidence of a doorway or opening through it. the back rooms must have been reached by a ladder in front, thence over the roof of the room. the cliff entrance was a narrow doorway left in the front wall. the ends of the walls on either side were smoothly finished, as in the western doorway. there are many lumps of clay scattered about on the ground, some showing impressions of small sticks. apparently they are the debris of roofs. there are also some fragments of pottery, principally corrugated ware. the adobe walls in the upper ruin rest generally on rock, sometimes on ashes and loose debris; in the lower ruin they rest usually on stone foundations. the occurrence in this ruin of many features that are not aboriginal suggests that it was one of the last to be abandoned in the canyon, but there are certain features which make it seem probable that the upper portion continued to be inhabited for some time after the lower portion. the contrivance for closing openings is identical with examples found in the mesa verde region, and it is probable that an intimate connection between the two existed. iii--home villages located for defense the distinction between home villages located on bottom lands absolutely without reference to the defensive value of the site, and other villages located on defensive sites, is to some extent an arbitrary one. the former, which are always located at the base of or under an overhanging cliff, sometimes occupy slightly raised ground which overlooks the adjacent land, and the latter are sometimes so slightly raised above the bottoms they overlook as hardly to come within the classification. moreover, ruins in their present condition sometimes belong to both classes, as in the example last described. yet a general distinction may be drawn between the classes, in that the former are generally located directly upon the bottom land and invariably without thought or regard to the defensive value of the site, while in the latter the effect of this requirement is always apparent. the class of ruins which has been designated as the remains of villages located for defense comprises all the most striking remains in the canyon, many of which may properly be termed cliff ruins. the characteristics of the class are: a site more or less difficult of access--generally an elaborate ground plan, although sometimes they consist of only a few rooms--and the invariable presence of the kiva or estufa, here always circular in form. the largest ruin of this class occurs in del muerto, and is known as mummy cave ruin. it is called by the navajo tse-i-ya-kin. it is situated in the upper part of the canyon, near the junction of a small branch, and has an extensive outlook. at a height of about feet above the top of a gentle slope of earth and loose rock, and perhaps feet above the stream bed, there are two coves in the rock, connected by a narrow bench. the western cove is about feet across and its back is perhaps feet from the front wall of the cliff. the eastern cove is over feet across and perhaps feet deep, while the connecting ledge is about feet long. ruins occur on the central ledge and on similar ledges in the back parts of both coves. the western or smaller cove is accessible only from the ledge, which in turn can be approached only from the eastern cove. the smaller cove had a row of little rooms across the back and there are traces of walls on the slope in front of these. fourteen rooms can now be made out on the ground; altogether there may have been rooms in this portion. practically all the available space on the ledge was occupied by rooms, and , all of considerable size, can now be traced. the total number in this portion was or . the eastern cove contained the largest part of the settlement. the back part is occupied by a ledge about feet wide entirely covered by remains of walls. some rooms can now be made out on the ground, in addition to or perhaps circular kivas, and the whole number of rooms may have been . assuming, then, that the various portions of the ruin were inhabited at the same time, we would have a total of rooms; but, as many of them could be used only for storage, the population could not have been more than persons. the rooms in the western cove are fairly uniform in size and were probably habitations, for they are all too large to be classed as storage rooms. there was no kiva in this portion, however, nor any unoccupied place where a kiva might have been placed. it seems clear, therefore, that this portion was either an appendage of the other or was occupied at a later period; in either case it was constructed at a date subsequent to the remains in the eastern cove. [illustration: plate xlviii mummy cave, central and eastern part] the intermediate ledge, which is about feet long and about feet wide, was practically all occupied by a row of seven rooms, some of them of more than one story. these rooms are exceptionally large--larger than any group of rooms in the canyon or in this part of the country. the outside or front wall is more than feet from the cliff back of it, and the rooms are from to feet wide. figure , which is a ground plan of the ruin, shows the exceptional size of these rooms. all of them were at least two stories high; some were three. the walls in this portion are generally  feet or more thick and exceptionally well constructed. its eastern end is still standing to a height of three stories, and carries a roof intact, giving a tower-like effect to that portion. originally this portion rose but one story above the other rooms. throughout nearly all its length the front wall shows part of the upper story, which is also marked on the cliff wall by a thin wash of clay, in the same manner as in the casa blanca ruin. the two rooms west of the tower were surmounted by a single large room. the cliff wall is coated with a thin wash of yellowish clay, and no mark of a cross wall or partition can be seen upon it. there are no openings between the three eastern rooms on the ground floor. the first room to the west of the tower has a square chimney-like shaft, and a niche or alcove connected with it. the second room also has a niche and a rounded shaft. the third room has neither niche nor shaft. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of mummy cave ruin.] the front wall was exceptionally heavy, but the upper portion has fallen inward, forming a heavy mass of debris against it. the east and south sides of the tower, for about  feet of its height, are decorated by inlaying small stones to inches long and half an inch thick. the same decoration occurs at intervals down the front wall, but irregularly. this feature is not chinking, such as has been described, and has no constructive value, but is purely decorative. back of the rooms west of the tower there are some old pictographs on the cliff wall at the place where the roof abutted on it. here the wash of clay before mentioned was necessarily omitted. in the first room there is a pictograph of a man, in the second a semicircle, both done in light-green paint. the lower part of the outer corner of the tower has fallen out. at this point there was a small doorway or opening, which was the only entrance on the south or east. the corner which has fallen was apparently supported by three or four sticks laid horizontally on the rock at an angle of degrees with either wall. the giving way of the timber support apparently caused the fall of the corner, but why a structure otherwise so substantial should be placed on such frail support, when a filling of masonry was both easy and practicable, is not clear. the doorway mentioned is the only opening into the ground-floor room in the tower. connection with the rooms on the west was through a large doorway in the western wall of the second story, and in the story above there was a similar opening. these are shown in plate xlviii, which is a general view of the central portion of the eastern cove. the lintels of the openings in the central part are formed of round sticks, about inches in diameter, matched, and bound together with withes. these withes may be seen in places where the mud plaster has fallen away. the stick lintels occur only in the central portion; the windows and doorways of the other portions of the ruin, some fine examples of which remain, are always finished with stone lintels and sometimes with stone jambs. a little east of the center of the front wall there is a large rock, or rather a pile of large rocks, near the outer edge of the ledge. this is shown in the illustration. instead of removing this obstruction the wall was built under and over it. near the western end of the front wall there is a large doorway or opening. access to the western cove was along the narrow edge of the ledge under the front wall, thence through this doorway. the doorway gave entrance to a very narrow space, less than  feet square, surrounded by a heavy wall with a doorway through the left or western wall into the last apartment of the series. through the western wall of this apartment a doorway opened on the end of the ledge and the western cove. this principal entrance is shown in plate xlviii. its size is exceptional, it being about  feet high. a little below the top there is a single stick across it, and a similar contrivance was found in place in the openings in the tower, but it does not occur in the opening in the cross wall. the same feature is found in the modern pueblos, where the stick forms the support of a blanket draped to close the opening. [illustration: plate xlix eastern cove of mummy cave] a little east of the doorway in the front wall there is a small opening near the ground, through which can be seen what appears to be a roof. it is but  feet above the ground, however, and very roughly constructed. it consists of a layer of cedar logs; above this a layer of small sticks, and above this again slabs of stone and mud. it occurs under a narrow room or passage, shown on the plan, and seems to have been the floor of that room rather than a roof of a space below. roofing or flooring beams project from the tower on three sides. they are all rounded and carefully selected or matched. those of the lower story or first roof are ½ inches in diameter, those of the story above about inches, while those of the roof, which occur in pairs, are about ½ inches. they all, except those of the lower story, project about  feet from the wall. all the beams are from inches to  feet apart, and the roof is formed of canes or willow sticks less than half an inch in diameter laid very neatly in patterns. the work here is by far the best in any part of the canyon. the beams of the first floor are represented only by the ends which pass through the walls, the middle portion being gone. the cliff wall forming one side of the rooms in the tower was coated with a wash of yellowish clay to correspond with the other sides. it shows bare rock at the points where the floors abutted against it. the roof of the second story or middle room was inches thick, and the marks are on the same level as those of the rooms over the west of the tower. there are also beam holes in the third story about  feet above its floor, but extending only from the cliff out to its opening. a singular feature occurs in the tower, which is difficult to explain. the upper part of the third-story room was coated in the interior with whitewash, which appears to have been carelessly applied. small quantities struck the setback at the floor level and spattered over the wall below--that of the second-story room. in one case a considerable quantity of the whitewash struck the top of a beam in what would be the roof of the second story and scattered over the wall surface below it. it is therefore clear that at the time when the whitewash was applied, which was either at the time or subsequent to the habitation of the rooms, there was no floor to the third-story room nor roof to the second story. the stains of whitewash never go below the floor level of the second story. the house remains in the eastern cove are partly shown in plate xlix, which is from a photograph. the point of view is from the ledge in front of the tower. the ruins rest on a ledge in the back of the cove formed of debris well compacted and apparently consisting partly of sheep dung. the rooms are small, sometimes three deep against the back of the cove, and many of them could only have been used for storage. the principal structure is the western kiva, with its chimney-like attachments. this is described at length on pages , , , and . adjoining it on the east is another kiva, part of whose wall is still two stories high, and clearly shown in the illustration. some or feet to the east or southeast there is another circular structure, which apparently had no interior bench. the small semicircular structure shown on the plan and in the illustration, which rests against and is roofed by the rock, is a navaho burial cist, and another of these cists, of large size, occurs west of the principal kiva; but the ruin as a whole contains much less evidence of navaho work than those farther down the canyon. many of the walls are built entirely of small pieces of stone, not more than or inches long by inches wide and half an inch to an inch and a half thick. this construction is especially noticeable in inner walls. the joints are carefully plastered, evidently with the hand, but the mud is seldom allowed to cover the stone. it appears to have been applied externally, in pellets about the size of a walnut. the general thickness of walls is about inches, although on the intermediate ledge they are over  feet, but some of the less important walls consist of a single layer, to inches thick. walls are sometimes seen here supported by vertical timbers incorporated in them after the manner later described at some length. ends of logs project here and there from the debris on the slope, but probably many of them are the débris of roofs. the peculiar and anomalous features presented by the remains on the intermediate ledge seem to require some explanation. this portion of the ruin is not only different from the other portions, but different also from anything else in the canyon, and the difference is not one of degree only. doubtless systematic excavation in the various parts of the ruin would afford an explanation. in the absence of such work we can only speculate on the problem. the occurrence of two chimney-like shafts in connection with the rectangular rooms west of the tower is significant. nowhere else in the canyons, except in the casa blanca ruin, do these structures occur, so far as known, except in connection with circular kivas. as regards the ruin named, it is almost certain that it was occupied in the historic period, probably in the seventeenth century. the division of the ruin into three separate parts, the absence of kivas in the western cove, and the method of access to that portion all attract attention. if there were monks or other spaniards in the settlement, the explanation would be plain; they and those of the natives allied with them would occupy the central ledge, and the anomalous features would be natural under the circumstances. such a hypothesis would explain also the source of the many unaboriginal features which are found in other parts of the canyon, but there is no direct evidence to support it. it should be mentioned, however, that the walls here rest on about half an inch of substance which resembles compacted sheep dung. if the substance is really such, the walls must have been built within the historic period. [illustration: fig. --ruin in a rock cove.] at the point marked on the map there is a ruin which resembles somewhat in its location an example previously described (page ). it is situated in a cove in a jutting point of rock, forming part of the talus slope, and is about feet above the bottom, which it overlooks. figure shows the character of the site, and figure is a ground plan. at the back of the cove a row of small rooms, five or six in number, was built against the rock. in front of these there were two kivas and perhaps other rooms. only fragments of these now remain, but it can still be seen that both kivas had interior benches, and that the western one has been plastered with several successive coats--at least four. there are no pictographs on the back wall, and but little staining by smoke. the masonry is rather rough, consisting of large stones, pretty well chinked with small spawls. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in a rock cove.] some of the walls were plastered. the western end of the ruin has been partially restored by the navaho and used for burial cists, and other cists have been built on the site independent of the old walls, as shown on the plan. figure is a ground plan of a ruin on a ledge near the mouth of del muerto, at the point marked on the map. it is situated at the back of a considerable bay, directly opposite a large rock at the mouth of del muerto, and overlooked the whole of the bottom land in the bay. the houses were built on a bench or ledge, about feet wide, overhung by the cliff above and dropping down almost vertically to the bottom land, about feet below, but on the east access to the bench was easy by a slope of talus extending up to it. the site was covered with bowlders, and walls have been built over and under them. the masonry is good, and was composed of larger stones than usual, carefully chinked with spalls, the work being well done. there were but rooms on the ground, in addition to one circular kiva; some of these rooms are too small for habitation, and one of them appears to have been a rectangular kiva. on the same bench, about feet westward, however, there are traces of other rooms, the walls of which were very thin. the cliffs back of the ruin and for feet west of it are covered with pictographs in white and colors. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin on a ledge.] near the center of that portion of the ruin shown on the ground plan there is a large room which may have been a rectangular kiva. the walls are over  feet thick in the first story, diminishing at the roof level by a step or setback to the ordinary thickness of about a foot. these walls, as usual in such structures, were about  feet thick; they are slightly curved, the front wall markedly so, and the interior corners are well rounded. no reason for this curvature is apparent, and it is certainly not dictated by the occurrence of the rock over which the wall is built, as only the point of this rock comes through the wall in the western side of the front wall. there may have been an opening into the room through the eastern wall connecting it with the room on that side, as the masonry is there broken down; but this is doubtful, as the eastern room itself has no exterior opening. it is more probable that the large room was entered through the roof, for the thin wall of the second story shows in front one side of a well-finished doorway. just outside of the heavy front wall there is a round hole in the ground, the remains of a vertical shaft connected with the interior of the room. the hole is about a foot in diameter, and is neatly plastered inside, and appears to have been a chimney or a chimney-like structure such as occur in connection with the kivas in other ruins. it will later be discussed in detail. the circular kiva occupies the western end of that part of the room shown in the plan. it was feet in diameter, and is exceptionally well built. the wall is standing for about half of its circumference, and was so neatly finished that the interior coating of plaster was apparently omitted. there are no traces of inclosing rectangular walls; the thickness of the kiva walls and the exceptionally large stones used in parts of it suggest that the kiva stood alone. so far as the walls remain standing, an interior bench can be traced, about  feet wide and  feet below the top of the outside wall. on the southeastern side, in the interior, there is a buttress or projection, which terminates the bench at this point. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of ruin no. , canyon de chelly.] the walls between the rectangular room described and the circular kiva are thin and very irregularly laid out. in front of the rectangular room and on the edge of the bench, which is here but a few feet above the talus, a rather heavy wall has been built over the top of a rock, and inside or to the north of it another wall has been placed, hardly  feet distant. these walls are connected at the eastern end by a thin cross wall, now but slightly above the ground surface and notched like a doorway. below the notch a slab of stone has been placed and was apparently used as a step. the purpose of these walls is not clear, but they may have constituted an entrance or passageway to the village. if so, we have here a very efficient defensive expedient and a decided anomaly in cliff-village architecture. at the point marked on the map there is a small ruin on a ledge about feet above the bottom and difficult of access. the site overlooks considerable areas of bottom land on both sides of the canyon, and was probably connected with and formed part of a larger ruin on the same ledge and east of it, which will next be described. on this site there are remains of half a dozen rooms or more and of one circular kiva, which was feet in diameter. (see ground plan, figure .) the site has been much filled up, and the kiva appears as a cylindrical depression, flush with the ground outside, but to  feet deep inside. the walls are rather thin and smoothly plastered inside. on the south side there is an opening extending down to the floor level and opening directly on the sharply sloping rock. this feature will later be discussed at some length. the walls to the west of the kiva are still or feet high, showing two stories, and were well constructed and smoothly plastered. the interior of the kiva shows a number of successive coats of plastering--at least eight. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of ruin no. , canyon de chelly.] immediately above the last-mentioned ruin, and on the same ledge, occur the remains of a large settlement, shown in plan in figure . it will be noticed that here, as in some of the previous examples described, the general arrangement consists of a row of rooms against the cliff, with the kivas in front. there were at least rooms in line, and there may have been as many as to rectangular rooms in the village, scattered over an area nearly feet long by feet wide, but not all of this area was covered. three kivas are still clearly shown. this ruin is especially interesting on account of the site it occupies. the walls were placed on sharply sloping rock and in some cases on loose debris, and numerous expedients were resorted to to prevent them from slipping down the slope. the fact that these expedients were not successful makes them more interesting. upright logs were inclosed in the walls and anchored in holes drilled in the rock below; horizontal logs were built into the masonry as ties and placed below it, and heavy retaining walls were erected. these constructive expedients will later be discussed at greater length. the whole slope is more or less covered with debris, and there is no doubt that this was at one time a considerable settlement. the cliff walls near the east end show traces of two stories, and in one place of three stories, which formerly rested against them. moreover, the number of successive coats of plaster in the kiva shows an extended occupancy, an inference which is further supported by the variety of expedients which were adopted to hold the walls in place. the marked irregularity of the five eastern rooms as compared with the regular series west of them will be noticed on the plan. these eastern rooms must have been added at a period subsequent to the completion of the others. the marks of a second and third story occur on the cliff back of this cluster, and there is no doubt that it was an important part of the settlement. west of the area shown on the plan traces of walls occur on the slope and among the debris for a distance of over feet. parts of three kivas can now be seen on the ground, and this was probably the total number in the settlement. the fronts of all of them have fallen out, notwithstanding various expedients that were employed to hold them in place. the western wall of the western kiva is part of the rectangular system and was apparently in place before the kiva was built. a triangular block which formed the junction in front of this kiva and the central one has slipped down and new walls were afterward built to restore the kivas to their original shape. the central kiva has an interior bench, which was, however, added after the structure was completed, and in fact after the front had been replaced. the second falling off of the front has left a fine section of the wall, and the changes which have taken place are plainly shown in it. that the interior bench was added long after the original kiva had been completed and occupied is shown by the occurrence between it and the wall of nearly an inch of plaster composed of separate coatings, each smoke-blackened, varying from the thickness of a piece of heavy paper up to an eighth of an inch or more. if one of these coatings were added each year, twelve or fifteen years at least must have elapsed between the building of the kiva and the construction of the interior bench. the original floor of the kiva was composed of a layer of mud mortar about an inch thick, and extends through under the bench, the top of which is about  feet above it; under this floor there is a straight wall at right angles to the cliff and extending some  feet toward the center of the kiva; what is left of it is just under the floor level. there is a suggestion in this that the site of the kiva was originally occupied by rectangular rooms, and there is a further suggestion, in the end sections referred to, that the kiva had at some period fallen into decay and was subsequently rebuilt. all this occurred before the first falling out of the front. the section shows that the original walls were not so thick as the present ones, and that there was formerly a slight setback in the wall of ½ or inches at the level of the present bench, reducing the thickness of the wall by that amount. the original outside wall on the east extends only inches above this setback. the upper portion of the exterior wall was added at the same time that the bench was constructed and is the same thickness as the lower part of the original wall. figure will make clear the changes which have taken place. there was a recess of some kind in the original wall on the east and a similar one on the west side, but they have been filled up by the later additions. the upright logs which were built into the masonry are incorporated in the older walls. under the floor, and apparently under the walls themselves, there is a layer nearly a foot thick of loose débris consisting of cornstalks, corn leaves, ashes, and loose dirt. the floor of the east circular room, which still covers about half the interior, rests similarly on a layer of ashes. the expedients employed to hold the front walls of these kivas in place are later discussed at some length. [illustration: fig. --section of a kiva wall.] figure shows the character of site occupied by a village ruin of some size situated in the first cove in the cliff wall below the mouth of canyon del muerto. the cliff here is about feet high and the ruin is located on a ledge in a cove about feet above the stream bed. although seemingly very difficult to reach, the ruin is of comparatively easy access without artificial aid. the cavity was caused apparently by the occurrence of a pocket of material softer than that about it, and this softer material has weathered out, showing very strongly the lines of cross bedding, which, in the massive rock on either side, have been almost entirely obliterated. the strata are inclined at an angle and the edges project from a few inches to about a foot, forming a series of little benches tilted up at an angle of about degrees. by the exercise of some agility, one can ascend along these benches. about halfway between the site of the ruin and the stream bed there is a narrow horizontal bench, and again halfway between this bench and the ruin there is another, about feet above the stream. access to the ruins is greatly facilitated by these intermediate ledges. the bench on which the ruin occurs is about feet long and generally about feet wide, the surface being almost flat. there are structures on the extreme northern and on the extreme southern ends, but a considerable part of the intermediate area was not occupied. reference to the ground plan (figure ) will show that most of the buildings occur on the northern half of the ledge, which was fairly well filled by them. many of the walls in this portion are apparently underlaid by a foot or more of ashes, sheep dung, domestic refuse, cornhusks, etc. [illustration: fig. --ruin no. on a ledge in a cove.] the room which is shown in the center of the plan, at the southern end of the main group, stood alone and was the largest rectangular room in the village. it covered an area feet by  feet inside the walls, which are now or  feet high. the masonry is very good, although chinking with spalls was but slightly employed to finish the exterior; inside it is more apparent. the western wall was built over the edge of the sloping rock forming the back of the cove, as shown on the plan, and this rock projects below the wall into the room. there were apparently no openings in the walls, except some very small ones on the eastern side, near the floor level. in the southern wall a piece of rough timber was inlaid in the masonry, about  feet above the floor, flush with the wall inside and extending nearly through it. this piece of timber was crooked and its bend determined the wall line, which is bowed outward, as shown on the ground plan. this feature will be discussed later. there were two circular kivas in the village, one of which was unusually small, being only about feet in diameter north and south; the east-and-west diameter is a trifle smaller. there was apparently no bench in the interior, but on the western or northwestern side there is a bench-like recess of about a foot which occupies  feet of the circumference. the whole interior was covered with a number of washes of clay, applied one over another, forming a coating now nearly three-quarters of an inch thick. this is cracked and peeled off in places, and in the section eighteen coats, generally about one thirty-second of an inch thick, may be counted. each coat or plastering is defined by a film of smoke-blackened surface. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of ruin no. .] on a level about  feet above the bench and about  feet above the present ground surface, there seems to have been some kind of roof. the stones here project into the interior slightly beyond the wall surface, and the plaster seems to curve inward. this point or level is from to inches below the top of the wall, and here there are remains of occasional small sticks, about an inch in diameter, which projected into the kiva. they are irregularly disposed and probably had no connection with the roof, but there are no traces of heavier timbers above them. in the interior a white band with points completely encircled the kiva. the top of this band is about a foot above the present ground surface and about inches below the bench on the western side. it is illustrated in figure . the exterior wall of the kiva was very roughly laid up, and some of the lower stones were set on edge, which is rather an anomalous feature. there is no evidence that the structure was ever inclosed in rectangular walls, as was the usual custom; in fact, the occurrence of other walls near it would apparently preclude such an arrangement. the wall which runs north or northwest from the kiva, joining it to the cliff wall behind, is pierced by a doorway some feet above the ground, and in front of or below this doorway there is a buttress or step of solid masonry, shown on the plan. there was apparently an open space between this doorway and the next wall to the north. the room entered through the doorway was very small, and its roof, formed by the overhanging cliff, is much blackened by smoke. the main or north kiva was feet in diameter on the floor, with a bench a foot wide extending around it. the external diameter is over feet. the interior was decorated by bands and dots in white, which are described at length in another place (page ). the roof was ½ feet above the bench, and there is a suggestion that it rested on a series of beams extending north and south, but this is not certain. on the southeastern side, at the point where the kiva comes nearest the edge of the cliff, there was a narrow opening or doorway not more than inches wide. this was the only entrance to the interior, except through the roof, and it opens directly on the edge of the cliff, so that it is very difficult, although not impossible, to pass it. in front of the opening a little platform was built on the sloping edge of the cliff, as though entrance was had from the lower bench by artificial means, but it is more probable that this feature is all that remains of a chimney-like structure. above this kiva there was apparently a living room, the walls of which, where they still remain on the north and west sides, were approximately straight, but the corners were rounded. the roof was formed by the overhanging cliff and the interior walls were whitewashed. the kiva walls were about inches thick, but on the west side, in the small room between the kiva and the cliff, the masonry is much heavier, the lower part extending into the room a foot farther than the upper. this is caused by the wall of the second-story room above setting in toward the east or center of the kiva. this upper wall was supported by a beam, part of which is still in place. the small room behind is much blackened by smoke. the exterior wall of the main kiva on the northwest side is very rough. on the northeast and southeast, however, it is covered by straight walls which are well finished. the western end of the north wall is joined to the exterior circular wall of the kiva, at the point shown on the plan, by a short flying wall whose purpose is not clear. it extends to what may have been the roof of the kiva, but underneath it is open. the triangular cavity formed by it is too small to permit the passage of a person, and was available only from the second story. the site of these ruins commands an extensive prospect, including several small areas of good bottom land, one of which lies directly in front of it; but the number of other ruins in the cove suggests that there was once a much larger area of bottom land here, and this suggestion is supported by the presence of several large cottonwood trees, now standing out in the midst of the sand, in the bed of the stream, where these trees never grow. some of these trees are not yet entirely dead, indicating that the change in the bed of the stream was a recent one. against the foot of the talus, just above the ruin, there is a narrow strip of bottom land, about  feet above the stream bed, and on it a single tree, still alive, but inclined at an angle. in the stream bed, above and below the ruin, there are large trees, of which only one or a few branches are still alive. the position of the cove with reference to the stream bed made the bottom lands here especially subject to erosion when the stream assumed its present channel and they were gradually worn away. the western end of the ledge was occupied by a structure whose use at first sight is not apparent. the wall, as shown on the plan, is curved, very thick and heavy, and built partly over the sloping rock forming the back of the cave. the front wall is  feet thick, and its top, now level, is about  feet above a narrow bench in front of it. there is no doorway or other opening into it, and access into its interior was had over the steep sloping rock to the north by means of hand-holes in the rock. these are shown in plate l. the interior appears to have been plastered. this structure measures by  feet inside, there being no wall on the north, as the east wall merges into the sloping rock. the foot-holes in the rock, before referred to, are at this end, nearest the village, and appear to be in several series. the structure is so situated that the sun shines on it only a few hours each day, and it seems more than probable that it was a reservoir. the bed of the stream, the channel followed in low water, sweeps against the base of the cliff below this point, and by carrying water feet it would be directly beneath and about feet below it. finally, the cliff wall above this point is decorated with pictographs of tadpoles and other water symbols in common use among the pueblos, and these do not occur elsewhere on this site. in the southwestern corner of the structure, near the bottom, there was an opening about inches high, which was carefully filled up from the inside and plastered. this may have been an outlet by which the water was discharged when the reservoir was cleaned out. the wall has caved in slightly above it. the mud mortar used in building this structure and the other walls was necessarily brought from below. [illustration: plate l reservoir in ruin no. ] about feet east of the reservoir there are remains of a small single room, rectangular, with a circular addition, shown on the ground plan. the walls are well chinked and well constructed, the mud mortar being used when about the consistency of modeling clay. in front of this room, about  feet distant and on the edge of the sloping rock, a hole has been pecked into the solid rock of the ledge. this hole is inches wide on top, slightly tapering, inches deep on the upper side, and inches on the lower. twelve feet to the northeast there is a similar hole, and below it, distant inches, another, and beyond this others, distributed generally along the foot of the sloping rock forming the back of the ledge, but sometimes farther out on the flat floor. probably these holes mark the sites of upright posts supporting a drying scaffold or frame, the horizontal poles of which extended backward to the wall of the cliff. [illustration: fig. --oven-like structure in ruin no. .] near the center of the ledge, at the point shown on the plan, there are some remains which strongly suggest the mexican oven. the bed rock, which is here nearly flat, was removed to a depth of about inches over a rectangular area measuring  feet north, and south by ½ feet. there were natural fissures in the rock on the north and west sides which left clean edges. the southern edge appears to have been smashed off with a rock. the eastern side required no dressing, as it was at a slightly lower level, and it was to reach this level that the rock was removed. in the rectangular space described there was a circular, dome-shape structure, about  feet in diameter, composed of mud and sticks, with a scant admixture of small stones. this is shown in figure , and in plan in figure . the walls were about inches thick, and from their slope the structure could not have been over  feet high. the mud which composed the walls was held together by thin sticks or branches, incorporated in it and curved with the wall--apparently some kind of a vine twisted together and incorporated bodily. on the edge of the rectangular space there is a drilled hole, inches in diameter, shown in the illustration. three feet to the south there is another, inches in diameter. if this structure was a dome-shape oven, and it is difficult to imagine it anything else, its occurrence here is important. it is well known that the dome-shape oven, which is very common in all the pueblos, in some villages being numbered by hundreds, is not an aboriginal feature, but was borrowed outright from the mexicans. if the structure above described was an oven, it is clear evidence of the occupancy of these ruins within the historic period--it might almost be said within the last century. no other structure of the kind was found in the canyon, however, and it should be stated that the ovens of the pueblos are as a rule rather larger in size than this and usually constructed of small stones and mud--sometimes of regular masonry plastered. there is a suggestion here, which is further borne out by the chimney-like structures to be discussed later, that only the idea of these structures was brought here, without detailed knowledge of how to carry it out--as if, for example, they were built by novices from description only. figure is the ground plan of a small village ruin situated at the mouth of del muerto at the point marked on the map. the site, which is an excellent one, but rather difficult of access, overlooks the bottom land at the junction of the canyons and a long strip on the opposite side, together with a considerable area above. the approach is over smooth sandstone inclined at such an angle as to make it difficult to maintain a footing, but the ruin can be reached without artificial aid. [illustration: fig. --plan of oven-like structure.] the village was not of large extent and contained but one kiva, but the walls were well constructed and the masonry throughout is exceptionally good. the exterior wall of the western rooms was constructed of small stones neatly laid. the eastern room of the two was built after the other, and entrance was had by an almost square opening  feet from the ground. to facilitate ingress, a notch was dug in the wall about inches from the ground. there was no communication between the rooms, the western room being entered by a small doorway on the western side, about inches from the ground,  feet high and inches wide. there was no plastering in the interior of these rooms. [illustration: plate li small village, ruin no. , canyon de chelly] the kiva is feet in diameter on the floor, and about feet in its exterior diameter. the walls are  feet thick above the bench level and  feet thick below it. the interior was plastered with a number of successive coats, probably four or five in all; but although the wall is still standing to a height of  feet or more above the bench, there are gaps on the eastern and western sides which render it impossible to say whether doorways were there or not. the eastern break exposes the western side of the inclosing wall, which is smoothly finished as though there were originally a recess here. there are rectangular inclosing walls on the east and south; the northern side was formed by the cliff against which the kiva rests, while on the west there are no traces of an inclosing wall. the triangular spaces formed by the inclosing walls on the northeast and southeast sides of the kiva were not filled up in the customary manner, but appear to have been preserved as storerooms. the southeastern space was connected with the kiva by a narrow doorway, shown in the plan, and another doorway, completely sealed, led from this space into the room adjoining on the east. the latter doorway had not been used for a long time prior to the abandonment of the ruin, and its opening into the rectangular room was carefully concealed from that side by several successive coats of plaster. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small village, ruin no. .] on the south side of the kiva and outside the rectangular wall is a square buttress or chimney-like construction, by  feet, inclosing a shaft by inches. this feature will be discussed in another place. it was added after the wall was completed, and embedded in it, about a foot from the ground, is a heavy beam about inches in diameter. plate li, which shows the whole front of the village, will make this feature clear. the beam projects from the kiva wall at or under the floor level, and seems to have no reference to the shaft, which is, however, shouldered to accommodate it. similar beams project from the walls to the east, about inches above the bed rock. in the room east of the kiva no doorway was found. the walls are still intact to a minimum height of  feet from the floor, except in the southeast corner, where they are  feet. the opening described, which occurs in the southwest corner of the room, was  feet from the floor; and in the southeast corner, where the wall is broken down, there now are remains of one side of a similar opening on the same level. no stains of smoke are found on the exterior coat of plaster in this room, but the coats underneath were much blackened. the room north of the one described, and adjoining the kiva, was also without a doorway, unless it existed in the northeast corner, next the cliff, where no trace of walls now remains. the walls of this room, now  feet high, were plastered and show old smoke stains. the wall on the western side of the kiva is very rough, as though at one time another wall existed outside of it. this is shown in plate lii, which shows also the débris, consisting of ashes, sheep dung, and refuse, well compacted, upon which the wall rests. [illustration: fig. --ruins on a large rock.] west of the kiva and on the extreme edge of the cliff are the remains of two small apartments, a trifle below the surface of the ledge and with a -foot wall on the south. these are too small for habitations, and were used probably for the storage of corn. about feet west of the group described, on the same bench, there are remains of a large room, divided into two, and of quite rough construction. it contains several navaho dead and may be of navaho origin. [illustration: plate lii walls resting on refuse in ruin no. ] a type of site which is abundant in the san juan country and is found in other regions, but is very rare in this, is shown in figure . this example, which occurs in the upper part of del muerto, is the only one of its kind in the canyons. a large mass of rock, smoothed and rounded by atmospheric erosion, but still connected with the cliff at one point, juts out into the bottom, a large area of which is commanded by it. at three different levels there are remains of rooms, the group on the summit being the largest. it is doubtful whether any of these remains represent permanent villages, but it is possible that the uppermost one did. it is therefore included in this place. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of ruins no. ] at the point marked on the map there is a ruin or group of ruins which presents some anomalous features. figure shows in detail the distribution of the remains. the rooms were located on narrow benches in the cliff, the principal part on a high, narrow bench, or feet above the top of the talus and over feet above the canyon bottom. access to the upper ledge from the top of the talus is exceedingly difficult, requiring a climb over almost vertical rock for feet. above the ledge there is massive sandstone, but below it for feet or more there is an area of cross bedding, and the rock has an almost vertical cleavage, apparently standing upright in thin slabs to inches thick. access was had by aid of the rough projections of the slabs, aided where necessary by hand and foot holes pecked in the rock. at several places little platforms of masonry have been built. at the northern end of the upper ledge there are five small cells occupying its whole width, and whose front wall follows the winding ledge. the walls are about  feet high, and their tops bear the marks of the poles which carried the roof. there are no exterior openings, nor is there any evidence of a means of communication between the rooms; but in the second room from the south two stones project from the wall inside, near the southeastern corner, forming rude steps, doubtless to a trapdoor in the roof. these cells could hardly have been used as habitations. the floors are covered with many lumps of clay, which apparently formed part of the roof. to the south of this cluster of cells there was a large room of irregular shape on a level about  feet higher. the remainder of the ledge, which is about on the same level as this large room, is almost covered with large bowlders, but at several points on it other remains of walls occur. the largest room of all was near its center. it was built against the cliff, which formed one of its sides, and measured about by  feet. there are no evidences of any partitions or roof, the latter probably being formed by the overhanging rock. as the room was built partly on the sloping rock, the floor is very uneven. it could hardly have been used as a habitation, but may have been employed for the storage of water. the southern end of the lower ledge merges into the head of the talus, the northern part drops down by a sharply sloping and in places an almost vertical wall of about feet; thence it descends to the bottom by a long slope of bare rock, generally passable on foot. the lower ledge is about feet above the upper. upon it are scattered the remains of a few rooms of the same general character as those above, but smaller. many of these have been utilized for modern navaho burials, and perhaps some of them were constructed for that purpose. if these rooms were used as habitations, it must have been under very peculiar circumstances; moreover, the site is hardly suited for such a purpose, having the sunshine less than half of the day. in this respect it is anomalous. at the southern end of the ledge there is a large angular bowlder, one edge of which rests against the cliff wall and is free from the ground. under this the walls of a small room can be seen. the cliff formed one side of the room and the bowlder acted as a roof. on the extreme northern end of the ledge, feet distant from the nearest room, there are remains of a structure standing alone. the masonry is much rougher than that of the other rooms, and, although the walls are now about  feet high, there is no evidence of any doorway or opening into the room. on the surface of the sloping rock, at this point nearly flat, there are traces of a circular kiva or feet in diameter. these traces occur at a point about midway between the southern and northern ends of the lower ledge and some feet below it. the cliff walls, both of the lower and upper ledges, are covered with pictographs in white, red, and yellow. [illustration: fig. --ruin on an almost inaccessible site.] the location and character of this site and the character of the remains suggest that most if not all of the rooms which can now be traced were used for storage only. for this purpose the site is well adapted. but the remains of the circular kiva at the foot of the lower ledge show plainly that there were at one time some habitations here. doubtless these were located on the smooth rock at the foot of the cliff, and the disappearance of all traces of walls may be due to the subsequent use of the material by the navaho for the construction of burial cists, in which the site abounds. there still remains on the ground a fair amount of broken stone, suitable for building, but no lines of wall are now traceable. figure shows one of the most inaccessible sites in the canyon. it occurs at the point marked on the map, where there is a narrow ledge nearly feet above the stream. the approach is over bare rock, sharply sloping, but passable at two points by an active man accustomed to climbing. both of these points are near the western or left-hand end of the ruin; toward the right the rock becomes vertical. immediately below this ruin there are the remains of a large settlement on a low spur near the stream, now much obliterated, and above and below it on suitable sites there were a number of small settlements which may have been connected with it. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a large ruin in canyon del muerto.] there were a number of rooms scattered along the ledge which appear to have been used as habitations. the overhanging cliff is so close that in a number of cases it formed the roof of the room, and the whole site was an inconvenient and dangerous one. the rooms on the east rest on a large block which has split off from the wall since the walls were built, and now hangs apparently ready to drop at any moment. at the time this site was inhabited access was had over the smooth rounded rock on the west. here hand and foot holes have been pecked in the steep places, but as the rock is much exposed to atmospheric erosion these holes are now almost obliterated. after ascending the rock the village was entered through a doorway in a wall of exceptional thickness, shown on the left of the drawing. the room which was entered through this doorway appears to have been placed at this point to command the entrance to the village. the wall is exceptionally heavy and was pierced with oblique loopholes commanding a narrow bench immediately in front of it. this appears to have been a purely defensive expedient, and as such is unique. the site commands an extensive outlook over the canyon bottom, including several areas of cultivable land, and while it may have been occupied as a regular village, such occupancy could not have been long continued. altogether the site and the character of the house remains are anomalous and doubtless resulted from anomalous conditions. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin in canyon del muerto.] figure is a ground plan of a large ruin in del muerto. it occupied almost the whole available area of the ledge on which it is situated, and over rooms can now be made out on the ground, in addition to circular kivas. the settlement may have comprised between and rooms, which would accommodate to families. the size is very unusual, and the presence of but kivas would indicate that the families were closely related. there are other examples of this character in the canyons, but not so large as the one illustrated. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin.] figure illustrates a type which is more common. here we have the usual arrangement of rooms along the cliff, with a kiva in front of them. there were altogether not over or rooms, and they were probably occupied by one family. figure shows a kind rather more abundant than the last, and consisting like it of one circular kiva with rooms back of and between it and the cliff. ruins of this type are generally well protected by an overhanging cliff. figure is another example, in which only three rectangular rooms can be made out. the site here is almost covered with large bowlders. all these examples occur in del muerto. [illustration: fig. --plan of a ruin of three rooms.] [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin, with two kivas.] figure is a ground plan of a small ruin which occurs at the point marked on the map. it is situated in a shallow cove at the head of the talus, or feet above the bottom, and is of comparatively easy access. there is but a small amount of cultivable bottom land immediately below it, but it commands extensive areas on the opposite site of the canyon and in the lower part of a branch on that side. there are but few remains of rooms other than parts of two kivas, but there is no question that there was at one time a considerable number here. both kivas had interior benches, and were of small size, plastered in the interior. the masonry is fair to good. on the highest point of the bowlder shown on the right of the plan there is a fragment of compacted sheep dung and soil, which is now  feet above the ground. it is all that remains of a layer of some thickness which must have been deposited when the surface was filled up to or nearly to the top of the rock. possibly there was a wall outside and only the intermediate space was filled. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin, no. .] [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin on a rocky site.] figure is the ground plan of a somewhat similar ruin which occurs at the point marked on the map. it is situated on the top of the talus, against the cliff, and commands a fine outlook over the cultivable lands in the cove below it and on the canyon bottom proper. there are but few wall remains, but two kivas can still be made out. there is no ledge here, and the walls were built on loose debris of rocks and talus. the builders had some trouble in holding the walls in place, and only partly succeeded in doing so. about one-half of the principal kiva is standing, showing masonry composed of exceptionally large stones, roughly chinked. the other, or western kiva, was similarly constructed, and both had interior benches. the front of the western kiva fell out, the builders being unable to tie it or to hold it in place on its loose foundation, and other walls were constructed inside of it, as shown on the plan. there were other walls outside the main kiva, apparently rectangular inclosing walls. this example is interesting because the masonry was constructed on a foundation of loose debris, not on bed rock, and the knowledge possessed by the builders was not sufficient to enable them to overcome the natural difficulties of the site. although ultimately the village had to be abandoned as a failure, it was certainly occupied for some years, and this occupancy suggests that there was some strong objection to the lower part of the canyon. it illustrates, moreover, the importance which was attached to a command or outlook over extensive cultivable areas, as to obtain such an outlook the builders were content to occupy even such an unsuitable site as the one described. figure shows a small ruin similar to those described, but located on a site almost covered with large bowlders. the principal structure now remaining is a circular kiva, which, contrary to the usual plan, was placed close up against the cliff; possibly the cliff formed part of the back wall. large bowlders so closely hemmed in the structure that there was neither space nor necessity for an inclosing wall. the kiva was benched for about half of its circumference. under the large bowlder to the right of the kiva a complete room had been built, with a doorway of the usual type through the front wall. scattered remnants of other walls may be seen here and there, but none show well-defined rooms. petroglyphs are quite numerous, and one small bowlder to the left of and next to the kiva is covered with cups, dots, and carvings. it is shown in figure . [illustration: fig. --rock with cups and petroglyphs] figure shows a ruin where the site was not so restricted. one well-defined room and two kivas still remain, and there are traces of other chambers. the main kiva formed part of a compact little group of rooms, of which it occupied the front, and appears to have been inclosed by a curved wall of rough construction. a curved inclosing wall is an anomalous feature, and it is not at all certain that it occurs here, as the wall is so much broken down that its lines can not now be clearly made out. excavation would doubtless determine this, as the whole site has been much filled up with sand and loose earth. the second kiva, which was about the same size as the first, was situated some little distance from the other, and on the outer edge of the little platform or bench on which the settlement was located. it still shows about half of its wall. the rectangular room near the main kiva still stands to a height of and  feet. the wall nearest the kiva is pierced by a number of small openings, and by a neatly finished double-notched doorway, which is illustrated in another place (figure ). the whole front of the site has been filled up to a probable depth of several feet, and a number of navaho burials have been made on it. these are shown on the plan by shaded spots. owing to the soft ground underneath, it was easier to excavate a hole and wall it up than to construct the regular surface cist, and the former plan was followed. although many of the sites are covered with bowlders and blocks of stone fallen from above, which often occur among and even over walls, close inspection generally shows that the walls were constructed after the rocks fell. there are two instances, however, which are doubtful, and in one (shown in figure ) it appears that large blocks of rock have fallen since the walls were constructed. such falls of rock are not uncommon now in the fall and winter months, when frost and seepage from the melting snow sometimes split off huge fragments. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in canyon de chelly.] the site mentioned occurs at the point marked on the map. it is in a cove under a mass of rock which juts out from the cliff, and is about feet above the bottom, on the edge of a slope of loose rock which extends some distance above it. at the top of the talus, over feet above, there is another ruin, which was probably only an outlook, as no trace of a kiva can be found, and it is possible that the lower site was connected with and formed part of the upper one. the lower site contained a circular kiva, only a small portion of which now remains, and the ground is covered with blocks of rock which must have fallen since the walls were built. they appear to have fallen quite recently. it can still be seen that the kiva had an interior bench, and that there was a room, or perhaps rooms, between it and the back of the cove; but beyond this nothing can now be made out. [illustration: fig. --site showing recent fall of rock.] there are many favorable sites in the branch canyons, but not many of them are occupied, possibly because in the upper parts of these canyons the bottom land is of small area and is sometimes rough, being composed of numerous small hillocks. the flat bottom lands of the canyon proper are much easier to cultivate, but the sites in the side canyons offered much better facilities for defense. figure shows the plan of a ruin which occurs at the point marked on the map, on the western side of a branch canyon through which passes the trail to fort defiance. it is situated in a shallow cove at the top of the talus and overlooks an extensive area of fine bottom land below it. at the eastern end there is a single room about feet long; its front wall extends up to the overhanging rock, which forms the roof of the room. a small cist has been built against it on the west. [illustration: fig. --ruin no. , in a branch canyon.] about feet west, on the same ledge, there are remains of other rooms which rested probably on the talus. several rooms can be made out, but only one shows standing walls. this is on the western end, and the walls are now about  feet high. four feet from the top of the wall there is a clear line of demarcation extending horizontally across it. below this line the masonry consists of large flat slabs of rock laid in mud mortar, which was used nearly dry and stuffed into the cracks to some extent. above the line the stones were carefully selected and the work was well done, the whole being finished by a thin coat of plaster. there is no opening in the lower part, but in the upper part there is a neatly finished doorway  feet high and slightly tapering. the bottom of this opening extends inches below the line, and the lintel is composed of a large slab of stone a trifle wider than the thickness of the wall, but fitted flush on the outside. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin in canyon del muerto.] on a bench about feet higher than the ruin described there are two small rooms, extending up to the overhanging rock above them. these rooms, which may be of navaho origin, were reached by means of a narrow ledge extending from the top of a slope of loose rock and debris about yards to the southward, or up the canyon. figure is a ground plan of a small ruin in del muerto in which the usual preponderance of rectangular rooms is illustrated. the site was restricted, but there is an apparent attempt to carry out the usual arrangement of a row of rooms against the cliff, with a kiva in front. probably only three of the rooms shown were used as habitations. the plan of the kiva, which occurs in the center, was somewhat marred by a large bowlder, which must have projected into it, but apparently no attempt was made to dress off the projecting point. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a small ruin.] figure is the plan of a ruin located on a more open site. only a few walls now remain, but there is no doubt that at one time more of the site was covered than now appears. there are remains of two, and perhaps of three, circular kivas. [illustration: fig. --plan of a ruin with curved inclosing wall.] figure shows a ruin in which the plan is somewhat more elaborated. there are remains of several well-defined rooms, and two kivas are still fairly well preserved. the ledge is narrow and the rooms are stretched along it, with kivas at either end. that on the east was benched nearly all around its interior, and the outside inclosing wall, on the east, apparently follows the curve. an example in which this feature occurs has been mentioned above (page ). it is very rare, but in this case the evidence is clearer than in the one previously described. the western kiva, somewhat smaller than the other, was also benched, and had an exterior shaft, like those mentioned above and later described at length. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of ruin no. .] figure is a plan of a small ruin of the same type, which occurs in the middle region of de chelly. it occupies the site marked on the map, and is situated in a niche in a deep cove, where the outlook is almost completely obscured by a large sand dune in front of it. it comprised one circular kiva and four rectangular rooms, but, contrary to the usual result, the latter are fairly well preserved, while the former is almost completely obliterated. this may be due to the use of the rectangular rooms as sites for navaho burial cists, of which there are no fewer than six here, and possibly the kiva walls furnished the necessary building material for the construction of the cists. the old masonry is of good quality, the outside wall being formed of selected stones of medium size, well laid and carefully chinked. most of the walls were plastered inside. in a cleft in the rock to the right of this ruin there is a kind of cave, with foot-holes leading up the rock to it, and quite difficult of access. it formerly may have been used for storage, but at present contains only some remains of navaho burials. iv--cliff outlooks or farming shelters ruins comprised in the class of cliff outlooks, or farming shelters, are by far the most numerous in the canyon. they were located on various kinds of sites, but always with reference to some area of cultivable land which they overlooked, and seldom, if ever, was the site selected under the influence of the defensive motive. it is not to be understood that such motive was wholly absent; it may have been present in some cases, but the dominating motive was always convenience to some adjacent area of cultivable land. the separation of this class of ruins from the preceding village ruins, while clear and definite enough in the main, is far from absolute. the sole criterion we have is the presence or absence of the kiva, as the sites occupied are essentially the same; but this test is in a general way sufficient. it is possible that in certain cases the kiva is so far obliterated as to be no longer distinguishable, but the number of cases in which this might have occurred is comparatively small. the kivas, as a rule, were more solidly constructed than the other rooms, and, as the preceding ground plans show, sometimes survived when the rectangular rooms connected with them have entirely disappeared. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of cliff outlook no. .] figure is the plan of an outlook in the same cove as the last example of village ruin illustrated, and only or yards south of it. it may have been connected with that ruin, but could not in itself have been a village, as there are no traces of a kiva on the site, and hardly room enough for one on the bench proper. at the extreme northern end there are traces of walls on the rocks at a lower level. [illustration: fig. --plan of a cliff outlook.] the walls which were at right angles to the cliff were not carried back to it after the usual manner, but stopped about  feet from it, and the rooms were closed by a back wall running parallel to the cliff, and about  feet from it. this wall rises to a height of about  feet before it meets the overhanging cliff, and consequently there is a long narrow passageway, about  feet high and  feet wide on the bottom, between it and the cliff. a small man might wriggle through, but with difficulty. the ruin commands a fine outlook over the cove. the masonry is good, being composed of selected stone well chinked with small spalls, and sometimes with bits of clay pressed in with the fingers. figure shows a ruin located at the point marked on the map. there is a high slope of talus here, the top of which is flat and of considerable area. the ruin is invisible from below in its present condition, but the site commands a fine outlook over several considerable areas of bottom land. the walls are now much obliterated and worked over by the navaho, but the remains are scattered over quite an extensive area and may have been at one time an extensive settlement; however, no traces of a kiva can now be seen. marks on the cliff show that some of the houses had been three stories high. some places on the cliff, which were apparently back-walls of rooms, were plastered and coated with white, and there are many pictographs on the rock. the masonry is of fair quality, but the stones were laid with more mortar than usual. [illustration: fig. --plan of cliff ruin no. .] figure is a ground plan of a ruin which occurs at the point marked on the map. it is situated in a cove in the rock at the top of the talus, or feet above the bottom, and immediately above the rectangular single room described and illustrated on page . it commands an extensive outlook over the bottom lands on both sides of the canyon and above. the cove is about feet deep, and, though so high up, has been used as a sheep close, and doubtless some of the walls have been covered up. four rooms are still standing in two little clusters of two rooms each. the walls of the rooms on the west are composed of large stones laid in plenty of mud mortar and plastered inside and out; those of the eastern portion were built of small stones, chinked but not plastered. one of the rooms is blackened by smoke in the corner only, as though there had been some chimney structure here, which subsequently had fallen away. the cliff walls back of the eastern part are heavily smoke-blackened; back of the western portion there are no stains. there is now no trace of a circular kiva, but there is a heavy deposit of sheep dung on the ground which might cover up such traces if they existed. this site commands one of the best outlooks in the canyon, but access, while not very difficult, is inconvenient on account of the great height above the bottom. [illustration: fig. --plan of cliff room with partitions.] figure shows a common type of ruin in this class. the original structure appears to have contained one or two good rooms, which by subsequent additions have been divided into several. these later additions may have been made by the navaho, who used the building material on the ground; at any rate the structure is now merely a cluster of storage cists. [illustration: fig. --plan of a large cliff outlook in canyon del muerto.] one of the most extensive ruins of the cliff-outlook type situated in canyon del muerto is shown in figure . the plan shows at least eight rooms stretched along the cliff at the top of the talus. figure shows five rooms arranged in a cluster. one of these is still complete, the walls extending to the overhanging rock above which formed the roof. it will be noticed that the front room was set back far enough to allow access to the central room through a doorway in the corner. this was a convenience, rather than a necessity, for many of the rooms in ruins of this class were entered only through other rooms or through the roof, and a direct opening to the outer air was not considered a necessity; probably because these rooms in the cliff, which have been termed outlooks, were not in any sense watch towers, but rather places of abode during the harvest season, where the workers in the field lived when not actually employed in labor, and where the fields tinder cultivation could always be kept in view--an arrangement quite as necessary and quite as extensively practiced now as it was formerly. figure shows a cluster of rooms in the little canyon called tseonitsosi. this is another casa blanca, or white house, and, oddly enough, it resembles its namesake in de chelly, not only in the coat of whitewash applied to the front of the main room, but in having a subordinate room to the left, over which the wash extends, and in the character of the site it occupies. the principal part of the structure was built in a cave, or feet from the ground, across the front of which walls extended as in the other casa blanca, and, like that ruin, there are also some ruins at the foot of the cliff, on the flat. figure is a ground plan. the resemblance to the other casa blanca, however, goes no further. the ruin here illustrated represents a very small settlement, hardly more than half a dozen rooms in all, and there is no trace of a circular kiva, or other evidence of permanent habitation. it is possible that the space between the edge of the floor of the cave above and the whitened house back of it was occupied by some sort of structure, but no evidence now remains which would warrant such a hypothesis, except that the door of the white house is now about  feet above the ground. the cave is only feet long and a little over feet deep, and there is not room on the floor for more than three or four rooms, in addition to those shown on the plan. the room on the right still preserves its roof intact, showing the typical pueblo roof construction. it has a well-preserved doorway, and three other openings may be seen in the main room. [illustration: fig. --plan of a cluster of rooms in canyon del muerto.] [illustration: fig. --white house ruin in tseonitsosi canyon.] apparently some effort at ornamentation was made here. the whitewash was not applied to the fronts of the two back rooms so as to cover all of them, but in a broad belt, leaving the natural yellowish-gray color of the plastering in a narrow band above and a broad band below it. moreover, the principal opening of the larger room was specially treated; in the application of the whitewash a narrow border or frame of the natural color was left surrounding it. the attempt to apply decoration not utilitarian in character is rare among the ruins here. it implies either a late period in the occupancy of this region, or an occupancy of the site by a people who had practiced this method of house-building longer or under more favorable conditions than the others. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a ruin in tseonitsosi canyon.] [illustration: fig. --plan of rooms against a convex cliff.] [illustration: fig. --small ruin with curved wall.] figure shows an arrangement of rooms along a narrow ledge at the top of the talus, where the cliff wall is not coved or concave, but convex. some of these little rooms may have been used only for storage, but others were undoubtedly habitations. figure shows an example in which the back wall is curved, as though it was either built over an old kiva or an attempt was made to convert a rectangular room into a kiva. there were originally three rooms in the cluster, only one of which remains, but that one is of unusual size, measuring about by feet. if the room was used solely as a habitation, there was no necessity for the back wall, as the side walls continue back to the cliff. including the little cove on the left, there are seven navaho burial places on this site. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of a cliff outlook.] plate liii shows an outlook in the lower part of de chelly, at the point marked on the map. the lower part of the cliff here flares out slightly, forming a sharp slope; where it meets the vertical rock there is a small bench, on which the ruin is situated. it is apparently inaccessible, but close examination shows a long series of hand and foot holes extending up a cleft in the rock, and forming an easy ascent. the site commands a good outlook over the bottom lands. the ruin consists of three rectangular rooms arranged side by side against the cliff, and a kind of curved addition on the east. figure is a ground plan. the walls are still standing from a foot to  feet high, and produce the impression of being unfinished; although carefully chinked, they were neither plastered nor rubbed down. the two western rooms were built first, and the eastern wall extends through the front. east of these rooms there is a small rectangular chamber, and east of this again a low curved wall forming a little chamber or cist of irregular form (not shown in the plan). the front wall was extended beyond this and brought in again to the cliff on a curve, forming another small cist of irregular shape. this and the little chamber west of it were doubtless used for storage. they resemble in plan navaho cists, but the masonry, which is exactly like the other walls here, will not permit the hypothesis of navaho construction. except for some slight traces in the northwest corner of the west room, there are no smoke stains about, nor are there any pictographs on the cliff walls. the western room was pierced by a window opening which was subsequently filled up, possibly by the navaho, who have five burial cists here. [illustration: fig. --plan of cliff outlook no. , in canyon de chelly.] figure is the plan of a small outlook which occurs at the point marked on the map. opposite the mouth of del muerto there is an elevated rocky area of considerable extent, perhaps feet above the bottom, but shelving off around the edges. near the cliff this is covered by sand dunes and piles of broken rock; farther out there is a more level area covered thinly with sand and soil, and here there is a large ruin of the old obliterated type already described (page ). [illustration: plate liii cliff outlook in lower canyon de chelly] near the edges the rock becomes bare again, and is to feet high, descending sheer or with an overhang to the bottoms or to the stream bed. on the western side, facing north, the ruin illustrated occurs. it is a mere cubby hole, and was evidently located for the area of cultivable land which lies before it, and which it almost completely commands. the cavity is about feet above the ground and appears to have been divided by cross walls into three rooms, two of which were quite small. the back room was small, dark, and not large enough to contain a human body unless it was carefully packed in, and at various points along the back wall there are seeps of water. the interior of the little room was very wet and moldy at the time when it was examined, in winter, but in the summer time is probably dry enough. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of outlooks in a cleft.] the masonry is fair and the surface is finished with plaster. the open space in front of the small back room and the outer wall of the room itself are much blackened by smoke, as though the inhabitant lived here and used the small room only to store his utensils and implements. a small room on the east must have been used for a similar purpose. both of these rooms were entered through narrow doorways opening on the principal space. the site is an ideal one for a lookout, but not well suited for a habitation. plate liv shows its character. [illustration: fig. --plan of a single-room outlook.] cliff outlooks are often found on sites whose restricted areas preclude all possibility that they formed parts of larger settlements since obliterated. the ruin just described is an example. another instance which occurs in del muerto is shown in figure . here a deep cleft in the rock was partly occupied by two or three rooms. there was room for more, but apparently no more were built. there was not room, however, for even a small village. there are several other examples in the canyon almost identical with these, but this type is not nearly so abundant as the succeeding. figure is a plan of a ruin near the mouth of del muerto. it was a single room, situated on a ledge perhaps or feet above the bottom land which it overlooked and of easy access. this is the most common type of outlook or cliff ruin, and it might almost be said that they number hundreds, sometimes consisting of one room alone, sometimes of two or even three the general appearance of these outlooks is shown in figure , which shows an example containing three rooms. [illustration: fig. --three-room outlook in canyon del muerto.] [illustration: fig. --plan of a two-room outlook.] figure is a ground plan of an example containing two rooms, which occurs below the large ruin described before (no. , page ), and figure shows an example with one room, obscured and built over with navaho cists. this site is located in the upper part of the canyon, on top of the talus, about feet above the stream, and commands an outlook over several areas of bottom land on both sides. the walls are built about feet high, and are composed of medium-size stones laid in courses and carefully chinked with small spalls. the southwestern corner of the room is broken down, but the eastern wall is still standing, and shows a well-finished opening on that side. there are several navaho burial cists on this site. [illustration: fig. --plan of outlook and burial cists, no. .] [illustration: plate liv cliff ruin no. ] [illustration: fig. --plan of rectangular room no. .] figure is the plan of a type of ruin which is rather anomalous in the canyon. it occurs at the point marked on the map, and occupies a small flat area almost on top of the talus feet or more above the stream bed. it is just below the ruin described and illustrated on page (figure ), and hardly feet distant from it, and yet it does not appear to have been connected with it. it consists of a single large room, feet long by ½ feet wide outside, and the site commands an extensive prospect over bottom lands on both sides of the canyon, and above, but the only opening in the wall on that side is a little peephole inches square and  feet from the ground. this is sufficient, however, to command nearly the whole outlook. there is a doorway on the eastern side, one side of which, fairly well finished, remains. there was apparently no other opening, unless one existed on the western side, where, in the center, the wall is broken down to within  feet of the ground. along the western side of the room, at the present ground surface, there are remains of a bench about a foot wide; the eastern side is covered above this level. [illustration: fig. --rectangular single room.] the masonry is very rough and chinked only with large stones. the interior is roughly plastered in places, and small pieces of stone are stuck on flat. the corners are rounded. externally the masonry has the appearance of stones laid without mortar, like a navaho stone corral, and were it not for the occurrence of other similar remains, it might be regarded as of navaho or white man's construction, as the size, site, plan, and masonry are all anomalous. figure shows an example, however, closely resembling the one described in these features, and figure shows another. altogether there are four or five examples, distributed over a considerable area. somewhat similar wall remains are seen in places on the canyon bottom, where they are always of modern navaho origin, and it is quite possible that the ruins above mentioned should be placed in the same category. it will be noticed that in the plan the doorway or entrance opening is on the eastern side--an invariable requirement of navaho house constructions; but it is only within recent times that the navaho have constructed permanent, rectangular abodes, and even now such houses are rarely built. it is difficult to understand, moreover, why recourse should be had to such inconvenient sites, if the structures are of navaho origin, as these indians always locate their hogans on the bottom lands, or on some slight rise overlooking them. [illustration: fig. --single-room remains.] distributed throughout the canyons, wherever a favorable situation could be found, there are a great number of sites resembling those of the cliff outlooks, but showing now no standing wall. there is always some evidence of human occupancy, often many pictographs on the back wall, as in an example in the lower part of the canyon shown in plate lv. this occurs at point on the map, in a cove perhaps feet across, with caves on the northern and southern sides. [illustration: plate lv site marked by pictographs] in the southern cave there are no traces of masonry, but the back of the cave is covered with hand prints and pictographs of deer, as shown in the plate. in the northern cave there are traces of walls. many of the sites do not show the faintest trace of house structures; some of them have remains of storage cists, and many have remains of navaho burial cists, associated with pictographs not of navaho origin. some idea of the number and distribution of these sites may be obtained from the following list, wherein the numbers represent the location shown on the detailed map: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and --in all sites which occur between the mouth of de chelly and the junction of monument canyon, miles above. beyond this point they are rare, as the areas of cultivable land become scarce. a similar distribution prevails in del muerto. details sites the character of the site occupied by a ruin is a very important feature where the response to the physical environment is as ready and complete as it is in the ancient pueblo region. this feature has not received the attention it deserves, for it is more than probable that in the ultimate classification of ruins that will some day be formulated the site occupied will be one of the principal elements considered, if not the most important. the site is not so important per se, but must be considered with reference to the specific character of the ruin upon it, its ground plan, the character of other ruins in the vicinity which may have been connected with it, and its topographic environment. the character and ground plan of a cliff ruin would be so much out of place on an open valley site that it would immediately attract attention. the reverse is equally remarkable. considering all that has been written about the cliff ruins as defensive structures, it is strange how little direct evidence there is to support the hypothesis; how few examples can be cited which show anything that can be construed as the result of the defensive motive except the general impression produced on the observer. nor, on the other hand, do these ruins as a whole give any support to the theory that they represent an intermediate stage in the development of the pueblo people. some few may, perhaps those examined by mr f. h. cushing south and east of zuñi do; but more than per cent of them give more support to a theory that they are the ultimate development of pueblo architecture than to the other hypothesis, for they contain in themselves evidence of a knowledge of construction equal and even superior to that shown in many of the modern pueblo villages. the only thing anomalous or distinctive about the cliff ruins, considered as an element of pueblo architecture, is the character of site occupied. if this were dictated by the defensive motive, it would seem reasonable to suppose that the same motive would have some direct influence on the structures, yet examples where it has affected the arrangement of rooms or ground plan or the character of the masonry are exceedingly rare and generally doubtful. it is well to specify that in the preceding remarks the term cliff ruin has been applied to small settlements, comprising generally less than four rooms, sometimes only one or two, and usually located on high and almost inaccessible sites. these are comprised in class iv of the classification here followed. regular villages located in the cliffs or on top of the talus (class iii) are a different matter. these have nothing in common with the small ruins, except that sometimes there is a similarity of site. doubtless in some of these ruins the defensive motive operated to a certain extent. in classes i and ii, however, the influence of the defensive motive, in so far as it affected the character of site chosen, is conspicuous by its absence. as there is no evidence that the cliff ruins of class iv were separate and distinct from the other ruins, but the contrary, the defensive motive may be assigned a very subordinate place among the causes which produced that phase of pueblo architecture found in canyon de chelly. an hypothesis as to the order in which sites of the various classes were occupied can not be based on the present condition of the ruins. it is more than likely that the older ruins served as quarries of building material for succeeding structures erected near them, and probably some of the cliff ruins themselves served in this way for the erection of others, for there are many sites from which the building stone has been almost entirely removed; yet there is no doubt that these sites were formerly occupied. the navaho also have contributed to the destruction. notwithstanding their horror of contact with the remains of the dead, quite a number of buildings have been erected by these indians with material derived from adjacent ruins. it is evident that the gathering of this material would be a much lighter task than to quarry and prepare it, no matter how roughly the latter might be done. in a study of some ruins in the valley of the rio verde, made a few years ago, a suggestion was made of the order in which ruins of various kinds succeeded one another--a sort of chronologic sequence, of which the beginning in time could not be determined. studies of the ruins and inhabited villages of the old province of tusayan (moki) and cibola (zuñi), and a cursory examination of ruins on gila river, show that they all fall easily into the same general order, which is somewhat as follows: . the earliest form of pueblo house is doubtful. as a rule, in most localities the earliest forms are already well advanced. as it is now known that the ancient pueblo region was not inhabited by a vast number of people, but by a comparatively small number of little bands, each in constant though slow movement, this condition is what we would expect to find. it is probable that the earliest settlements consisted of single houses or small clusters located in valleys convenient to areas of cultivable land and on streams or near water. . the next step gives us villages, generally of small size, located on the foothills of mesas and overlooking large areas of good land which were doubtless under cultivation. this class comprises more examples perhaps than any other, and many of them come well within the historic period, such as six of the seven villages of tusayan at the time of the spanish conquest in , all of the cibolan villages of the same date, and some of the rio grande pueblos of that time. . in some localities, though not in all, the small villages were at a later period moved to higher and more inaccessible sites. this change has taken place in tusayan within the historic period, and in fact was not wholly completed even fifty years ago. the pueblo of acoma was in this stage at the time of the conquest, and has remained so to the present day. as a rule each of the small villages preserved its independence, but in some cases they combined together to occupy together a high defensive site. such combination is, however, unusual. . the final stage in the development of pueblo architecture is the large, many-storied, or beehive village, located generally in the midst of broad valleys, depending on its size and population for defense, and usually adjacent to some stream. in this class of structure the defensive motive, in so far as it affected the choosing of the site, entirely disappears. the largest existing pueblo, zuñi, made this step early in the eighteenth century; the next largest, taos, was probably in this stage in , and has remained so since. in some cases ruins on foothill sites ( ) have merged directly into many-storied pueblos on open sites ( ), without passing through an intermediate stage. there is another step in the process of development which is now being taken by many pueblos, which, although an advance from the industrial point of view, is to the student of architecture degeneration. this consists of a return to single houses located in the valleys and on the bottom lands wherever convenience to the fields under cultivation required. this movement is hardly twenty years old, but is proceeding at a steadily accelerating pace, and its ultimate result is the complete destruction of pueblo architecture. whatever we wish to know of this phase of indian culture must be learned now, for two generations hence probably nothing will remain of it. this hasty sketch will illustrate some of the difficulties that lie in the way of a complete classification of the ruins of the pueblo country. it is impossible to arrange them in chronologic sequence, because they are the product of different tribes who at different times came under the influence of analogous causes, and results were produced which are similar in themselves but different in time. it is believed, however, that the classification suggested exhibits a cultural sequence and probably within each tribe a chronologic order. in this classification no mention has been made of the cliff and cave ruins. these structures belong partly to class iii, villages on defensive sites, and partly to a subclass which pertained to a certain extent to all the others. in the early stages of pueblo architecture the people lived directly on the laud they tilled. later the villages were located on low foothills overlooking the land, but in this stage some of the villages had already attained considerable size and the lands overlooked by them were not sufficient for their needs. as a consequence some of the inhabitants had to work fields at a distance from the home village, and as a matter of convenience small temporary shelters were erected near by. in a still later stage, when the villages were removed to higher and more easily defended sites, the number of farming shelters must have largely increased, as suitable sites which also commanded large areas of good land could not often be found. at a still later stage, when the inhabitants of a number of small villages combined to form one large one, this difficulty was increased still more, and it is probable that in this stage the construction of outlying farming settlements attained its maximum development. often whole villages of considerable size, sometimes many miles from the home pueblo, were nothing more than farming shelters. these villages, like the single-room shelters, were occupied only during the farming season; in the winter the inhabitants abandoned them completely and retired to the home village. some farming villages, such as those described above, are still in use among the pueblos. the little village of moen-kapi, attached to oraibi, but miles distant from it, is an example. there are also no fewer than three villages in the zuñi country of the same class. nutria, pescado, and ojo caliente are summer villages of the zuñi, although distant from that pueblo from to miles. it is significant that none of these subordinate villages possess a kiva. it is believed that the cliff ruins and cavate lodges, which are merely variants of each other due to geological conditions, were simply farming shelters of another type, produced by a certain topographic environment. the importance which it is believed should attach to the site on which a ruin is found will be apparent from the above. it was certainly a prominent element in the de chelly group. a study of the detailed map here published will illustrate how completely the necessity for proximity to an area of cultivable land has dominated the location of the settlements, large and small; and a visit to the place itself would show how little influence the defensive motive has exercised. near the mouth of the canyon, where cultivable areas of land are not many, there are few ruins, but those which do occur overlook such lands. in the middle portion, where good lands are most abundant, ruins also are most abundant; while above this, as the rocky talus develops more and more, the ruins become fewer and fewer; and in the upper parts of the canyon, beyond the area shown on the map, they are located at wide distances apart, corresponding to little areas of good land so located. not all of the available land was utilized, and only a small percentage of the available sites were built upon. between the mouth of de chelly and the junction of monument canyon, miles above, there are seventy-one ruins. a fair idea of their distribution may be obtained from a study of the detailed map (plate xliii), in conjunction with the following figures: i. old villages on open sites occur at the points marked , , , _a_, , , , and ; in all, nine sites; principally in the upper part of the canyon. ii. home villages on bottom lands, located without reference to defense, occupy sites , , , , , , and ; in all, seven sites. probably there are many more ruins of this class and the preceding, now so far obliterated as to be overlooked or indistinguishable. iii. home villages on defensive sites occur at the points marked , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and ; in all, seventeen. this includes many sites where the settlements were very small, often only a few rooms, but there is always at least one kiva. iv. cliff outlooks and farming shelters occupy sites , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , and ; in all, thirty-seven, or more than half. some of these sites are now marked only by navaho remains, and possibly a small percentage of them are of navaho making, but the sites which are clearly and unmistakably navaho are not mentioned here. of all the sites only one (no. ) is actually inaccessible without artificial aid. the absence of any attempt to improve the natural advantages of the sites is remarkable. no expedients were employed to make access either easier or more difficult, except that here and there series of hand and foot holes have been pecked in the rock. steps, either constructed of masonry or cut in the rock, such as those found in the mancos canyon and the mesa verde region, are never seen here. the cavities in which the ruins occur are always natural; they are never enlarged or curtailed or altered in the slightest degree, and very rarely is the cavity itself treated as a room, although there are some excellent sites for such treatment. the back wall of a cove is often the back wall of a village, but aside from this the natural advantages of the sites were seldom realized. the settlements were always located with reference to the canyon bottom, and access was never had from above, notwithstanding that in some cases access from above was easier than from below. yet the inhabitants must necessarily have obtained their supply of firewood from above, as the quantity in the canyons, especially in that part where most of the ruins occur, is very limited. the navaho throw the wood over the cliffs, afterward gathering up the fragments below and carrying them on their backs to their hogans at various points on the canyon bottom. the crash of falling logs, dropped or pushed over the edge of a cliff, sometimes or feet high, is not an infrequent sound in the canyon, and is at first very puzzling to the visitor. the canyon walls are so nearly vertical, or rather so large a proportion is vertical, that egress or ingress, except at the mouth of the canyon, is a matter of great difficulty. near the junction of monument canyon, miles above the mouth of de chelly, there is a practicable horse trail ascending a narrow gorge to the southeast. the navaho call it the bat trail, on account of its difficulties. another horse trail crosses del muerto some or miles above its mouth. with these exceptions there is no point where a horse can get into the canyons or out of them, but there are dozens of places where an active man, accustomed to it, can scale the walls by the aid of foot-holes which have been pecked in the rock at the most difficult places. these foot trails are in constant use by the navaho, who ascend and descend by them with apparent ease, but it is doubtful whether a white man could be induced to climb them, except perhaps under the stress of necessity. there are even some trails over which sheep and goats are driven in and out of the canyon, but anyone who had not seen the flocks actually passing over the rocks would declare such a feat impossible. some of these trails at least are of navaho origin. whether any of them were used by the former dwellers in the canyon can not now be determined; it seems probable that some of them were. [illustration: fig. --site apparently very difficult of access.] [illustration: plate lvi site difficult of approach] plate lvi shows a characteristic site in the lower part of the canyon. it occurs at the point marked on the map, and is now quite difficult of approach, owing to the wearing away or weathering of a long line of foot-holes in the sloping rock, but formerly access was easy enough. it is now marked by a cluster of navaho burial cists. figure shows an example that occurs in de chelly, about miles above the junction, of monument canyon. at first glance, and at a distance, this site appears to be really inaccessible, but a close inspection of the figure will show that it could be reached with comparative little difficulty over the rounded mass of rock shown to the left. by cutting off that side of the figure it could be made to serve as an illustration of a wholly inaccessible ruin. masonry the ancient pueblo builder, like his modern successor, was so closely in touch with nature, so dependent on his immediate physical surroundings, that variations in some at least of his arts are more natural and to be expected than uniformity. especially is this true of the art of construction, and variations in masonry are more often than not the result of variations in the material employed, which is nearly always that most convenient to hand. yet there were other conditions that necessarily influenced it, such, for example, as the character of the structure to be erected, whether permanent or temporary. the summer village of ojo caliente presents a type of masonry much ruder than any found in the home village of zuñi, although both were built and occupied by the same people at the same time. within the limits of canyon de chelly, where the physical conditions and the character of material are essentially uniform, a considerable variation in the masonry is found, implying that some conditions other than the usual ones have influenced it. were the masonry of one class of ruins inferior or superior throughout to that of another it might be easily explained, but variations within each class are greater than those between classes. conditions analogous to those which prevailed in the case of ojo caliente and zuñi may have governed here, or there may have been other conditions of which we now know nothing. it may be that sites originally occupied as farming shelters subsequently became regular villages, as has happened in other regions. the position of the kivas in many of the ruins suggests this. as a whole the masonry is inferior to that found in the mancos canyon and the chaco, and superior to that of tusayan, but, as in tusayan, where the masonry is sometimes very roughly constructed, the builders were well acquainted with the methods which produced the finer and better work. the highest type of masonry in the pueblo system of architecture consists of small blocks of stone of nearly uniform size, dressed, and laid in courses, and rubbed down in situ. no attempt was made to break joints. this system requires the careful preparation of the material beforehand, and examples of it are not very common in canyon de chelly. as a variant we have walls composed of stones of fairly uniform size, laid with the best face out and with the interstices chinked with small spalls. the chinking is carried to such an extent in some places, as in the chaco ruins, that the walls present the effect of a mosaic composed of small spalls. chinking is almost a universal practice, and in some localities had passed, or was passing, from a mere constructive to a real decorative feature. here we have the beginning of that architecture which has been defined by ferguson as "ornamental and ornamented construction"--in other words, of architecture as an art rather than as a craft. the use of an exterior finish of plaster was conducive to poor masonry. such plastering is found throughout the region, but it is much more abundant in the modern than in the ancient work. perhaps we may find in this a suggestion of relative age; not in the use of plastering, but in its prevalence. pueblo masonry is composed of very small units, and the results obtained testify to the patience and industry of the builders rather than to their knowledge and skill. in fact, their knowledge of construction was far more limited than would at first sight be supposed. the marked tabular character of the stone used rendered but a small amount of preparation necessary for even the best masonry. for over per cent of it there was no preparation other than the selection of material. the walls and buildings were always modified to suit the ground, never the reverse, and instances in which the site was prepared are very rare, if not indeed unknown. there are no such instances in de chelly, where sites were often irregular, and a small amount of work would have rendered them much more desirable. plate lvii shows a type of masonry which is quite common in de chelly. it is the west room of ruin , near the mouth of del muerto. an attempt at regularity, and possibly at decorative effect, is apparent in the use of courses of fairly uniform thickness, alternating with other courses or belts composed of small thin fragments. beautiful examples of masonry constructed on this method occur in the chaco ruins, but here, while the method was known, the execution was careless or faulty. chinking with small spalls has been extensively practiced and gives the wall an appearance of smoothness and finish. a similar wall, rather better constructed, occurs at the point marked on the map, and in this case the stones composing the wall were rubbed down in situ. another wall, which occurs in the same ruin, is shown in plate lviii. in places very large stones have been used, larger than one man could handle conveniently, but the general effect of the wall face is very good. this effect was obtained by placing the best face of the stone outward and by careful chinking. [illustration: plate lvii masonry in canyon de chelly] chinking was sometimes done, not with slips of stone driven in with a hammer, after the usual style, but with bits of mud pressed in with the fingers. the mud was used when about the consistency of modeling clay, and bears the imprints of the fingers that applied it; even the skin markings show clearly and distinctly. from this use of mud to its use as an exterior plaster there is but a short step; in fact, examples which are intermediate can be seen throughout the canyon. in places mud has been applied to small cracks and cavities in larger quantities than was necessary, and the excess has been smoothed over the adjacent stones forming a wall partly plastered, or plastered in patches. plate lix, which shows the interior of a room in ruin , will illustrate this. here the process has been carried so far that the wall is almost plastered, but not quite. in plastered walls the process was carried a step farther, and the surface was finished by the application of a final coat of mud made quite liquid. the interior plastering of kivas was always much more carefully done than that of any other walls. owing to blackening by smoke and recoating, the thickness of the plastering in kivas can be easily made out. often it is as thin as ordinary paper. plate lx shows walls in which an abundance of mud mortar was used, and the effect is that of a plastered wall. the difference between these walls and those shown in plate lvii is only one of degree, the wall shown in plate lix being of an intermediate type. no instance occurs in the canyon where a coating of mud was evenly applied to the whole surface of a wall, in the way, for example, that stucco is used by us. it seems probable, therefore, that the application of plaster as a finish grew out of the use of stone spalls for chinking, and its prevalence in modern as compared with old structures is suggestive. it is not claimed, however, that because we have examples of the intermediate stages in de chelly that the process was developed there. the step is such a slight one that it might have been made in a hundred different localities at a hundred different times or at one time; but it is well to note that in any given group of ruins or locality it is likely to be later than masonry chinked with stones. surface finishing in mud plaster is the prevailing method at the present day, and well-executed masonry of stone carefully chinked is almost invariably ancient. the use of surface plaster is largely responsible for the deterioration of stonework that has taken place since the beginning of the historic period. the modern village of zuñi, which dates from the beginning of the eighteenth century, although built on the site of an older village, is essentially a stone-built village, though that fact would never appear from a cursory examination, so completely is the stonework covered by surface plaster. in tusayan (moki) walls have been observed in progress of erection. the stones were laid up dry, and some time after, when the rains came and pools of water stood here and there in pockets on the mesa top, mud mortar was mixed and the interstices were filled. this method saved the transportation of water from the wells below up to the top of the mesa, a task entailing much labor. doubtless a similar method was followed in de chelly, where the stream bed carries water only during a part of the year. but stone was also actually laid in mud mortar, as shown in plate lii, which illustrates a rough type of masonry. it is probable that the practice of chinking grew up out of the scarcity of water, when walls were erected during the dry season and finished when the rains made the manufacture of mud mortar less of a task. the rough wall shown in the illustration is the outside of an interior wall of a kiva, and it was probably covered by the rectangular inclosing wall that came outside of it. it will be noticed that chinking, both with mud and with spalls, was extensively practiced and seems here to have been an essential part of the construction. in this example it could have no relation to the finish of the wall, for the wall was not finished. much of the masonry in the canyon is of the type described, but examples differ widely in degree of finish and in material selected. some of the walls appear very rough and even crude, so much so that they almost appear to be the first efforts of a people at an unknown art, but a closer inspection shows that even the rudest walls were erected with a knowledge of the principles which were followed in the best ones, and that the difference resulted only from the care or lack of care employed. the rudest walls are much superior to the masonry of the navaho cists which are found in conjunction with them and which are constructed on a different method. although walls were often built on sloping rock, and the builders had experience and at times disastrous experience to guide them, the necessity for a fiat and solid foundation was never appreciated. walls were sometimes built on loose debris; even refuse which had been covered and formed an artificial soil was considered sufficient. there are many instances in the canyon where lack of foresight or lack of knowledge in this respect has brought about the destruction of walls. walls resting on foreign material occur throughout the region; they are not confined to anyone class of ruins or to any part of the canyon, but are found as much or more in the most recent as in the most ancient examples. mummy cave ruin and casa blanca are good examples. in the latter the small room on the left of the upper group (plate xlvii) is especially interesting. the side walls appear to rest on a deposit of refuse nearly  feet thick, which in turn rests on the sloping rock. the front wall is supported by a buttress as shown; without this support it would certainly have been pushed out. the buttress appears to have been built at the same time as the front wall, although its use in this way is not aboriginal. the whole arrangement is such as would result if this room, originally represented by a low front wall perhaps, were constructed when the site became inadequate and consequently at a late period in its occupancy. the character of the refuse and debris upon which some of the walls rest is worth notice. it is well known that sheep were introduced into this country by the spaniards, and the presence in the ruins of sheep dung, or of a material which closely resembles it, is important. much of this is due to subsequent navaho occupancy, and many ruins are used today by these indians as sheepfolds. it is said, moreover, that at the time of the navaho war, when the soldiers bayoneted all the sheep they could find, large flocks were driven up into some cliff ruins that are almost inaccessible, and kept there for a time in security. but many instances are found where the walls rest directly upon layers of compacted dung. an example is shown in plate lii, and others are mentioned in the text under the descriptions of various ruins. [illustration: plate lviii chinked walls in canyon de chelly] it has been suggested that the compacted dung found in the ruins was the product not of sheep, but of some other domesticated animal which existed in this country at the time of the first spanish invasion, but the evidence to support this hypothesis is so very slight that so far the suggestion is only a suggestion. not the slightest trace of this animal has been found, although it is alleged that it was domesticated among the pueblos three hundred and fifty years ago. although the idea of a strengthening or supporting buttress is thought to be a foreign introduction, a hypothesis that is strengthened by the occurrence of other features, the masonry itself is aboriginal in its principles and probably also in execution. the conservatism of the indian mind in such matters is well known. the zuñi today use stone more than adobe, although for a hundred years or more there has been an adobe church in the midst of the village. adobe construction in this region is only partially successful. north of the gila river, in the plateau country, the climate is not suited to it; the rains are too heavy and the frosts are destructive. constant vigilance and prompt repairs are necessary, and even then the adobe work is not satisfactory. certainly in the northern part of the country the aborigines would not have developed this method of construction in the face of the difficulties with which it is surrounded; yet there are examples of adobe work in some of the most important ruins in de chelly, as has already been stated. the fact that the only previously known examples of adobe work occur in ruins which are known to have been inhabited subsequent to the spanish conquest, such as the ruin of awatobi, in tusayan, is suggestive. moreover, adobe construction in this region belongs to a late period; for the walls are almost always very thin, usually or inches. the old type of massive walls, or even  feet thick, are seldom or never found constructed of adobe, although such thickness is more necessary in this material than in stone. there is another method of construction which, although not masonry, should be noticed here. this is the equivalent of the mexican "jacal" construction, and consists of series of poles or logs planted vertically in the ground close to each other and plastered with mud either outside or on both sides. the only example of this found in the canyon occurs in the western part of the lower casa blanca ruin, and has already been mentioned. did it not occur elsewhere it could be dismissed here as simply another item of evidence of the modern occupancy of the ruin, but dr w. r. birdsall mentions walls in the mesa verde ruins which are "continued upward upon a few tiers of stone by wickerwork heavily plastered inside and outside"[ ] and nordenskiöld mentions a similar construction in the interior of a kiva. whether a similar foundation or lower part of stone existed in the casa blanca ruin could not be determined without excavation. [footnote : bull. am. geog. soc., vol. xxiii, p. .] openings the ruins in de chelly are so much broken down that few examples of openings now remain; still fewer are yet intact; but there is no doubt that they are of the regular pueblo types. most of the openings in the de chelly ruins are rectangular, of medium size, neither very large nor very small, with unfinished jambs and sills, and with a lintel such as that shown in plate lviii, composed of one or two series of light sticks, sometimes surmounted by a flat stone slab. this example occurs at the point marked on the map, in what was formerly an extensive village. the wall on the left, now covered by loosely piled rocks, was pierced by a narrow notched doorway. the opening shown in the illustration, which is in the northern wall, is  feet high and inches wide; its sill is about inches from the ground. the lintel is composed of six small sticks, about an inch in diameter, surmounted by a flat slab of stone, very roughly shaped, and separated from the sticks by inches of mud mortar. [illustration: fig. --notched doorway in canyon de chelly.] plate lvii shows an opening which occurs in ruin no. . the building consisted of two rooms, between which there was no communication. the eastern room was entered by the doorway shown in the illustration, which is  feet above the ground and  feet high. to facilitate ingress a notch was dug in the wall about inches from the ground. the western room was entered through a large doorway, shown in plate li. the sill is about inches above the ground; the opening is  feet high and inches wide. the lintel is composed of small sticks, with a slab of stone above them, and the top of the opening and perhaps the sides were plastered. [illustration: plate lix a partly plastered wall] the notched or t-shape doorway, which is quite common in the mesa verde ruins and in tusayan, is not abundant in de chelly, but some examples can be seen there. one is shown in figure , which illustrates the type. there is no doubt that doorways of this kind developed at a time when no means existed for closing the opening, except blankets or skins, and when loads were carried on the backs of men. it often happened that doorways originally constructed of this style were afterward changed by partial filling to square or rectangular openings. the principal doorway in the front wall of the white house proper was originally of t-shape; at some later period, but before the white coating was applied, the left-hand wing and the standard below it were filled in, leaving an almost square opening. this later filling is not uncommon in de chelly, and is often found in tusayan, where openings are sometimes reduced for the winter season and enlarged again in the summer. many openings are completely closed, either by filling in with masonry or by a stone slab, and examples of both of these methods are found in de chelly. in the third wall from the east, in the upper part of casa blanca ruin, there is a well-finished doorway sealed by a thin slab of stone set in mud. on the right side of the opening, about the middle, a loop or staple of wood has been built into the wall, and in the corresponding place on the left side a stick about half an inch in diameter projects. an opening into the small room west of the white house proper has a similar contrivance, and another example occurs in the front wall of the small single room in the eastern end of the ruin. oddly enough the three examples that occur in this ruin are all found in adobe walls. this feature appears to have been a contrivance for temporarily closing openings which were provided with stone slabs, and the latter were sealed in place with mud mortar when it was desired to close the room permanently. examples, identical even in details, have been found in the mancos canyon, and one is described and illustrated by chapin,[ ] who states that the slab was ½ inches wide at one end, ½ at the other, and inches high, with an average thickness of an inch. he mentions staples on both sides. nordenskiöld[ ] illustrates another or possibly the same example. he notes, however, an inner frame composed of small sticks and mud against which the slab rested. he thinks the notched doorways belonged to rooms most frequented in daily life, while the others belonged in general to storerooms or other chambers requiring a door to close them. [footnote : land of the cliff dwellers, pp. - , pl. opp. p. .] [footnote : cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, pp. - , fig. .] taken as a whole, the settlements in de chelly appear to have been well provided with doorways and other openings, and there is no perceptible difference in this respect between the various classes of ruins. openings were freely left in the walls, wherever convenience dictated, and without regard to the defensive motive, which, in the large valley pueblos, brought about the requirement that all the first-story rooms should be entered from the roof, a requirement which has only recently given way to the greater convenience of an entrance on the ground level. roofs, floors, and timber work in the pueblo system of construction roofs and floors are the same; in other words, the roof of one room is the floor of the room above, and where a room or house is but one story high no change in the method of construction is made. the erection of walls was only a question of time, as the unit of the masonry is small; but the construction of a roof was a much harder task, as the beams were necessarily brought from a distance, sometimes a very long distance. the tusayan claim that some of the timbers used in the construction of the mission buildings, which were established prior to the insurrection of , were brought on the backs of men from san francisco mountains, a distance of over miles, and references to the transportation of timber over long distances are not uncommon in pueblo traditions. in de chelly great difficulty must have been experienced in procuring an adequate supply, as in that portion of the canyon where most of the ruins occur no suitable trees grow. doubtless in many cases, where the location, under overhanging cliffs permitted, roofs were dispensed with, but this alone would not account for the dearth of timber found in the ruins. if we suppose the canyon to have been the scene of a number of occupancies instead of one, the absence of timber work, as well as the much obliterated appearance of some of the ruins, would be explained, for the material would be used more than once, perhaps several times. the navaho would not use the timber in cliff ruins under any circumstances, and they would rather starve than eat food cooked with it. many of the cliff outlooks, being occupied only during the farming season and being also fairly well sheltered, were probably roofless. timber was used as an aid to masonry construction in two ways--as a foundation and as a tie. many instances can be seen where the walls rest on beams, running, not with them, but across them. these beams were placed directly on the rock, and the front walls rested partly on their ends and partly on the rock itself. plate lii shows the end of one of these beams. in nine cases out of ten the beams do not appear to have served any useful end, but perhaps if the walls were removed down to the foundations the purpose would be clear. sometimes a beam was placed on the rock in the line of the wall above it. the single or separate room occupying the western end of the upper cave in the casa blanca ruin is an example of this use. the front wall rests on beams, as shown in plate xlvi. some of the back adobe walls in the eastern part of the upper ruin rest on timbers, and instances of this feature are not uncommon in other parts of the canyon. the southeastern corner of the tower in mummy cave ruin in del muerto rested on timbers apparently laid over a small cavity or hole in the rock. the timber was not strong enough to support the weight placed upon it, and consequently gave way, letting the corner of the tower fall out. cross walls were sometimes tied to front or back walls by timbers built into them, but this method, of which fine examples can be seen in the chaco ruins, was but slightly practiced here. timber was used also to prevent the slipping of walls on sloping sites, being placed vertically and built into the masonry; but as this use is a constructive expedient it is discussed under that head. storage and burial cists facilities for the storage of grain and other produce are essential in the pueblo system of horticulture, as in any other. as a result, storage cists are found everywhere. in the modern pueblos the inner dark rooms, which would otherwise be useless, provide the necessary space, but in the settlements in de chelly, which were very small as a rule, there were few such rooms, and special structures had to be erected. these differed from the dwelling rooms only in size, although as a rule, perhaps, the openings by which they were entered were not so large as those of the dwellings and were sometimes, possibly always, provided with some means by which they could be closed. [illustration: plate lx plastered wall in canyon de chelly] immense numbers of these storage cists are found in the canyon, some of them with masonry so roughly executed that it is difficult to discriminate between the old pueblo and the modern navaho work. sometimes these cists or small rooms form part of a village, more often they are attached to the cliff outlooks, and not infrequently they stand alone on sites overlooking the lands whose product they contained. it is probable that many of the cliff outlooks themselves were used quite as much for temporary storage as for habitations during the farming season. these two uses, although quite distinct, do not conflict with each other. doubtless many excellent sites, now marked only by the remains of storage cists, were occupied also during the summer as outlooks without the erection of any house structures. some of the modern pueblos now use temporary shelters of brush for outlooks. it is not meant that the crops when gathered were placed in these cists and kept there until used. the harvest was, as a rule, permanently stored in the home villages, and the cists were used only for temporary storage. doubtless the old practice resembled somewhat that followed by the navaho today. the harvest is gathered at the proper time and what is not eaten at once is hidden away in cists of old or modern construction. if it is well hidden, the grain may remain in the cists for a long time if not withdrawn for consumption; but as a rule it is taken away a few months later. the annual emigration of the navaho commences soon after the harvest, and at intervals during the winter and spring, and in summer, if the supply is not then exhausted, visits are paid to the cists and portions of the grain are carried away. a large proportion of the cists are of modern navaho work, but that some of them were used by the pueblo people who preceded them seems probable from the similarity in horticultural methods, and from the small size of many of the villages. a village inhabited by half a dozen people was not uncommon; one which could accommodate more than fifty was rare. moreover, some of the storage cists that occur in conjunction with dwellings differ from the latter only in size and in their separation from the other rooms. the masonry is quite as good as that of the houses, and much superior to the navaho work. plate lxi shows an example which occurs in the lower part of the canyon, at the point marked on the map. it is placed on a little ledge or block of rock, feet above the stream and about  feet above the bottom land below it. this is the first considerable area of bottom land in the canyon. the cist is  feet square inside and occupies the whole width of the rock. an exceptionally large amount of mud plaster was used on the walls, which are better finished outside than inside. access was had by hand-holes in the rock, now almost obliterated. originally the structure consisted of two or more rooms. a little below this site there are some well-executed pictographs, and on some rocks immediately to the right some crude work of the navaho of the same sort. to the left of the cist a round hole or inches in diameter has been pecked into the almost vertical face of the rock. the purpose of this is not clear. the storage of water was so seldom attempted, or perhaps so seldom necessary, that only one example of a reservoir was found. this has already been described (page ). if the cliff ruins were defensive structures, a supply of water must have been kept in them, and where this requirement was common, as it would be under the hypothesis, certainly some receptacle other than jars of pottery would be provided. few, if any, of the cliff outlooks are so situated that a supply of water could be procured without descending to the stream bed, and without a supply of water the most impregnable site in the canyon would have little value. the number of burial cists in the canyon is remarkable; there are hundreds of them. practically every ruin whose walls are still standing contains one or more, some have eight or ten. they are all of navaho origin and in many of them the remains of navaho dead may still be seen. possibly the navaho taboo of their own dead has brought about the partial taboo of the cliff dwellers' remains which prevails, and which is an element that must be taken into account in any discussion of the antiquity of the ruins. the burial cists are built usually in a corner or against a wall of a cliff dweller's house, but sometimes they are built against a cliff wall, and occasionally stand out alone. the masonry is always rough, much inferior to the old walls against which it generally rests, and usually very flimsy. the structures are dome-shape when standing alone, or in the shape of a section of a dome when placed against other walls. the natural bedding of the stone is sometimes wholly ignored, and in some cases the walls consist merely of thin slabs of stone on edge, held together with masses of mud, the whole presenting an average thickness of less than inches. such structures on ordinary sites would not last six months; protected as they are they might last for many years. [illustration: plate lxi storage cist in canyon de chelly] not all the navaho dead in the canyon find their last resting place in the ruins. graves can be seen under bowlders and rocks high up on the talus; and in one place in de chelly a number of little piles of stones are pointed out as the burial places of "many americans," who, it is said, were killed by the navaho in their last war. it is also said that in the olden days, when the navaho considered de chelly their stronghold and the heart of their country, the remains of prominent men of the tribe were often brought to the canyon for interment in the ruins. such burials are still made, both in the ruins themselves and in cists on similar sites. as a whole the navaho burial cists are much more difficult of access than the ruins, and some of them appear to be now really inaccessible, a statement which can be made of but few ruins. some of them appear to have been reached from above. the agility and dexterity of the navaho in climbing the cliffs is remarkable, and possibly some of the sites now apparently inaccessible are not so considered by them. as before stated, there are a number of navaho foot trails out of the canyon, where shallow pits or holes have been pecked in the rock as an aid in the more difficult places, and similar aids were often employed to afford access to storage and burial cists. plate lvi shows a site in the lower part of the canyon where such means have been employed. the pits in the rock are so much worn by atmospheric erosion that the ascent now is very dangerous. the cove or ledge to which they lead is about halfway up the cliff, and on it are a number of cists, one of them still intact, with a doorway. the masonry consists of large slabs of sandstone set on edge, sometimes irregularly one above another, the whole being roughly plastered inside and out. about yards farther up the cove, on the same side, there is a series of foot holes leading to a small cave about halfway up, and thence upward and probably out of the canyon. they are probably of navaho origin. [illustration: fig. --cist composed of upright slabs.] the use of stone on edge is apparently confined to these cists. figure shows a structure which occurs a little above the ruin marked on the map. the walls consist of thin slabs of stone set upright and roughly plastered where they meet. instances of the use of stone in this way are not uncommon in the pueblo country, and there are a number of examples in de chelly. as before stated, the typical navaho burial cist is of dome shape. the roof or upper portion is supported on sticks so arranged as to leave a small square opening in the top. apparently at some stage in its existence this hole is closed and sealed, but examples were examined which were very old and one which was but twenty-four hours old, but in neither case was the opening closed. doubtless the opening has some ceremonial significance; it is not of any actual use, as it is too small to permit the passage of a human body. plate lxii shows a typical cist in good order and another such broken down. these examples occur at the point marked on the map, in the ruin shown in plate liii. this site is of comparatively easy access, and there are many others equally easy or even more so, but, on the other hand, there are many sites which now seem to be wholly inaccessible. defensive and constructive expedients the cliff ruins have always been regarded as defensive structures, sometimes even as fortresses, but in de chelly whatever value they have in this respect is due solely to the sites they occupy. there are many places here where slight defensive works on the approaches to sites would increase their value a hundredfold, but such works were apparently never constructed. furthermore, the ruins themselves never show even a suggestion of the influence of the defensive motive, except in the two possible instances already mentioned. the ordinary or dwelling-house plan has not been at all modified, not even to the extent that it has in the modern pueblos. if the cliff ruins were defensive structures it would certainly seem that an influence strong enough to bring about the occupancy of such inconvenient and unsuitable sites would also be strong enough to bring about some modifications in the architecture, modifications which would render more suitable sites available. the influence of the physical environment on pueblo architecture, and the sensitiveness of the latter to such influence, has already been commented on. moreover, it also has been stated that, so far as known, but one instance occurs in the canyon where provision was made for the storage of water; yet without water the strongest "fortress" in the canyon could not withstand a siege of forty-eight hours. further, assuming that the structures were defensive, and well prepared to resist attack, if necessary, for several days, only a few such attacks would be required to cause their abandonment, for the crops on the canyon bottom, practically the sole possessions of the dwellers in the canyon, would necessarily be lost. [illustration: plate lxii navaho burial cists] these are some of the difficulties that stand in the way of the assumption that the cliff ruins were defensive structures or permanent homes. if, however, we adopt the hypothesis that they were farming outlooks occupied only during the farming season, and then only for a few days or weeks at a time, after the manner that such outlooks are used by the pueblo indians at the present time, most of the difficulties vanish. the apparent inaccessibility of many of the sites disappears on close examination, and we must not forget that places really difficult of access to us would not necessarily be so regarded by a people accustomed to that manner of life. many locations which could not be surpassed as defensive sites were not occupied, while others much inferior in this respect were built upon. it was very seldom that the natural conditions were modified, even to the extent of selecting a route of access other than that which, would naturally be followed, and, of course, the easiest route for the cliff dwellers would be also the easiest route for their enemies. in many cases the easiest way of access, which was the one used by the cliff dwellers, was not direct. it was not commanded by the immediate site of the dwellings, except in its upper part, and in some cases not at all. enemies could climb to the very doors of the houses before they could be seen or attacked. the absence of military knowledge and skill, and of any attempt to fortify or strengthen a site, or even to fully utilize its natural defensive advantages, is characteristic of the cliff ruins of de chelly. if the cliff dwellers were driven to the use of such places by a necessity for defense, this absence is remarkable, especially as there is evidence that the settlements were occupied for a number of, perhaps a great many, years. under the head of constructive expedients we have a different result. the difficulties which came from the occupancy of exceptional sites were promptly reflected in the construction, and unusual ways and methods were adopted to overcome them. these methods are the more interesting in that they were not always successful. it sometimes happened that walls had to be placed on a foundation of smooth, sloping rock. in such cases the rock was never cut away, but timbers were employed to hold the wall in place. in some instances the timbers were laid at right angles to the line of front wall, at points where cross walls joined it inside. the front wall thus rested partly on the ends of timbers and partly on rock, while the other ends of the timbers were held in place by the cross walls built upon them. an example of this construction is shown in plate lii. in other instances, where the surface was irregular but did not slope much, timbers were laid on the wall lines and the masonry rested partly upon them. an example of this occurs in the casa blanca ruin, shown in plate xlvii. still another method of using timber in masonry occurs in a number of ruins. it was seldom effective and apparently was confined to this region. this consists of the incorporation into the masonry of upright logs. figure shows an example that occurs at the point marked on the map. the site here is an especially difficult one, as the builders were compelled to place walls not only on sloping rock foundations, but also on loose débris, and the vertical timber support is quite common. the three kivas which are shown on the plan occupied the front of the village, and their front walls have fallen out. apparently the same accident has happened at least once, if not several times, before, and a fragment of a previous front wall has slipped down or  feet, and was left there when the kiva was repaired. the round dots shown on the plan, two in the wall of the central kiva and one on the east, represent vertical timbers incorporated in the masonry. the tops of these logs reach the level of the top of the bench in the kiva, and their lower ends rest in cavities in the rocks. the eastern one was removed and was found to be about  feet long. the upper half was charred, although formerly inclosed completely in the masonry, as though it had been burned off to the required length. the lower end was hacked off with some blunt implement, and as nearly squared as it could be done with such means. it was set into a socket or hole pecked in the solid rock and plastered in with clay. in the outer portion of the eastern wall of the central kiva there are many marks of sticks, to inches in diameter and placed vertically. [illustration: fig. --retaining walls in canyon de chelly.] although timbers as an aid to masonry occur in many ruins, they predominate in those which have been suggested as the sites most recently occupied; but in the chaco ruins timber has been used extensively and much more skillfully than here. instances occur where a cross wall has been tied into a front wall with timber, and so effective was the device that in one instance a considerable section of cross wall can be seen suspended in the air, being completely broken out below and now supported wholly by the ties. instances can also be seen where partition walls are supported on crossbeams at some distance from the ground, forming large and convenient openings between rooms; but nothing of that kind was seen in de chelly. in the latter region wherever horizontal timbers are used for the support of masonry they rest on the bed rock. [illustration: plate lxiii kiva in ruin no. , showing second-story walls] the same ruin (no. ) contains an elaborate system of retaining avails, which are shown partly in figure . at first a retaining wall was built immediately in front of the main kiva, which is now  feet high outside. apparently this did not serve the purpose intended, for another and much heavier wall was built immediately next to it. this wall is  feet thick, flush on top and inside, but feet high outside. at half its height it has a step back of inches. it would seem that even this heavy construction did not suffice, and still another wall was built outside of and next to it. this wall is nearly or quite as heavy as the one described, and its top is on the level of the foot of that wall, but it is feet high outside. something of the character of the site may be inferred from the arrangement of these walls, which have a combined vertical fall of feet in a horizontal distance of less than feet. the outer or lower wall has a series of very heavy timbers projecting from its face; these are placed irregularly. it should be noted that access to this village was from the bench on either side, and that it could not be reached from the front, where these walls occur. there are other walls on the lower slope, similarly reinforced. a little to the right of the point where these retaining walls occur there is a room in which horizontal beams have been incorporated in the masonry. a similar use of timber occurs in ruin no. and is shown in plate lx. why timber should be used in this way is not clear. it may be that when the supply was placed on the ground the builders found that they had more timber than was needed for a roof and used the excess in the wall rather than bring up more stone. the posts which were placed vertically and built into the wall were always short; perhaps they were fragments or ends cut from roofing timbers that were found to be too long. in many instances they failed to hold the walls, and possibly the pit holes in sloping rock, which are numerous on some sites, indicate places where this expedient was formerly employed. it is singular that the necessity for such expedients did not develop the idea of a buttress. on this site such an expedient would have saved an immense amount of work. in only one place in the canyon was a buttress found. this was in the casa blanca ruin, shown in plate xlvii. there is no doubt that in this place the buttress was used with a full knowledge of its principles, and but little doubt that the idea was imported at a late, perhaps the latest, period in the occupancy of that site. had it been known before, it would have been used in other places where there was great need for it, not so much to prevent the slipping of walls as to supersede the construction of walls  feet thick or more, and to strengthen outside walls which were likely to give way at any time from the outward thrust upon them. altogether the constructive expedients employed in de chelly suggest the introduction of plans and methods adapted to other regions and other conditions into a new region with different requirements, and that occupancy of the latter region did not continue long enough to conform the methods to the new conditions. kivas or sacred chambers the kivas, or estufas as they formerly were called, are sacred chambers in which the civil and religious affairs of the tribe are transacted, and they also form a place of resort, or club, as it were, for the men. their functions are many and varied, but as this subject has already been discussed at length[ ] it need not be enlarged upon here. in tusayan the kivas are rectangular and separated from the houses; in zuñi and in some other pueblos they are also rectangular, but are incorporated in the house clusters--a feature doubtless brought about by the repressive policy of the spanish monks. in some of the pueblos, as in taos, they are circular, and in many of the older ruins the same form is found. in the large ruins of chaco canyon the kivas occur in groups arranged along the inner side of the rooms; always, where the ground plan is such as to permit it, arranged on the border of an inner court. in canyon de chelly the kivas are always circular and are placed generally on the outer edge of the settlement, which is usually the front. [footnote : th ann. rept. bur. eth., "a study of pueblo architecture in tusayan and cibola," by victor mindeleff; washington, .] as the function of the kivas is principally a religious one, they are found only in permanent villages where religious ceremonies were performed. they are never found in subordinate settlements, or farming villages, or outlooks, unless such settlements came to be inhabited all the year--in other words, until they became permanent villages. the habits and requirements of the pueblo people make it essential that a permanent village should have one or more kivas, and we have in the presence of these structures a criterion by which the character of a village or ruin may be determined. as the kivas in de chelly are always circular, they can generally be easily distinguished. the circular kiva is unquestionably a survival in architecture--a relic of the time when the pueblo people dwelt in circular lodges or huts--and its use in conjunction with a rectangular system entailed many difficulties and some awkward expedients to overcome them. the main problem, how to use the two systems together, was solved by inclosing the circular chamber in a rectangular cell, and this expedient aided in the solution of the hardly less important problem of roofing. the roof of the kiva was the roof of the chamber that inclosed it. it seems to have been a common requirement throughout the pueblo country that the kiva should be wholly or partly underground. so strong was this requirement in tusayan that the occurrence of natural clefts and fissures in the rock of the mesa top has dictated the location of the kivas often at some distance from the houses. but in de chelly there were some sites where the requirement could not be filled without extensive rock excavation wholly beyond the power of the builders. here then it seems that other requirements were strong enough to overcome the ceremonial necessity for partly subterranean structures, for examples of that kind are comparatively rare. in all of the ruins on the canyon bottom the requirement could be filled, and as many of the villages on defensive sites were constructed after the site itself had been partly filled up with loose débris, it could also be filled in those cases. there are also instances where the bottom of the kiva rests directly on the rock, while outside the walls the site was covered deep with artificial débris. but it would be difficult to determine what was the surface of the ground when the kiva was in use. the size and character of the kivas in de chelly, and their relations to the other rooms about them, are shown in the ground plans preceding. some have walls still standing to a height of  feet above the ground, but this could not have been the total height. dr h. c. yarrow, u.s.a., in examined one of the five large circular kivas in taos. he states[ ] that it was or feet in diameter, arched above, and feet high. around the wall,  feet from the ground, there was a hard earthen bench, and in the center a fireplace about by  feet. [illustration: fig. --part of a kiva in ruin no. .] entrance to the kivas is invariably from the roof by a ladder. this appears to be a ceremonial requirement. doorways at the ground level are not only unknown, but also impracticable; but in de chelly there are some puzzling features which might easily be mistaken for such doorways. the principal kiva in the ruin, which occurs at the point marked on the map, and described above (page , figure ), is on the edge of the ledge, and its outer wall is so close as to make a passage difficult, although not impossible. at the point where the curved wall comes nearest the cliff there is a narrow gap or opening, not more than inches wide. in front of this there appears to be a little platform on the sloping rock,  feet long, inches wide, and now about a foot high. at first sight this would be taken for a doorway so arranged that access to the kiva could be obtained only from below; but a closer examination shows that this was probably only what remains of a chimney-like structure, such as those described later. [footnote : wheeler survey reports, vol. vii, archæology, p. .] in ruin there is another example. the kiva here was about feet in diameter, with rather thin walls smoothly plastered inside. on the inner side the walls are from to  feet high; outside they are generally flush with the ground. the kiva is not a true circle, but is slightly elongated north and south. on the south side, nearest the edge of the ledge, there is an opening, shown in figure . the opening is  feet inches wide, and the ends of the curved walls terminate in smoothly finished surfaces. in front of it there are remains of two walls, about a foot apart, and so arranged as to form an apparent passageway into the interior of the kiva. these seem to be a kind of platform, like that just described, but close inspection shows the walls, which can be traced to within inches of the inner wall of the kiva. this also may be the remains of a chimney-like structure. there are other points in the canyon where the same feature occurs, but in none of them is the evidence of an opening or doorway more definite than in the examples described. [illustration: fig. --plan of part of a kiva in ruin no. .] the masonry of the kivas is always as good as that of any other structure on the site, and generally much better. the walls are usually massive; sometimes they are  feet thick in the upper part and  feet in the lower portion, where the bench occurs. in a few cases the kiva has an upper or second story, but when this occurs no attempt is made to preserve the circular form, and the upper rooms are really rectangular with much rounded corners. plate xlix shows a second-story kiva wall in mummy cave ruin, and plate lxiii one in ruin no. in de chelly. the latter occurs over the principal kiva, and the walls which are still standing on the north and west sides are approximately straight, but the corners are much rounded. figure is a detailed plan of part of the kiva, showing the arrangement of the upper walls. the kiva walls are about inches thick. on the north side the upper wall is supported by a heavy beam, part of which is still in place. under the north-east corner of the upper room there is a little triangular space formed by a short connecting wall, shown on the plan. this is really a flying wall, covering only the upper portion of the space, and its purpose is not clear, as the opening left is not large enough to permit the passage of a person, and was available only from the second story. apparently the greatest care was bestowed on the construction and finish of the kivas. the exterior of the circular wall is often rough and unfinished, but this is probably because the whole structure was generally inclosed within rectangular walls. the interior was plastered, often with a number of coats. the southern kiva in ruin no. shows a number of these on its interior surface, applied one after another, and now forming a plastering nearly three-quarters of an inch thick. in its section distinct coats can be counted, separated one from the other by a thin film of smoke-blackened surface. the kiva in ruin no. has or coats, that in ruin no. shows at least . in the last example the last coat was not decorated, but some of the underlying ones were. kivas are used, principally in the autumn and winter, when the farming season is over and the ceremonies and dances take place. it is probable, therefore, that each coat of plaster means at least a year in the history of the kiva, which would indicate that some of the sites were occupied about twenty years. but mr frank h. cushing has observed in zuñi a ceremony, part of which is the refinishing of the kiva interior, and this occurs only once in four years. this would give a maximum occupancy of about eighty years to some of the kivas; the ruins as a whole would hardly justify an hypothesis of a longer occupancy than this. in tusayan the interior of the kiva is plastered by the women once every year at the feast of powamu (the fructifying moon). [illustration: fig. --kiva decoration in white.] the kivas are seldom true circles, being usually elongated one way or another. some instances occur which are rectangular, such as the room shown in figure , which was apparently a kiva. nordenskiöld[ ] illustrates an example which appears to have been oval by design, differing in this respect from anything found in de chelly. most of the kivas have an interior bench, about a foot wide and  feet above the floor. this bench is sometimes continuous around the whole interior, sometimes extends only partly around. wherever the chimney-like structure is attached to a kiva the bench is omitted or broken at that point. the kiva wall on the floor level is always continuous except before the chimney-like feature. the most elaborate system of benches and buttresses seen in the canyon occurs in the principal kiva of the mummy cave ruin. this is shown in the ground plan, figure , and also in figures and . in the ruins of the mancos, nordenskiöld found kivas in which this feature is carried much further. he illustrates[ ] an example with a complete bench regularly divided into six equal parts by an equal number of buttresses or pillars (properly pilasters) extending out flush with the front of the bench. this is said to be a typical example, to which practically all the kivas conform. it has also the chimney-like structure, to be described later. like the rectangular kivas of tusayan the circular structures of de chelly have little niches in the walls. probably these were places of deposit for certain paraphernalia used in the ceremonies. [footnote : cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, p. , fig. .] [footnote : loc. cit., figs. and , pp. - .] some of the kivas have an interior decoration consisting of a band with points. figure shows an example that occurs in ruin no. in de chelly, in the north kiva. the band, done in white, is about inches below the bench, and its top is broken at intervals into groups of points rising from it, four points in each group. in the north kiva the interior wall is decorated by a series of vertical bands in white. one series occurs on the vertical face of the bench; the bands are inches wide and inches apart. another series occurs on the wall, and consists of bands ½ to inches wide, about  feet high and to inches apart. the bands were observed only on the southern and western sides of the kiva, but originally there may have been others on the north and east. [illustration: fig. --pictograph in white.] [illustration: fig. --markings on cliff wall, ruin no. .] [illustration: fig. --decorative band in kiva in mummy cave ruin.] in ruin no. there is a similar series of bars, but in this instance they occur on the cliff wall back of the rooms. they are shown in figure . there are four bars or upright bands, done in white paint, and surmounted by four round dots or spots. to the left of the four bars, level with their tops, there is a small triangle, also in white. the bars are inches long and inches wide. the upper dots are nearly  feet above, the tops of the bars. it is evident that this figure was designed to be seen from a distance. figure shows some markings on the cliff wall back of ruin no. . [illustration: fig. --design employed in decorative band.] examples almost identical with those shown here are abundant in the mancos ruins. it was probable they are of ceremonial rather than of decorative origin, and in this connection it may be stated that mr frank h. cushing has observed in zuñi the ceremony of marking the sides of a kiva hatchway with white bars closely resembling those shown in figure . this ceremony occurs once in four years, and the purpose of the marks is said to be to indicate the cardinal directions. in the ceremonials of the pueblo indians it is necessary to know where the cardinal points are; a prayer, for instance, is often addressed to the north, west, south, and east, and when such ceremonials were performed in a circular chamber some means by which the direction could be determined was essential. [illustration: fig. --pictographs in canyon de chelly.] in the principal kiva in mummy cave ruin, however, there is a painted band on the front of the bench which appears to be really an attempt at decoration. over the white there is a band or inches wide, consisting of a meander done in red. this is shown in figure , and in detail in figure . the design is similar to that used today. its importance arises not so much from this as from the fact that it is difficult to regard this as other than ornamentation, and the pueblo architect had not yet reached the stage of ornamented construction. the ruins in the mancos canyon and the mesa verdé country obviously represent a later stage in development than those in de chelly, yet nowhere in that region do we find the counterpart of the decoration in mummy cave kiva. bands with points occur, sometimes on walls of rectangular rooms. one such is illustrated by chapin,[ ] who also shows a variety of the meander, treated, however, as a pictograph and without reference to its decorative value. similar bands are shown also by nordenskiöld,[ ] but always with three points, instead of four, which were done in red. figure shows some pictographs somewhat resembling the mancos examples. these occur at the point marked on the map, in connection with a small storage cist already described. [footnote : land of the cliff dwellers, illustration, pp. , .] [footnote : cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, figs. , , , , and .] no kiva has been found in de chelly with a roof in place. nearly all of them are inclosed in rectangular chambers, and it seems more than probable that the roofing of the kiva was simply the roofing of the inclosing chamber. as a rule the inclosing rectangular walls were erected at the same time as the kiva proper, and the outside of the inner circular wall was not finished at all. in a few instances the space between the outer rectangular and inner circular wall was filled in solid, or perhaps was so constructed, but usually the walls are separate and distinct. chimney-like structures there are peculiar structures found in some of the ruins, whose use and object are not clear. reference has already been made to them in the descriptions of several ruins, and for want of a better name they have been designated chimney-like structures. at the time that they were examined they were supposed to be new, and the first hypothesis formed was that they were abortive chimneys, but further examination showed that this idea was not tenable. subsequently nordenskiöld's book on the cliff dwellers of the mesa verde was published, and it appears therefrom that this feature is very common in the region treated; so common as to constitute the type. [illustration: fig. --plan of chimney-like structure in ruin no. .] figure is a plan of one of these structures which occurs in ruin no. in canyon de chelly. this ruin has already been described in detail (page ). the chimney-like structure is attached to a rectangular room with rounded corners, which is supposed to have been a kiva, and which was two stories high. excavation revealed the floor level about ½ feet below where the roof was placed. in the center of the south wall there is an opening . feet high and eighty-five one-hundredths of a foot ( . inches) wide. the south wall is built over a large bowlder, and a tunnel or opening passes under this to a rounded vertical shaft, about a foot in diameter, which opens to the air. this perhaps is better shown in the section (figure ). at first sight this would appear to be a chimney, but there are several objections to the idea. the interior of the shaft is not blackened by smoke, and while the tunnel is somewhat smoke-stained, the deposit is not so pronounced as on the walls of the room. the front of the tunnel in the room has a lintel composed of a single stick about an inch in diameter, as shown in the section. the roof of the tunnel was the underside of the large bowlder mentioned, and the stick lintel was of no use except to show that no fire could have been built under it. the roof of the southern end of the tunnel, where it opens into the shaft, is considerably lower than at the other end. the floor of the tunnel and the sides were smoothly plastered, but the plastering does not appear to have been subjected to the action of fire. the interior of the room, like the circular kivas already described, appears to have been plastered with a number of successive coats, all except the last being heavily stained by smoke. if the structure were a chimney, it was a dismal failure. the tunnel was made at the time the wall was erected, and passes under the bowlder over which the wall was built. a little east of the opening, inside the room, the bowlder shows through the wall, projecting slightly beyond its face. [illustration: fig. --section of chimney-like structure in ruin .] outside of the room the corner of the bowlder was chipped off, as shown on the plan, to permit the rounding of the shaft, the east, west, and south sides of which were built up with small pieces of stone, a kind of lining of masonry. there was also an outside structure of masonry, but how high above the ground it extended can not now be determined. a small fragment of this masonry is still left on the upper surface of the bowlder and is shown in the section. figure is a plan of another example, which is attached to the circular kiva in ruin no. . this ruin is described on page . the kiva had an interior bench and the floor is  feet above its top. on the south side nearest the cliff edge the bench is interrupted to give place to a structure much like that described above. in this case, however, there was no convenient bowlder, and the roof of the tunnel has broken down so that the method of support can not be accurately determined. probably it consisted of slabs of rock, as the span is small, and a number of large flat stones were removed from the tunnel in excavating. the top of the tunnel is on the level of the top of the bench, as shown in figure , which is a vertical section. an inspection of the plan will show that the circular wall of the kiva is complete and that the inclosing rectangular wall was added later. the shaft was built at a still later period, and the line or junction marking its inner surface shows plainly in the interior of the tunnel. the general view of the ruin (plate li) shows the exterior of the shaft, and the horizontal timbers on which the masonry is supported are shown in plate lii. in front of the tunnel a flat piece of stone was placed on the floor, and in front of this again, about  feet from the mouth of the tunnel, there was an upright mass of masonry composed of stone and mud, and forming a curtain or screen before the opening. the original height of this structure was the same as that of the interior bench. the inner surface of the rectangular inclosing wall is marked by a line in the interior of the tunnel. inside of this line, toward the center of the kiva, the stones composing the wall are large; outside of it they are small. the interior plastering of the kiva is not smoke-blackened, but the coat next the surface is stained, as is also the third coat underneath. the interior of the tunnel is not much smoke-blackened, but it appears probable that part of its roof fell while the structure was still in use, as there are a number of little cavities in the masonry above its roof level filled with soot. a similar effect might result from leaks or cavities between the flat roofing stones. in excavating the tunnel a number of large lumps of clay were found in it, and there is no doubt that they formed part of the roof. some of these had considerable quantities of grass mixed into them or stuck to the clay on one side. apparently dry grass was used in the construction. a large fire could not have been built within the tunnel. [illustration: fig. --plan of chimney-like structure in ruin no. .] the principal kiva in mummy cave ruin has an elaborate structure of the kind under discussion. figure shows a plan of this kiva, of which a general view has already been given (figure ). the bench extended only partly around the interior, which had a continuous surface at the floor level, except on the southwest. at this point it is interrupted to give place to an elaborate chimney-like structure. figure is a general view. the wall surface on the southern side of the kiva has been extended inward, as shown on the plan by a lighter shaded area. this was done at some period subsequent to the completion of the kiva, but whether it had any connection with the chimney-like structure could not be determined. the curtain or screen before the opening, which seems to be an invariable feature, is shown in both figures. in this example the tunnel does not pass through the masonry as in those previously described, but occurs in the form of a covered trough, shown in the illustration with the covering removed. it occupies the middle third of a large recess in the main wall of the kiva, and is connected at its outer end with a vertical square shaft about a foot wide. this shaft is separated from the recess above the bench level by a wall only a few inches thick, composed of a single layer of stones. that portion of it which is above the tunnel is supported by a single round stick of wood, as shown in figure . the south or inner opening of the tunnel is reduced to two-thirds, of the width elsewhere by a framing composed of bundles of sticks bound together with withes and heavily coated with mud mortar. this was not placed flush with the inner face, but a few inches back, and the whole structure gives an effect of unusual neatness and good workmanship. [illustration: fig. --section of chimney-like structure in ruin no. ] at various other points in the canyons examples of chimney-like structures occur, none, however, constructed on the elaborate plan of that last described. two examples were found in the large rooms west of the tower in the central portion of mummy cave ruin, and these are especially worthy of attention because they are attached to rectangular rooms, which there is no reason to suppose were kivas. the first room appears to have had a shaft only, without a niche or recess; the second room west of the tower had a recess and a rounded shaft, while the third-room had neither recess nor shaft. the usual form of this feature is that shown in figures and , and consists only of a tunnel and shaft. there are not many examples in the canyons: altogether there may be a dozen now visible, but excavations in the village ruins would doubtless reveal others. except the two in mummy cave ruin last mentioned, and some doubtful examples to be described later, they occur always as attachments to kivas, never to houses. some of them, like the mummy cave example, were certainly built at the same time as the kivas, of which they formed a part; others were added to kivas after those structures had been completed and used. [illustration: fig. --plan of the principal kiva in mummy cave ruin.] the kiva in casa blanca ruin (shown in figure ) appears to have had an appendage of this sort, not constructed after the usual manner, but added outside the rectangular wall and composed of mud or adobe. at three other places in the lower ruin these structures are found, all constructed of mud or adobe and all attached to adobe walls. it is doubtful whether these three examples should be classed with the preceding, but as they may have been used in the same manner they should be mentioned here. another doubtful example occurs in the upper part of the same ruin and has already been described (page ). it was constructed of stone at some time subsequent to the completion of the wall against which it rests. [illustration: fig. --chimney-like structure in mummy cave ruin.] over twenty ago mr w. h. holmes found a structure in mancos canyon which it now appears may be of this type. he illustrates it by a ground plan and thus describes it: the most striking feature of this structure [ruin] is the round room, which occurs about the middle of the ruin and inside of a large rectangular apartment.... its walls are not high and not entirely regular, and the inside is curiously fashioned with offsets and box-like projections. it is plastered smoothly and bears considerable evidence of having been used, although i observed no traces of tire. the entrance to this chamber is rather extraordinary, and further attests the peculiar importance attached to it by the builders and their evident desire to secure it from all possibility of intrusion. a walled and covered passageway of solid masonry, feet of which is still intact, leads from an outer chamber through the small intervening apartments into the circular one. it is possible that this originally extended to the outer wall and was entered from the outside. if so, the person desiring to visit the estufa [kiva] would have to enter an aperture about inches high by wide and crawl in the most abject manner possible through a tube-like passageway nearly feet in length. my first impression was that this peculiarly constructed doorway was a precaution against enemies and that it was probably the only means of entrance to the interior of the house, but i am now inclined to think this hardly probable, and conclude that it was rather designed to render a sacred chamber as free as possible from profane intrusion.[ ] [footnote : th ann. rept. u.s. geol. and geog. survey of the territories, f. v. hayden in charge (washington, ); report on the "ancient ruins of southwestern colorado," by w. h. holmes; p. , pl. xxxvii.] in this example the tunnel was much larger than usual and the vertical shaft, if there were one, has been so much broken down that it is no longer distinguishable. nordenskiöld mentions a considerable number of kivas with this attachment, and one which is described and figured is said to be a type of all the kivas in that region, but an inspection of his ground plans shows more kivas without this feature than with it. in his description of a small ruin in cliff canyon he speaks of-- ... a circular room still in a fair state of preservation. the wall that lies nearest the precipice is for the most part in ruins; the rest of the room is well preserved. after about half a meter of dust and rubbish had been removed, we were able to ascertain that the walls formed a cylinder . meters in diameter. the thickness of the wall is throughout considerable, and varies, the spaces between the points where the cylinder touches the walls of adjoining rooms[ ] having been filled up with masonry. the height of the room is meters. the roof has long since fallen in, and only one or two beams are left among the rubbish. to a height of . meters from the floor the wall is perfectly even and has the form of a cylinder, or rather of a truncate cone, as it leans slightly inward. the upper portion, on the other hand, is divided by six deep niches into the same number of pillars. the floor is of clay, hard, and perfectly even. near the center is a round depression or hole, five-tenths of a meter deep and eight-tenths of a meter in diameter. this hole was entirely full of white ashes. it was undoubtedly the hearth. between the hearth and the outer wall stands a narrow, curved wall, eight-tenths of a meter high. behind this wall, in the same plane as the floor, a rectangular opening, meter high and six-tenths of a meter broad, has been constructed in the outer wall. this opening forms the mouth of a narrow passage or tunnel of rectangular shape, which runs . meters in a horizontal direction and then goes straight upward, out into the open air. the tunnel lies under one of the six niches, which is somewhat deeper than the others. the walls are built of carefully hewn blocks of sandstone, the inner surface being perfectly smooth and lined with a thin, yellowish plaster. on closer examination of this plaster it is found to consist of several thin layers, each of them black with soot. the plaster has evidently been repeatedly restored as the walls became blackened with smoke. a few smaller niches and holes in the walls, irregularly scattered here and there, have presumably served as places of deposit for different articles; a bundle of pieces of hide, tied with a string, was found in one of them. the lower part of the wall, to a height of four-tenths of a meter, is painted dark red around the whole room. this red paint projects upward in triangular points, arranged in threes, and above them is a row of small round dots of red.... circular rooms, built and arranged on exactly the same plan as that described above, reappear with exceedingly slight variations in size and structure in every cliff dwelling except the very smallest ones.... the number of estufas [kivas] varies in proportion to the size of the buildings and the number of rooms, ... [the ruin described contained two kivas.] ... the description of the first estufa applies in every respect to the second, with the single exception that the whole wall is coated with yellow plaster without any red painting. the wall between the hearth and the singular passage or tunnel described above is replaced by a large slab of stone set on end. it is difficult to say for what purpose this tunnel has been constructed and the slab of stone or the wall erected in front of it. as i have mentioned above, this arrangement is found in all the estufas.[ ] [footnote : in the ground plan given there is no point shown where the walls of the kiva touch adjoining rooms.] [footnote : cliff dwellers of the mesa verde, pp. - , figs. and .] the general similarity between the kivas of de chelly and those of the mesa verde region will be apparent from the above description. it should be added that in the section which accompanies it the roof of the tunnel appears to be supported by a series of small cross sticks, although no information on this point is afforded by the test. the examples which occur in de chelly are apparently much ruder and more primitive than those of the mancos, and only one of them approaches the latter in finish and elaboration. in another place[ ] nordenskiöld mentions an example in which two small sticks were incorporated in the masonry of the upper part of the tunnel in a diagonal position. from this he rejects holmes' explanation that the passageway was used as an entrance to the kiva, nor does he find the chimney hypothesis satisfactory. he states, further, that the use of this feature as a ventilator seems highly improbable. in one place he found the curtain or screen constructed not of masonry, but-- ... of thick stakes, driven into the ground close to each other, and fastened together at the top with osiers. on the side nearest to the hearth this wooden screen was covered with a thick layer of mortar, probably to protect the timber from the heat.[ ] [footnote : loc. cit., p. .] [footnote : loc. cit., p. .] as stated elsewhere, the first hypothesis formed in the field as to the purpose of these chimney-like structures was that they were abortive chimneys, but this was found untenable. the next hypothesis, formed also in the field, was that they were ceremonial in origin and use, but why they should connect with the open air is not clear. if we could assume that they were ventilators, the problem would be solved, but it is a far cry from pueblo architecture to ventilation; a stride, as it were, over many centuries. ventilation according to this method--the introduction of fresh air on a low level, striking on a screen a little distance from the inlet and being thereby evenly distributed over the whole chamber--is a development in house architecture reached only by our own civilization within the last few decades. if the shaft and tunnel were in place, however, the screen might follow as a matter of necessity. entrance to the kivas is always through the roof, a ceremonial requirement quite as rigidly adhered to today among the pueblos as it was formerly among their ancestors. the same opening which gives access also provides an exit to the smoke from the fire, which is invariably placed in the center of the kiva below it. this fire is a ceremonial rather than a necessary feature, for in the coldest weather the presence of a dozen men in a small chamber, air-tight except for a small opening in the roof, very soon raises the temperature to an uncomfortable degree, and the air becomes so fetid that a white man, not accustomed to it, is nauseated in half an hour or less. such are the conditions in the modern kivas of tusayan. in the smaller structures of de chelly they must have been worse. the fire is, therefore, made very small and always of very dry wood, so as to diminish as far as possible the output of smoke. frank h. cushing states that in certain ceremonials which occur in the kivas it is considered very necessary that the fire should burn brightly and that the flame should rise straight from it. if this requirement prevailed in de chelly, a screen of some sort would surely follow the construction of a shaft and tunnel. more or less smoke is generally present in the kivas when a fire is burning, notwithstanding the care taken to prevent it. that a similar condition prevailed in the kivas of de chelly is shown by the smoke-blackened plaster of the interiors. in some cases there was a room over the kivas which must have increased the difficulty very much. there can be little doubt that the chimney-like structures were not chimneys, and no doubt at all that they did provide an efficient means of ventilation, no matter what the intention of the builders may have been. when we know more of the ceremonials of the pueblo indians, and when extensive excavations have developed the various types and varieties of these structures in the ruins, we may be able to determine their object and use. traditions it has often been stated concerning some given ruin or region that the traditions of the present inhabitants of the country do not reach them. in the case of canyon de chelly the same statement might be made, for more than navaho in , when asked what became of the people who built the old houses in de chelly, will state that a great wind arose and swept them all away, which is equivalent to saying that they do not know. there is a tradition in the navaho tribe, however, now very difficult to get, as it is confined to a few of the old priests. it recites the occupancy of the canyon before the navaho obtained possession of it, but, curiously enough, this period is placed after the spanish invasion. it is even asserted that there were monks in de chelly, and mummy cave, casa blanca, and one other ruin have been pointed out as the places where they were stationed. no version of this tradition definite and complete enough for publication could be obtained by the writer, but dr. washington matthews, u.s.a., whose knowledge of navaho myths and traditions is so great that it can almost be termed exhaustive, has obtained one and doubtless will publish it. the hopi or moki indians, whose villages are some three days' journey to the west, have also very definite traditions bearing on the occupancy of de chelly.[ ] this tribe, like others, is composed of a number of related clans who reached their present location from various directions and at various times; but, with a few exceptions, each of these clans claims to have lived at one time or another in canyon de chelly. how much truth there is in these claims can be determined only when the entire region has been examined and thoroughly studied. in the meantime it will probably be safe to assume that some, at least, of the ruins in de chelly are of hopi origin. [footnote : a résumé of the hopi traditions was prepared by the writer from material collected by the late a. m. stephen, and published as chapter iii of "a study of pueblo architecture," op. cit.] conclusions to understand the ruins so profusely scattered over the ancient pueblo country we must have some knowledge of the conditions under which their inhabitants lived. were nothing at all known, however, we would be justified in inferring, from the results that have been produced, a similarity of conditions with those prevailing among the pueblo tribes, both formerly and now; and all the evidence so far obtained would support that inference. there is no warrant whatever for the old assumption that the "cliff dwellers" were a separate race, and the cliff dwellings must be regarded as only a phase of pueblo architecture. more or less speculation regarding the origin of pueblo culture is the usual and perhaps proper accompaniment of nearly all treatises bearing on that subject. early writers on the aztec culture, aided by a vague tradition of that tribe that they came from the north, pushed the point of emigration farther and farther and still farther north, until finally the pueblo country was reached. pueblo ruins are even now known locally as "aztec ruins." logically the inhabited villages should be classed as "aztec colonies," and such classification was not unusual when the country came into the possession of the united states some fifty years ago. as our knowledge of the pueblo culture increased, a gradual separation between the old and the new took place, and we have as an intermediate hypothesis many "aztec ruins," but no "aztec colonies." finally, as a result of still further knowledge, the ruins and the inhabited pueblos are again brought together; several lines of investigation have combined to show the continuity of the old and the present culture, and the connection may be considered well established. but there is still a disposition to regard the cliff ruins as a thing apart. the old idea of a separate race of cliff dwellers now finds little credence, but the cliff ruins are almost universally explained as the results of extraordinary, primitive, or unusual causes. the intimate relation between the savage and his physical environment has already been alluded to. nature, or that part of nature which we term physical environment, enters into and becomes part of the life of the savage in a way and to an extent that we can hardly conceive. a change of physical environment does not produce an immediate change in the man or in his arts, but in time such must inevitably result. twenty-five years ago the savage of the plains and the savage of the pueblo country were regarded as distinct races, "as different from each other as light is from darkness;" yet the differences which appeared so striking at first have become fewer and fewer as our knowledge of the indian tribes increased, and those which remain today can almost all be attributed to a difference in physical environment. linguistic researches have shown the close connection which exists between the hopi (moki) and some of the plains (or so called "wild") indians. there is no doubt that at the time of the spanish discovery, some three hundred and fifty years ago, the hopi were quite as far advanced as the other pueblo tribes, and the conclusion is irresistible that since it may reasonably be inferred that one tribe has made the change from a nomadic to a sedentary life, other tribes also may have done so. we may go even farther than this, and assume that a nomadic tribe driven into the pueblo country, or drifting into it, would remain as before under the direct influence of its physical environment, although the environment would be a new one. granting this, and the element of time, and we will have no difficulty with the origin of pueblo architecture. the complete adaptation of pueblo architecture to the country in which it is found has been commented on. ordinarily such adaptation would imply two things--origin within the country, and a long period of time for development--but there are several factors that must be taken into consideration. if the architecture did not originate in the country where it is found it would almost certainly bear, traces of former conditions. such survivals are common in all arts, and instances of it are so common in architecture that no examples need be cited. only one of these survivals has been found in pueblo architecture, but that one is very instructive; it is the presence of circular chambers in groups of rectangular rooms, which occur in certain regions. these chambers are called estufas or kivas and are the council houses and temples of the people, in which the governmental and religious affairs of the tribe are transacted. it is owing to their religious connection that the form has been preserved to the present day, carrying with it the record of the time when the people lived in round chambers or huts, in opposition to the hypothesis of local origin it might be stated that there is no evidence of forms intermediate in development. the oldest remains of pueblo architecture known are but little different from recent examples. but it must be borne in mind that pueblo architecture is of a very low order, so low that it hardly comes within a definition of architecture as an art, as opposed to a craft. except for a few examples, some of which have already been mentioned, it was strictly utilitarian in character; the savage had certain needs to supply, and he supplied them in the easiest and most direct manner and with material immediately at hand. the whole pueblo country is covered with the remains of single rooms and groups of rooms, put up to meet some immediate necessity. some of these may have been built centuries ago, some are only a few years or a few months old, yet the structures do not differ from one another; nor, on the other hand, does the similarity imply that the builder of the oldest example knew less or more than his descendant today--both utilized the material at hand and each accomplished his purpose in the easiest way. in both cases the result is so rude that no sound inference of sequence can be drawn from the study of individual examples, but in the study of large aggregations of rooms we find some clues. the aggregation of many single rooms into one great structure was produced by causes which have been discussed. it must not be forgotten that the unit of pueblo construction is the single room, even in the large, many-storied villages. this unit is often quite as rude in modern work as in ancient, and both modern and ancient examples are very close to the result which would be produced by any indian tribe who came into the country and were left free to work out their own ideas. starting with this unit the whole system of pueblo architecture is a natural product of the country in which it is found and the conditions of life known to have affected the people by whom it was practiced. granting the local origin of pueblo architecture it would appear at first sight that a very long period of time must have elapsed between the erection of the first rude rooms and the building of the many-storied pueblos, yet the evidence now available--that derived from the ruins themselves, documentary evidence, and traditions--all suggest that such was not necessarily the case. as a record of events, or rather of a sequence of events, tradition, when unsupported, has practically no value; but as a picture of life and of the conditions under which a people lived it is very instructive and full of suggestions, which, when followed out, often lead to the uncovering of valuable evidence. the traditions of the pueblo tribes record a great number of movements or migrations from place to place, the statements being more or less obscured by mythologic details and accounts of magic or miraculous occurrences. when numbers of such movements are recorded, it is safe to infer that the conditions dictating the occupancy of sites were unstable or even that the tribes were in a state of slow migration. when this inference is supported by other evidence, it becomes much stronger, and when the supporting evidence becomes more abundant, with no discordant elements, the statement may be accepted as proved until disproved. the evident inferiority of the modern pueblos to some of the old ruins has been urged as an argument against their connection. while degeneration in culture is yet to be proved, degeneration of some particular art under adverse conditions, such as war, continued famine, or pestilence, is not an uncommon incident in history, and it can be shown that under the peculiar conditions which prevailed in the pueblo country such degeneration would naturally take place. one of the peculiarities of pueblo architecture is that its results were obtained always by the employment of the material immediately at hand. in the whole pueblo region no instance is known where the material (other than timber) was transported to any distance; on the contrary, it was usually obtained within a few feet of the site where it was used. hence, it comes about that difference in character of masonry is often only a difference in material. starting with a tribe or several tribes of plains indians, who came into the pueblo country, we should probably see them at first building houses such as they were accustomed to build--round huts of skin or brush, perhaps partly covered with earth, such as were found all over middle and eastern united states. supposing the tribe to have been not very warlike in character and subsisting principally by horticulture, these settlements would necessarily be confined to the vicinity of springs and to little valleys where the crops could be grown. the general character of the country is arid in the extreme, and only in favored spots is horticulture possible. in a very short time these people would be forced to the use of stone for buildings, for the whole country is covered with tabular sandstone, often broken up into blocks and flakes ready for immediate use without any preparation whatever. timber and brush could be procured only with difficulty, and often had to be carried great distances. it has been suggested that the rectangular form of rooms might have been developed from the circular form by the crowding together upon restricted sites of many circular chambers; but such a supposition seems unnecessary. a structure of masonry designed to be roofed would naturally be rectangular; in fact, the placing of a flat roof upon a circular chamber was a problem whose solution was beyond the ability of these people, as has already been shown. along with this advance, or perhaps preceding it, the social organization of the tribe, or its division into clans and phratries, would manifest itself, and those who "belong together" would build together. this requirement was a very common one and was closely adhered to even a few years ago. although degeneration in arts is common enough, a peculiar condition prevailed in the pueblo region. so far as the architecture was concerned war and a hostile human environment produced not degeneration but development. this came about partly by reason of the peculiarities of the country, and partly through the methods of war. the term war is rather a misnomer in this connection, as it does not express the idea. the result was not brought about by armed bodies of men animated by hostile intentions or bent on extermination, although forays of this kind are too common in later pueblo history, but rather by predatory bands, bent on robbery and not indisposed to incidental killing. the pueblos, with their fixed habitations and their stores of food, were the natural prey of such bands, and they suffered, just as did, at a later period, the mexican settlements on the rio grande, with their immense, flocks of sheep. it was constant annoyance and danger, rather than war and pitched battles. the pueblo country is exceptionally rich in building material suited to the knowledge and capacity of the pueblo builders. had suitable material been less abundant, military knowledge would have developed and defensive structures would have been erected; but as such material could be obtained everywhere, and there was no lack of sites, almost if not quite equal to those occupied at any given time, the easiest and most natural thing to do was to move. owing to the nature of the hostile pressure, such movements were generally gradual, not en masse; although there is no doubt that movements of the latter kind have sometimes taken place. these conclusions are not based on a study of the ruins in canyon de chelly alone, which illustrate only one phase of the subject, but of all the pueblo remains, or rather of the remains so far as they are now known. they imply a rather sparsely settled country, occupied by a comparatively small number of tribes and subtribes, moving from place to place under the influence of various motives, some of which we know, others we can only surmise. it was a slow but practically constant migratory movement with no definite end or direction in view. the course of this movement in a geographical way does not as yet reveal a preponderance in any one direction; tribes and subtribes moved from east to west and from west to east, from north to south and from south to north, and many were irregular in their course, but the movements, so far as they can now be discerned, were all within a circumscribed area. there is no evidence of any movement from without into the pueblo group, unless the close relation of the hopi (moki) language to the other shoshonean dialects be such evidence, and none of a movement from within this area out of it, although such movements must have taken place, at least in the early history of the region. it must be borne in mind in this discussion that while we can assign approximate boundaries to the ancient pueblo region on the north, east, and west, no limit can as yet be fixed on the south. the arid country southward of gila river and northward of the mexican boundary would be a great obstacle to a movement either north or south, but little as we know about that region we do know that it was not an insurmountable obstacle. the casas grandes of janos, in chihuahua, closely resemble the type of ruins on the gila river, in arizona, of which the best example we now have is the well-known casa grande ruin. we know that there are cliff ruins in the sierra madre, but beyond this we know little. concerning the immense region which stretches from gila river to the valley of mexico, over miles in length, we know practically nothing. in that portion of the pueblo region lying within the united states migratory movements have, as a rule, been confined to very small areas, each linguistic family moving within its own circumscribed region. some instances of movement away from the home region have taken place even in historic times, as, for example, the migration of a considerable band of tewas from the rio grande to tusayan, where they now are, and moreover, this movement probably occurred en masse and over a considerable distance; but there is little doubt that the usual procedure was different. canyon de chelly was occupied because it was the best place in that vicinity for the practice of horticulture. the cliff ruins there grew out of the natural conditions, as they have in other places. it is not meant that a type of house structure developed here and was transferred subsequently to other places. when the geological and topographical environment favored their construction, cliff outlooks were built; from a different geological structure in certain regions cavate lodges resulted; in other places there were "watch towers;" in still others single rooms were built, either lone or in clusters, and these results obtained quite as often if not oftener within the historic period as in prehistoric times. notwithstanding the possible division of the de chelly ruins into four well defined types, there is no warrant for the assumption of a large population. the types are interrelated and to a large extent were inhabited not contemporaneously but conjointly. there are about ruins in canyon de chelly and its branches, but few of them could accommodate more than a very small population. settlements large enough to furnish homes for or people were rare. as not all of the sites were occupied at one time, the maximum population of the canyon could hardly have exceeded ; it is more likely to have been . the character of the site occupied is one of the most important elements to be studied in the examination of ruins in the pueblo country. in de chelly whatever defensive value the settlements had was due to the character of the sites selected. it is believed, however, that other considerations dictated the selection of the sites, and that the defensive motive, if present at all, exercised very little influence in this region. the sites here are always selected with a view to an outlook over some adjacent area of cultivable land, and the structures erected on them were industrial or horticultural, rather than military or defensive. the masonry of the ruins and the constructive expedients employed by the builders are an insurmountable obstacle in the way of the hypothesis that the cliff ruins represent a primitive or intermediate stage in the growth of pueblo architecture. the builders were well acquainted with the principles and methods of construction employed in the best work found in other regions; the inferiority of their work is due to special conditions and to the locality. the presence of a number of extraneous features, both in methods and principles employed, is further evidence in the same line. these features are certainly foreign to this region, some of them suggest even spanish or mexican origin, which implies comparatively recent occupancy. the openings--doorways and windows--found in the ruins are of the regular pueblo types. they are arranged as convenience dictated, without any reference to the defensive motive, which, if it existed at all, exercised less influence here than it did in the modern pueblos. there is no evidence of the use of very modern features, such as the paneled wooden doors found in the pueblos; nor, on the other hand, are there any very primitive expedients or methods--none which can not be found today in the modern villages. the roof, floors, and timber work are also essentially the same as the examples found in the modern pueblos. the notable scarcity of roofing timbers in the ruins can probably be explained by the hypothesis of successive occupancies and subsequent or repeated use of material difficult to obtain. so far as regards the use of timber as an element of masonry construction the results obtained in de chelly are rude and primitive as compared with the work found in other regions. the immense number of storage cists found in de chelly are a natural outgrowth of the conditions there and support the hypothesis that the cliff outlooks were merely farming shelters. the small size of many of the settlements made the construction of storage cists a necessity. the storage of water was very seldom attempted. a large proportion of the cists found in de chelly were burial places and of navaho origin. as a rule they are far more difficult of access than the ruins. there is no evidence of the influence of the defensive motive. defensive works on the approaches to sites are never found, nor can such influence be detected in the arrangement of openings, in the character of masonry, or in the ground plan. if the cliff ruins were defensive structures, an influence strong enough to bring about the occupancy of such inconvenient and unsuitable sites would certainly be strong enough also to bring about some slight modifications in the architecture, such as would render more suitable sites available. if we assume that the cliff ruins were farming outlooks, occupied only during the farming season, and then only for a few days or weeks at a time, the character of the sites occupied by them, seems natural enough, for the same sites are used by the navaho today in connection with farming operations. the distribution of kivas in the ruins of de chelly affords another indication that the occupancy of that region was quiet and little disturbed, and that the ruins were in no sense defensive structures. kivas are found only in permanent settlements, and the presence of two or three of them in a small settlement comprising a total of five or six rooms implies, first, that the little village was the home of two or more families, and, second, that there was comparative if not entire immunity from hostile incursions. if the conditions were otherwise, these small settlements would have combined into larger ones, as was done in other regions. probably these small settlements with several kivas mark a late period in the use of outlying sites. the position of the kivas in some of the settlements on defensive sites, and their arrangement across the front of the cove, suggest that such sites were first used for outlooks, and that their occupancy by regular villages came at a later period. all of the now available traditions of the navaho and of the hopi indians support the conclusions reached from a study of the intrinsic evidence of the ruins, that they represent a comparatively late period in the history of pueblo architecture. it appears that some at least of the ruins are of hopi origin. it is certain that the ruins were not occupied at one time, nor by one tribe or band. as criteria in development or in time the cliff ruins are valueless, except in a certain restricted way. they represent simply a phase of pueblo life, due more to the geological character of the region occupied than to extraordinary conditions, and they pertain partly to the old villages, partly to the more modern. apparently they reached their greatest (not their highest) development in the period immediately preceding the last well-defined stage in the growth of pueblo architecture, a stage in which most of the pueblos were at the time of their discovery by the spaniards, and in which some of them are now. reliance for defense was had on the site occupied, and outlying settlements for horticultural purposes were very numerous, as they must necessarily be also in the last stage--the aggregation of many related villages into one great cluster. the cliff outlooks in canyon de chelly and in other regions, the cavate lodges of new mexico and arizona, the "watch towers" of the san juan and of the zuñi country, the summer villages attached to many of the pueblos, the single-room remains found everywhere, even the brush shelters or "kisis" of tusayan, are all functionally analogous, and all are the outgrowth of certain industrial requirements, which were essentially the same throughout the pueblo country, but whose product was modified by geological and topographical conditions. in the cliff ruins of de chelly we have an interesting and most instructive example of the influence of a peculiar and sometimes adverse environment on a primitive people, who entered the region with preconceived and, as it were, fully developed ideas of house construction, and who left it before those ideas were brought fully in accord with the environment, but not before they were influenced by it. index [transcriber's note: the term "cliff dwellings" does not occur as an index entry. the cross-references are probably an error for "cliff ruins."] access to cliff villages , , acoma, structural development of adobe blocks not aboriginal -- construction in pueblo region -- walls in casa blanca , , age of ruin determined by plastering agriculture of the navaho architecture of cliff ruins --, pueblo, character of --, pueblo, development of , arizona, cliff ruins of canyon de chelly - --, _see_ cliff dwellings. army of the west, conquest by aztecs, cliff ruins attributed to bancroft, h. h., cliff ruins described by bandelier, a. f., on classification of pueblo ruins bat trail in canyon de chelly beadle, j. h., canyon de chelly visited by --, quoted on canyon de chelly bench around cliff kivas , , , , -- in cliff outlook bench-like recess in cliff kiva bickford, f. t., cliff ruins described by birdsall, w. r., cliff ruins described by , bottom lands, home villages on bowlders used in cliff-dwelling masonry , burial cists in casa blanca -- in cliff ruins discussed --, _see_ cists; navaho. buttress in casa blanca , -- in cliff ruins , , -- in kivas canyon de chelly, accessibility of --, memoir on cliff ruins of - --, location of --, _see_ cliff dwellings. canyon del muerto, location of --, ruins in, described casa blanca, a name of two cliff dwellings -- described - -- described by simpson --, jacal construction in --, notched doorway in casas grandes, resemblance of, to gila river remains cave ruins, classification of -- village in canyon de chelly ceremonial chamber, _see_ kiva. chaco and old-world ruins compared chapin, f. h., cliff ruins visited by -- on openings in mancos ruins -- on kiva decoration chelly, origin of name of --, _see_ canyon de chelly. chimney-like structures discussed - -- in casa blanca -- in cliff kiva , -- in cliff outlook -- in cliff ruins -- in mummy cave ruin , , chinking of cliff-dwelling masonry , , , , , , , , , , , , , chin lee valley, ruins in cist, burial, excavation of --, burial, in cliff ruins , --, _see_ burial cist; navajo; storage cist. clans, localization of, in pueblos classification of canyon ruins , -- of pueblo ruins , cliff ruins, classification of climate of cliff ruin region constructive expedients in cliff dwelling corn cultivated by the navaho cups pecked in rock cushing, f. h. --, on ceremonial fire --, on ceremonial renewal of kivas --, on cliff ruins --, on marking of kiva hatchway decoration of cliff house walls , , , , , , - defense, absence of motive for, in cliff ruins , , , , , , --, home villages located for --, loopholes an evidence of --, expedients for, in cliff dwellings defensive sites, to what attributed development of cliff dwellings -- of pueblo architecture distribution of cliff ruins in de chelly - --, _see_ classification. domenech, _abbe_ em., reference by, to casa blanca doorways in cliff dwellings , , , , , , , --, notched, in cliff dwellings , -- partially closed --, _see_ openings. drain in casa blanca dutton, c. e., cliff-ruin region described by Én-a-tsé-gi, navaho name of canyon de chelly environment, village sites influenced by farming shelters discussed farming villages, cliff ruins classed as -- of the pueblos fireplace, _see_ chimney-like structure. floors of cliff dwellings discussed , foot-holes, access to cliff houses by means of , , , , geography of cliff-ruin region geology of cliff-ruin region , granary structure in cliff ruin --, _see_ cist. hardacre, e. c., on ruins in canyon de chelly holmes, w. h., cliff ruins described by --, on chimney-like structures hopi origin of certain cliff ruins -- tradition regarding cliff ruins --, _see_ tusayan. jacal construction in casa blanca -- construction in pueblo region jackson, w. h., cliff ruins described by , keam, t. v., burial cist excavated by kern, e. h., casa blanca sketched by kini-na-e-kai, navaho name of casa blanca kisi and cliff dwelling analogous -- or brush shelter kivas, absence of, in farming villages --, distribution of, in cliff ruins --, function of --, how entered --, how-plastered -- in cliff ruins , , , , , , , , , , , , , - -- in mummy cave ruin -- in pakashi-izini ruin -- in tse-on-i-tso-si canyon -- of casa blanca described -- of unusual size --, origin of --, prevalence of, in pueblo ruins lintels of cliff-ruin openings , , , loopholes in cliff houses mancos canyon, cliff ruins in masonry deteriorated by plastering -- of cliff houses , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , --, rude, in cliff houses , --, _see_ chinking; mortar; walls. matthews, washington, on navaho traditions regarding cliff ruins mesa verde, cliff ruins of moen-kapi, a hopi summer village , monument canyon, location of moran, thomas, canyon de chelly ruins visited by mortar, character of, in cliff house , , --, source of, in cliff-house building --, _see_ masonry; plastering. mummy cave ruin, benches and buttresses in -- described , --, kiva in navaho, agriculture of the --, building material from cliff dwellings used by -- burials in cliff villages , , , , , , , , , , , , , - , -- burials, _see_ cists. --, cliff ruins utilized by , , --, expedition against the -- granaries in cliff ruins -- house sites in canyon de chelly -- houses, sites of --, peaches cultivated by the -- structures in cliff dwellings -- tradition of cliff dwellings , -- trails in canyon de chelly -- walls in cliff outlooks new mexico, _see_ cliff dwellings. niches in kiva walls nordenskiöld, g., cliff ruins classified by --, cliff ruins described by --, on an oval kiva --, on chimney-like structures , --, on kiva decoration --, on mesa verde masonry --, on openings in mancos ruins nutria, a zuñi summer village , ojo caliente, a zuñi summer village , --, masonry of openings, absence of, in cliff houses -- in casa blanca walls -- in cliff kivas , , -- in cliff-dwelling walls - , , -- in mummy cave ruin walls o'sullivan, t. h., casa blanca photographed by outlooks on restricted areas -- or farming shelters discussed oven-like structure in cliff ruin ovens not an aboriginal feature pakashi-izini ruin in del muerto passageway in casa blanca -- in cliff dwelling peaches, groves of, in canyon de chelly -- introduced by spaniards pescado, a zuñi summer village , petroglyphs in cliff villages pictographs in cliff ruins , , , , , , , , - plastering, effect of, on stonework -- of cliff ruin-walls , , , , , , , , -- of kiva walls , platforms of masonry connected with cliff ruins population of casa blanca -- of cliff dwellings , , -- of pakashi-izini ruin pottery fragments iu casa blanca pueblo ruins classified --, _see_ cliff dwellings. putnam, f. w., cliff ruins described by reservoir structure connected with cliff village roof construction of casa blanca , roofs of cliff dwellings discussed , rooms, character of, in cliff dwellings , ruins, pueblo, classified --, _see_ cliff dwellings; pueblo. sandstorms in canyon de chelly sheep introduced by spaniards simpson, j. h., casa blanca visited by --, on navaho expedition sites, inaccessible, of cliff houses , , , , , -- of pueblos, how determined spanish influence in cliff-dwelling masonry -- monks in canyon de chelly --, sheep introduced by stephen, a. m., on hopi tradition of cliff ruins steps, absence of, in cliff villages stevenson, james, canyon de chelly visited by storage cists in cliff ruins discussed , -- rooms in cliff village , --, _see_ cist; granary. streams in the cliff-ruin region summer villages of pueblos , symbolism, water, in pueblo pictography taboo of cliff-ruin timber by navaho taos, a many-storied pueblo --, circular kivas at timber, source of, of the hopi -- used in cliff-dwelling construction , , , , , , , , traditions regarding cliff dwellings - trails in canyon de chelly tse-gi, navaho name of canyon de chelly , tse-i-ya-kin, navaho name of mummy cave ruin tse-on-i-tso-si canyon, location of --, ruin in tunicha mountains, reference to , tusayan, masonry at --, migration to, of tewas -- villages, location of, when discovered vegetation of cliff-ruin region walls, finish of, in cliff ruins , , , --, retaining, in canyon de chelly walpi, former location of washington, col., navaho expedition under watch towers and cliff dwellings analogous -- of pueblos water -- supply of canyon de chelly , wheeler survey, archeological work under white house, _see_ casa blanca. whitewash used in casa blanca -- used in mummy cave ruin -- used on cliff houses window opening in cliff outlook --, _see_ opening. yarrow, h. c., on kivas at taos zuñi, a many-storied pueblo --, character of masonry of --, farming villages of , * * * * * errors and anomalies bowlder _standard spelling for this publication_ among others figures one entitled ... _wording unchanged: "other figures" or omit "figures"_ the interstices were / chinked with spawls pretty well chinked with small spawls _spelling in original: more often "spalls"_ numerous expedients were resorted to to prevent _duplication "to to" not an error_ the mesa verdé country _"é" in original_ over twenty ago mr w. h. holmes found _missing word in original: probably "years"_ smithsonian institution----bureau of ethnology. pottery of the ancient pueblos. by william h. holmes. contents. page. introductory pueblo art distribution character treatment the ceramic art age material tempering construction surface finish firing glaze hardness color form origin of forms handles ornament origin of ornament use classification coil-made ware coiling coiling of the pueblos coiling of other peoples origin of the coil the coil in ornamentation other varieties of ornament material color, etc. form use illustrations of vessels district of the rio san juan district of the rio virgen district of the little colorado pecos and the rio grande district of the rio gila imitation coiled ware plain ware painted ware preliminary remarks color of designs execution stages of ornament classification of ware white ware classification by forms bowls ollas bottles handled vessels eccentric and life forms illustrations district of the rio virgen bowls ollas handled vessels district of the rio san juan bowls handled cups ollas handled vases district of the colorado chiquito bowls ollas bottles handled vessels eccentric and life forms concluding remarks illustrations. fig. .--origin of forms .--origin of forms .--origin of forms .--origin of forms .--origin of forms .--origin of handles .--origin of handles .--beginning of the coil .--section of coil-made vessel .--ordinary superposition of coils .--coiled and plain surface .--rib-like coil .--rib-like coil .--indented pattern .--thumb-nail indentation .--wave-like indentation .--wave-like indentation .--impressions of finger tips .--implement indentations .--nail markings .--incised lines .--incised pattern .--applied fillet .--examples of relief ornaments .--examples of relief ornaments .--examples of relief ornaments .--examples of relief ornaments .--examples of relief ornaments .--examples of relief ornaments .--vase from a cliff house, mancos cañon .--vase from epsom creek .--vase from tumulus at saint george .--vase from tumulus at saint george .--vase from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--vase from parowan, utah .--cup from central utah .--vase from zuñi .--vase from zuñi .--mug from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vessel from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--bowl from cibola .--bottle from tumulus at saint george .--vase from tumulus at saint george .--vase from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--painted design .--bowl from kanab, utah .--painted design .--bowl from kanab, utah .--painted design .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--painted design .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from tumulus at saint george .--pitcher from tumulus at saint george .--bowl from montezuma cañon .--bowl from san juan valley .--bowl from san juan valley .--bowl from san juan valley .--painted design .--handled cup from montezuma cañon .--handled cup from montezuma cañon .--vase from san juan valley .--vase from san juan valley .--vase lid from san juan valley .--vase lid from san juan valley .--handled bottle from san juan valley .--handled bottle from san juan valley .--handled mug from san juan valley .--handled mug from san juan valley .--handled mug from san juan valley .--handled mug from southern utah .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--painted design .--bowl from tusayan .--painted design .--handled bowl from tusayan .--painted design .--original form of painted design .--handled cup from tusayan .--handled cup from tusayan .--dipper from tusayan .--dipper from tusayan .--figure of bird .--dipper from tusayan .--painted design .--painted design .--unit of the design .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--painted design .--bowl from tusayan .--bowl from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--painted design .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--painted design .--unit of the design .--vase from tusayan .--painted design .--unit of the design .--vase from tusayan .--painted design .--unit of the design .--vase from tusayan .--vase from cibola .--vase from cibola .--painted design .--painted design .--vase from tusayan .--handled vase from tusayan .--painted design .--handled mug from tusayan .--painted design .--vase from tusayan .--painted design .--handled cup from cibola .--painted ornament .--painted ornament .--painted ornament .--painted ornament .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--bottle from tusayan .--bottle from tusayan .--bottle from tusayan .--vase from eastern arizona .--vase from eastern arizona .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from tusayan .--vase from cibola .--vase from arizona .--bird-shaped cup from tusayan pottery of the ancient pueblos. by william h. holmes. introductory. a study of the pottery of the ancient pueblo peoples is here commenced in accordance with plans formed years ago by the director of the bureau of ethnology. his aim was to present to the world a monographic work upon the splendid material obtained by the bureau, including with it the important collections made previously by himself. the preparation of this work has been postponed from time to time with the view of completing the collections, which were being enriched by annual visits to the pueblo country. meantime i began the study of the collection for the purpose of securing at the start a satisfactory classification of the material on hand. the present paper is the first result of that study. i have, however, taken up only the more ancient groups of ware, leaving the rest for subsequent papers. a comparative study is not attempted, for the reason that a detailed examination of all the groups to be considered is absolutely essential to satisfactory results. conclusions drawn from partial observations lead generally to error. there were great difficulties in the way of treating satisfactorily the modern varieties of ware, as no one had sufficient familiarity with the language of the pueblo tribes to discuss the ideographic phases of the ornamentation. mr. f. h. cushing's studies bid fair to supply this want, and his recent return from zuñi has led to the preparation of the valuable paper presented in this volume. mr. james stevenson, who has procured a large portion of the collection of modern pottery, has published catalogues with copious illustrations. most of the cuts have been prepared under my supervision, and have been selected with the view of securing engravings of a full series of typical examples for a final work. pueblo art. distribution.--the ancient pueblo peoples dwelt in a land of cañons and high plateaus. they had their greatest development in the valley of the rio colorado, where they delighted to haunt the shadows of the deepest gorges and build their dwellings along the loftiest cliffs. the limits of their territory are still in a measure undefined. we discover remnants of their arts in the neighboring valleys of great salt lake, the arkansas, and the rio grande, and southward we can trace them beyond the rio gila into the table-lands of chihuahua and sonora. thus outlined, we have an area of more than one hundred thousand square miles, which has at times more or less remote been occupied by tribes of town-building and pottery-making indians. character.--high and desert-like as this land is, it has borne a noble part in fostering and maturing a culture of its own--a culture born of unusual needs, shaped by exceptional environment, and limited by the capacities of a peculiar people. cliff houses and cavate dwellings are not new to architecture, and pottery resembling the pueblo ware in many respects may be found wherever man has developed a corresponding degree of technical skill; yet there is an individuality in these pueblo remains that separates them distinctly from all others and lends a keen pleasure to their investigation. treatment.--the study of prehistoric art leads inevitably to inquiries into the origin of races. solutions of these questions have generally been sought through migrations, and these have been traced in a great measure by analogies in archæologic remains; but in such investigation one important factor has been overlooked, namely, the laws that govern migrations of races do not regulate the distribution of arts. the pathways do not correspond, but very often conflict. the arts migrate in ways of their own. they pass from place to place and from people to people by a process of acculturation, so that peoples of unlike origin practice like arts, while those of like origin are found practicing unlike arts. the threads of the story are thus so entangled that we find it impossible to trace them backward to their beginnings. for the present, therefore, i do not propose to study the arts of this province with the expectation that they will furnish a key to the origin of the peoples, or to the birthplace of their arts, but i shall treat them with reference rather to their bearing upon the processes by which culture has been achieved and the stages through which it has passed, keeping always in mind that a first requisite in this work is a systematic and detailed study of the material to be employed. the ceramic art. age.--the ceramic art of the ancient pueblos is practically a unit. we find in its remains few indications of distinct periods. there is nothing to carry us back to a remote past. the oldest specimens known are nearly as high in the scale as the latest. in the deposits of caves and burial-grounds we find, so far, nothing more archaic than in the ruins of once populous villages and beneath the fallen walls of hewnstone cliff houses. in methods of manufacture and in styles of ornamentation there is no specific distinction. once introduced, there is much in the character of the country to develop this art. the people were sedentary, and thus able to practice the art continuously for a long period; and in a country so arid there was often great need of vessels suitable for the transportation and storage of water. material.--nature was lavish in her supply of the material needed. suitable clay could be found in nearly every valley, both in the well-exposed strata and in the sediment of streams. i have noticed that after the passage of a sudden storm over the mesa country, and the rapid disappearance of the transient flood, the pools of the arroyos would retain a sediment of clay two or three inches thick, having a consistency perfectly suited to the hand of the potter. this i have taken without tempering and have made imitations of the handsome vases whose remnants i could pick up on all sides. in drying and burning, these vessels were liable to crack and fall to pieces; but i see no reason why, with the use of proper tempering materials, this natural paste might not be successfully employed. it would not be difficult, however, to find the native clay among the sedimentary formations of this district. usually the clay has been very fine grained, and when used without coarse tempering the vessels have an extremely even and often a conchoidal fracture. tempering.--the materials used in tempering do not often come into notice. it appears that, in a majority of cases, fine sand, probably derived from naturally disintegrated rocks, was employed. a large percentage of rather coarse sand is found in the more roughly finished coil-made ware, but vessels intended for smooth finish have little perceptible tempering material. the speckled appearance of some of the abraded surfaces suggests the use of pulverized potsherds, a practice frequently resorted to by the modern tribes. in some localities, notably in the south, we find a slight admixture of mica, which may have come from the use of pulverized micaceous rock. construction.--no one can say just how the materials were manipulated, fashioned into vessels, and baked; yet many facts can be gleaned from a critical examination of the vessels themselves; and an approximate idea of the various processes employed may be formed by a study of the methods of modern potters of the same region or of corresponding grades of culture. it is evident that the vessels were built and finished by the hands alone; no wheel was used, although supports, such as shallow earthen vessels, baskets, and gourds were certainly employed to a considerable extent. primitive processes of building have varied considerably. the simplest method perhaps was that of shaping a single mass of clay by pressure with the fingers, either with or without the assistance of a mold or support. the mold would be useful in shaping shallow vessels, such as plates, cups, and bowls. the walls of vessels of eccentric forms or having constricted apertures would be carried upward by the addition of small more or less elongated masses of clay, with no support but the hand or an implement held in the hand. casting proper, in regularly constructed molds, was practiced only by the more cultured races, such as the peruvians. a variety of methods may have been employed in the construction of a single piece. surface finish.--a great deal of attention was given to surface finish. in the coiled ware the imbricate edges of the fillets were generally either smoothed down and obliterated entirely, or treated in such a way as to give a variety of pleasing effects of relief decoration. vessels with smooth surfaces, whether built by coiling, modeling, or molding, very often received a thin coat of fine liquid clay, probably after partial drying and polishing. this took the place of the enamels used by more accomplished potters, and being usually white, it gave a beautiful surface upon which to execute designs in color. before the color was applied the surface received a considerable degree of polish by rubbing with a suitable implement of stone or other material. attention was given chiefly to surfaces exposed to view--the interior of bowls and the exterior of narrow-necked vases. firing.--the firing of the ancient ware seems to have been carefully and successfully accomplished. the methods probably did not differ greatly from those practiced by the modern pueblo tribes. the ware is, as a rule, light in color, but is generally much clouded by the dark spots that result from imperfections in the methods of applying the fire. the heat was rarely great enough to produce anything like vitrifaction of the surface, and the paste is seldom as hard as our stone ware. glaze.--a great deal has been said about the glaze of native american wares, which exists, if at all, through accident. the surface of the white ware of nearly all sections received a high degree of mechanical polish, and the effect of firing was often to heighten this and give at times a slightly translucent effect; a result of the spreading or sinking of the coloring matter of the designs. hardness.--the paste exposed in fractured edges can be scratched with a steel point, and often with ease. some of the white pottery of ancient tusayan can be carved almost as readily as chalk or sun-dried clay. at the same time all localities furnish occasionally specimens that through the accidents of firing have the ring and hardness of stoneware. the ancient pottery is generally superior in hardness to that produced by the historic tribes. color.--this pottery presents a pleasing variety of color, although the light grays prevail, especially in the more archaic varieties. the general color probably depended greatly upon the natural constituents of the clay and the degree of heat applied, and these conditions varied with the locality and the people. reds and browns result from the presence of iron, which may have been oxidized in burning, or the red oxides may have been used in rare cases as coloring matter in kneading the clay. the surface is often lighter than the mass; a condition probably resulting from the presence of vegetable matter in the clay, which is destroyed on the surface and remains unchanged within. in the south the colors of the paste are often slightly reddish or yellowish in hue. it is notable that a small percentage of the ware of all localities is red. this gives rise to the suggestion that vessels of this color probably had some especial or sacred use. color is known to have an intimate connection with superstitious observances among many barbarian peoples. form.--in form the ancient ware is universally simple and pleasing. many shapes known to both civilized and barbarian art are absent. high-necked bottles and shallow plates are of rare occurrence, and pitchers, canteens or lenticular bottles, and vessels with legs and stands are unknown. there is a notable dearth of life forms, a circumstance that would seem to indicate the rather tardy development of a taste for modeling--a condition which may have resulted from the comparatively recent origin or introduction of art in clay. vessels with full globular bodies prevail. the bottoms are generally round or a little pointed, indicating primitive conditions of life and suggesting great simplicity in methods of manufacture and in the models copied. _origin of forms._--there can be no doubt that ceramic forms are to a great extent derivative, and the search for their originals will constitute a most important feature in our studies. turning to nature for possible originals, we find them liberally supplied by both the animal and the vegetable kingdom. the shells of the sea shore were probably among the first receptacles for food and drink. we have examples of pottery from the mounds in the mississippi valley, representing three or four distinct varieties of shells. the shells of turtles and the horns of cattle and other animals have also served as models. [illustration: fig. .--origin of forms.] [illustration: fig. .--origin of forms.] the vegetable world furnishes many originals; the gourd, for example, was utilized at a very early date. its forms are greatly varied, and must have given rise to many primitive shapes of vessels in clay, and perhaps in wicker-work and wood. one of the ordinary forms cut off midway would suggest the series of bowls outlined in fig. . simply perforated it would give rise to the series illustrated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--origin of forms.] [illustration: fig. .--origin of forms.] [illustration: fig. .--origin of forms.] wide-mouthed vases would be suggested as indicated in fig. , bottles as shown in fig. , and eccentric forms as seen in fig. . these particular examples are presented in illustration of the manner in which forms may be derived and nothing more, as there are many possible origins of the same forms. in a separate paper i have amplified this topic, and have discussed the relative importance of the influence of natural and artificial products upon the conformation of utensils of clay. handles.--in searching for the first suggestions of handles we must certainly go back to the very beginnings of art, when men and women employed leaves or vines to carry their children or their food, or to suspend them for safety from the trees of the forest. the art of basketry would naturally fall heir to this use of handles. clay, bronze, and iron, when they came into use, would also inherit some of the forms thus developed. there are, however, other sources of equal importance, among which are animal forms, such as horns, and various forms of vegetable growth, such as the gourd. the latter may again serve as an illustration. by cutting the body of the gourd longitudinally at one side of the axis, we have dippers with straight or curved necks or handles. the primitive potter would in like manner have the suggestion of a handled vessel in clay, which, carried forward by the ever active spirit of improvement, would in time give us the series shown in figs. and : [illustration: fig. .--origin of handles.] [illustration: fig. .--origin and development of handles] ornament.--the shapes of vessels are, in a measure, ornamental, but it is difficult to say just how much the necessary or functional characters of particular forms have given way to decorative modifications. pure ornament is a feature not essential to the vessel. its ideas may be expressed by three principal methods: by relieved, by flat, and by intaglio figures. relief ornament was not extensively employed by the ancient pueblos. the forms are few and simple, and nearly all are traceable to constructional or to functional features. thus the ornamental crenulated surface of the coiled ware is constructional, consisting as it does of ridges, resulting from the method of building. the knobs, isolated coils, and festooned fillets are probably, in some cases, atrophied forms of handles. intaglio decoration is still more rare. it consists of incised, impressed, and punctured figures. no designs of importance are produced by this method, the most notable being the simple patterns traced by the finger or a sharp implement upon the relieved edges of fillets in the coiled ware. with these people, the highest class of decoration consisted of designs in color. this topic is fully discussed in a subsequent section. _origin of ornament._--it is probable that before pottery came into use the decorative art had been cultivated in other fields, and we shall need to look both to nature and to antecedent arts for the originals of many decorative ideas. from a remote period man has been able to appreciate beauty. the first exercise of taste would probably be in the direction of personal adornment, and would consist in the choice of colors or articles thought to enhance attractiveness, or in the grouping and modification of objects at first functional in character. later, taste would be exercised on a variety of subjects, and finally it would extend to all things in use. man may have recognized the comeliness of the first simple articles employed in his humble arts, but when he came to attempt the multiplication of these articles artificially, utility was probably the only thought. in reproducing them, however, non-essential features would be copied automatically, and the work of art would through this accident inherit purely ornamental attributes. thus it appears that the first ideas of decoration do not necessarily originate in the mind of the potter, but that, like the shapes of art products, they may be derived, unconsciously, from nature. this is an important consideration. at a later stage new forms of ornament are derived in a like manner from constructional features of the various arts. invention of decorative motives is not to be expected of a primitive, tradition-following people. advance is greatly by utilization of accidents. use.--a satisfactory classification of this pottery by functional characters will be most difficult to make. in the early stages of its manufacture it was confined chiefly, if not solely, to the alimentary arts. a differentiation of use would take place when certain vessels were set aside for special departments of the domestic work. thus we would have vessels for eating, for cooking, for carrying, and for storage. when vessels came to be used in superstitious exercises, certain forms were probably set aside for especial ceremonies. with some peoples, particular forms were dedicated to mortuary uses, but we have no clew to any such custom among the ancient pueblos, as the same vessel served for food both before and after death, and cinerary vessels were not called for. certain classes of the ruder and plainer ware are found to be blackened by smoke. these were evidently cooking vessels. the painted pottery rarely shows evidences of such use. bowls were probably employed chiefly in preparing and serving food. the larger vessels were devoted to carrying and storing water, fruits, grains, and miscellaneous articles. smaller vessels were used as receptacles for paint, grease, and the like. the ancient people had not yet devoted their ceramic art to trivial uses--there are no toys, no rattles, and no grotesque figures. classification.--in treating a subject covering so wide a field, and embracing such a diversity of products, a careful classification of the material is called for. three grand divisions of the ceramic work of this province may be made on a time basis, namely: prehistoric, transitional, and modern. at present i have to deal chiefly with the prehistoric, but must also pay some attention to the transitional, as it embraces many features common both to the archaic and to the modern art. in discussing the prehistoric pottery i find it convenient to consider it under the three heads, coiled ware, plain ware, and painted ware. this classification is unsatisfactory, as it is based upon somewhat imperfectly differentiated characters. the smooth vessel is in many cases a coil-built one with obliterated coils, and a painted vessel a smooth one with the addition of designs in color. very little of the pottery was left plain, but the coiled and painted varieties are fully represented in every locality. i place the coiled ware first because to all appearances it is the most archaic variety and one which is rarely made at the present day. i suspect that the pieces made by modern potters serve to supply the wants of the collectors rather than to meet the requirements of traditional art. among the collections in the national museum are found many crude attempts to manufacture this ware by potters who did not comprehend the secrets of its construction, or who thought to produce the coiled effect by the cheap device of scarifying and indenting the surface of a plain vessel. close relations are established between the coiled and the painted pottery, not only by the identity of materials, form, color, and time, but by the union of the two methods of finishing, the coiling and painting, in one and the same vessel, as may be seen in the examples given in in the following pages. coil-made ware. coiling.--the art of building vessels by means of coils of clay has been practiced by many widely separated communities, and is, therefore, certainly not peculiar to the ancient pueblos. a careful study of the ceramic field shows considerable diversity in the treatment of the coil. the most striking variation, the employment of the coil as a means of embellishment, is, so far as my observation extends, peculiar to the pueblo peoples. with others it is a feature of construction simply. the preliminary steps are with all primitive potters in a general sense the same. the first care is to secure suitable clay and to have it properly purified and tempered. after this the treatment varies greatly. _coiling of the pueblos._--the ancient pueblo potter rolled out long, slender fillets or ropes of clay, varying in width and thickness to suit the size and character of the vessel to be constructed. they were usually perhaps from one-fourth to one-half of an inch in thickness. when they were properly trimmed and smoothed the potter began by taking the end of a single strip between his fingers and proceeded to coil it upon itself, gradually forming a disk, as shown in fig. , which represents the base of a large vase from the san juan valley. [illustration: fig. .--beginning of the coil.] [illustration: fig. .--section of coil-made vessel.] at first the fillets overlapped only a little, but as the disk grew large and was rounded upward to form the body of the vessel, the imbrication became more pronounced. the fillet was placed obliquely, as shown in the section, fig. , and was exposed on the exterior side to probably one-half of its width. strip after strip of clay was added, the ends being carefully joined, so that the continuity might not be broken until the vessel was completed. the rim generally consisted of a broad strip, thickened a little at the lip, and somewhat recurved. the exterior imbricate edges were carefully preserved, while those on the inner surface were totally obliterated, first by pressure, and finally by smoothing down with an implement, or with the fingers, imprints of the latter being frequently visible. so thoroughly were the fillets pressed down and welded together that the vessels seldom fracture more readily along the lines of junction than in other directions. the fact that the spiral ridges of the bottom are frequently without abrasion, as shown in fig. , suggests an idea in regard to the manipulation of the coil. while building the upper part of the vase the base would necessarily rest upon some sort of support and the soft ridges would suffer from abrasion. in preventing such defacement, an interior support, such as a mold or the base of another vessel, must have been used, in which case the vessel was necessarily built in an inverted position. at the same time it is clear that this would be practicable only with bowls or with very wide-mouthed vessels, as the mold, if rigid, could not be removed through a restricted aperture. in pressing the coil down, in welding it to the preceding turn, internal support would be necessary, as otherwise the strain would warp the walls. a curved trowel or a rounded pebble could be used as long as the aperture would admit the hand, but no support excepting the fingers, or an implement shaped for the purpose, could be used beyond this stage. the whole process was a most delicate one, requiring patience and skill. in this respect it contrasted strongly with the coiling of other peoples. as indicated by numerous specimens, the coil was sometimes laid on the inside of a shallow basket or bowl, the surface of the vessel showing a combination of basket-markings and nearly obliterated spiral creases. this device served a good purpose in starting the vessel, the upper part being completed by free-hand coiling. _coiling of other peoples._--the art, as practiced by the indians of louisiana, is graphically described by dumont. the following paragraph is translated from his work: "moreover, the industry of these (savage) girls and women is admirable. i have already alluded to the skill with which, with their fingers only, and without a wheel, they make large pieces of pottery. the following is their method of work: after having collected a quantity of the proper kind of earth, and having cleaned it thoroughly, they take shells which they break up and reduce to a very fine, loose powder; they mix this fine dust with the earth which they have collected, and, moistening the whole with a little water, work it with their hands and feet into a paste, from which they make rolls six or seven feet long and as thick as they may desire. if they wish to make a dish or a vase, they take one of these rolls by the end, and marking on this lump with the thumb of the left hand the center of the vessel, they turn the roll around this center with admirable rapidity and dexterity, describing a spiral. from time to time they dip their fingers into the water, which they are always careful to have near them, and, with the right hand, they flatten the inside and the outside of the vase, which without this would be uneven. in this way they make all kinds of earthen utensils, dishes, plates, bowls, pots, and jugs, some of which hold as much as or even pints. this pottery does not require much preparation for baking. after having dried it in the shade, they make a large fire, and as soon as they think they have enough embers they clean a place in the middle, and, arranging the pieces of pottery, cover them with charcoal. it is thus that the pieces are given the necessary heating (cooking), after which they are as strong as our pottery. there is no doubt but that we must attribute their strength to the mixture which these women make of powdered shells with the earth which they employ."[ ] professor c. f. hartt has furnished many facts in regard to the manufacture of pottery by the brazilian indians. according to his account the women of santarem model the bottom of a vessel from a lump of clay in the usual way. then "a piece of clay is rolled under the hand into a long, rope-like cylinder. this rope is then coiled around the edge of the bottom of the vessel, being flattened sidewise by pinching with the fingers of the left hand, and caused to adhere to the bottom. on this, coil after coil is laid in like manner, each being flattened as before. after a few have been added they are worked into shape with the fingers, which are occasionally moistened in water, and the irregularities produced by the coils are caused to disappear. the vessel is formed by the hand alone and the surface is smoothed down by means of a bit of gourd or a shell, which is from time to time dipped in water. if the vessel be large it is now set away in the shade for a while to dry a little, after which new coils are added as above, no other instrument being used except the hands and the gourd or shell, with which alone the vessel may receive not only an extremely regular form, but also a very smooth surface. * * * the coils are so worked together that from a simple inspection of the vessel it is impossible to determine how it was built up. i should never have suspected that the pottery of pacoval had been made by coiling, were it not that i found the coils still ununited on the inner surface of the heads of idols."[ ] prof. hartt states, also, on the authority of dr. de magalhaes, that the pottery of the several tribes of the araquaya river is always made by coiling, the surface being worked down by the hand and water and the aid of a spoon-like trowel made of bamboo. humboldt makes a similar statement in regard to the tribes of the orinoco. mr. e. a. barber[ ] relates, on the authority of captain john moss, a resident, for a long time, of southwestern colorado, that the ute indians manufacture pottery at the present time, and that they probably follow the methods of the mokis, from whom they learned the art. [ ] mémoires sur la louisiane. butel-dumont. vol. ii, pp. - . paris, . [ ] hartt: american naturalist, february, , pp. - . [ ] barber: american naturalist, vol. x, p. . captain moss states that "they use marl, which they grind between two rocks to a very fine powder. they then mix this with water and knead it as we would dough. afterwards they roll it out into a rope-like state about one inch in diameter and several yards in length. they then commence at the bottom of the jar, or whatever vessel they may be making, and coil the clay-rope layer on layer until they have the bottom and three inches of the sides laid up. the tools for smoothing and joining the layers together are a paddle made out of wood and perfectly smooth, and an oval-shaped polished stone." both of these tools are dipped in the water (salt water is preferred), the stone is held in the left hand and on the inside of the vessel, and the paddle is applied vigorously until the surfaces are smooth. the method thus described by these authors was, probably, almost universally practiced. [illustration: fig. .--ordinary superposition of coils. section.] i have specimens from a number of the eastern and southern states that fracture along the line of junction, showing clearly the width of the fillets and the manner of their attachment. i picked up a small specimen at avoca, north carolina, which has broken along the line of junction, giving the section illustrated in fig. . it will be seen that there is no overlapping as in the pueblo work, the attachment being accomplished by pressure and by drawing both edges of the coil down over the convex edge of the preceding coil. i have similar specimens from the modern pueblos, from florida, from mexico, and from brazil. it will readily be seen that this method of building differs essentially from that practiced so successfully by the ancient pueblos. origin of the coil.--this use of the coil is but a refinement of the most simple possible method of construction, that of building by the addition of small masses of clay. a disk or shallow cup can be formed successfully by the fingers alone from a single lump of clay, but to carry the wall upward by pressure or by blows from a paddle would result in a weak, frayed edge. to counteract or prevent this tendency small elongated masses are used, which are laid one upon another along the growing margin. from this, in the most natural manner possible, we arrive at the use of the long, even rope or fillet. the imbrication or overlapping of the coil practiced by the pueblos may have originated in the effort to secure a more stable union of the parts which had to be welded together by pressure. it would also almost necessarily arise from the attempt to lay the coil upon or within a mold or support. there is a possibility that it may have been suggested by features of construction observed in other arts--the overlapping parts of a roof, of a plate or scale garment, or of a coiled basket. the latter is especially suggestive, since we must generally look for the origin of features of the ceramic art in the features of closely associated arts. the coil in ornamentation.--ordinarily the coil has not been expected to contribute to the beauty of the vessel, but the pueblo tribes made it a prominent feature in decoration. the primitive potter as he laid his rude coils noticed that the ridges thus produced served to enhance the appearance of the vessel. he also observed that the series of indentations left on the outer surface of the fillet in pressing it down gave a pleasing effect, and made use of the suggestion. improving upon the accidents of manufacture, he worked out a variety of decorative devices. in some cases the coiled ridges are confined to particular parts of the vessel, the other parts having been worked down or originally constructed by plain modeling. numerous examples have the body quite plain, the collar alone retaining the spiral ridges of the coil. fig. illustrates a very good example of this peculiarity. [illustration: fig. .--coiled and plain surface. section.] the fragment shown in fig. is from the neck of a pot-shaped vase. the surface has been plain below and the fillets of the upper part have been pressed down evenly with the thumb, leaving the extreme edge of the overlapping band in sharp relief, as shown more clearly in the section. the whole coil is sometimes left plain, as in figs. and , in which cases the edges have been carefully pressed down and smoothed with the fingers. [illustration: fig. .--rib-like coil. section.] [illustration: fig. .--rib-like coil. section.] a great variety of devices were resorted to to diversify and decorate the ribbed spirals, and in this the innate good taste of the indian exhibits itself to much advantage. the coil is often indented or crimped throughout, from the center of the bottom to the rim of the vessel. at times a few turns at the beginning are left plain, as shown in fig. , while again alternate bands, consisting of several turns each, are not crimped, as clearly brought out by an example from southern utah, illustrated in the art review for july, , by f. w. putnam, and also by two fine specimens recently collected by e. w. nelson near springerville, arizona. the decided taste of this ancient people for ornament is still further indicated by attempts to elaborate more intricate patterns by means of thumb-nail indentations. the idea may have been borrowed from basketry. the fragment given in fig. illustrates the method of procedure. we have some very fine vessels of this class from springerville, and others from the province of tusayan in which the entire surface is covered with checkered or meandered patterns. an excellent example is shown in fig. . we shall appreciate the cleverness of this work more fully when we remember that the separate thumb indentations forming the figures of the pattern are made in each coil as it is laid and pressed into place and before the succeeding turn is made. [illustration: fig. .--indented pattern.] [illustration: fig. .--nail indentations.] these curious decorative effects were still further elaborated by diversifying the character of the indentations of the coil. in fig. we have a most successful effort in this direction. the fillets are alternately crimped and plain. the thumb, in pressing down the one, has been applied with such force that the nail has cut entirely through it, indenting the plain layer below and causing the two to coalesce. this specimen was obtained from the cañon of the rio mancos. certain districts are particularly rich in remains of this peculiar ware and furnish many examples of crimped ornament. the remarkable desert-like plateau lying north of the grand cañon of the colorado contains many house and village sites. at intervals along the very brink of the great chasm we come upon heaps of stones and razed walls of houses about which are countless fragments of this ware. these are identical in nearly every character with the pottery of saint george on the west, of the san juan on the east, and of the gila on the south. a few miles south of kanab stands a little hill--an island in the creek bottom--which is literally covered with the ruins of an ancient village, and the great abundance of pottery fragments indicates that it was, for a long period, the home of cliff-dwelling peoples. in no other case have i found so complete an assortment of all the varieties of coil-ornamentation. all the forms already given are represented and a number of new ones are added. [illustration: fig. .--wave-like indentation.] [illustration: fig. .--wave-like indentation.] in the example given in fig. the fillets are deeply indented, giving a wave-like effect. another pretty variety is seen in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--impressions of finger-tips.] [illustration: fig. .--implement indentations.] one of the most successful of these archaic attempts at relief embellishment is illustrated in the fragment shown in fig. . the raised edge of the fillet is pinched out at regular intervals, producing rows of sharp-pointed "beads." over the entire surface impressions of the fine lines of the finger-tips are still distinctly visible. the dotted lines show the direction of the coil. the indenting was not always done with the thumb or finger-tips, but a variety of implements were used. the vase, of which fig. shows a small fragment, had a figure worked upon it by indenting the soft coils with a sharp implement. [illustration: fig. .--nail markings.] the coil ridges were sometimes worked down into more regular forms by means of an implement and were left plain or were interrupted by transverse lines. lines of nail marking are shown in fig. . these lines are occasionally combined in rude patterns. [illustration: fig. .--incised lines.] in the specimen illustrated in fig. , incised lines are drawn across the ridges of the coil. [illustration: fig. .--incised pattern.] other varieties of ornament.--i have already remarked that certain styles of decoration are confined to somewhat definite geographic limits. in the ancient pueblo district we find that painted designs and coil ornaments are co-extensive, while within this area there are but rare examples of incised designs, stamped figures, or cord-marking. we find basket indentations, but these are in all cases the accidents of manufacture. the coil has often been laid upon the inner surface of a basket. the fragment shown in fig. was picked up on the site of an ancient pueblo village near abiquiu, new mexico. it is a portion of the neck and upper part of the body of a small vase which was covered by a simple pattern of intaglio lines, produced with a bone or wooden stylus. ornaments in relief, aside from the coil and forms resulting directly from its use, were sparingly employed and are of comparatively little interest. they consist of straight, curved, or crimped fillets, applied to the surface of the vessel as shown in fig. . additional examples are given in figs. , , and . nodes, cones, and other forms are also used as seen in figs. , , and . these are usually placed about the neck of the vessel, occupying the places of the handles. [illustration: fig. .--applied fillet.] material.--the clay used in this ware was in some sections tempered with a large percentage of rather coarse silicious sand, which gives to the surface a rough, granular look. in the south the paste seems to be finer grained than in the northern districts. color, etc.--the color of the paste is generally gray, but in the province of tusayan it is frequently yellow. in some cases the surface has received a wash of fine liquid clay, and a few bowls from the little colorado and gila valleys have designs in white paint covering the exterior surface. this ware is always well baked and extremely hard. [illustration: fig. . fig. . fig. . fig. . fig. . fig. . examples of relief ornaments.] form.--the forms are not nearly so varied as are those of the painted ware. the leading variety is a round-bodied, wide-mouthed olla or pot, with flaring rim. bottles are of rare occurrence, and bowls are not nearly so plentiful as in other varieties of pottery. life and eccentric forms are occasionally found. many small vessels of the more elongated shapes are furnished with handles, which are in most cases placed vertically upon the neck, and consist of single or double bands or ropes or of two or more strands twisted together. use.--as a rule the forms are such as have been devoted by most peoples to culinary uses, and in many cases the entire exterior surface is coated with soot. plain vessels of similar outlines are used by the modern tribes of this province for cooking and serving food. examples having very neatly or elaborately finished surfaces have apparently not been used over a fire. those of large size doubtless served for the transportation and storage of water. illustrations of vessels. as it is my desire to give this paper something of a monographic completeness, i shall present a typical series of the best preserved vessels of this class along with some notices of the circumstances under which they were discovered. the treatment by districts or localities is for convenience simply, and has no reference to distinctions in the character of the ware. district of the rio san juan. our first expeditions into the land of the cliff-dwellers were full of interest. we were not, however, the first explorers. the miners of the silver-bearing mountains to the north had made occasional excursions into the sinuous cañons of the plateau district, and failing to bring back the coveted gold, told tales of the marvelous cities of the cliffs, and speculated upon discovering in the débris of ancient temples and tombs a portion of the fabled gold and jewels of the provinces of cibola and tusayan. notwithstanding our entire freedom from expectations in this direction, the thought gave color to our anticipations, and it was not an uncommon occurrence to hear, about the slumbering camp fire, half jocular references to the "great pots of gold moons" that some one had whispered might be hidden away in the inaccessible cliffs that overshadowed us. i shall not soon forget the incidents connected with the discovery of a pair of fine water-jars--one of which is illustrated in fig. . on the occasion of our first passage down the cañon of the rio mancos[ ] i made the discovery of a group of fine cliff-houses on the south side, far up in the vertical walls. on our return i made it a point to camp for the night directly below these houses, although a dense growth of underbrush had to be cut away to give room for our beds by the side of the sluggish stream. [ ] tenth annual report u. s. geological survey of the territories, p. . the two finest houses were set in shallow, wind-worn caves, several hundred feet above the valley. one was almost directly above the other, the upper being reached by a number of notches picked in the nearly vertical rock-face. i had ascended alone and was busily engaged in studying the upper house and tracing the plans of its fallen walls, when i heard a voice echoing among the cliffs. descending hastily to the lower house i found that one of my men had followed me and was excitedly scratching with a stick among the debris of fallen walls. he had just discovered the rim of a buried pot, and was fairly breathless from the anticipation of "piles of moons." by the aid of my geologic hammer we soon had the upper part of the neck uncovered, but hesitated a moment with bated breath before venturing to raise the rough stone lid. but there was no treasure--only a heap of dust. i was content, however, and when by a little further search we came upon a second vessel, a mate to the first, the momentary shades of disappointment vanished. [illustration: fig. .--coiled vase from a cliff-house in the mancos cañon, colorado.-- / .] these vessels had been placed in a small recess, where the falling walls had not reached them, and were standing just as they had been left by their ancient possessors. the more perfect one, which had lost only a small chip from the rim, i determined to bring away entire. this i succeeded in doing by wrapping it in a blanket, and by means of straps, slinging it across my back. i carried it thus for a number of days over the rough trails of the cañons and plateaus. the other, which was badly cracked when found, was pulled apart and packed away in one of the mess chests. it is now with its mate in the national museum, perfectly restored. the unbroken vessel is shown in fig. about one-third its real height. its capacity is nearly four gallons. the clay is tempered with a large portion of sand, some grains of which are quite coarse. the color of the paste is a light gray, apparently not having been greatly changed by the baking. a few dark contact clouds appear on the sides of the body. the walls are quite thin for a vessel of its size and are of very uniform thickness. the entire weight hardly exceeds that of a common wooden pail of the same capacity. the mouth is wide and the rim, which is made of a plain rough band, is one inch wide and abruptly recurved. the vessel can hardly be said to have a neck, as the walls round gradually outward from the rim to the periphery of the body, which is full and nearly symmetrical. the narrow strands of clay have been coiled with something less than average care, the exposed surfaces being wide in places and in others very narrow. the thumb indentations have been carelessly made. two small conical bits of clay are affixed to the neck as if to represent handles. these may have been intended for ornaments, but are as likely to owe their presence to some little superstition of the archaic artisans. the companion vessel has also a capacity of about four gallons. its form differs from that of its mate, being considerably more elongated above and having a more pronounced neck. the material is about the same, but the color is darker and the workmanship is superior. the surface is coated with soot, indicating use over a fire in cooking food or in boiling water. the coil was laid with a good deal of care and the indentation was done in a way to produce a series of sharp points along the margin of the coil. the interior of the rim was finished with a polishing stone. a small cord of clay was neatly coiled into a double scroll and attached to the narrowest part of the vessel, corresponding in position to the knobs in the other example. this ornament, though small, is nevertheless effective. similar scrolls are found upon vases from many parts of the pueblo province. it is an interesting fact that this vessel had been successfully mended by its owners. a small perforation near the base had been stopped by cementing a bit of pottery to the inside with clay paste. these vases were evidently the most important of the household utensils of the cliff-dwellers, especially as in this place water had to be carried, at least during a part of the year, from the creek five hundred feet below. it is probable that baskets and skins were sometimes used for carrying water, and that the earthen vessels were used as coolers, as are similar vessels among many primitive peoples. that they were used for carrying water up the cliffs is indicated by the fragments that lie upon the slopes and point out the location of houses invisible from the trails below. a large fragment of a similar olla was picked up in the valley of epsom creek, southeast utah. this vessel was larger, neater in finish, and more elegant in shape, than either of those described. a sufficiently large fragment was discovered to show satisfactorily the character of the rim, the outline of the body, and the details of surface finish. (fig. .) the rim is but slightly recurved and the neck is high and upright. the body swelled to a diameter of about eighteen inches at the greatest circumference. the paste, as usual, indicates a gray clay tempered with coarse sand. the inside is smooth and the walls are remarkably thin for so large a vessel, being about one-fourth of an inch in thickness. the coil is very neatly laid and indented, a variety to the effect being given by leaving occasional plain bands. this vessel is described by w. h. jackson in the bulletin of the u. s. geological survey of the territories, vol. ii. [illustration: fig. .--part of a large vase from epsom creek, utah.-- / .] fragments of this class of ware are found throughout the cañoned region of southern utah and for an undetermined distance into nevada. i have already described fragmentary specimens from kanab and therefore pass on to the west. district of the rio virgen. the most notable collection of this coiled ware ever yet made in any one locality is from a dwelling-site tumulus near saint george, utah, nearly three hundred miles west of the rio mancos. about the year , the curator of the national museum obtained information of a deposit of ancient relics at the above locality, and in a collector was sent out to make an investigation. the result, so far as collections go, was most satisfactory, and the account furnished gives an insight into the customs of this ancient people not yet obtained from any other source. on the santa clara river, a tributary of the rio virgen, about three miles from the mormon town of saint george, a low mound, which i suppose to have been a sort of village-site tumulus, was found. the outline was irregular, but had originally been approximately circular. it was less than ten feet in height, and covered about half an acre. one side had been undermined and carried away by the stream. the work of exhumation was most successfully accomplished by means of water. a small stream was made to play upon the soft alluvium, of which the mound was chiefly composed. the sensations of the collector, as skeleton after skeleton and vase after vase appeared, must have been highly pleasurable. it is thought that the inhabitants of this place, like many other primitive peoples, buried their dead beneath their dwellings, which were then burned down or otherwise destroyed. as time passed on and the dead were forgotten, other dwellings were built upon the old sites, until quite a mound was formed in which all the less perishable remains were preserved in successive layers. following the customs of most primitive peoples, the belongings of the deceased were buried with them. earthen vessels were found in profusion. with a single body, there were sometimes as many as eight vases, the children having been in this respect more highly favored than the adults. there seems to have been no system in the arrangement either of the bodies or of the accompanying relics. the majority of the vases were either plain or decorated in color, but many of the larger specimens were of the coiled variety. about sixty vessels were recovered. those of the former classes will be described under their proper headings. [illustration: fig. .--vessel from the tumulus, at saint george.-- / .] the shapes of the corrugated vases are of the simplest kind. the prevailing form corresponds very closely with the cliff house specimen illustrated in fig. . one unusually large example was brought back in fragments, but has since been successfully restored. it stands nearly seventeen inches high and is sixteen inches in diameter. the plain part of the rim is one and one-half inches wide, and the lip is well rounded and strongly recurved. the lines are quite graceful, the neck expanding below into a globular body which is just a little pointed at the base. the color is dark, from use over the fire. the fillets of clay were narrow and very neatly crimped. roughly estimated, there were at least three hundred feet of the coil used. the vessel has a capacity of about ten gallons. [illustration: fig. .--vase from the tumulus at saint george.-- / .] vases of this particular outline may be found, varying in size from these grand proportions to small cups an inch or two in height. of a somewhat different type is the vessel shown in fig. . the outline is symmetrical. the neck is comparatively high and wide and swells out gently to the widest part of the body, the base being almost hemispherical. a band about the neck is coiled and roughly indented, while the body is quite smooth. the plain band about the mouth is broad and sharply recurved. the coils are wide and deeply indented. they have been smoothed down somewhat while the clay was still soft. the vase shown in fig. is characterized by its upright rim, elongated neck, round body, and plain broad coils. the fillets are set one upon another, apparently without the usual imbrication. this latter feature occurs in a number of cases in the vessels of this locality. the bottle given in fig. is quite comely in shape. the neck expands gracefully from the rim to its junction with the body, which swells out abruptly to its greatest fullness. the coil is not neatly laid. the indentation began with the coil, but was almost obliterated on the lower part of the vessel while the clay was yet soft. the fillets are not so well smoothed down on the interior surface as usual, a ridged appearance being the result. this comes from the difficulty of operating within a much restricted aperture. the color is gray, with a few effective clouds of black, the result of firing. another, of similar form, was taken from the collection by unknown persons. [illustration: fig. .--vase from the tumulus at saint george.-- / .] the only example of coiled ware from this locality having a handle is a small mug. its body is shaped much like the larger vessels, but it is less regular in outline. the single vertically placed handle, now partially broken away, was attached to the side of the body near the top, and consisted of a rough cord of clay less than half an inch in diameter. the saint george tumulus furnished a number of vessels with smooth, unpainted surfaces, very similar in form and size to the coiled vessels. they are generally blackened by use over fire, and, like the large coiled pots, were evidently used for culinary purposes. a few smaller vessels of the same style of finish exhibit forms characteristic of the painted ware, as will be seen by reference to the illustrations of these two groups. from the same source we have two bowls of especial interest, as they have coiled exteriors and polished and painted interiors. one of these is illustrated in fig. . they form an important link between the two varieties of ware, demonstrating the fact that both styles belong to the same age and to the same people. a similar bowl, found in possession of the zuñi indians, is illustrated in another part of this paper, fig. . another was obtained at moki. fragments of identical vessels are found occasionally throughout the whole pueblo district. one piece from the san juan valley has figures painted upon the coiled exterior surface, the interior being polished and unpainted. specimens from the vicinity of springerville, arizona, have designs in white painted over the coiled surface. a large number of well-made, hemispherical bowls from this locality have a coiled band about the exterior margin, but are otherwise plain and well polished. some are brownish or reddish in color. many of them have been used over the fire. [illustration: fig. .--bowl with coiled exterior and painted interior: saint george.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--vase from parowan, utah.-- / .] the ceramic remains of utah present some puzzling features. as we go north from the rio virgen there is an apparent gradation from the typical pueblo ware to a distinct group characteristic of salt lake valley. the interesting problems suggested by this condition of things cannot be discussed in this place, and i will stop only to present a specimen of the coiled ware from parowan, which is in some respects the finest example known. the form, so far as it is preserved, seems unusually graceful, and the laying and indenting of the coil is surprisingly perfect. this vase is in the salt lake museum, and the cut, fig. , is made from a photograph furnished by prof. marcus e. jones. vessels with similar finish have recently been obtained from graves at fillmore, utah, by dr. h. c. yarrow, and, singularly enough, identical work is seen in some very fine pieces obtained by mr. nelson from ruined pueblos in middle eastern arizona. [illustration: fig. .--cup from central utah.-- / .] an interesting little cup, said to have been found in central utah, illustrates some of the peculiar characters of the more northern examples of this ware. the vessel has apparently been built with coils, as usual, but the surface is worked over in such a way as to obscure the spiral ridges. the rim is upright and plain. the high, wide neck has a series of narrow, vertical flutings, made with a round-pointed implement, or possibly with the finger tip. a band of four channels encircles the middle of the body, the lower part of which is covered with oblique markings. the handle is large and round, and is attached above to the top of the rim, and below to the middle of the body. this cup is now in the museum at salt lake. the photograph from which the engraving is made was obtained through professor jones. district of the little colorado. the region now inhabited by the pueblo tribes seems to have been a favorite residence of the ancient peoples. ruins and remains of ceramic art may be found at every turn, and it is a common thing to find ancient vessels in possession of the pueblo indians. this is especially true of the zuñis and mokis, from whom considerable collections have been obtained. these vessels have apparently been culled from the sites of ancient ruins, from cave and cliff-houses, and possibly in some cases from burial places. recently, since they have become valuable in trade, the country about moki has been ransacked by both indians and whites, and many valuable specimens have been acquired. within recent years a number of expeditions have been sent into this region. to these the cañons and cliffs have yielded many specimens. both mr. stevenson and mr. victor mindeleff have brought in excellent examples, a few of which have already been illustrated in the publications of the bureau of ethnology. i must not fail to mention the very extensive collection of mr. t. v. keam and his associate, mr. john stephen, examples from which i am permitted to illustrate in this paper. most of the pieces described by mr. stevenson are small and not at all pleasing in appearance. they comprise ollas and handled mugs of an elongated scrotoid or sack shape, the widest part of the body being, as a rule, near the base, while the upper part is elongated into a heavy neck, to which a recurved rim has been added. a number of examples, illustrated in the second annual report of the bureau of ethnology, were obtained from the zuñi indians, and are thought by mr. stevenson to have come from the cañon de chelly. [illustration: fig. .--vessel from zuñi.-- / .] a large, very badly constructed specimen is given in fig. . the rim is roughly finished, the body unsymmetrical, and the bottom slightly flattened. the coils differ greatly in width, and are carelessly joined and unevenly indented. the rudeness of workmanship noticed in this case is characteristic of many of the specimens from zuñi. [illustration: fig. .--vessel from zuñi.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug from tusayan.-- / .] a rudely constructed cylindrical cup, of the wide-mouthed, narrow-bodied variety, is illustrated in fig. . the bottom was flattened by contact with some hard, scarred surface before the clay hardened. two round, tapering, serpent-like fillets of clay have been fixed in a vertical position upon opposite sides of the vessel. there are a number of handled vessels of this class. they are mostly rather rudely made and unsymmetrical. they are small in size and were probably devoted to ordinary domestic uses. a good specimen from the keam collection is shown in fig. . the handle in this case is a large loop made of three ropes of clay placed side by side. in one case there are three strands set side by side, and joined near the ends. in another case the strands have been twisted, giving a rope-like effect. these forms closely resemble wicker handles in appearance and manner of attachment, and are probably to some extent derived from them, although there is no reason why the ropes of clay, in constant use by potters, should not be joined in pairs, or even twisted, if greater strength or variety were desired. vessels from the province of tusayan may often be identified by their color, which, like that of the transition and modern wares of the same region, is often a rich yellow, sometimes approaching an orange. this color is probably a result of changes in the natural constituents of the clay employed. [illustration: fig. .--yellow vase from tusayan.-- / .] an excellent example of the yellow coiled vases is illustrated in fig. . it has a new look, and probably belongs to a later period than the light gray ware of the district. it is symmetrical, and the coil is neatly laid and indented. portions of the sides and base were blackened in firing. there are a number of fine specimens of this class in the keam collection, all obtained from the ancient province of tusayan. a small, wide-necked pot is shown in fig. . the surface is smooth, with the exception of a narrow band or collar about the neck, formed of a few indented coils. other vessels closely resembling this in style are much larger and heavier. [illustration: fig. .--yellow vase from tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--vessel from tusayan.-- / .] a vessel of very archaic appearance is illustrated in fig. . in form, color, and finish it differs from the preceding example. the mouth is almost as wide as the body at its greatest circumference, the color is gray, and the coils are narrow and regularly indented. a minute coiled fillet is attached to the rim for ornament. the vessel illustrated in fig. is one of the most noteworthy of its class. in form and construction it does not differ essentially from specimens already described, but the decoration is superior. the coils are indented in such a way as to produce a pattern of triangular figures, which is carried over the entire surface of the vessel. it belongs to the keam collection, and comes from the province of tusayan. [illustration: fig. .--large vase from tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bowl from cibola.-- / .] from cibola we have a bowl, the exterior of which is coiled and the interior polished and painted. it is undoubtedly of the most archaic variety of ware, and is almost a duplicate of the example from the saint george tumulus, shown in fig. . the interior is encircled by a series of five triangular volutes in black lines, and the exterior exhibits a very neatly laid and indented coil. fig. . pecos and the rio grande. in new mexico, upwards of four hundred miles east of saint george, in the handsome upland valley of the rio pecos, we have the most easterly of the ancient pueblo remains. the site was occupied at the time of the conquest, but is now wholly deserted, a small remnant of the people having gone to dwell with their kindred at jémez. the site of this village has been thoroughly examined by that learned gentleman, mr. a. f. bandelier. it is his opinion that the remains show at least two distinct periods of occupation, the first being marked chiefly by a stratum of ashes, pottery, etc., of great horizontal extent. this underlies more recent deposits which belong to the people found in possession, and whose arts are nearly identical with those of the existing pueblos. the underlying stratum is characterized by great quantities of fragmentary coiled ware uniform with that of more western localities. at the same time there is almost a total absence of painted pottery. the conclusion reached by mr. bandelier is that probably the coiled pottery wherever found marks the occupancy of a people antecedent to those who made painted ware. it is my impression, as already stated, that the coiled form may be the most archaic of the ancient pueblo pottery, yet i think it best to notice two things in regard to the conditions at pecos. in the first place, it should be remembered that the painted pottery found by mr. bandelier is said to resemble that of nambe of to-day, nothing being said of the painted ware characteristic of the ancient ruins of the west, and which is always found associated with the coiled fragments, as at saint george, in the same graves and even in the same vessel, fig. . we would not expect in pecos, or in any other place, to find modern pueblo ware like the more recent pottery from pecos intimately associated with the ancient ware either painted or corrugated. the only strange feature at pecos is that the coiled fragments are not associated with ancient painted ware as in other places. mr. bandelier advances the idea that this deposit of corrugated ware may represent the site of an ancient pottery, where the vessels were laid out in heaps surrounded by fuel and burned as by the modern pueblo potters, the broken pieces being left on the ground, forming finally a considerable stratum. if this is correct, then the true explanation probably is that on this spot only the one variety of pottery was made, the painted pottery of the same locality, if such was in use, being made by potters in other parts of the village. unless there is an actual superposition of the ancient painted ware upon deposits of the coiled variety, we learn nothing of chronological importance. the valley of the rio grande has furnished but few specimens of the coiled ware, although it is known to occur along nearly its entire course through new mexico. district of the rio gila. the broad area drained by the gila river and its tributaries abounds in ruins and relics, but its exploration is yet very incomplete. coiled pottery identical, in nearly every respect, with that of the more northern valleys is abundant, but it is sometimes associated with painted wares very different in style from those of the cliff-house districts. it will probably be found that the ceramic products of the rio gila and the rio grande are much less homogeneous than those of the colorado chiquito, the san juan, and the rio virgen. imitation coil-ware. i have already mentioned the occurrence in the pueblo towns of modern coiled pottery, and also that there are seen, occasionally, vessels in which the coiled effect is rudely imitated by means of scarifying and indenting the plastic surface. specimens of the latter class are generally small rude bottles with wide recurved lips and slightly conical bases. they are very rudely made and clumsy and are but slightly baked, and on account of the omission of proper tempering material are extremely brittle. they are new looking, and in no case show indications of use, and i have seen no example worthy of a place upon our museum shelves save as illustrating the trickery of the makers. it is possible that they are made by the mokis, but if so by very unskilled persons who have neither understood the methods nor employed the same materials as the professional potters. i consider it highly probable that some clever navajo has thought, by imitating archaic types of ware, to outwit collectors and turn an honest penny. plain ware. all the groups of pottery furnish examples of plain vessels. these are generally rudely finished and heavy, as if intended for the more ordinary domestic uses, such as the cooking of food and the storing of provisions and water. the material is coarser than in the nicely finished pieces and the surface is without the usual slip and without polish or applied color. the characters of these utensils are quite uniform throughout very widely separated districts, so that it is more difficult to assign a single vessel to its proper family than in the case of decorated wares. we have from saint george and other localities examples of plain vessels that belong, without a doubt, to the coiled variety, the resemblance in material, color, shape, and finish being quite marked. these vessels are plentiful in the province of tusayan, and many of them, as indicated by their color, construction, and texture, belong to the yellow and orange groups of ancient coiled ware. there is in many cases an easily discernible gradation from the wholly coiled through the partially coiled to the plain ware. in some cases the coil has been so imperfectly smoothed down that obscure ribs encircle the vessel indicating its direction, and in other cases fractures extend along the junction lines, separating the vessel when broken, into its original coils. these vessels are large and heavy, with wide mouths and full bodies, which are occasionally somewhat compressed laterally, giving an oval aperture. similar pithoi like vessels are in daily use by the mokis and also by the zuñis, acomas, yumas, and others. they are employed in cooking the messes for feasts and large gatherings, for dyeing wool, and for storing various household materials. the modern work is so like the ancient that it is difficult in many cases to distinguish the one from the other. besides the typical pot or cask there are many varieties of plain vessels, some of which appear to be closely related to, or even identical with, the classes usually finished in color. these include bowls, pots, and bottles. i present three examples from the tumulus at saint george, utah. the little bottle, shown in fig. , is remarkable in having a subtriangular shape, three nearly symmetrical nodes occurring about the most expanded part of the body. an interesting series of similar vessels has been obtained from tusayan, some of which are decidedly askoidal in shape. [illustration: fig. .--bottle from the tumulus at saint george.-- / .] similar to the last in general outline is the curious vessel given in fig. . it was obtained in southern utah, and is now in possession of the salt lake city museum. the three nodes are very prominent and curve upwards at the points like horns. an upright handle is attached to the side of the neck. [illustration: fig. .--vase from the tumulus at saint george.-- / .] a large bottle-shaped vessel from the same locality is illustrated in fig. . the neck is short and widens rapidly below. the body is large and globular, and is furnished with two small perforated ears placed at the sides near the top. there are a number of similar examples in the collection from this place. we have also a number of handled cups, mostly with globular bodies and wide apertures. all are quite plain. [illustration: fig. .--vase from the tumulus at saint george.-- / .] examples from this and other sections could be multiplied indefinitely, but since the forms are all repeated in more highly finished pieces it is needless to present them. painted ware. preliminary remarks.--it is with a peculiar sense of delight that we enter upon the study of a group of art products so full of new and interesting features. every object of antiquity has its charm for us, but there is an especial fascination about the works of a people like the "cliff-dwellers," whose long forgotten history takes the form of a romance in our imaginations. in the study of these relics we have the additional charm engendered by a contemplation of new forms of beauty, and we follow the stages of their evolution from the initial steps to the end with ever increasing zest. the ceramic art of classic and oriental countries has exerted a powerful influence upon existing culture, and is therefore much nearer the heart of the general student than the work of the american races; but it will not do for science to underrate the value of a study of the latter. its thorough examination cannot fail to furnish many illustrations of the methods by which arts grow and races advance in culture, and, supplemented by a study of the art of the modern peoples, it will serve to illustrate the interesting phenomena attending the contact of widely separated grades of art. in the introductory pages i have considered many of the technical questions of construction and ornamentation. before entering upon detailed descriptions of the specimens, i desire to give a brief review of the subject of painted decoration. color of designs.--the colors employed are doubtless generally of a mineral character, although carbonaceous matter derived directly from vegetable sources may have been used to some extent. they comprised white, black, red, and various shades of brown, and were applied to the surfaces of the vessels by means of brushes not inferior in efficiency to those employed by the potters of more enlightened races. execution.--the technical skill of the artist has not generally been of a high order, although examples are found that indicate a trained eye and a skilled hand. the designs are painted upon the show spaces of the vessels, which have been tinted and polished with especial reference to their reception. large apertured vessels, such as dishes, cups, and bowls, are decorated chiefly upon the inner surface. the design often occupies only a band about the rim, but not infrequently covers the entire inner surface. high or incurved rims have in some cases received figures upon the exterior margin. vessels with constricted necks have exterior decorations only. the placing of the designs was governed, to a great extent, by the contour of the vessel, although there was no fixed rule. the grouping of the figures is possibly a little more irregular in the more archaic forms, but in nearly all cases there is a tendency toward arrangement in zones horizontally encircling the vessel. this feature is suggestive of the use of the wheel or of the influence of wheel-made decoration; but there is probably a pre-ceramic reason for this peculiarity, to be sought in the decoration of antecedent vessels of more pronounced surface or constructional characters, such as basketry. this arrangement may also be attributed in a measure to the conformation of the vessel decorated. it will be observed that generally the neck furnishes the space for one zone of devices and the body that for another, while the shoulder, where wide or particularly accentuated, suggests the introduction of a third. in vessels of irregular form the figures take such positions as happen to have been suggested to the decorator by the available spaces, by the demands of superstition, or the dictates of fancy pure and simple. it appears that the artist never worked in a hap-hazard manner, yet never by rule or by pattern. the conception of the intended design was well formed in the mind, and the decoration commenced with a thorough understanding of the requirements of the vessel under treatment and of the effect of each added line upon the complete result. the vessels, being for the most part free-hand products, are necessarily varied in form and proportion, and the mobility of method in decoration is therefore a necessary as well as a natural condition. in accommodating the ordinary geometric figures to the variously curved and uneven surfaces, there were no erasures and, apparently, no embarrassments. this feature of the art shows it to be a native and spontaneous growth--the untrammeled working out of traditional conceptions by native gifts. stages of ornament.--in the transmission of a nation's art inheritance from generation to generation, all the original forms of ornament undergo changes by alterations, eliminations, or additions. at the end of a long period we find the style of decoration so modified as to be hardly recognizable as the work of the same people; yet rapid changes would not occur in the uninterrupted course of evolution, for there is a wonderful stability about the arts, institutions, and beliefs of primitive races. change of environment has a decided tendency to modify, and contact with other peoples, especially if of a high grade of culture, is liable to revolutionize the whole character of the art. the manufactures of our modern tribes show abundant evidence of the demoralizing effect upon native art of contact with the whites. there are no such features in the prehistoric art. _first stage._--in the early stages of art the elements used in embellishment are greatly non-ideographic, and the forms of expression are chiefly geometric. the elements or motives are limited in number and are in a measure common to all archaic art. they embrace dots, straight lines, and various angular and curvilinear figures, which in their higher stages become checkers, zigzags, chevrons, complex forms of meanders, fretted figures, and scrolls, with an infinite variety of combination and detail. at the same time there is no confusion. the processes by which the parts are segregated are as well regulated as are the processes of natural growth. this phase of decoration seems to be the prevailing one in the earlier stages of pueblo art. _second stage._--a second phase or stage is marked by the free introduction of ideographic devices of pictorial origin into decoration. these are drawn, to a great extent, from that most prolific source of artistic conceptions, mythology. this stage is the second in pueblo art. the period or stage of culture at which such elements are introduced varies with different peoples. it is possible that ideographic and non-ideographic devices may enter art simultaneously. this is certainly to be expected in the ceramic art, which comes into existence rather late in the course of progress. _third stage._--in strong contrast with the preceding stages is the state of modern pueblo decoration. contact with the whites has led to the introduction of life forms and varied pictorial delineations. these conditions belong to a stage in advance of the position reached in the natural course of growth. ideographic, non-ideographic, and purely pictorial characters are combined in the most heterogeneous manner in the decoration of a single vessel. the decorator has ceased to work under the guidance of his instincts as a rule unerring, and now, like the mass of his more highly civilized brethren, he must grope in darkness until culture shall come to his aid with canons of taste--the product of intellect. classification of ware.--in the treatment of this great group, or rather collection of groups, of pottery a scheme of classification is the first thing to be considered. in glancing over the field we notice that a whitish ware, having a certain range of material, finish, form, and decoration, is very widely distributed, that, in fact, it is found over nearly the entire area known to have been occupied by the pueblo tribes. we find, however, that within this area there are varieties of this particular group distinguished by more or less pronounced peculiarities of color, form, and ornament, resulting from dissimilarity of environment rather than from differences in time, race, or method of construction. this group is associated, in nearly every locality, with the archaic coiled ware, and together they are especially typical of the first great period of pueblo art. its makers were the builders of the cliff dwellings, of the round towers, and of countless stone pueblos. distinct from the preceding, and apparently occupying an intermediate place in time and culture between the primitive and the recent wares, we have a number of pretty well defined groups. at least two of these are peculiar to the ancient province of tusayan. the vessels of one of these groups are noticeable for their rounded symmetrical bodies, their finely textured paste, and their delicate creamy shades of color. the designs are well executed and display unusual refinement of taste. another, and probably the more important variety, is characterized, first, by peculiarities of form, the body being doubly conical and the bottom deeply indented; second, by richness of color, orange and yellow tints prevailing; and, third, by the striking individuality and remarkable execution of the painted designs. in the valley of the little colorado and extending southward to the gila, we find remnants of a group of highly colored pottery differing from the preceding and, in many respects, from the widely distributed red ware of the north, specimens of which occur in connection with the white ware. the surfaces are painted red and profusely decorated in white, black, and red lines and figures. still another variety is obtained from this region. as indicated by collections from saint john and springerville, it consists greatly of bowls, the colors, forms, and decorations having decided points of resemblance to corresponding features of the cream-colored ware of ancient tusayan. there are still other groups, probably of intermediary periods, whose limits are not yet well defined, examples of which are found in possession of the pueblo indians. at pecos the art was practiced long after the advent of the conquerors, and later specimens show the archaic decorative ideas worked out in spanish glaze. the deserted pueblos of the rio grande furnish antique forms that show wide distinctions from the ancient wares of the west. another variety peculiar to the southwest shows indications of having been carried down to the present in the work of the indians of the lower colorado valley. each of these groups and such new ones as may be discovered will be made the subject of careful study. the remainder of this paper will be devoted to a single group--the first mentioned in the preceding list. white ware. the coiled ware has already been presented in some detail. most nearly related to it in material, form, color, and distribution is the archaic white ware, the pottery _par excellance_ of the "cliff-dwellers." it is easily recognized, even from small fragments, whether found in the valley of the colorado, of the rio grande, or of the gila, although each locality has its slight peculiarities of texture, tint, shape, and ornamentation. as a rule the material is a fine-grained clay, tempered with fine sand, the surfaces of the vessels being coated with a thin wash of very fine white clay. the ware is nearly always well baked and hard, breaking with a saccharoidal, rarely with a conchoidal, fracture. the surface is, as a rule, well polished, but often slightly undulating. the color of the paste is generally gray within the mass and white upon the surface. associated with the white ware in most localities we find a small percentage of red ware nearly identical in all save color with the white ware. the forms are comparatively few and simple, a full, well-rounded body, as with the coiled ware, being a strong characteristic. the ornamentation is generally in black paint, exceptionally in red and white, and consists to a great extent of geometric figures, often rather rudely drawn. very rarely we observe an attempt to delineate a life form--human or animal, never vegetable. classification by form.--the ware of each province is conveniently presented in form-groups, beginning with the more simple shapes and advancing to the more complex. bowls.--bowl-shaped vessels have been in great favor with all the pueblo peoples, and in ancient times, especially in the north and west, predominated very decidedly over all other forms. this is naturally a favorite shape with primitive peoples, as it is the most simple and probably that first developed. a long experience would be necessary for the evolution of narrow-necked or complex forms. our collections contain many examples of ancient bowls, perfectly preserved, but if this were not the case the shapes are so simple that it would be an easy matter to make satisfactory restorations from fragments. there is considerable diversity of outline, yet all may be conveniently classed under two heads: the hemispherical and the heart-shaped. the former are much more plentiful and were probably the favorite food vessels of the people. as a rule they are plain segments of spheres. the rims are, in rare cases, oval in outline, and a few are elongated at the ends. heart-shaped bowls are characterized by a somewhat conical base and a deeply incurved rim, sometimes much depressed about the contracted mouth. the forms are often elegant, and the painted designs are generally well executed and pleasing to the eye. ollas.--between bowls and pot-shaped vases or ollas there is but a step--the addition of an upright or recurving band forming a neck. in vessels of the latter class the body is almost universally globular, often tapering a very little below. occasionally there is a slight flattening of the bottom and very rarely a concavity. the neck is seldom high, but varies greatly in size and shape. these vessels correspond to the water vases of the modern tribes. bottles.--bottle-shaped vessels are very widely distributed. they differ from the ollas in one respect only--the necks are narrower and higher. they are rarely flattened, as are the modern pueblo bottles known as canteens. handled vessels.--smaller vessels of nearly all shapes are at times furnished with handles. the origin of certain forms of these has received attention in the introductory pages. they vary in style with the shape of the vessel to which they are attached. bowls exhibit two well-marked varieties--a cylindrical form and a simple loop. those of the former often imitate the handle-like neck of a gourd, and archaic specimens from various parts of the pueblo province are so literally copied that the small curved stem of the gourd is represented. this feature in some cases becomes a loop at the end of the handle, serving to suspend the vessel, like the ring attached to our dipper handles. specimens from the headwaters of the colorado chiquito have the ends of the handles modeled to represent the head of a serpents or other creatures. a loop sometimes takes the place of the cylindrical handle, and is attached to the side of the bowl in a vertical or a horizontal position. it may be long or short, wide or narrow, simple or compound, and is not always evenly curved. in certain forms of cups the vertically-placed loop occupies the whole length of the vessel, suggesting well-known forms of the beer-mug. high-necked cups, vases, and bottles have rather long, vertically-placed loops, giving a pitcher-like effect. these may consist of two or more strands placed side by side or twisted together. rarely an animal form is imitated, the fore feet of the creature resting upon the rim of the vessel and the hind feet upon the shoulder. perforated knobs often take the place of the loops, and unperforated nodes and projections of varied shapes are not unusual. some of these, placed upon the upper part of the neck, represent the heads of animals. a novel handle is sometimes seen in the ancient vases of cibola and tusayan. while the clay was still soft a deep abrupt indentation was made in the lower part of the vessel, sufficiently large to admit the ends of two or three fingers, thus giving a hold that facilitated the handling of the vessel. i have seen no looped handles arching the aperture of the vessel, as in the modern meal baskets of the zuñis. eccentric and life forms.--the simple potter of early pueblo times seems barely to have reached the period of eccentric and compound forms, and animal and grotesque shapes, so common in the pottery of the mound-builders of the mississippi valley, the mexicans, and the peruvians, are of rather rare occurrence. the last section of this paper is devoted to life and eccentric forms. for convenience of treatment, the following illustrations will be presented by districts, beginning at the northwest. illustrations. district of the rio virgen. under the head of coiled pottery i have given a detailed description of the remarkable dwelling-site tumulus at saint george, utah, which has furnished such a complete set of the fictile works of the cliff-house potter, the first collection of importance known to have been made by exhumation. i will now present the painted ware and point out its very interesting local peculiarities. all the ordinary shapes are present excepting the olla. vessels of this form are all of the plain or coiled varieties. the paste is gray and the surface color is usually a light gray. a small percentage of the vessels are painted or stained red. the designs are all executed in black, and are for the most part nicely drawn. they differ slightly in a number of ways from those of other districts, their relationships being, with a few exceptions, more intimate with the ware of the rio san juan. a characteristic of this pottery is the thinness of the walls and the hardness and tenacity of the paste. in form a striking feature is the occurrence of bowls of oval form, and in one case such a bowl has sides cut down or scalloped and ends prolonged. the oval form is sometimes seen in other districts, and the elongation of portions of the rim is a feature especially characteristic of the pima and mojave work of to-day. bowls.--i have already shown in fig. a small bowl from this locality, in which a coiled exterior is combined with a polished and painted interior. this is an unusual combination, the exterior commonly being plain. the following examples are grouped, as far as possible, according to their painted designs. a usual and very widely distributed decoration consists of a belt of figures encircling the inner margin. in its simplest condition it is only a single broad line, but more frequently it is elaborated into a tasteful border so wide as to leave only a small circle of the plain surface in the bottom of the vessel. the figures present much variety of effect, but combine only a few elements or ideas, as the following figures will amply show. all are rectilinear, or as nearly so as the conformation of the vessels will permit. no example of exterior decoration occurs. as my illustrations are necessarily limited to a few pieces, those having the simpler combinations of lines are omitted, and such only are given as exhibit the decorations of this district to the best advantage. the bowl shown in fig. may be regarded as a typical example. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] it is a plain hemisphere of gray clay, with roughly finished exterior and whitened and polished interior surface. it is eight inches in diameter and nearly four inches deep. the painted design occupies a band about two inches wide, and consists of two broad bordering lines inclosing meandered lines. the triangular interspaces are occupied by serrate figures, giving to the whole ornament an appearance characteristic of textile borders. two small bowls have borders in which the meandered lines are in the natural color of the ground, the triangular spaces being filled in with black. in one case the effect of the guilloche is given in the same manner. few vessels exhibit a more characteristic example of the ornamentation of this ware than that given in fig. . it is identical in surface finish with the last, excepting that the exterior has been painted red. an exceptional feature may be noticed in the shaping of the rim, which has been brought to a sharp edge. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] the design occupies the usual space, and consists of a very elaborately meandered or fretted line, which is so involved that the eye follows it with difficulty. four units of the combination complete the circuit of the vessel. in another specimen, which also has the design divided into four parts, the lower line of each part is made straight, by which means the space left in the bottom of the vessel is square instead of round, as in the other cases. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] another variety of decoration, quite characteristic of this region, consists of a band of fret-work dashed boldly across the inner surface of the bowl, giving a most striking result. these figures appear to be fragments of continuous borders, taken from their proper connections and made to do duty on a surface that had ordinarily been left without decoration. this observation has led to the proper interpretation of many enigmatic combinations at first thought to have especial application and significance. [illustration: fig. .--painted device.] the handsome shallow bowl presented in fig. has been badly broken and carefully mended while still in the hands of its aboriginal owners. it is ten and one-half inches in diameter, and only three and three-fourths inches in depth. the surface finish is identical with that of the preceding example. the design, which consists of a single segment of a chain of fret-work, is drawn in broad, steady lines. fig. . not unlike the last in its leading features is the vessel illustrated in fig. . the label indicates that it was collected at kanab, utah, a mormon village ninety miles east of saint george. the design is carried over the whole inner surface, and is somewhat difficult to analyze. there is little doubt, however, that it consists of portions of fretted or meandered patterns arbitrarily selected from basketry or other geometrically embellished articles, and applied to this use. the complete device is shown in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--bowl from kanab.-- / .] the following examples are unique in their styles of decoration. the first, fig. , resembles the preceding save in its painted device. like a few others, it has been badly fractured and carefully mended by its indian owners. it was obtained also at kanab, and is nine inches in diameter by four and one-half in height. the design is cruciform in arrangement, the four parts being joined in pairs by connecting lines. it exhibits some very unusual features (fig. ), and we are led to suspect that it may in some way have been significant, or at least that it is a copy of some emblematic device. [illustration: fig. .--painted device.] the almost total absence of life forms in the art of the primitive pueblos has often been remarked. one example only has been discovered in this region. this occurs in a subject painted on the inner surface of a rather rude, oblong, bowl, from the saint george tumulus, fig. . a checkered belt in black extends longitudinally across the bowl. at the sides of this, near the middle, are two human figures, executed in the most primitive style, as shown in fig. . their angular forms are indicative of textile influence. the middle part of the bowl is broken out, so that the feet of one figure and the head of the other are lost. [illustration: fig. .--bowl from kanab.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted device.] these figures resemble those painted upon and picked in the rocks of the pueblo region, and the triangular head is sometimes seen in the ceramic decoration of modern tribes. a bowl with similar figures was brought from tusayan by mr. mindeleff. it is illustrated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--bowl with human figures: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--bowl with human figures: province of tusayan.-- / .] among the many fine things from the mound at saint george are a few red bowls. they were made of a slightly reddish clay, or the paste has reddened uniformly in burning, and a slip or wash of bright red color has been applied to the surface. the designs are painted in black, but differ in style from any of the preceding. this work corresponds very closely indeed with the decorations of similar vessels from the little colorado. the marked peculiarities of the ornamentation and color of these bowls give rise to the idea that they may have been intended for some especial service of a ceremonial character. it is not impossible, however, that these vessels reached very distant localities by means of trade. a representative example is shown in fig. . the broad interior band of ornament is divided into four compartments by vertical panels of reticulated lines. the compartments are occupied by groups of disconnected rectangular fret-links on a ground of oblique stripes. [illustration: fig. .--red bowl: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] the heart-shaped bowls previously mentioned include medium sized and small vases, with slightly conical bases, distended shoulders, and much constricted, often depressed, apertures. they are of very general distribution, but like the hemispherical red bowls are rarely found in numbers. it is probable that they were devoted to ceremonial rather than to domestic uses. the shapes are generally pleasing to the eye; the finish is exceptionally fine, and the designs, though simple, are applied with more than usual care. a very good specimen from the tumulus at saint george is illustrated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--heart-shaped bowl of red ware: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] the bottom in this case is slightly flattened, and the incurved lip but slightly sunken. the paste is a light red and the surface has received a coat of bright red color. the design is in black, is extremely simple, and rather carelessly drawn. the principal figure seems to be a very simple form of the favorite device--the meander. a large fine bowl much like the preceding, and obtained from the same locality, is owned by the salt lake city museum. the design is of the same class, but very much more elaborate. another example from saint george is smaller and yellowish-gray in color, with figures in red and black. at kanab i picked up fragments of a small vessel, highly polished and of a rich, brownish-purple color, the designs being in black. another fragment showed designs in bright red and black upon a yellowish ground. ollas.--i have already called attention to the fact, that the saint george tumulus furnished no example of ollas or large-necked vases of the painted variety, vessels of this class being plain or of the coiled ware. in the vicinity, however, i collected fragments of the white painted pottery derived from large vessels of this class, very much like the large, handsome vessels of ancient tusayan. a number of such fragments come from the vicinity of kanab. plain vessels of this shape were obtained from the tumulus at saint george. they are identical in every other respect, save the presence of designs, with the painted pottery. some have received a wash of red, while it is not improbable that others have lost their color or decorative figures by wear or weather. [illustration: fig. .--red pitcher: tumulus at saint george.-- / .] handled vessels.--from the tumulus at saint george we have a very excellent example of pitcher, which is shown in fig. . the shape is not quite satisfactory, the neck being clumsy, but the workmanship is exceptionally good. the surface is even and well polished and the color is a strong red. the painted design in black, upon the red ground, consists of a number of meandered lines, to which are added at intervals small dentate figures, as seen in the cut. district of the rio san juan. in a number of ways the valley of the rio san juan possesses unusual interest to the antiquarian. until within the latter half of the nineteenth century, it remained wholly unknown. the early spanish expeditions are not known to have penetrated its secluded precincts, and its cliff-houses, its ruined pueblos and curious towers have been so long deserted that it is doubtful whether even a tradition of their occupation has been preserved, either by the nomadic tribes of the district or by the modern pueblos of the south. certain it is that no foreign hand has influenced the art of this district, and no spanish adventurer has left traces of his presence. the ceramic remains are more uniform in character and apparently more archaic in decoration than those of any other district. they belong almost exclusively to two varieties, the coiled ware and the white ware with black figures. the former has already been described, the latter must now pass under review. it is unfortunate that so few entire vessels of the painted pottery have been found in this region. the fragments, however, are very plentiful, and by proper study of these a great deal can be done to restore the various forms of vessels. in my paper upon this region, in the annual report of the survey of the territories for , i gave a pretty careful review of the material then in hand. finding that in very few cases were there whole vessels representing the achievements of the ancient potter and decorator, i presented a number of restorations from the better class of fragments. this was done in a way that could lead to no serious misapprehension, as the fragments used were always clearly indicated. the expert need never go astray in his estimate of the character of the vessel to which given pieces belonged, and his restoration from them gives a completeness of conception to the reader or student at a distance that could never be acquired by the most careful study of illustrations of the fragments. the fragments are exceedingly plentiful about camp sites and ruins, and fairly whiten the debris slopes beneath the houses in the cliffs. i found my mind so diverted by these fascinating relics that it was often difficult to keep the geologic problems of the district properly in view. no tumuli or burial places were observed, but i suspect that careful search will bring them to light, and that they will yield much richer results than the scattered fragments of the surface. the district now under consideration comprises the entire drainage of the rio san juan. it includes the well-known valleys of the animas, the la plata, the mancos, the mcelmel, and the montezuma on the north, and the chaco and the de chelly on the south. on the north i include also a portion of the valley of the rio dolores. the center of the district will not be very far distant from the corner stone of the four political divisions of colorado, new mexico, arizona, and utah. the collections from the valley of the rio de chelly, one of the richest sections of this district, are very badly scattered, and the vessels cannot be identified. many fine things have been carried away to the south and are now in the collections from cibola and tusayan; while others have been brought east by the various expeditions without a proper record of the locality. this is to be regretted, as it makes it impossible to study the shades of distinction between the wares of neighboring localities. bowls were very numerous and greatly varied in size, finish, and ornamentation. many have received painted designs both inside and out. this occurs with those having nearly upright rims. handled-cups of hemispherical shape are also common, but the heart-shaped bowls are of rare occurrence. bottle-shaped vessels and ollas have not, as in the south, formed a prominent feature. for some of the latter very neat lids have been made, the rims being shaped for their reception. upright vessels with handles are common. eccentric or animal forms have not been found. bowls.--the arrangement of the designs upon the bowls is far from uniform. in a great majority of cases, however, they occupy belts encircling the inner and outer margin. the fragmentary condition of the remains makes it impossible to restore designs that covered the entire surface of the vessels. the decorations comprise nearly all the usual elements and motives. in fig. we have a small bowl from montezuma cañon, utah. in form it is a deep hemisphere. the design is upon the interior surface, and consists of a broad band bordered by heavy lines and filled in with vertical lines. the rim is ornamented with seven pairs of dots. fig. is restored from a fragment obtained in southwest colorado. it shows an interior ornament consisting of a well-drawn chain of volutes. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: montezuma cañon.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bowl: rio san juan-- / .] many of the bowls were large and handsomely finished, both surfaces being whitened and polished. a superior example is given in fig. . neat borders have been applied to both interior and exterior surfaces. they are suggestive of patterns produced through the technique of textile products, and consist of interrupted forms of the meander. i have restored from small fragments in this and other cases, for the reason that no large fragments of the finer vessels are preserved. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: rio san juan.] [illustration: fig. .--bowl: rio san juan.] fig. illustrates a very pleasing vessel. it is hemispherical, and about eleven inches in diameter. a narrow zone of ornament based upon the meander encircles the exterior margin of the rim, and a broad, carefully drawn design, consisting of two parallel meanders, fig. , occupies the interior. it will be seen that the meandered fillets are in white, and the bordering stripes and the upper and lower rows of triangular interspaces are in solid black, while the median band and its connecting triangles are obliquely striped. it should be noticed that the oblique portions of the meanders are indented or stepped. this is a very usual occurrence in these decorations, and may be taken as a pretty decided indication that they were copied, more or less directly, from textile ornamentation in which all oblique lines are necessarily stepped. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: figs. and .--handled cups: montezuma cañon.-- / .] handled cups.--small cups were generally furnished with handles and probably served as ladles and spoons. an entire specimen is rarely found. two are illustrated in figs. and . they were obtained by w. h. jackson from the ruins of montezuma cañon. the handles of these vessels vary a great deal; some are flat, while others are round, consisting either of a single or a looped roll of clay; some are hollow, resembling the handles of gourds, and a few are made of twisted fillets. this latter form belongs generally to upright cups. [illustration: fig. .--vase: rio san juan.] ollas.--it is quite impossible to make satisfactory restorations of the vases or ollas from the small fragments recovered. the evidence is sufficient, however, to show that vessels of this class were numerous, and often large. i have made two restorations of small examples belonging to this class, of which there are fragments showing the neck and upper part of the bodies. the bottoms are so universally rounded that i have drawn full globular shapes; figs. and . the most striking character of fig. is the shape of the rim, which is fashioned for the reception of a lid. the same feature is noticed in a small vessel obtained at zuñi. [illustration: fig. .--vase: rio san juan.] examples of lids from the san juan valley are shown in figs. and . they were evidently designed for vessels of the class just described. the specimen given in fig. is neatly finished and embellished, and the quality of the ware is very superior. [illustration: fig. .--vase lid: rio san juan.] [illustration: fig. .--vase lid: rio san juan.] handled vases.--many small vessels were furnished with handles, some horizontal and others vertical. of the first variety is the example shown in fig. . the fragment was obtained from the great ruin at "aztec springs," colorado. it shows a small, symmetrical vessel, with black lines and devices. the handle, which probably had a companion on the opposite side, is strong and neatly made. figure represents a very pretty little vessel, brought by mr. w. h. jackson from the cañon de chelly. it is of the usual gray polished ware, the base being somewhat roughened by use. the design consists of encircling lines combined with a belt of disconnected triangular hooks or fret-links. [illustration: fig. .--handled bottle: rio san juan.] handled mugs with round bodies and wide high necks were in great favor with the san juan potter. there are but two entire specimens in the collection. these were obtained by capt. moss, of parrott, who stated that they, with other relics, had been exhumed from a grave in the san juan valley. both are comparatively rude in construction, and seem to be considerably weathered. the one shown in fig. is decorated with a classic meander which encircles the body of the vessel. the other, illustrated in fig. , has the upper part covered with simple figures resembling bird tracks. among the most novel works of the ancient potter are the flat-bottomed mugs with upright sides, and with vertical handles which extend the whole length of the vessel, giving very much the appearance of a german beer mug. for a long time it was thought improbable that a vessel of this character should be the _bona fide_ work of the cliff-dweller, for his status of culture seemed to call for globular bodies and rounded bases. but so many examples have been found that there is no longer room for doubt. [illustration: fig. .--small bottle: rio san juan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug: rio san juan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug: rio san juan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug: rio san juan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug: southern utah.-- / .] fig. is restored from a large fragment brought from the san juan valley. its walls widen a little below, and the very pretty ornament is somewhat unevenly applied. the handle is made of a double rope of clay, and extends from the lip to the base. the example shown in fig. was obtained in the vicinity of provo, utah, by capt. g. m. wheeler's expedition. it is so like those from the san juan that i place it here for comparison. it is a little wider toward the base, and is nearly symmetrical. it is four inches in height and the same in diameter. a very similar vessel, probably from the province of tusayan, is found in the keam collection. district of the colorado chiquito. the collection from this district, which includes the ancient provinces of cibola and tusayan, is already very large, and much more material will yet accrue, for pottery fanciers have taken up the search, and both whites and indians are on the _qui vive_ for additional examples of the artistic and showy specimens. the national museum has procured many fine pieces through the agents of the bureau of ethnology, and the collection of mr. keam is especially rich in the pottery of tusayan. some of the finer examples of the latter collection are selected for illustration. it seems unaccountable that such a large number of the ancient vessels should be preserved, and that too in a country where vessels are constantly in demand. many have been picked up by the pueblo tribes and laid away for especial uses or possibly as heirlooms; but many of those secured by recent collectors were obtained from the sites of ancient settlements, from burial places, and from caves, and brought directly to the market so recently made for them. there can be no doubt that many of the specimens accredited to this district have come from neighboring or distant provinces; yet within the valley of the little colorado there are such wide variations from predominant types that foreign pieces cannot be readily detected. many of the finer pieces of the white ware are rather new looking and show very superior taste and skill. the indications are that the manufacture of this white ware was kept up in portions of this district down to a comparatively recent date, possibly until the coming of the europeans. it will probably be impossible to determine just why and how the archaic types gave way to the transitional and modern. it may be found, however, that the influence of the spaniard was a factor in the change. beside the archaic white ware and its closely associated red ware the province of tusayan furnishes two or three distinct varieties, all of which, unlike that ware, are apparently confined to very limited districts. these have been briefly described on a preceding page. many pieces of the white ware are of large size and of elegant shape and finish. some of the ollas and bottles are masterpieces of the art. the texture of the paste is fine and the color is often quite white. the designs are uniformly in black and are superior in execution and conception to those of the north. bowls.--the bowls are very generally hemispherical. the finish, like that of the pottery of the san juan and the rio virgen, is rather rough on the exterior, and whitened and polished on the inner surface. the painted figures are confined to the interior, and are highly elaborated combinations of the usual geometric motives. they are generally made up of four sections of double-zoned borders such as occur on the exterior of vases, cut out, as it were, and fitted into the bowl in a cruciform arrangement, a plain square remaining in the bottom of the vessel. see fig. . there are, however, many examples which consist of two encircling zones of ornament identical in style and arrangement with examples from the rio virgen, figs. and , and from the rio san juan, figs. , , and . in fig. we have a representative example of the bowls of ancient tusayan. the outer surface is rudely trowel-finished, but the inside is well polished. the painted design consists of four parts arranged about a central square. each part comprises a number of alternate bands of straight and zigzag lines. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] the superb bowl presented in fig. is nearly fifteen inches in diameter and seven inches deep. it is hemispherical but not quite symmetrical. having been broken, it was mended by its owners after their aboriginal fashion. two pairs of holes have been bored on opposite sides of a long fracture for the insertion of thongs. other perforations have been commenced but do not penetrate the vessel. the walls are upwards of one-eighth of an inch in thickness near the rim, but are less than that throughout the body of the bowl. the paste is of a dark gray color, speckled with ashy-white particles, which may be pulverized potsherds. the interior surface is finished with a slip of white clay and has received a fair degree of polish. the exterior is only trowel-finished and is much scarified by use. the interior is embellished with a very elaborate design, which is given with all possible accuracy in a plain projection, in fig. . the work does not exhibit a great deal of skill or neatness in execution, but the whole design is carefully made out and well adjusted to the deeply concave surface. an analysis of this figure is easily given. it is a cruciform arrangement of four portions of rather elaborate double borders. each part consists of two parallel bands, a principal and a subordinate, separated by parallel lines and taking the relation to each other always noticed in the two belts of designs painted upon the exterior of vases. two of the sections are alike. the others differ from these and from each other. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] one figure, consisting of three linked volutes, is defined in white by painting around it a black ground. the artist in painting this vessel has probably not thought of achieving anything beyond the filling up neatly of the four spaces, and has followed the usual practice of borrowing his motives from other objects; yet it will not be wise to conclude that these figures are really meaningless combinations of lines. the persistency and individuality of certain motives makes it almost certain that they are not the result of aimless elaboration, and that the potter understood their significance. they are too purely geometric, however, to furnish any clew to us through internal evidence. we have no resource beyond the analogies of historic art. modern tribes use the current meander to symbolize water, and a leading motive in many of these designs--the linked scroll running through a field of serrate lines--is wonderfully like some forms of the aztec symbol for water, as may be seen by reference to the mexican codices. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] another very excellent example of these bowls is presented in fig. . it is small and shallow, measuring six and a half inches in diameter and two and a half in depth. the material is somewhat soft and chalky. the walls are thick and the surface is well finished. the painted design is cruciform, like the preceding, but is much more simple and satisfactory. it is interesting to note the changes rung upon the few simple motives employed in these designs. again apparently each of the four parts is a fragment of a double border, cut up and fitted into the concave surface. the bands with oblique, dotted, or stepped lines, fig. , are repetitions of the neck belt of a bottle-shaped vase or basket, and the other bands with their chaste fret-work repeat a section of the body zone. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] bowls and cups of the hemispherical model are very often supplied with handles. like other bowls, they are embellished with painted designs derived from vases or from textile sources. in order of evolution, they probably follow the plain form--the handles being added to facilitate use. [illustration: fig. .--handled bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] the principal varieties of handles have already been described. the bowl illustrated in fig. is furnished with a single semicircular loop. in form, finish, and color it is the same as that of the other bowls, and the painted design has a similar derivation and arrangement. in the collection we have a fine large red bowl, now in a fragmentary state. it is eleven inches in diameter and six inches deep. a small loop is attached to the outside near the margin. it has a very decided resemblance in color, finish, and ornamentation to the red bowls of the rio virgen. the color of both the surface and the mass is a dull red. a broad band of bright red paint encircles the exterior, leaving a plain marginal band of the ground color and a plain area of the same upon the bottom. the painted design, which covers the inner surface is shown in fig. . we discover in it at first sight a type to all appearances totally distinct from the usual devices of this locality, but a closer study reveals the existence of the favorite motive--the meander--doubled up across the middle in a way to challenge detection, with the ever-present auxiliary band above and below. the curiously complex and very pleasing ornament is amplified in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--original form of painted design.] one small cup or bowl has two ears, not semicircular, but rectangular, which are placed horizontally and project in sharp points at the corners. the neat little vessel given in fig. has a much elongated horizontal loop, carelessly made and rudely attached. the bowl is handsomely finished. the margin is ornamented with a series of closely placed transverse lines or dots, a character appearing more frequently in the northern ware. the interior design is made up of four independent parts as usual. the cup presented in fig. serves to illustrate another variety of handle--a large vertical loop, extending from rim to base, like those on the upright cups given in figs. and . the paste is very fine grained, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture. the color is gray and the paint reddish from the firing. the bottom is flat, a rare occurrence in the more archaic, pottery. the painted design is based upon the meander, and occupies nearly the entire exterior surface of the cup. the handle has two bird-track shaped figures on its outer surface. [illustration: fig. .--handled cup: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled cup: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--dipper: province of tusayan.-- / .] vessels with long cylindrical handles are distributed over a very extended district, but in tusayan they are of a better class of ware than elsewhere. here the handles are long and stout and frequently terminate in a loop, probably intended for the attachment of a cord. the bowl is often graceful in form and tasteful in ornament. one of the finer examples is illustrated in fig. . it is of the chalky ware, and has a very good surface finish. the handle is one inch in diameter and five inches long. it is hollow and terminates in a narrow loop. it is decorated with two groups of spirally inclined lines. the interior decoration of the bowl furnishes a most excellent example of the crucifrm designs previously described. this is well shown in fig. . the exterior surface is embellished with a most primitive drawing of a bird, fig. --a striking illustration of the pictorial accomplishments of these classic decorators. subjects of this class are of rare occurrence upon the ancient white ware. [illustration: fig. .--dipper: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--figure of bird from exterior of dipper.] [illustration: fig. .--dipper: province of tusayan.-- / .] the dipper presented in fig. is somewhat inferior in workmanship to the preceding example. the handle is plain and terminates in a horizontal loop. the painted design is not arranged about a square, as in the examples given, but leaves a space in the center of the bowl resembling a four-cornered star. this shape is, however, the result of accident. the four parts are units of an elaborate border, not severed from their original connection, but contorted from crowding into the circular space. the design drawn upon a plain surface is shown in fig. . projected in a straight line, as in fig. , it is readily recognized as the lower three-fourths of a zone of scroll ornamentation. a unit of the design drawn in black is shown in fig. . the meander is developed in the white color of the ground, and consists of two charmingly varied threads running side by side through a field of black, bordered by heavy black lines. the involute ends of the units are connected by two minute auxiliary scrolls. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--unit of the design drawn in black.] bowls heretofore referred to as heart-shaped are of frequent occurrence in the valley of the little colorado. a number have been obtained by the bureau of ethnology directly from the pueblo indians, while a few very superior specimens are in the collection of mr. keam. a somewhat globular example is represented in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--heart-shaped bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] it is remarkable in having four zones of devices. the narrow belt next the lip contains a single line of bird-track figures. the others exhibit simple forms of the meander. it is interesting to notice the variety of treatment. in the upper band we have a chain of units imperfectly connected. in the others there are series of triangular links quite disconnected from each other. all are defined in white by painting in a ground of black. this district has furnished few vessels of more exquisite form and decoration than that shown in fig. . it is from the keam collection. the outlines are exceptionally symmetrical, and the design, developed in the white of the ground, is drawn with more than usual care. the figures are severely simple, however, and comprise but one motive--the typical scroll, which is arranged in three zones, separated by parallel lines. the spaces are filled in with serrate lines, parallel with the connecting fillets or stems of the volutes, as in the case given in fig. . another smaller vessel from the same collection is simple and unpretentious, but so thoroughly satisfactory in every respect that one could hardly suggest an improvement. the surface is well polished. the ground color is whitish, and the design--a chain of classic scrolls--is produced in white by filling up the interstices with black. it is a noteworthy fact that the base of this cup has been perforated, apparently for use as a strainer. nearly a hundred small round holes have been made while the clay was still soft. a pottery ladle from this region, now in the national collection, exhibits the same feature. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] i add another example from the keam collection, fig. . the margins of the figures are serrate and the volutes, which are in white, have clumsy, disconnected stems. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] the vessel presented in fig. has a flattened upper surface, an angular shoulder, and a high body, slightly conical below. the painted design is nearly obliterated in places by abrasion or weathering, but is correctly presented in fig. , which gives the three zones in horizontal projection. this brings out a very marked feature, the cruciform arrangement of the parts, which would not be apparent in a vertical projection. [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] the two inner circles occupy the upper surface of the vessel and the outer one the most expanded portion of the body. the inner belt is separated into four panels or compartments by as many series of transverse lines, the panels being filled in with longitudinal, broken lines. the second band is also divided by four series of straight lines, but the compartments are occupied by scrolls in white, bordered by serrate wings in black. the outer band exhibits a very curious combination of features, the whole figure, however, being based upon the meander. it is probable that the grouping in fours is accidental, the division of a surface into four being much more readily accomplished than into any other number above two. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] there are few better examples of the skill and good taste of the ancient potter than the bowl illustrated in fig. . the body is much flattened and the incurved margin considerably depressed. the color is reddish, both on the surface and in the mass, while the upper part is painted a bright red. upon this color, encircling the shoulder and extending inward toward the lip, is a handsome design in black and white lines. this is nearly obliterated, but enough is left to show that it consists of a highly elaborated rectilinear meander pattern, the idea being developed apparently in the light ground color. the painted lines are in black bordered with fine white stripes--a common occurrence in the south. [illustration: fig. .--red bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] we have in the museum an exquisitely shaped vessel of this class obtained from the zuñi indians. the material and color are identical with the red specimen from saint george. the whole surface is painted red and a neat border design in black is worked over this. the lip is not so much depressed as in the preceding examples. two perforations occur near the margin, through which the zuñis have passed a buckskin thong. another plain bowl is very much compressed vertically. [illustration: fig. .--oblong bowl: province of tusayan.-- / .] oblong bowls are not a prominent feature in pueblo pottery. a few examples were found at saint george, utah, but these are of the shallow variety. the only oblong bowl with incurved rim yet sent in is shown in fig. . it is six inches long and four inches wide. the ornamentation consists of three lines of meanders, that upon the flat upper surface being irregular and not continuous. [illustration: fig. .--globular vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] in fig. we see another variation from the two usual forms of bowls. this vessel is globular, and the aperture quite large. two small nodes attached to the sides and vertically perforated serve as handles. the ornamentation consists of a number of disconnected and greatly varied bands of meandered lines and figures, obliquely placed. the ornamented surface is separated into two parts by vertical panels at the handles. this affords a suggestion, of an adventitious or mechanical origin for the vertical bands which are so prominent a feature in modern pueblo pottery. one of these is partially visible at the right side in the cut. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] ollas.--a typical example of the chalky ware of tusayan is illustrated in fig. . it is a wide, low vase of symmetrical form. the body is flattened above and hemispherical below. the material is almost as white and as soft as chalk. the design comprises two zones of devices. one occupies the upright neck, and consists of encircling lines interrupted by vertical bands. the other, upon the flattened shoulder, is based upon the meander. both are bordered by wide bands in the dark color and an additional band encircles the body. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] another handsome little vase is presented in fig. . the two meanders show very diverse styles of treatment. in the upper the lines are all oblique, while in the lower they are chiefly rectangular and much prolonged horizontally. corresponding treatment of the two bands occurs in other vessels. the vessel shown in fig. is very different in appearance from the two preceding, and is much larger and ruder in finish. the surface has been finished with the trowel or hand without polishing. it is ten inches high and the same in width. the whole decoration consists of interlinked meander-units not arranged in belts, but thrown together in a careless manner across the body of the vase. in the keam collection there is a water bottle nearly twice as large as this, similar in shape and finish, but having a very different though equally rude painted design. this collection contains also the large pot-like vessel or cauldron shown in fig. . the walls are heavy, the lip is rounded, and the form is such as to be very serviceable for ordinary domestic use. the ornamentation consists of two bands of figures, the upper, as usual, being very simple. the figures of the body zone are in black upon the light ground. two sets, or pairs, of the triangular links make the circuit of the vessel, the entire ornament appearing in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] there is, however, something less simple and consistent in the ornament seen in fig. . the connecting stems of the units are heavy dark lines. the ends of the links are but imperfectly developed or are obscured by elaboration giving a suggestion of degeneracy, but the whole result is highly pleasing. the shape is an exceptional one, the body being flattened to a greater degree than usual. the ground color and the paste are quite white, yet there is in the design and its treatment a suggestion of the decoration of the cream colored ware of tusayan. this suggestion is emphasized by the occurrence of the two pairs of dark strokes on the neck--a feature more usual in the yellow wares. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] in mr. mindeleff brought in two superb examples of ancient water vases. they are excellent illustrations of the skill and taste of the ancient pueblo potter. the example illustrated in fig. is ten and a half inches in height and twelve inches in diameter. its form is symmetrical and graceful. the surface has been whitened, but is somewhat uneven and not highly polished. the painted design is well preserved, and consists of two broad belts of devices. the upper, occupying the sloping neck, is a very simple combination of lines, based upon a single white meandered line, and the lower is quite complex and encircles the widest part of the body. the latter appears at first sight to be rather complicated, but is easily resolved into its elements. [illustration: fig. .--unit of the design.] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] the zone is five and a half inches in width and consists of two lines of highly elaborated meanders combined in a most ingenious and pleasing manner. the design is projected in fig. and compares favorably with the exquisite diaper patterns of oriental decorators. a single unit of its structure is given in fig. . the triangular spaces along the border are filled in with fragments of designs harmonious in style with the principal figures. certain spaces of the expanded connecting fillets of the units, are filled in with serrate or dotted lines. some portion of the design seem to be developed in the white ground, as, for instance, the figures in the lateral triangles. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--unit of the design.] the boldness of the primitive decorator is well shown in the manipulation of these large vases. simplicity and breadth were not sacrificed when it became necessary to carry the oft-repeated figures over the broad surface of such a vessel as that shown in fig. , whose height and width measure fourteen inches each. in shape, in surface treatment, and in the arrangement of the broad belts of decoration this vessel corresponds very closely with the preceding, but the favorite motives are executed in the white color of the ground, and are thrown across the surface of the vessel with charming freedom and boldness. the upper zone encircling the neck is occupied by a large, rather rudely drawn chain of scrolls developed in the white ground by painting the interspaces black. the broad belt of figures encircling the body of the vase is not filled out as in the preceding case, the lower series of triangular spaces being plain. the principal feature consists of a single line of the fret-work developed in the white ground. this is shown in fig. . a unit of the design is given in black in fig. . the connecting curve or stem of the unit incloses a rectangular space, through which the fillet returns in a series of fine scrolls. the interlocked ends of the units of the principal chain have terminations or hooks angular in two cases and curved in another, demonstrating the identity of the curvilinear and the rectilinear forms of this ornament. the small isolated stepped figure between the hooks tells, i imagine, of a textile ancestry. [illustration: fig. .--large vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] in fig. we have another vase of still higher grade--a very masterpiece of fictile work. it is next to the largest piece of the ancient ware yet described, being twenty-four inches in diameter and upward of twenty inches in height. the form is not quite symmetrical, but the outline is highly satisfactory. the body is full and slightly conical at the base, and above joins the neck with a graceful convex curve. the surface is even and well polished, and the painted design is executed with great precision. the motives employed are identical with the preceding. scrolls and fretted figures are carried around the neck, shoulder, and body in three bands suited exactly in width and in size of parts to the conformation of the vessel. the simple scrolls of the upper part need no explanation, and a careful analysis of the broader band, as projected in fig. , furnishes a key to its rather extraordinary construction. the dark lines are drawn with mechanical exactness, and the delicate white lines, in which many of the finer details are worked out, are _left_ with a nicety of handling worthy of the most skilled decorator. by a reference to the outline given in fig. it will be seen that the whole ornament hangs upon a single thread woven into a chain of delicate fret-work running through the middle of the design. the long connecting band of each unit consists of two lines (taking the black lines as representative of the idea or motive), which separate in the middle part, inclosing a wide rectangular space. this is filled with geometric ornamentation in white lines upon a black ground, as shown in fig. . the triangular spaces above are occupied by checker-work of light and heavy lines. the very marked rectangular character of this handsome design indicates familiarity with the textile embodiment of the motive. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--unit of the design.] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of cibola.-- / .] bottles.--under this head i desire to present a number of vases having high, narrow necks. few examples of the pottery of any people show bolder and more successful treatment than the specimen illustrated in fig. . it is a large, full-bodied bottle, the neck and lip of which unfortunately are lost. the restored outline can profess to be approximate only. the surface is well polished, though gray from age. two masterly scrolls, formed each of a broad black line bordered by white lines, are thrown across opposite sides of the vase. the ground upon which they are drawn is filled in with series of lines which accommodate themselves very gracefully to the surface of the vessel and to the scrolls. a number of ancient vessels, found in the hands of the zuñi indians, were probably obtained by them from some of the neighboring ruins, although in a few cases they may have been carried from distant places in the north or west. the finer examples correspond very closely to the ware of which multitudes of fragments are found at old zuñi, san antonio springs, nutria, and other places in or near the province of cibola. they seem to be identical also in many respects with the better class of the white ware of tusayan. the forms are very much the same and the ornaments exhibit similar arrangements of identical motives. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of cibola.-- / .] the superb vessel illustrated in fig. , is a typical example of the work of the ancient potters of cibola. in form it falls but little short of perfect symmetry. the body is nearly globular, being slightly compressed vertically. the neck is small and the lip slightly recurved. the surface, originally white, now darkened from use, is well polished excepting where roughened by age. in fig. we have a partial projection of the painted design obtained by viewing the vase vertically. this may be described as a rosette of spiral rays which consist of gracefully meandered lines alternating with groups of plain stripes. these are developed in the light color of the vase by painting in a black ground. viewed from the side the decoration is seen to consist of the two usual zones--a narrow one about the neck, occupied by a meander, and a broad one covering the greater part of the body, crossed obliquely by a number of bands of ornament. a similar vase, also from zuñi, is illustrated in fig. . it is much darkened by use and age and has suffered considerably from wear and tear. the ornament consists of three zones, a band of stepped figures about the neck, a handsome meander-chain with terraced links upon the rounded collar, and a broad belt of radiating meanders encircling the body. a vertical view showing the two outer lines of decoration is given in fig. . a peculiar feature in this vessel is the indented finger-hold seen in the lower part of the body, fig. . in both form and ornament these bottles exhibit decided resemblances to wicker vessels. the introduction of stepped figures and spiral rays sufficiently demonstrates the textile origin of the painted designs. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] a few bottles are larger than the examples given. one having a high narrow neck is seventeen inches high and sixteen in diameter of body. generally vases of this shape are below medium size, and they are very often supplied with handles or perforated knobs, either upon the shoulder or the neck. in a few cases only the necks are high and slender like the bottles of the mound-builders of the middle mississippi region. the vessel illustrated in fig. is not properly classified either with the preceding or with the following group, but i place it here on account of its peculiar painted device, which appears in other forms and connections in the two succeeding figures. the ornament as usual occupies two zones, each of which has three groups of vertical lines alternating with as many star-like figures resembling somewhat the maltese cross. the latter device may possibly have been introduced to represent some idea, and i have no doubt that almost any member of the modern tribes could be induced to give a full explanation of its significance. it would, however, be his idea only and not necessarily that of the ancient potter. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--handled vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] handled vessels.--handled vessels of this province are greatly varied. examples of the dippers have already been given. besides them there is a long series of vessels with more or less constricted necks; the handles of which are of three or four pretty distinct varieties, including the long vertical loop connecting the rim with the shoulder or body, the strong horizontal loop set at the base of the neck, and the perforated knob placed upon the shoulder. there are also a few examples of cup-shaped projections, fig. , and heads of animals, fig. , which are set upon the neck near the rim and seem to be survivals of handles or ornaments merely. [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--handled mug: province of tusayan-- / .] the vessel shown in fig. has an interesting combination of decorative features. i present it here, although a little out of place in my classification by form, in order to point out the similarity between its decoration and that of fig. . it is a handsome mug of hard gray ware, finished with a white slip, and decorated with painted designs in the prevailing arrangement. four equidistant nodes of large size are placed about the shoulder of the vessel. these occur along the middle of the lower zone of painted devices, the notable feature being that the volutes of the painted scroll-work encircle the nodes and inclose, between their interlinked points, cross-like devices, resembling those found upon the preceding specimen. these crosses occupy the apices of the nodes, as shown in the illustration. the painted design is given in fig. . the design proper--the interlinked scrolls--is in white, the dark color being used as a ground to develop it. this is true of a great majority of the examples presented. the same device, with a slightly different combination, is seen in fig. , which illustrates a small jug from the keam collection. the design is well shown in fig. , and in this case it will readily be seen that the motive proper is in white, while the black hooks and the connecting lozenge-shaped figures, forming the cross, represent the ground. this association of the cross with the linking of the scrolls is suggestive of a possible origin of the device as used independently in the instance given in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted design.] i shall now present a small group of handled vessels of varying characters upon which we have some illustrations of a peculiar treatment of meander motives. [illustration: fig. .--handled cup: province of cibola.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--painted ornament.] the vessel illustrated in fig. belongs to the keam collection. the decoration is very simple and consists of a novel combination of running scrolls. the design is produced by filling in the space between two separate chains of scrolls in black with fine oblique lines, fig. . identical treatment of the meander is found upon a mug brought from zuñi and illustrated by mr. stevenson in the second annual report of the bureau of ethnology. fig. . this will be apparent when the design, fig. , is placed by the side of the preceding. the first is drawn in curved black lines, the ground remaining white, the second is in rectilinear white lines, the ground being black. [illustration: fig. .--painted ornament.] two others of like character, one angular and the other curvilinear, are found upon small red vessels from tusayan, figs. and . still another noteworthy example is found upon the interior surface of a red bowl from cibola, which, when projected in a straight line, gives the handsome ornament illustrated in fig. . [illustration: fig. .--painted ornament.] [illustration: fig. .--painted ornament.] there is in the keam collection a very interesting vessel, having two heavy horizontal loops attached to opposite sides of the body. the painted figure consists chiefly of a rectangular meander in white bordered by black and forming a wide zone about the body of the vessel. the spaces are filled in with fine parallel oblique lines. with the addition of a foot this vessel would be found to resemble, in both form and ornament, some early varieties of the greek kylix. [illustration: fig. .--handled vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] the wide-mouthed vase shown in fig. differs very decidedly in style from the last. it is finer in texture and much more carefully finished. the form is decidedly antique. the painted design is quite indistinct, the color having rubbed off or faded out. the work has been neatly done with a fine brush and exhibits some new features in point of detail. if we trace out the figures, however, we will see that there are no new motives, the meander forming the basis of all. there is a double line of figures, the upper one being the more simple, as usual. [illustration: fig. .--vase: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bottle: province of tusayan.-- / .] in the bottle illustrated in fig. the usual motives have been employed. a few heavy lines serve to give emphasis to the lip, while a band of linked scrolls is carried around the shoulder, bordered by simple parallel lines. unpretentious as the work is, it has a very pleasing effect. the shape is repeated in modern pueblo pottery. it is the original of the canteen, which has acquired the flattened form through accident, or change in the habits of the people employing it. a very superior example of these bottles is given in fig. . the body is somewhat flattened and the sides are nearly perpendicular, giving two well defined spaces for decoration, the one above and the other about the middle of the body. the latter space is occupied by a very slender, meandered line in white, the interspaces being filled in with black. four links encircle the vessel, two oblong ones occurring upon the sides and two short ones beneath the handles. the upper surface is decorated with a band of scrolls, four in number, partially defined in white by painting the space on one side black. there are two low, knob-like, vertically perforated handles on the shoulder of the vessel. [illustration: fig. .--bottle: province of tusayan.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bottle: province of tusayan.-- / .] the vessel shown in fig. is interesting on account of the peculiar knobs or ears placed on the sides of the neck, near the lip. they rudely resemble the corolla of a flower, but suggest as well the wheel-like coils of hair gathered up at the sides of the head by the women of moki. they were probably associated with some superstition of the ancients. the neck of the bottle is unusually high. the shape is quite graceful and the painted decoration is simple and effective. [illustration: fig. .--vase: eastern arizona.-- / .] in a collection recently sent from the vicinity of springerville, arizona, by e. w. nelson, there are a number of vessels similar in appearance to the preceding, but with shorter necks and rounder bodies. they are small, well-finished, and in some cases quite new looking. the designs in black are nicely executed and exhibit considerable refinement of taste. one having a small animal head attached to the side of the neck is illustrated in fig. . a broad meandered border encircles the neck, and a superb pattern, consisting of four ingeniously combined horizontal chains of meanders in white covers the upper three fourths of the body. _eccentric and life forms._--in the collection made by mr. nelson there are several eccentric forms. one, a two-storied vessel of good proportion, neat finish and ornamentation, is illustrated in fig. . the form is an exceptional one in the ancient ware, but is frequently seen in modern work of the pueblos and other tribes. it had its origin perhaps in a double-lobed form of the gourd, or possibly the idea was suggested by the superposition of one vessel upon another. as previously observed, the pueblo ware is characterized, in a general way, by great simplicity of form. there is, however, one small group of eccentric forms within which we find a pretty wide range of outline, a few specimens exhibiting undoubted resemblances to life forms. nearly all are bottles with handles and lobed bodies, often unsymmetrical. the handle in each case connects the lip with the shoulder or body of the vessel. the lobes are generally three in number and are rarely of equal dimensions, one being more or less prolonged. [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: eastern arizona.-- / .] it is very difficult to say where these curious forms originated, or in what direction they were developing. did the archaic potter, by exaggerating the accidental eccentricities of early and simple forms, arrive at these grotesque shapes, did use determine their conformation, or must we look for their originals in antecedent utensils derived from, or made in direct imitation of, life forms? [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: tusayan.-- / .] it is manifestly useless to seek for their antecedents within the limits of the ceramic art. a few are of such a shape as to suggest the skin vessels so often used by primitive peoples, and their origin in this manner would be entirely consistent with the laws of art growth. one variety is shaped somewhat like a shoe or moccasin. another takes the form of a bird. in regard to their origin it would indeed be a marvel if they should be found to represent an intermediate step between the skin vessels of primitive peoples and the conventional pitcher of civilization, as corresponding shapes are thought to do in eastern countries. [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: tusayan.-- / .] within the pueblo province these vessels are widely but not very generally distributed, so far as specimens at hand show. i have already described two examples, figs. and , from saint george, utah, which are of the simplest type, having three nodes with no suggestion of life form. [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: tusayan.-- / .] in fig. we have a small, well-finished cup of white ware, from tusayan, similar in outline to the saint george specimens. one of the three somewhat pointed nodes is considerably more prominent than the others. the handle is unique, being modeled apparently after the curved neck of a gourd, the pointed tip touching but not uniting with the body of the vessel. this vessel is handsomely decorated with two bands of scrolls. that upon the neck is of a usual form consisting of three sets of linked scrolls with zigzag or stepped connecting fillets. the scrolls of the lower bands interlock upon the three nodes and are connected by broad z-shaped stems also stepped or notched. this specimen is from the keam collection. another smaller vessel, still more unique in character, is illustrated in fig. . one of the nodes is very much prolonged, giving, with the upright neck, a form rudely suggestive of a bird. the ornament, like the last, consists of two bands. the upper is of diamond-shaped figures in white upon a black ground, and the lower of a cleverly managed meander, which is made to conform neatly to the eccentricities of the body. the hooks encircle the nodes as in the preceding case. a smaller specimen is given in fig. . the node next the handle being prolonged resembles the tail of a bird, while the other nodes, which would occupy the place of the two prominences of the breast, are barely suggested. the decoration is extremely simple. [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: tusayan.-- / .] a fine specimen of these novel vessels is illustrated in fig. . the body is much prolonged on one side and has no prominence whatever at the breast points. the handle is but slightly arched and connects the rim with the extreme point of the projecting lobe. there is here a rather decided suggestion of a skin or intestine vessel. it is but a step from this form to the well-known shoe or moccasin shape of a later period of pueblo art, a form known in nearly all centers of ancient american culture. the decoration is simple and unique, consisting of a meandered figure in white upon a black ground, with parallel bordering lines in black. it connects opposite sides of the rim passing beneath the projecting lobe. a number of the best examples are in the national collection. one of these, fig. , is figured by mr. stevenson in the third annual report of the bureau of ethnology. it might be described as shoe-shaped, yet we are forcibly reminded of the headless body of a bird, the rather square projecting breast being a marked feature. the painted ornament consists of broad zigzag, meandered bands filled in with fine oblique stripes. [illustration: fig. .--vase of eccentric form: cibola.-- / .] one of the finest specimens is presented in fig. . the triangular or three-lobed form of body is still noticeable, two of the points forming the breast, and the other, much prolonged, standing for the tail of the bird. the meaning of the latter feature is made plain by the painted figure. a conventional design, consisting of concentric, plain and zigzag lines, occupies the back, and terminates behind in a row of pinnate marks, evidently a conventional drawing of the tail. the wings are indicated at the sides by a design like that upon the back. the breast is embellished with a series of oblong dots probably intended for feathers. in this case the neck, which is high and narrow, has three prominences near the top; one at the front represents the bill of the bird, and others at the sides are meant for eyes. a handle has connected the head with the middle of the back. this is nearly all broken away and the stumps have been perforated for the insertion of cords. a serrate collar in black encircles the neck. the original of this vase was obtained in the pueblo country and belongs to dr. sheldon jackson. a specimen recently acquired by the national museum is superior to this in its decorative treatment. the body has four lobes, one for the breast, another for the tail, and one for each of the wings. each of these lobes is made the center about which the volutes of the very elaborate scroll-work are turned. i shall give one more illustration, fig. . this is taken from the keam collection and represents a bird. the vessel is quite distinct in shape from those previously given, being much like the bird vessels of the mound-builders. it is a cup with constricted rim, the head, tail, and wings of the bird projecting horizontally from the outer margin of the rim. it is of the white ware and has had a painted design in black lines, now nearly obliterated. [illustration: fig. .--bird-shaped vase: arizona.-- / .] [illustration: fig. .--bird-shaped cup: tusayan.-- / .] concluding remarks. two great groups of ceramic products have now been presented--the coiled ware and the white decorated ware. these groups belong to the first great period of pueblo art in clay. their chronological identity is sometimes questioned, the coiled ware to all appearances being the more archaic. it is simple in form and rude in finish, is without painted ornament, and was relegated to the more ordinary uses. these and other features give countenance to the theory of greater antiquity; but the intimate association of the two groups in nearly every locality indicates close identity in time. it cannot be said that the other classes of ware found within the same province belong to different times or to distinct races, but they are widely separated in many important characters from the two leading groups. they exhibit greater variety of form, less constraint in decoration, and greatly improved technique, points tending to prove advance in culture, and, presumably, in time. the more closely the ceramic art of the ancient peoples is studied the more decidedly it appears that it was profoundly influenced by the textile arts, and especially by basketry. the latter art was practiced from remote antiquity, and within historic times the manufacture of baskets has been the most important industry of the tribes of the pacific slope of temperate north america. ceramic shapes, wherever found within this region, coincide closely with textile outlines, and the geometric ornamentation can be traced to textile prototypes originating in the technical peculiarities of construction. another point brought out by the preceding studies follows naturally the foregoing statement. there are in the pueblo country no primitive forms of earthenware. this may lead to the inference that the pueblo tribes migrated from other regions in which the earlier stages of the art had existed, but taken in connection with the lack of individuality in the potter's art, and its evident dependence upon the textile art, it leads decidedly to the conclusion that art in clay was acquired by these tribes in comparatively recent times. the ancient pueblos practised the art of basketry, but clearly remained ignorant of the plastic art, until by some accident of environment it was introduced or discovered. under the influence of the sister art, pottery at once took a high stand. during the first stages, however, it was a servile art, reproducing the forms and decorations of basketry. the true plastic characters of clay remained practically undiscovered, and is only now, under the influence of the european, dawning upon the conservative mind of the inhabitant of the plateaus. besides basketry, it is probable that the early pueblos made use of gourds and of tissue vessels, traces of their influence occurring quite frequently, but there is no indication whatever of the presence of carvings in shell, wood, and stone. i do not wish in this place to dwell upon the details of pueblo ornament. a single example will serve to illustrate the origin and character of the leading decorative conceptions. glancing through the series of vases illustrated under painted ware, we find that ninety-four out of one hundred designs are meanders, or are based upon the meander. beginning with the simple waved or broken line we pass up through all grades of increasing complexity to chains of curvilinear and rectilinear meanders in which the links are highly individualized, being composed of a sigmoid line, terminating in reversed hooks; but in no case do we reach a loop in the curved forms or an intersection in the angular forms. the typical intersecting greek fret does not therefore occur, nor, i may add, is it found anywhere in native american art. the constructional characters of the art in which these linear forms developed, although they encouraged geometrical elaboration, forbade intersections or crossings of a line upon itself, and the genius of the decorator had never freed itself from this bondage. the forms imposed upon decoration by the textile art are _necessarily_ geometric and rectilinear, and their employment in other and less conventional arts, has been too limited to destroy or even greatly modify these characters. the study of pueblo art embodied in the preceding pages tells the simple story of the evolution of art--and especially of decorative art--in a period when the expanding mind of primitive man, still held in the firm grasp of instinctive and traditional methods--the bonds of nature--was steadily working out its æsthetic destiny. index. page abiquin, n. mex., pottery of acoma pottery age of pueblo ceramic art american naturalist on pottery animas valley antiquity of coiled ware and white ware, relative - araqnaya coiled pottery arizona, coiled ware from pottery , - art, pueblo review, cited on coiled ware artist in ancient pottery, freedom of avoca, n. c., coiled pottery from aztec springs ruin bandelier, a. f., on pueblo pottery barber, e. a., on ute pottery - basket marked pottery basketry a primitive art bottles , , , , , , , bowls , , - , , - brazilian indian coiled pottery , burial of dead under dwellings burial of property with the dead cañon de chelly, pottery of , cave-houses - , ceramic art, the forms, origin of chaco valley character of pueblo art chiquito, colorado cihola pottery , , , , , , classification of pottery , , cliff-dwellers , cliff-dwellings - , coil in ornamentation, the - coiled ware and white ware, relative antiquity of - imitated coiling of the pueblos - coil-made pottery - color of coiled pottery of designs in pottery of pueblo pottery colorado chiquito pottery - indian pottery plateau house sites pottery , ruin construction, pueblo ceramic cooking, pottery for , crimped coil on pottery , , cross, ideographic cups distribution of pueblo art domestic pottery , , dumont describes pottery , eccentric forms of pottery , , epsom creek pottery, utah - execution of design in painted pottery fillmore, utah, pottery from grave at firing of pueblo pottery flat heads ornaments florida coiled pottery form in pottery, origin of gila pottery , glaze of pueblo pottery gourds copied in pottery , , guilloche handled vessels , , , , , hartt, prof. c. f., on indian pottery in brazil humboldt, w. o., on coiled pottery of the orinoco indented pottery patterns indian coiled pottery of brazil individuality of pottery designs intaglio ornament jackson, dr. sheldon; indian vases jackson, w.h., on pottery , , jones, prof. marcus e., on pottery of utah kanab, pottery from , , , keam, t. v., pottery collection of , , , , , , la plata valley life forms in pottery , , little colorado, pottery of the , , , louisiana, coiled indian ware in - mcelmel valley magalhaes, dr., on coiled pottery of the araguaya river mancos valley material used in pottery , meander in ornament mended pueblo pottery mexico, coiled pottery from mindeleff, victor, collected pottery , , miscellaneous ornamentation of pottery moki pottery , , , monteztuna cañon , mormon town , mortuary pottery moss, capt. john, on ute pottery , mound village, utah - muge , , national museum, pottery in , , , , , navajo pottery nelson, e. w., obtained pottery , , nevada, pueblo pottery in new mexico pottery , north carolina coiled pottery nutria pottery ollas - , , , , , origin of ceramic forms , the coil orinoco, coiled pottery of the ornament, ceramic , - , , , , painted pottery - parowan pottery pitcher forms plain pottery - pottery catalogue of jaines stevenson developed from basketry mended by pueblos property buried with the dead provo, utah, pottery from pueblo art coiled ware - putnam, prof. f. w., cited relief ornament , rio de chelley valley dolores valley gila pottery , , grande pottery , mancos cliff-houses - , pottery of the , - pecos, pottery of the , san juan, pottery of the - virgen, pottery of the - , - saint george tumulus, utah, pottery from , - , , , , saint john, pottery from salt lake city museum, pottery in , salt lake valley, pottery of san antonio springs, pottery at juan pottery , , - , santa clara river, pottery on santarem, brazil, coiled pottery at springerville, ariz., pottery at , , , stages of ornament for painted pottery - stephen, john, on pottery stevenson, james, on pottery , , storage of water, pottery for surface finish of pueblo pottery tempering materials in pottery transportation, of water, pottery for tusayan pottery , , , , , , , , , , utah pottery. (_see_ saint george and springerville) , - , ute pottery - vases , - vegetable forms copied in pottery village site mound or tumulus water, pottery for transportation and storage of white ware , , - and coiled ware, relative antiquity of - yarrow, dr. h. c., obtained pottery in utah yuma, pottery of zuñi pottery , , , , * * * * * transcriber's note: italics denoted by underscores. alternative spellings retained. punctuation normalized without comment. minor typos corrected without comment. image scaling factors ( / etc.) only usful for comparing relative sizes between objects, not actual sizes. http://www.archive.org/details/documentaryhisto bandiala archaeological institute of america papers of the school of american archaeology number thirteen documentary history of the rio grande pueblos of new mexico i. bibliographic introduction by adolph f. bandelier documentary history of the rio grande pueblos of new mexico by adolph f. bandelier i.--bibliographic introduction seventeen years have elapsed since i was in the territory in which the events in the early history of the rio grande pueblos transpired, and twenty-nine years since i first entered the field of research among those pueblos under the auspices of the archæological institute of america. i am now called upon by the institute to do for the indians of the rio grande villages what i did nearly two decades ago for the zuñi tribe, namely, to record their documentary history. i shall follow the method employed by me in the case of the documentary history of zuñi, by giving the events with strict adherence to documentary sources, so far as may be possible, and shall employ the correlated information of other branches only when absolutely indispensable to the elucidation of the documentary material. the geographical features of the region to be treated are too well known to require mention. neither can folklore and tradition, notwithstanding their decisive importance in a great many cases, be touched upon except when alluded to in the sources themselves. i am fully aware, as i stated in presenting the history of the zuñi tribe, that a history based exclusively on documents, whether printed or written, must necessarily be imperfect because it is not impartial, since it summarizes the views of those who saw and understood but one side of the question, and judged it only from their own standpoint. this defect cannot be remedied, as it underlies the very nature of the task, and the greater therefore is the necessity of carefully studying the folklore of the indians in order to check and complete as well as to correct the picture presented by people acquainted with the art of writing. in this introduction i forego the employment of quotations, reserving such for the main work. quotations and footnotes are not, as it has been imagined, a mere display of erudition--they are a duty towards the source from which they are taken, and a duty to its author; moreover, they are a duty towards the reader, who as far as possible should be placed in a position himself to judge the value and nature of the information presented, and, finally, they are a necessary indication of the extent of the author's responsibility. if the sources are given clearly and circumstantially, yet happen to be wrong, the author is exonerated from blame for resting upon their authority, provided, as it not infrequently happens, he has no way of correcting them by means of other information. in entering the field of documentary research the first task is to become thoroughly acquainted with the languages in which the documents are recorded. to be able to read cursorily a language in its present form is not sufficient. spanish, for example, has changed comparatively less than german since the sixteenth century, yet there are locutions as well as words found in early documents pertaining to america that have fallen into disuse and hence are not commonly understood. provincialisms abound, hence the history of the author and the environment in which he was reared should be taken into account, for sometimes there are phrases that are unintelligible without a knowledge of the writer's early surroundings. translations as a rule should be consulted only with allowance, for to the best of them the italian saying "traduttore, tradittore" is applicable. with the greatest sincerity and honesty on the part of the translator, he is liable to an imperfect interpretation of an original text. there are of course instances when the original has disappeared and translations alone are available. such is the case, for instance, with the life of columbus, written by his son fernando and published in italian in ; and the highly important report on the voyage of cabral to brazil in , written by his pilot vas da cominho and others. these are known only through translations. words from indian languages are subject to very faulty rendering in the older documents. in the first place, sound alone guided the writers, and indian pronunciation is frequently indistinct in the vowels and variable according to the individual--hence the frequent interchange in the spanish sources of _a_ and _o_, _ó_ and _u_, _e_ and _i_. for many sounds even the alphabets of civilized speech have not adequate phonetic signs. i may refer, as an example, to the indian name in the tigua language for the pueblo of sandia. the spanish attempt to render it by the word "napeya" is utterly inadequate, and even by means of the complicated alphabets for writing indian tongues i would not attempt to record the native term. in endeavoring to identify localities from names given to them in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by european authors, this difficulty should always be taken into account. no blame can be attached to the writers for such defects; it should always be remembered that they did not know, still less understand, the idioms they heard. still less should we be surprised if the same site is sometimes mentioned under various names. every pueblo language has its own geographical vocabulary, and when, as sometimes happened, several tribes met in council with the whites, the latter heard and unwittingly recorded several names for one and the same locality, thus apparently increasing the number of villages. moreover, interpreters were not always at hand, and when they could be had both their competency and their sincerity were open to question. it is not unusual to read in modern works that such and such a source is the reliable one _par excellence_, and the principal basis upon which to establish conclusions. no source, however seemingly insignificant, should be neglected. a brief mention is sometimes very important, as it may be a clue to new data, or may confirm or refute accepted information and thus lead to further investigation. some documents, of course, are much more explicit than others, but this is no reason why the latter should be neglected. the value of a source may be subject to investigation from a number of points of view, but it is not always possible to obtain the requisite information. thus the biographies of authors are an important requisite, but how seldom are they obtainable with the necessary detail! the sources of the history of the rio grande pueblos, both printed and in manuscript, are numerous. the manuscript documents are as yet but imperfectly known. only that which remained at santa fé after the first period of anglo-american occupancy--a number of church books and documents formerly scattered through the parishes of new mexico, and a very few documents held in private hands--have been accessible within the united states. in mexico the parish and other official documents at el paso del norte (juarez) up to the beginning of the eighteenth century have been examined by me to a certain extent, and at the city of mexico the archivo nacional has yielded a number of important papers, though the research has been far from exhaustive, owing to the lack of time and support. hence much still remains to be done in that field. some destruction of papers of an official character appears to have taken place at mexico also, yet with the present condition of the archives there is hope that much that appears to be lost will eventually be brought to light; in any event we still have recourse to the spanish archives, principally at sevilla. it was the rule during spanish colonial domination to have every document of any importance executed in triplicate, one copy to remain at the seat of local government, another to be sent to the viceregal archives, and the third to the mother country. hence there is always a hope that, if the first two were destroyed, the third might be preserved. so, for instance, the collection of royal decrees (_cedulas_) is imperfect at the city of mexico. there are lacunæ of several decades, and it is perhaps significant that the same gaps are repeated in the publication of the "cedulas" by aguiar and montemayor. in regard to ecclesiastical documents the difficulty is greater still. the archives of the franciscan order, to which the missions on the rio grande were assigned almost until the middle of the nineteenth century, have become scattered; the destruction of the archives at the great franciscan convent in the city of mexico in , though not complete, resulted in the dispersion of those which were not burned or torn, and the whereabouts of these remnants are but imperfectly known. the documentary history of the rio grande pueblos, therefore, can be only tentative at present, but it is given in the hope that it will incite further activity with the view of increasing and correcting the data thus far obtained. * * * * * the report of cabeza de vaca, commonly designated as his "naufragios," is as yet the earliest printed source known with reference to the rio grande pueblos, concerning whom it imparts some vague information. the briefness and vagueness of that information calls for no adverse criticism, for cabeza de vaca plainly states that he writes of these people from hearsay and that his information was obtained near the mouth of the rio pecos in western texas. what he afterward learned in sonora with respect to sedentary indians in the north is hardly connected with the rio grande region. the same may be the case with the information obtained by nuño de guzman in and alluded to by castañeda. that nuño de guzman had gained some information concerning the pueblos seems certain, but everything points to the zuñi region as the one mentioned by his informant. the same is true of the reports of fray marcos de nizza and melchor diaz, which clearly apply to the zuñi pueblos, the most easterly settlement of sedentary indians alluded to being the queres pueblo of acoma. it is to the chroniclers of the expedition of coronado, therefore, that we must look for the earliest definite information concerning the rio grande valley and its inhabitants. it must be borne in mind that the expedition of coronado was not a mere exploration. what was expected of its leader, and indeed peremptorily demanded, was a permanent settlement of the country. coronado and his men were not to return to mexico except in individual cases. the viceroy mendoza wanted to get rid of them. whether coronado was a party to the secret of this plan is doubtful; the indications are that he was not, whereas fray marcos of nizza certainly was, and perhaps was its original promoter. the printed sources on coronado's march may be divided into two chronologically distinct classes, the first of which comprises documents written in new mexico in the years from to ; these reflect all the advantages and disadvantages of the writings of eye-witnesses. the mere fact that one had been a participant in the events which he describes is not a guaranty of absolute reliability: his sincerity and truthfulness may be above reproach, but his field of vision is necessarily limited, and the personal element controls his impressions, even against his will, hence his statements. these earliest sources regarding coronado consist of the letters of coronado himself (with the related letter of viceroy mendoza), and several briefer documents written in new mexico but without indication of their authors. the last two letters written by coronado alone touch upon the rio grande pueblos--those of august , , and october , . as stated above, the expedition of coronado was not designed as a mere exploration, but rather for the purpose of establishing a permanent settlement. coronado's second letter, the first in which he touches upon the rio grande pueblos, appears to have been lost. his letter of october , , although written near the site of the present bernalillo, new mexico, contains very little in regard to the rio grande pueblos. the briefer documents pertaining to coronado's expedition, and written while the spaniards were still in new mexico, with the exception of one (the report of the reconnoissance made by hernando de alvarado, accompanied by fray juan de padilla to the east) concern zuñi almost exclusively. the document respecting alvarado's journey is contained in the _coleccion de documentos_ from the archives of the indies, but is erroneously attributed to hernando de soto. the celebrated historiographer of spain, juan bautista muñoz, unacquainted with new mexico, its geography and ethnography, criticized it rather harshly; nevertheless, the document is very reliable in its description of country and people: it alludes to features which are nowhere else noticed, and which were rediscovered by the late frank hamilton cushing and myself about twenty-eight years ago. the number of villages and people in the rio grande region, of which the document gives a brief description, are, as usual, exaggerated; and it could hardly have been otherwise in view of a first and hasty visit, but it remains the earliest document in which acoma and a part of the rio grande valley are treated from actual observation. the reconnoissance was made from august to october, . it may be that one of the villages briefly described is pecos, which lies of course some distance east of the rio grande, and the document is possibly the first one in which the nomadic indians of eastern new mexico are mentioned from actual observation. to these sources, which have both the merits and the defects of all documents written under the impressions of first direct acquaintance with the subject, must be added the "relacion postrera de sivola" contained in a manuscript by father toribio de paredes, surnamed motolinia, and known as the _libro de oro_, etc., which is an augmented and slightly modified version of that celebrated missionary's history of the mexicans. it is a condensed report that had reached mexico after coronado had left for quivira and before his return had become known. its allusion to the rio grande pueblos and to pecos is not without value, although it adds little to what is contained in the sources previously mentioned. on the indians of the plains it is, comparatively speaking, more explicit. the general tone of the document is one of sobriety. the "relacion del suceso," published in the _documentos inéditos de indias_ under the erroneous date of , is similar to the foregoing, but is more detailed in some respects and covers a longer period of time. it manifestly was written in new mexico by a member of the expedition, but there is no clue as yet to the name of the author. it is a useful corollary to the other contemporary sources. although written more than two centuries after coronado's march, the references to it and to new mexico contained in the _historia de la nueva galicia_, by the licentiate matias de la mota padilla, find a place here, since the author asserts that he derived much of his information from papers left by pedro de tovar, one of coronado's chief lieutenants. mota padilla generally confirms the data furnished by the earlier documents, and adds some additional information. it is however quite impossible to determine what he gathered directly from the writings of tovar and what he may have obtained through other and probably posterior sources. at all events the _historia de la nueva galicia_ should never be neglected by students of the pueblo indians. we now come to the two chief chroniclers of coronado's time--both participants in his undertakings and therefore eye-witnesses: pedro de castañeda de naxera and juan jaramillo. the fact that they were eye-witnesses establishes their high rank as authorities, but there is a difference between the two in that castañeda was a common soldier, whereas jaramillo (a former companion and, to a certain extent, a friend of cortés) was an officer. this fact alone establishes a difference in the opportunities for knowing and in the standpoint of judging what was seen, aside from the difference arising out of the character, facilities, and tendencies of the two individuals. castañeda is much more detailed in his narration than jaramillo. discontent with the management and the final outcome of the enterprise is apparent in the tone of his writings, and while this may not have influenced very materially his description of the country and its people, they render more or less suspicious his statements in regard to the dealings with the aborigines. both castañeda and jaramillo wrote a long time after the events had occurred, and probably from memory, hence the comparative accuracy of their descriptions is indeed remarkable. but that accuracy, however commendable, is relative rather than absolute, as both were liable to err, owing to the lapse of time and consequent failure to remember facts and events, and, especially with castañeda, the influence of personal prejudice growing stronger with age. jaramillo had less occasion to fall into error resulting from such weakness, but he is much less detailed than castañeda. we might compare the two narrations by stating that that of jaramillo embodies the reminiscences of one who stood officially on a higher plane and viewed his subject from a more general standpoint, whereas castañeda saw more of the inferior details but was more susceptible of confounding, hence to misstate, the mass of data which his memory retained. both reports will always remain the chief sources on the subject of which they treat, subject of course to close comparison and checking with correlated sources, archaeological, ethnological, and geographical investigation, and indian tradition. before proceeding further in the discussion of the documents it must be stated that all references to distances in leagues must be taken with many allowances. according to las casas there were in use among the spaniards in the sixteenth century, two kinds of leagues: the maritime league (_legua maritima_) and the terrestrial league (_legua terrestre_). the former, established by alfonso xi in the twelfth century, consisted of four miles (_millas_) of four thousand paces, each pace being equal to three castilian feet. the length of the castilian foot at that time cannot be established with absolute minuteness. the terrestrial league consisted of three thousand paces each, so that while it contained nine thousand castilian feet, the maritime league was composed of twelve thousand. the latter was used for distances at sea and occasionally also for distances on land, therefore where an indication of the league employed is not positively given, a computation of distances with even approximate accuracy is of course impossible. the result of coronado's failure was so discouraging, and the reports on the country had been so unfavorable that for nearly forty years no further attempt was made to reach the north from new spain. in fact coronado and his achievements had become practically forgotten, and only when the southern part of the present state of chihuahua in mexico became the object of spanish enterprise for mining purposes was attention again drawn to new mexico, when the church opened the way thither from the direction of the atlantic slope. this naturally led the explorers first to the rio grande pueblos. the brief report of the eight companions of francisco sanchez chamuscado who in accompanied the franciscan missionaries as far as bernalillo, the site of which was then occupied by tigua villages, and who went thence as far as zuñi, is important, although it presents merely the sketch of a rather hasty reconnoissance. following, as the spaniards did, the course of the rio grande from the south, they fixed, at least approximately, the limit of the pueblo region in that direction. some of the names of pueblos preserved in the document are valuable in so far as they inform us of the designations of villages in a language that was not the idiom of their inhabitants. chamuscado having died on the return journey, the document is not signed by him, but by his men. the document had been lost sight of until i called attention to it nearly thirty years ago, the subsequent exploration by antonio de espejo having monopolized the attention of those interested in the early exploration of new mexico. the report of antonio de espejo on his long and thorough reconnoissance in - attracted so much attention that for a time and in some circles his expedition was looked upon as resulting in the original discovery of new mexico. this name was also given by espejo to the country, and it thereafter remained. while the documents relating to coronado slumbered unnoticed and almost forgotten, the report of espejo was published within less than three years after it had been written. it must be stated here that there are two manuscripts of the report of espejo, one dated and bearing his autograph signature and official (notarial) certificates, the other in which is a distorted copy of the original and with so many errors in names and descriptions that, as the late woodbury lowery very justly observed, it is little else than spurious. i had already called attention to the unreliability of the latter version, and yet it is the one that alone was consulted for more than three centuries because it had become accessible through publication in the voiages of hakluyt, together with an english translation even more faulty, if possible, than its spanish original. the authentic document, with several others relating to espejo's brief career, was not published in full until , and even then attracted little attention because it was not translated and because the _coleccion de documentos del archivo de indias_ is not accessible to every one. but the publication of was by no means the first printed version of espejo's relations. even prior to a somewhat condensed narration of his exploration had been published, being embodied in the _history of china_ by father gonzalez mendoza. this account is based on the authentic report in some of the various editions, on the spurious document in others. the book of father mendoza was soon translated into french. it is not surprising that espejo's narrative should appear first in print in a work on the chinese empire by a franciscan missionary. that ecclesiastic was impressed by some of espejo's observations on pueblo customs which he thought resembled those of the chinese. the discoveries of espejo were then the most recent ones that had been made by spaniards, and as new mexico was fancied to lie nearer the pacific than it really does, and facing the eastern coast of china, a lurking desire to find a possible connection between the inhabitants of both continents on that side is readily explicable. but father mendoza had still another motive. the three monks which chamuscado had left in new mexico had sacrificed their lives in an attempt to convert the natives. they were martyrs of their faith, hence glories of their order, and the franciscan author could not refrain from commemorating their deeds and their faith. the spurious text was not taken from mendoza, but manifestly was copied from the transcript by a bungling scribe imperfectly acquainted with the spanish tongue. the value of espejo's narration is undoubtedly great. the author was a close practical observer and a sincere reporter. the more is it surprising that his statements in regard to the population of the pueblos are so manifestly exaggerated; yet, as i have elsewhere stated, this may be explained. a tendency to enhance somewhat the importance of discoveries is inherent in almost every discoverer, but in the case of espejo he was exposed to another danger. as he proceeded from village to village the natives gathered at every point from other places out of curiosity, fear, or perhaps with hostile intent, so that the number of the people which the explorer met was each time much larger than the actual number of inhabitants. on the question of population espejo could have no knowledge, since he had no means of communicating with the people by speech. furthermore, it is well known that a crowd always appears more numerous than it would prove to be after an actual count; besides, even if he could have counted the indians present, he would have fallen into the error of recording the same individual several times. during the comparatively short time which espejo had to explore the country as far as the hopi or moqui, he collected interesting ethnological data. customs that appeared new as late as the second half of the last century were noted by him; and while his nomenclature of the pueblos agrees in many points with that of the coronado expedition, terms were added that have since been definitely adopted. espejo's return to mexico was to be followed by a definite occupancy of the rio grande country, but his untimely death prevented it, and the subsequent plan of colonization, framed and proposed by juan bautista de lomas colmenares, led to no practical results, as likewise did the ill-fated expedition of humaña, bonilla, and leyva, the disastrous end of which in the plains became known only through a few vestiges of information and by hearsay. seven years after espejo's journey, gaspar castaño de sosa penetrated to the rio grande near the present village of santo domingo. the report thereon is explicit and sober, and in it we find the first mention of the spanish names by which some of the pueblos have since become known. from this report it is easy to follow the route taken by castaño and his followers, but the account is incomplete, terminating abruptly at santo domingo, whither castaño had been followed by captain juan de morlete, who was sent after him by the governor of what is now coahuila, without whose permission castaño had undertaken the journey. i have no knowledge as yet of any document giving an account of the return of the expedition. seven years more elapsed ere the permanent occupancy of new mexico was effected under the leadership of juan de oñate. thenceforward events in that province became the subject of uninterrupted documentary record. the very wise and detailed ordinances regulating the discovery and annexation to spain of new territory, promulgated by philip ii, declared that every exploration or conquest (the term "conquest" was subsequently eliminated from spanish official terminology and that of "pacification" substituted) should be recorded as a journal or diary. royal decrees operated very slowly in distant colonies. neither chamuscado nor espejo kept journals, but castaño de sosa, and especially oñate, did. his _diario_ (which is accessible through its publication in the _documentos del archivo de indias_, although there are traces of an earlier publication) was copied for printing by someone manifestly unacquainted with new mexico or with its indian nomenclature, hence its numerous names for sites and tribes are often very difficult to identify. but the document itself is a sober, matter-of-fact record of occurrences and geographical details, interspersed with observations of more or less ethnological value. as oñate followed the course of the rio grande upward from below el paso del norte, and afterward branched off to almost every sedentary settlement in new mexico and arizona, the comparison of his diary with previous reports (those of the coronado expedition included) is highly valuable, indeed indispensable. the _diario_ forms the beginning of accurate knowledge of the region under consideration. perhaps more important still are the acts of obedience and homage (_obediencia y vasallaje_) executed at various villages during the course of the years and . at first sight, and to one unacquainted with pueblo idioms, they present an unintelligible list of partly recognizable names. but the confusion becomes somewhat reduced through closer scrutiny and by taking into consideration the circumstances under which each official document was framed. oñate already enjoyed the advantage of interpreters in at least one new mexican indian tongue, but the meetings or councils during which the "acts of obedience" were written were not always at places where his interpreters understood the language of the people they were among. these scribes faithfully recorded the names of pueblos as they heard them, and sometimes several names, each in a different language for the same village, hence the number of pueblos recorded is considerably larger than it actually was. again the inevitable misunderstanding of indian pronunciation by the spaniards caused them to write the same word in different forms according as the sounds were uttered and caught by the ear. an accurate copy of these documents of oñate's time made by one versed in pueblo nomenclature and somewhat acquainted with pueblo languages would be highly desirable. oñate is not given to fulness in ethnological details. his journal is a dry record of what happened during his march and occupancy of the country. customs are only incidentally and briefly alluded to. one of oñate's officers, however, captain gaspar perez de villagra, or villagran, published in a _historia de la nueva mexico_ in verse. as an eye-witness of the events he describes, villagran has the merits and defects of all such authors, and the fact that he wrote in rhyme called poetry does not enhance the historical merit of his book. nevertheless we find in it many data regarding the pueblos not elsewhere recorded, and study of the book is very necessary. we must allow for the temptation to indulge in so-called poetical license, although villagran employs less of it than most spanish chroniclers of the period that wrote in verse. the use of such form and style of writing was regarded in spain as an accomplishment at the time, and not many attempted it, which is just as well. some of the details and descriptions of actions and events by villagran have been impeached as improbable; but even if such were the case, they would not detract from the merits of his book as an attempt at an honest and sincere narration and a reasonably faithful description. the minor documents connected with oñate's enterprise and subsequent administration of the new mexican colony, so far as known, are of comparatively small importance to the history of the rio grande pueblos. during the first years of the seventeenth century the attention of oñate was directed chiefly toward explorations in western arizona and the gulf of california. while he was absent on his memorable journey, quarrels arose in new mexico between the temporal and ecclesiastical authorities, which disturbed the colony for many years and form the main theme of the documentary material still accessible. even the manuscripts relating to these troubles contain, here and there, references to the ethnological condition of the pueblos. charges and counter-charges of abuses committed by church and state could not fail to involve, incidentally, the points touching upon the indians, and the documentary material of that period, still in manuscript but accessible through the copies made by me and now in the peabody museum of harvard university, should not be neglected by serious investigators. to enter into details regarding the tenor of these documents would be beyond the scope of this introduction, but i would call attention in a general way to the value and importance of church records, which consist chiefly of registers of baptisms, marriages, and deaths. these for the greater part were kept with considerable scrupulosity, although there are periods during which the same degree of care was not exercised. they are valuable ethnologically by reason of the data which they afford with respect to intermarriages between members of distant tribes, through the numerous indian personal names that they contain, and on account of the many records of events which the priests deemed it desirable to preserve. examples will be given in the text of the documentary history to follow. the _libros de fabrica_, in which are recorded items bearing on the economic side of church administration, are usually less important; still they contain data that should not be neglected, for very often minor points deserve as much attention as salient ones. unfortunately the church records of the period prior to have well-nigh disappeared from new mexico, but some still exist at el paso del norte (juarez), chihuahua, that date back to the middle of the seventeenth century. the absence of these records may be somewhat overcome by another class of ecclesiastical documents, much more numerous and more laborious to consult. in fact i am the only one who thus far has attempted to penetrate the mass of material which they contain, although my researches have been far from exhaustive, owing to lack of support in my work. these documents, commonly called "diligencias matrimoniales," are the results of official investigations into the status of persons desiring to marry. from their nature these investigations always cover a considerable period, sometimes more than a generation, and frequently disclose historical facts that otherwise might remain unknown. these church papers also, though not frequently, include fragments of correspondence and copies of edicts and decrees that deserve attention. the destruction of the archives and of writings of all kinds in new mexico during the indian revolt of and in succeeding years has left the documentary history of the province during the seventeenth century almost a blank. publications are very few in number. there is no doubt that the archives of spain and even those of mexico will yet reveal a number of sources as yet unknown; but in the meantime, until these treasures are brought to light, we must remain more or less in the dark as to the conditions and the details of events prior to . a number of letters emanating from franciscan sources have been published lately in mexico by luis garcia y pimentel, and these throw sidelights on new mexico as it was in the seventeenth century that are not without value. in the manuscripts from the archives at santa fé that survived the pueblo revolt, now chiefly in the library of congress at washington, occasional references to events anterior to the uprising may be found; and the church books of el paso del norte (juarez) contain some few data that should not be neglected. in there was published at rome, under the title of _relación del descubrimiento del nuevo mexico_, a small booklet by the dean of santiago, father montoya, which purports to give a letter from oñate on his occupancy of new mexico and journey to the colorado river of the west, thus covering the period between and . it is preceded by a notice of espejo's exploration, but it is entirely too brief to afford much information. the little book is exceedingly rare; but three copies of it exist in the united states, so far as i am aware. of greater importance are the notices, of about the same period, preserved by fray juan de torquemada in the first volume of his _monarchia indiana_ ( ). in this work we find the first mention of some pueblo fetishes, with their names, as understood at the time. the letter of fray francisco de san miguel, first priest of pecos, given in print by torquemada, is of considerable interest. torquemada himself was never in new mexico, but he stood high in the franciscan order and had full access to the correspondence and to all other papers submitted from outside missions during his time. it is much to be regretted that the three manuscript pamphlets by fray roque figueredo, bearing the titles _relacion del viage al nuevo méxico_, _libro de las fundaciones del nuevo mexico_, and _vidas de los varones ilustres_, etc., appear to be lost. their author was first in new mexico while oñate governed that province, and his writings were at the great convent of mexico. whether they disappeared during the ruthless dispersion of its archives in or were lost at an earlier date is not known. after the recall of oñate from new mexico, not only the colony but also the missions in that distant land began to decline, owing to the bitter contentions between the political and the ecclesiastical authorities. the franciscan order, desirous of inspiring an interest in new mexican missions, fostered the literary efforts of its missionaries in order to promote a propaganda for conversions. it also sent a special visitor to new mexico in the person of fray estevan de perea, who gave expression to what he saw and ascertained, in two brief printed but excessively rare documents, a facsimile copy of which is owned by my friend mr f. w. hodge, of the bureau of american ethnology. a third letter which i have not been able to see is mentioned by ternaux-compans, also a "relacion de la conversion de los jumanos" by the same and dated . much more extended than the brief pamphlets by fray perea is the _relaciones de todas las cosas acaecidas en el nuevo mexico hasta el año de _ (i abbreviate the very long title), by fray geronimo de zárate salmerón, which was published in the third series of the first _colección de documentos para la historia de mexico_, and also by mr charles f. lummis in _the land of sunshine_, with an english translation. this work, while embodying chiefly a narrative most valuable to the ethnography of western arizona and eastern california, of the journey of oñate to the colorado river of the west, followed by an extended report on de soto's expedition to the mississippi river, contains data on the rio grande pueblos and on those of jemez that are of permanent value. the author gives the numbers of pueblo indians officially converted during his time. we come now to a book which, though small in compass, has had perhaps greater circulation in languages other than spanish, with the exception of the _destruycion de las indias_ by the notorious las casas, than any other. this is the work of fray alonso de benavides, on new mexico, first published in under the misleading title of _memorial que fray juan de santander de la orden de san francisco, comisario general de indias, presenta a la magestad catolica del rey don felipe cuarto nuestro señor_, etc., madrid, . benavides was custodian of the franciscan province of new mexico for some time, and therefore had good opportunity of knowing both the country and its natives. he gives a very precise and clear enumeration of the groups of pueblo indians, locating them where they had been found by coronado ninety years before and adding those which the latter had not visited, as well as giving the number of villages of each group and the approximate number of people therein contained. no writer on new mexico up to this time had given such a clear idea of its ethnography, so far as the location and the distribution of the stocks are concerned. while somewhat brief on manners and customs, benavides is fuller and more explicit than any of his predecessors, and informs us of features of importance which no other author in earlier times mentioned. in short, his book is more valuable for new mexican ethnography than any other thus far known, and it is not a matter of surprise, therefore, that it was translated into several european languages. that the rio grande pueblos receive an abundant share of attention from benavides is natural. we also obtain from him some data, not elsewhere found, concerning the establishment and fate of the missions, and the true relations of the spaniards and the natives are particularly well portrayed. both the apaches and the navajos also receive some attention, benavides giving, among others, the true reason for the hostility which the apaches displayed since that time against the spanish settlements. it is a book without which the study of the pueblo indians could not be satisfactory. where there is strong light there must of necessity be some shadow. in the case of benavides the shadow is found in the exaggerated number of inhabitants attributed to the new mexican pueblos, exaggerations as gross and as glaring as those of espejo. the number of villages of some of the pueblo groups is also somewhat suspicious. it is not difficult to explain these probably intentional deviations from the truth in an otherwise sincere and highly valuable work. as already indicated, the publications emanating from the franciscan order, which exclusively controlled the new mexican missions, had a special purpose distinct from that of mere information: they were designed to promote a propaganda not simply for the conversion of the indians in general, but especially for the conversions made or to be made by the order. new mexico was in a state of neglect, spiritually and politically; the political authorities had been denouncing the franciscans in every possible way, and there was danger, if this critical condition continued, that the order might lose its hold upon the northern territories and its mission be turned over to the jesuits, who were then successfully at work in the mexican northwest and approaching new mexico from that direction. to prevent such a loss it was deemed necessary to present to the faithful as alluring a picture of the field as possible, exploiting the large number of neophytes as a result already accomplished and hinting at many more as subjects for conversion. hence the exaggerated number of indians in general attributed by benavides to what then comprised the religious province of new mexico. in this respect, and in this alone, the _memorial_ of benavides may be regarded as a "campaign document," but this does not impair its general value and degree of reliability. for the period between and the uprising of there is a lack of printed documents concerning new mexico that is poorly compensated by the known manuscripts which i have already mentioned as existing in new mexico and mexico. still there appeared in a little book by juan diez de la calle, entitled _memorial y resúmen breve de noticias de las indias occidentales_, in which the disturbances that culminated in the assassination of governor luis de rosas in are alluded to. the national archives at the city of mexico contain a still fuller report of that event, in a royal decree of and other papers concerning the deed, all of which are yet unpublished. the archives of spain have as yet been only meagerly investigated. the publication of the report of father nicolas de freytas, portuguese, on the expedition attributed to diego de peñalosa brizeño into what is now kansas or nebraska, is of no importance in the study of the rio grande pueblos. the authenticity of the document has been strongly doubted, though probably without just cause. equally unimportant to the subject of the documentary history to follow is the letter of captain juan dominguez de mendoza, published in the appendix to the criticism of cesareo fernandez duro on the report of father freytas. the otherwise very interesting letter on new mexico, written by fray alonso de posadas, also printed in the work of duro, is meager in its allusions to the rio grande. sixty-eight years after benavides' time the _teatro mexicano_ of the franciscan fray agustin de vetancurt was published. the third and fourth parts of this important work, namely, the _cronica de la provincia del santo evangelio de mexico_ and the _menologio franciscano_, are of the highest value to the history of the rio grande pueblos and of new mexico generally. although printed eighteen years after the new mexican missions had been destroyed by the pueblo indians, the _cronica_ contains a terse description of the missions and indian villages as they had been previous to , and gives data in regard to the population that are commendable in their sobriety and probability. the work of vetancurt is in this respect a great improvement upon benavides, and it is interesting to note how his approximate census approaches the figures given by zárate salmerón seventy years before. vetancurt had at his disposal much more precise data than benavides. during the seven decades separating the three authors much information had been accumulated, and with greater chances of accuracy than before. vetancurt made good use of this accumulation of material, and his books are in fact the most reliable sources from which to ascertain the status of the pueblos at the time the insurrection commenced. the historical data given by vetancurt in regard to new mexico during earlier times are not of great value, but the _menologio_, as well as the _cronica_, contains a number of details on the missions and on the lives and achievements of the missionaries that become important to an understanding of the indian himself. that such references are overburdened with details of a purely religious character does not at all impair their ethnologic value: they are pictures of the times according to the nature of which circumstances and events can alone be judged properly. we have now arrived at a period marking a great temporary change in the condition of all the pueblo indians, and of those of the rio grande especially. this is the insurrection, successful for a time, of the pueblos in , against the spanish domination. the material on this eventful epoch is still largely in manuscript, the nearest approach to a documentary presentation in full being the incomplete paraphrase furnished by w. w. h. davis in his _spanish conquest of new mexico_, published in . no blame should be attached to the author for the insufficiency of his data. he made the best possible use of his materials with the help of my late friends david miller and samuel ellison of santa fé, but the archives of santa fé had already been depleted through neglect and criminal waste, and what was and is left (as i know from having handled it frequently and thoroughly) is a mass of fragments, sometimes long, sometimes short, often disconnected and therefore unsatisfactory. i shall refer to this material later. of the manuscript materials preceding and foreshadowing the insurrection, an important letter by the franciscan fray francisco de ayeta, a copy of which is in the national archives of mexico, deserves to be specially mentioned. to this indefatigable monk, whose timely warnings were too lightly regarded by the spanish authorities, are also due the data concerning the lives and the awful fate of the franciscan priests at the hands of the pueblo indians on august , . the original of this tragic list is in manuscript in the national archives of mexico, where vetancurt made use of it in his _teatro_. the memorial sermon preached and published in mexico in (a copy of which exceedingly rare print was procured by my friend the honorable l. bradford prince of santa fé) rests for its information upon the obituaries preserved by father ayeta. that these obituaries are of direct value to the history of the rio grande pueblos is apparent. the sermon alluded to is the earliest print, so far as known, concerning the great indian uprising of . next in date comes a publication touching the various attempts made by the spaniards to reconquer new mexico prior to . in that year carlos de sigüenza y gongora published in the city of mexico a kind of irregular newspaper bearing the title _el mercurio volante_, in which appears a concise and tolerably reliable sketch of the insurrection and the various attempts to reconquer the territory, including the successful one in by diego de vargas. sigüenza is brief, but reasonably accurate. part of the documents concerning the indian uprising were published in the nineteenth century in the third series of the _colección de documentos para la historia de mexico_, but no complete print of the voluminous papers concerning those events has yet appeared, and indeed the most important documents still remain in manuscript. in villagutierre y sotomayor published his voluminous _historia de la conquistay reducciones de los itzaes y lacandones en la america septentrional_, in which appears a brief description of the indian uprising in new mexico. his data are of course gathered at second hand, although from contemporary sources. i know of no other publications concerning the indian uprising, so often mentioned, between the close of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth. the manuscript material, which has been much scattered, may be divided locally into three groups. the one, originally at santa fé, new mexico, is now in the library of congress at washington; it had been much neglected, hence for the greater part seriously reduced, in former times, but it still contains most valuable information on the condition of the rio grande pueblos immediately after the uprising and during the time the pueblos were left to themselves, attempting to return to their primitive condition. this information, embodied in interrogatories of indians subsequent to , i made the subject of a closing chapter to my _documentary history of the zuñi tribe_, but it was withheld from publication for some cause unknown to me. the military reports on the expeditions of diego de vargas and the final reconquest of new mexico are reduced to disconnected but still bulky fragments. almost unique of their kind are the so-called "pueblo grants" emanating from governor domingo gironza petros de cruzate in . the term "grant" is a misnomer, since it refers in fact to a limitation to the innate tendency of the indians to arbitrarily expand their tribal range. these documents have become the legal basis of landholding by the pueblos and the first step toward eventual single tenure. the second group of manuscripts, in the national archives in the city of mexico, is more complete than the first. it contains information on the beginnings of the rebellion and on later events that are of great importance. the third group, and by far the most complete, is in spain, but in regard to it i am unable to give any precise information, since every opportunity of completing my investigations concerning the southwest by studying the spanish archives, notwithstanding repeated promises, has been withheld. for the eighteenth century documentary materials pertaining to new mexico remain, it may be said, almost exclusively in manuscript. a connecting link between the printed sources of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are the _apuntamientos que sobre el terreno hizo el padre josé amando niel_, in the early part of the eighteenth century, published in the third series of the _documentos para la historia de mexico_. father niel was a jesuit who visited new mexico shortly after the reconquest. his observations are of comparatively mediocre value, yet his writings should not be overlooked. the journal of the brigadier pedro de rivera, in , of his military march to santa fé, is a dry, matter-of-fact account, but is nevertheless valuable owing to his concise and utterly unembellished description of the rio grande valley and of what he saw therein. the book is very rare, and therefore correspondingly unnoticed. a brief but important contribution to the history of new mexico is the letter of fray silvestre velez de escalante, published in the third series of the _documentos para la historia de mexico_. about the same time, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the brigadier josé cortés wrote an extended report on the territory, but it concerns more the relations with the constantly hostile roaming tribes than the condition of the pueblos. it also is printed in the _documentos_. the otherwise very important diary of the journey of fray francisco garcés to northern arizona, published first in the above-mentioned _colección de documentos_, and more recently (with highly valuable notes) by the late dr elliott coues, touches only incidentally on the rio grande region. in joseph antonio de villa-señor y sanchez embodied in his _theatro americano_ a description of new mexico, condensed chiefly from the journal of the brigadier rivera, mentioned above. the _diccionario geografico_ by murillo is also a source that should not be neglected. a great amount of documentary manuscript material, mostly of a local character, is contained in the church books of the eighteenth century formerly at the pueblo of santa clara and now preserved at santa fé through the efforts of the late archbishop j. b. salpointe. there are also the "informaciones matrimoniales," which contain data of great importance. through them we are informed of the tragic fate of the last expedition of the spaniards to the northwest, with its horrifying incidents. the story of woe and disaster that pictures the life of the indian pueblos and spanish settlers during the eighteenth century is contained in fragments in the plain, matter-of-fact church registers, and it requires painstaking investigation to collect it. the greatest part of this information concerns the rio grande pueblos. a careful investigation of the matrimonial and baptismal registers will yield data concerning the clans and indications of the primitive rules of marriage, while the "libros de fabrica" contain interesting data on the churches of the rio grande valley. great labor and the utmost scrutiny are required in sifting these time-worn papers for desirable data, and especially is a considerable knowledge of conditions and events necessary; but the result of thorough investigation, especially through literal copying by the student, will amply repay the time and labor bestowed. what i have stated in regard to the church archives applies, in a still greater degree, to the state and private papers that may be accessible. of the former the archives of santa fé contain a great number, though many of them are only fragmentary. valuable documents exist also in the archives of the surveyor general at santa fé; these are valuable chiefly for historical data covering the first half of the eighteenth century. the national archives in the city of mexico are much more complete than those of new mexico, while in spain we may expect to find an almost complete set of government documents, preserved with much greater care and with more system than in any early spanish possessions in america. the city of sevilla would be the first place in which research in this direction should be conducted. before closing this bibliographic sketch with a glance at the earliest literature of the nineteenth century, i must mention two ponderous books of the eighteenth century which, while based on second-hand information and not very valuable in detail, refer occasionally to facts and data not elsewhere found. these are the two volumes of the _crónica apostólica y seráfica de la propaganda fide de querétaro_. the first volume, written by fray isidro felis espinosa and published in , is interesting especially on account of its reference to the fate of the first frenchmen brought into new mexico, and one of whom, juan de archibèque, played an important rôle in the first two decades of the eighteenth century. the second volume, the author of which was fray domingo de arricivita, was published in , and is the chief source concerning the still problematical expedition to the north attributed to two franciscan friars in . both of these works are of relatively minor importance, and i mention them here only for the sake of completeness and in order to warn against attaching undue importance to them so far as the pueblos are concerned. it is of course understood that i omit from the above account a number of publications containing more or less brief and casual references to new mexico. most of them are geographical, and but few allude to historical facts. in the notes to the documentary history proper i may refer to some of them. perhaps the last book published on new mexico in the spanish language is the little book of pino, which, however, has little more than a bibliographic value except in so far as it touches the condition of new mexico at the beginning of the nineteenth century. the documents in the new mexican and mexican archives up to the date of the american occupancy present features similar to those that characterize the spanish documents of the eighteenth century. it would be too tedious to refer to them in detail, and i therefore dismiss them for the present with this brief mention. if i do not mention here the literature on new mexico in the english language it is not due to carelessness or to ignorance of it, but because of its much greater wealth in number and contents, its more ready accessibility, and because in matters respecting the history of early times the authors of these works have all been obliged to glean their information from at least some of the sources that i have above enumerated and discussed. it may surprise students of new mexican history that i have thus far omitted the very earliest sources in print in which new mexico is mentioned, namely, the work of gonzalo fernandez de oviedo y valdés, and that of gomara. the former was published in part in the first half of the sixteenth century, the entire work appearing at madrid not earlier than and . its title, as is well known, is _historia general y natural de las indias_. the work of francisco lopez de gomara bears the title _historia de las indias_, and is in two parts. gomara is more explicit than oviedo, who gives only a brief and preliminary mention; but even gomara, while more detailed, and basing his work evidently on the earliest data then accessible in regard to the expedition of coronado, cannot be compared with the later reports of those attached to the expedition. the value of these books is comparatively slight, so far as new mexico is concerned. much more important is the _historia general_, etc., by antonio de herrera ( - ). what authorities herrera had at his command cannot be readily determined. he may have had access to the report of jaramillo, and he was certainly acquainted with the letters of coronado. perhaps the letter of coronado which i have as yet been unable to find was consulted by him. in any event herrera's information is all second-hand, and while by no means devoid of merit, his work cannot rank with sources written by men who saw the country and took part in the events of the earliest explorations. the map accompanying the first volume of herrera, while scarcely more than an outline, is still in advance of the charts published during the sixteenth century. here i may be permitted to refer to the older cartography of new mexico in general. until the beginning of the seventeenth century these maps are very defective and incomplete. it is almost as if the ptolemy of had served as a basis for them. even the large and beautiful globe constructed at st. gall in switzerland in , and now in the swiss national museum at zürich, places tiguex near the pacific coast. it is through the work of benavides that more correct ideas of new mexican geography were gained and a somewhat more accurate and detailed nomenclature was introduced, since the _geografie blaviane_ of by the dutch cartographer jean blaeuw contains a map of the region far superior to any hitherto published. the number of early maps of new mexico is larger than is generally supposed, and there are to-day unpublished maps (for instance in the national archives of mexico for the eighteenth century) that indicate, as existing, indian pueblos and missions that were abandoned nearly a century before the maps were made. i must state that in this introduction i have abbreviated as much as practicable the titles of books and manuscripts. these are often very long, and it is unnecessary to burden the present text with them, as i shall have to give the full titles in the notes to the documentary history proper. it may not be out of place to add to the above a brief review of the distribution and location of the various pueblo groups at the beginning of the sixteenth century, but strictly according to documentary information alone. the location of different villages must be reserved for later treatment, hence as the ranges of the various linguistic groups had no definite boundaries, only the relative position and approximate extent can be given here. following the course of the rio grande to the north from northern chihuahua, the mansos were first met, in the vicinity of the present juarez, mexico. this was in . nearly one hundred and forty years later brigadier don pedro de rivera met them farther north, not far from las cruces and doña ana, new mexico. to-day they are again at el paso del norte. about san marcial on the rio grande began the villages of the piros, at present reduced to one small village on the right bank of the rio grande below el paso. the piros extended in the sixteenth century as far north in the rio grande valley as alamillo at least, and a branch of them had established themselves on the borders of the great eastern plains of new mexico, southeast of the manzano. that branch, which has left well-known ruins at abó, gran quivira (tabirá), and other sites in the vicinity, abandoned its home in the seventeenth century, forming the piro settlement below el paso, already mentioned. north of the piros, between a line drawn south of isleta and the mesa del canjelon, the tiguas occupied a number of villages, mostly on the western bank of the river, and a few tigua settlements existed also on the margin of the eastern plains beyond the sierra del manzano. these outlying tigua settlements also were abandoned in the seventeenth century, their inhabitants fleeing from the apaches and retiring to form the pueblo of isleta del sur on the left bank of the rio grande in texas. north of the tiguas the queres had their homes on both sides of the river as far as the great cañon south of san ildefonso, and an outlying pueblo of the queres, isolated and quite remote to the west, was acoma. the most northerly villages on the rio grande were those of the tehuas. still beyond, but some distance east of the rio grande, lay the pueblos of taos and picuris, the inhabitants of which spoke a dialectic variation of the tigua language of the south. the tehuas also approached the rio grande quite near, at what is called la bajada; and in about the same latitude, including the former village at santa fé, began that branch of the tehuas known as tanos, whose settlements ranged from north of santa fé as far as the eastern plains and southward to tajique, where their territory bordered that of the eastern tiguas. the rio grande queres extended also as far west as the jemez river; and north of them, on the same stream, another linguistic group, the jemez, had established themselves and built several villages of considerable size. east of the rio grande and southwest-ward from santa fé another branch of the jemez occupied the northern valley of the rio pecos. the main interest in this distribution of the rio grande pueblos lies in the fact that it establishes a disruption and division of some of these groups prior to the sixteenth century, but of the cause and the manner thereof there is as yet no documentary information. thus the tigua indians of taos and picuris are separated from their southern relatives on the rio grande by two distinct linguistic groups, the tehuas and the queres; the jemez and the pecos were divided from each other by the queres and the tanos. that the piros and the tiguas should have separated from the main stock might be accounted for by the attraction of the great salt deposits about the manzano and greater accessibility to the buffalo plains, but that in the rio grande valley itself foreign linguistic groups should have interposed themselves between the northern and southern tiguas and the jemez and pecos constitutes a problem which only diligent research in traditions, legends, and the native languages may satisfactorily solve. new york city, march, . * * * * * * transcriber's note. several words purposely occur in accented and non-accented forms. the differing occurrences are retained. page : misspelling of sante fé corrected to santa fé. page : the title "coleccion de documentos" modified to "colección de documentos". note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/ / / / / / -h.zip) transcriber's note: the symbol [=a] is used to denote the sound of a in "hare," which was originally represented in the text using the letter "a" with a macron. other punctuation has been normalized to contemporary standards. the delight makers by adolf f. bandelier with an introduction by charles f. lummis illustrated [illustration: portrait of the author] new york dodd, mead and company publishers copyright, by dodd, mead and company copyright, by dodd, mead and company, inc. copyright, by mrs. fanny r. bandelier printed in u. s. a. preface this story is the result of eight years spent in ethnological and archæological study among the pueblo indians of new mexico. the first chapters were written more than six years ago at the pueblo of cochiti. the greater part was composed in , at santa fé, after i had bestowed upon the tehuas the same interest and attention i had previously paid to their neighbours the queres. i was prompted to perform the work by a conviction that however scientific works may tell the truth about the indian, they exercise always a limited influence upon the general public; and to that public, in our country as well as abroad, the indian has remained as good as unknown. by clothing sober facts in the garb of romance i have hoped to make the "truth about the pueblo indians" more accessible and perhaps more acceptable to the public in general. the sober facts which i desire to convey may be divided into three classes,--geographical, ethnological, and archæological. the descriptions of the country and of its nature are real. the descriptions of manners and customs, of creed and rites, are from actual observations by myself and other ethnologists, from the statements of trustworthy indians, and from a great number of spanish sources of old date, in which the pueblo indian is represented as he lived when still unchanged by contact with european civilization. the descriptions of architecture are based upon investigations of ruins still in existence on the sites where they are placed in the story. the plot is my own. but most of the scenes described i have witnessed; and there is a basis for it in a dim tradition preserved by the queres of cochiti that their ancestors dwelt on the rito de los frijoles a number of centuries ago, and in a similar tradition among the tehuas of the pueblo of santa clara in regard to the cave-dwellings of the puye. a word to the linguist. the dialect spoken by the actors is that of cochiti for the queres, that of san juan for the tehuas. in order to avoid the complicated orthography latterly adopted by scientists for indian dialects, i have written indian words and phrases as they would be pronounced in continental languages. the letter [=a] is used to denote the sound of a in "hare." to those who have so kindly assisted me,--in particular to rev. e. w. meany of santa fé, and to dr. norton b. strong, of the united states army,--i herewith tender my heartfelt thanks. ad. f. bandelier santa fÉ, new mexico. * * * * * preface to the second edition the aim of our good and lamented friend in writing this book was to place before the public, in novelistic garb, an account of the life and activities of the pueblo indians before the coming of white men. the information on which it is based was the result of his personal observations during many years of study among the sedentary tribes of new mexico and in spanish archives pertaining thereto in connection with his researches for the archæological institute of america. he spent months in continuous study at the tehua pueblo of san juan and the queres pueblo of cochití, and the regard in which he was held by the simple folk of those and other native villages was sincerely affectionate. bandelier's labors in his chosen field were commenced at a time when a battle with hardship was a part of the daily routine, and his method of performing the tasks before him was of the kind that produced important results often at the expense of great suffering, which on more than one occasion almost shut out his life. because not understood, _the delight makers_ was not received at first with enthusiastic favor. it seemed unlike the great student of technical problems deliberately to write a book the layman might read with interest and profit; but his object once comprehended, the volume was received in the spirit in which the venture was initiated and for a long while search for a copy has often been in vain. bandelier has come unto his own. more than one serious student of the ethno-history of our southwest has frankly declared that the basis of future investigation of the kind that bandelier inaugurated will always be the writings of that eminent man. had he been permitted to live and labor, nothing would have given him greater satisfaction than the knowledge that the people among whom he spent so many years are of those who fully appreciate the breadth of his learning and who have been instrumental in the creation, by proclamation of the president, of the "bandelier national monument," for the purpose of preserving for future generations some of the archæological remains he was the first to observe and describe. f. w. hodge. smithsonian institution, washington, d. c., _september , ._ * * * * * note a special interest attaches to the illustrations, now first included in this edition. many of them are from photographs made by chas. f. lummis in , under the supervision of bandelier, and with special reference to "the delight makers," then being written. these two friends were the first students to explore the tyuonyi and its neighborhood. in rain and shine, afoot, without blankets or overcoats, with no more provision than a little _atole_ (popcorn meal) and sweet chocolate, they climbed the cliffs, threaded the cañons, slept in caves or under trees, measured, mapped and photographed the ruins and landscapes with a -pound camera, and laid the basis-notes for part of bandelier's monumental "final report" to the archæological institute of america. a few later photographs from the same hand show part of the excavation done in the tyuonyi by the school of american archæology--through whose loving and grateful efforts this cañon has been set apart as a national monument bearing the name of its discoverer and chronicler, adolf f. bandelier. thanks are due also to hon. frederick c. hicks, m.c., for six very interesting photographs of the zuñis and their country. * * * * * in memory one day of august, , in the teeth of a particular new mexico sand-storm that whipped pebbles the size of a bean straight to your face, a ruddy, bronzed, middle-aged man, dusty but unweary with his sixty-mile tramp from zuñi, walked into my solitary camp at los alamitos. within the afternoon i knew that here was the most extraordinary mind i had met. there and then began the uncommon friendship which lasted till his death, a quarter of a century later; and a love and admiration which will be of my dearest memories so long as i shall live. i was at first suspicious of the "pigeon-hole memory" which could not only tell me some queres word i was searching for, but add: "policárpio explained that to me in cochití, november , ." but i discovered that this classified memory was an integral part of this extraordinary genius. the acid tests of life-long collaboration proved not only this but the judicial poise, the marvelous insight and the intellectual chastity of bandelier's mind. i cannot conceive of anything in the world which would have made him trim his sails as a historian or a student for any advantage here or hereafter. aside from keen mutual interests of documentary and ethnologic study, we came to know one another humanly by the hard proof of the frontier. thousands of miles of wilderness and desert we trudged side by side--camped, starved, shivered, learned and were glad together. our joint pursuits in comfort at our homes (in santa fé and isleta, respectively) will always be memorable to me; but never so wonderful as that companioning in the hardships of what was, in our day, the really difficult fringe of the southwest. there was not a decent road. we had no endowment, no vehicles. bandelier was once loaned a horse; and after riding two miles, led it the rest of the thirty. so we went always by foot; my big camera and glass plates in the knapsack on my back, the heavy tripod under my arm; his aneroid, surveying instruments, and satchel of the almost microscopic notes which he kept fully and precisely every night by the camp-fire (even when i had to crouch over him and the precious paper with my water-proof focusing cloth) somehow bestowed about him. up and down pathless cliffs, through tangled cañons, fording icy streams and ankle-deep sands, we travailed; no blankets, overcoats, or other shelter; and the only commissary a few cakes of sweet chocolate, and a small sack of parched popcorn meal. our "lodging was the cold ground." when we could find a cave, a tree, or anything to temper the wind or keep off part of the rain, all right. if not, the open. so i came to love him as well as revere. i had known many "scientists" and what happened when they really got outdoors. he was in no way an athlete--nor even muscular. i was both--and not very long before had completed my thirty-five-hundred-mile "tramp across the continent." but i never had to "slow down" for him. sometimes it was necessary to use laughing force to detain him at dark where we had water and a leaning cliff, instead of stumbling on through the trackless night to an unknown "somewheres." he has always reminded me of john muir, the only other man i have known intimately who was as insatiate a climber and inspiring a talker. but bandelier had one advantage. he could find common ground with _anyone_. i have seen him with presidents, diplomats, irish section-hands, mexican peons, indians, authors, scientists and "society." within an hour or so he was easily the center. not unconscious of his power, he had an extraordinary and sensitive modesty, which handicapped him through life among those who had the "gift of push." he never put himself forward either in person or in his writing. but something about him fascinated all these far-apart classes of people, when he spoke. his command of english, french, spanish, and german might have been expected; but his facility in acquiring the "dialects" of railroad men and cowboys, or the language of an indian tribe, was almost uncanny. when he first visited me, in isleta, he knew just three words of tigua. in ten days he could make himself understood by the hour with the principales in their own unwritten tongue. of course, this was one secret of his extraordinary success in learning the inner heart of the indians. i saw it proved again in our contact with the quíchua and aymará and other tribes of peru and bolivia. i have known many scholars and some heroes--but they seldom come in the same original package. as i remember bandelier with smallpox alone in the two-foot snows of the manzanos; his tens of thousands of miles of tramping, exploring, measuring, describing, in the southwest; his year afoot and alone in northern mexico, with no more weapon than a pen-knife, on the trails of raiding apaches (where "scientific expeditions" ten years later, when the apache was eliminated, needed armed convoys and pack-trains enough for a punitive expedition, and wrote pretentious books about what every scholar has known for three hundred years) i deeply wonder at the dual quality of his intellect. among them all, i have never known such student and such explorer lodged in one tenement. we were knit not only thus but in the very intimacies of life--sharing hopes and bereavements. my first son, named for him, should now be twenty-two. the old home in santa fé was as my own. the truly wonderful little woman he found in peru for mate--who shared his hardships among the cannibals of the amazonas and elsewhere, and so aided and still carries on his work--i met in her maiden home, and am glad i may still call her friend. naturally, among my dearest memories of our trampings together is that of the rito, the tyuonyi. it had never in any way been pictured before. we were the first students that ever explored it. he had discovered it, and was writing "the delight makers." what days those were! the weather was no friend of ours, nor of the camera's. we were wet and half-fed, and cold by night, even in the ancient tiny caves. but the unforgettable glory of it all! to-day thousands of people annually visit the tyuonyi at ease, and camp for weeks in comfort. the school of american archæology has a summer session there; and its excavations verify bandelier's surmises. normal students and budding archæologists sleep in the very caves (identified) of the eagle people, the turquoise, snake and other clans. and in that enchanted valley we remember not only the ancients, but the man who gave all this to the world. during the six years i was librarian of the los angeles public library, far later, no other out-of-print book on the southwest was so eagerly sought as "the delight makers." we had great trouble in getting our own copy, which slept in the safe. the many students who wished copies of their very own were referred to dealers in americana, who searched for this already rare volume; and many were proud to get it, at last, at ten, fifteen and even twenty times its original price. it will always be a standard--the most photographic story yet printed of the life of the prehistoric americans. charles f. lummis. * * * * * illustrations portrait of the author _frontispiece_ facing page the east end of the cañon of the tyuonyi a modern indian dance an estufa rito de los frijoles: cavate rooms in cliff; ruins of talus pueblo at the foot of cliff a westerly cliff of the habitations of the tyuonyi, showing second and third story caves, and some high lookout caves a navajo hogan the heart of the tyuonyi: the excavated lower story of the great terraced communal house rito de los frijoles: a cliff estufa of the snake-clan the dance of the ayash tyucotz indian pueblo dances of to-day: lining up for the dance; the "clowns" type of old indian woman juanico: a member of the modern village-council the hishtanyi chayan, or chief medicine man looking out from one of the weathered cave-rooms of the snake-clan rito de los frijoles: looking out from the ceremonial cave ruins of an ancient pueblo a modern pueblo * * * * * the delight makers chapter i. the mountain ranges skirting the rio grande del norte on the west, nearly opposite the town of santa fé, in the territory of new mexico, are to-day but little known. the interior of the chain, the sierra de los valles, is as yet imperfectly explored. still, these bald-crested mountains, dark and forbidding as they appear from a distance, conceal and shelter in their deep gorges and clefts many a spot of great natural beauty, surprisingly picturesque, but difficult of access. from the river these cañons, as they are called in new mexico, can be reached only by dint of toilsome climbing and clambering; for their western openings are either narrow gaps, or access to them is barred by colossal walls and pillars of volcanic rocks. the entire formation of the chain, as far as it faces the rio grande, is volcanic, the walls of the gorges consisting generally of a friable white or yellowish tufa containing nodules of black, translucent obsidian. the rock is so soft that in many places it can be scooped out or detached with the most primitive tools, or even with the fingers alone. owing to this peculiarity the slopes exposed to the south and east, whence most of the heavy rains strike them, are invariably abrupt, and often even perpendicular; whereas the opposite declivities, though steep, still afford room for scanty vegetation. the gorges run from west to east,--that is, they descend from the mountain crests to the rio grande, cutting the long and narrow pedestal on which the high summits are resting. through some but not all of these gorges run never-failing streams of clear water. in a few instances the gorge expands and takes the proportions of a narrow vale. then the high timber that usually skirts the rivulets shrinks to detached groves, and patches of clear land appear, which, if cultivated, would afford scanty support to one or two modern families. to the village indian such tillable spots were of the greatest value. the deep ravine afforded shelter not only against the climate but against roving enemies, and the land was sufficient for his modest crops; since his wants were limited, and game was abundant. the material of which the walls of these cañons are composed, suggested in times past to the house-building indian the idea of using them as a home. the tufa and pumice-stone are so friable that, as we have said, the rock can be dug or burrowed with the most primitive implements. it was easier, in fact, to excavate dwellings than to pile up walls in the open air. therefore the northern sides of these secluded gorges are perforated in many places by openings similar in appearance to pigeon-holes. these openings are the points of exit and entrance of artificial caves, dug out by sedentary aborigines in times long past. they are met with in clusters of as many as several hundred; more frequently, however, the groups are small. sometimes two or more tiers of caves are superimposed. from the objects scattered about and in the cells, and from the size and disposition of the latter, it becomes evident that the people who excavated and inhabited them were on the same level of culture as the so-called pueblo indians of new mexico. it is not surprising, therefore, that some traditions and myths are preserved to-day among the pueblos concerning these cave-villages. thus the tehua indians of the pueblo of santa clara assert that the artificial grottos of what they call the puiye and the shufinne, west of their present abodes, were the homes of their ancestors at one time. the queres of cochiti in turn declare that the tribe to which they belong, occupied, many centuries before the first coming of europeans to new mexico, the cluster of cave-dwellings, visible at this day although abandoned and in ruins, in that romantic and picturesquely secluded gorge called in the queres dialect tyuonyi, and in spanish "el rito de los frijoles." the rito is a beautiful spot. situated in a direct line not over twenty miles west of santa fé, it can still be reached only after a long day's tedious travel. it is a narrow valley, nowhere broader than half a mile; and from where it begins in the west to where it closes in a dark and gloomy entrance, scarcely wide enough for two men to pass abreast, in the east, its length does not exceed six miles. its southern rim is formed by the slope of a timbered mesa, and that slope is partly overgrown by shrubbery. the northern border constitutes a line of vertical cliffs of yellowish and white pumice, projecting and re-entering like decorations of a stage,--now perpendicular and smooth for some distance, now sweeping back in the shape of an arched segment. these cliffs vary in height, although nowhere are they less than two hundred feet. their tops rise in huge pillars, in crags and pinnacles. brushwood and pine timber crown the mesa of which these fantastic projections are but the shaggy border. through the vale itself rustles the clear and cool brook to which the name of rito de los frijoles is applied. it meanders on, hugging the southern slope, partly through open spaces, partly through groves of timber, and again past tall stately pine-trees standing isolated in the valley willows, cherry-trees, cottonwoods, and elders form small thickets along its banks. the rito is a permanent streamlet notwithstanding its small size. its water freezes in winter, but it never dries up completely during the summer months. bunches of tall grass, low shrubbery, and cactus grow in the open spaces between rocky débris fallen from above. they also cover in part low mounds of rubbish, and ruins of a large pentagonal building erected formerly at the foot of a slope leading to the cliffs. in the cliffs themselves, for a distance of about two miles, numerous caves dug out by the hand of man are visible. some of these are yet perfect; others have wholly crumbled away except the rear wall. from a distance the port-holes and indentations appear like so many pigeons' nests in the naked rock. together with the cavities formed by amygdaloid chambers and crevices caused by erosion, they give the cliffs the appearance of a huge, irregular honeycomb. these ruins, inside as well as outside the northern walls of the cañon of the rito, bear testimony to the tradition still current among the queres indians of new mexico that the rito, or tyuonyi, was once inhabited by people of their kind, nay, even of their own stock. but the time when those people wooed and wed, lived and died, in that secluded vale is past long, long ago. centuries previous to the advent of the spaniards, the rito was already deserted. nothing remains but the ruins of former abodes and the memory of their inhabitants among their descendants. these ancient people of the rito are the actors in the story which is now to be told; the stage in the main is the rito itself. the language of the actors is the queres dialect, and the time when the events occurred is much anterior to the discovery of america, to the invention of gunpowder and the printing-press in europe. still the rito must have appeared then much as it appears now,--a quiet, lovely, picturesque retreat, peaceful when basking in the sunlight, wonderfully quiet when the stars sparkled over it, or the moon shed its floods of silver on the cliffs and on the murmuring brook below. in the lower or western part of its course the tyuonyi rushes in places through thickets and small groves, out of which rise tall pine-trees. it is very still on the banks of the brook when, on a warm june day, noon-time is just past and no breeze fans the air; not a sound is heard beyond the rippling of the water; the birds are asleep, and the noise of human activity does not reach there from the cliffs. still, on the day of which we are now speaking, a voice arose from the thicket, calling aloud,-- "umo,--'grandfather!'"[ ] "to ima satyumishe,--'come hither, my brother,'" another voice replied in the same dialect, adding, "see what a big fish i have caught." it sounded as though this second voice had issued from the very waters of the streamlet. pine boughs rustled, branches bent, and leaves shook. a step scarcely audible was followed by a noiseless leap. on a boulder around which flowed streams of limpid water there alighted a young indian. he was of medium height and well-proportioned. his hands and feet were rather small and delicate. he carried his head erect with ease and freedom. jet-black hair, slightly waving, streamed loose over temples and cheeks, and was gathered at the back in a short thick knot. in front it parted naturally, leaving exposed a narrow strip of the brow. the features of the face, though not regular, were still attractive, for large black eyes, almond-shaped, shone bright from underneath heavy lashes. the complexion was dusky, and the skin had a velvety gloss. form, carriage, and face together betokened a youth of about eighteen years. his costume was very plain. a garment of unbleached cotton, coarsely woven, covered the body as low as the knee. this garment, sleeveless and soiled by wear, was tied over the right shoulder. a reddish-brown scarf or belt of the same material fastened it around the waist. feet, arms, and the left shoulder were bare. primitive as was this costume, there was, nevertheless, an attempt here and there at decoration. the belt was ornamented with black and white stitches; from each ear hung a turquoise suspended by a cotton thread, and a necklace of coloured pebbles strung on yucca fibre encircled the neck. like a statue of light-coloured bronze decked with scanty drapery, and adorned with crude trinkets, holding a bow in the right hand, while the left clenched a few untipped arrows, the youth stood on the boulder outlined against the shrubbery, immovable above the running brook. his gaze was fixed on the opposite bank, where a youngster was kneeling. the latter was a boy of perhaps nine years. a dirty wrap hung loosely over shoulders and back, and no necklace or ear-pendants decorated his body. but the childish features were enlivened by a broad grin of satisfaction, and his eyes sparkled like coals just igniting, while he pointed to a large mountain trout which he pressed against a stone with both hands. he looked at the older youth with an expression not merely of pleasure, but of familiar intimacy also. it was clear that both boys were children of the same parents. the younger one spoke first,-- "see here, okoya," he began, grinning; "while you are older than i, and bigger and stronger, i am more cunning than you. ever since the sun came out you have followed the turkeys, and what have you? nothing! your hands are empty! i have just come down from the field, and look! i caught this fish in the water. shall we fry and eat it here, or carry it home to the mother?" the older brother did not relish the taunt; his lips curled. he replied scornfully,-- "any child may catch a fish, but only men can follow turkeys. the tzina is shy and wary; it knows how sure my aim is, therefore it hides when i go out to hunt." the little one replied to this pompous explanation with a clear mocking laugh. "turkeys care nothing about you," he retorted. "it is nothing to them whether you go out or not!" "shyuote," his brother scolded, "stop prating about things of which you do not know. it is true i am not one of the order of hunters, shyayak, but i may become so soon." he stopped, as if a sudden thought had struck him, and then exclaimed: "now i know why luck has failed me this morning! when i left our houses i should have scattered meal, and placed a pebble on the heap beside the trail, and offered a plume to our mother above. all this i neglected. now i am punished for it by the birds concealing themselves. for had they come out--" "you would have missed them," tauntingly replied the other. "if you want to kill turkeys join the koshare. then you will catch them with roots and flowers." okoya grew angry. "hush! foolish boy," he retorted, "what are the koshare to me? don't speak about such things here. come, take your fish, and let us go home." with this okoya leaped over the brook. shyuote whispered audibly to him, "yes; you are very fond of the koshare." but the sarcastic remark was not heeded by the elder lad, who turned to go, shyuote following him. proudly the little boy tossed his fish from one hand to the other. beyond the straight and lofty pine trunks a whitish glare soon appeared. brilliant sunlight broke through the tree-tops, and played around the dark needles, turning them into a brighter, lighter, emerald green. a background of yellow and cream-coloured rocks, visible now through openings in the shrubbery, showed that the boys were approaching a clear space. here the elder one suddenly stopped, turned to his brother, looked straight at him, and asked,-- "shyuote, what have you heard about the koshare?" instead of answering the child looked down, indifferent and silent, as if he had not heard the query. "what have you heard, boy?" continued the other. shyuote shrugged his shoulders. he had no inclination to reply. "why don't you answer?" okoya persisted. his brother looked up, cast a furtive glance at the interlocutor, then stared vacantly, but with head erect, before him. his eyes were glassy and without any expression. [illustration: the east end of the cañon of the tyuonyi] whenever the indian does not wish to speak on any subject, whatever it be, no power on earth can compel him to break silence. okoya, as an indian, felt rather than understood this; and the child's refusal to answer a very simple question aroused his suspicions. he looked at the stubborn boy for a moment, undecided whether he would not resort to force. the child's taunts had mortified his pride in the first place; now that child's reticence bred misgivings. he nevertheless restrained both anger and curiosity for the present, not because of indifference but for policy's sake, and turned to go. shyuote looked for a moment as if he wished to confess to his brother all that the latter inquired about, but soon pouted, shrugged his shoulders, and set out after okoya in a lively fox-trot again. the valley lay before them; they had reached the end of the grove. smiling in the warm glow of a june day, with a sky of deepest azure, the vale of the rito expanded between the spot which the boys had reached and the rocky gateways in the west, where that valley seemed to begin. fields, small and covered with young, bushy maize-plants, skirted the brook, whose silvery thread was seen here and there as its meanderings carried it beneath the shadow of shrubs and trees, or exposed it to the full light of the dazzling sun. in the plantations human forms appeared, now erect, now bent down over their work. a ditch of medium size bordered the fields on the north, carrying water from the brook for purposes of irrigation. still north of the ditch, and between it and the cliffs, arose a tall building, which from a distance looked like a high clumsy pile of clay or reddish earth. this pile was irregularly terraced. human beings stood on the terraces or moved along them. now and then one was seen to rise from the interior of the pile to one of the terraced roofs, or another slowly sank from sight, as if descending into the interior of the earthy heap. on the outside, beams leaned against it, and on them people went up and down, as if climbing ladders. thin films of smoke quivered in the air from imperceptible flues. the cliffs themselves extended north of this building and east and west as far as the range of view permitted, like a yellowish ribbon of towering height with innumerable flexures and alternations of light and shade. their base was enlivened by the bustle of those who dwelt in caves all along the foot of the imposing rocky wall. where to-day only vacant holes stare at the visitor, at the hour on the day when our story begins, human eyes peered through. other doors were closed by deer-hides or robes. sometimes a man, a woman, or a child, would creep out of one of these openings, and climbing upward, disappear in the entrance of an upper tier of cave-dwellings. others would descend the slope from the cliffs to the fields, while still others returned from the banks of the ditch or of the brook. at the distance from which the boys viewed the landscape all passed noiselessly; no human voice, no clamour disturbed the stillness of the scene. peaceful as nature appeared, neither of the youth were in the least struck by its charms or influenced by the spell which such a tranquil and cheerful landscape is likely to exercise upon thinking and feeling man. with both it was indifference; for the indian views nature with the eyes of a materially interested spectator only. but the elder brother had another reason for not noticing the beauty of the scene. he was not only troubled, he was seriously embarrassed. the hint thrown out by his little brother about the koshare had struck him; for it led to the inference that the child had knowledge of secret arts and occult practices of which even he, okoya, although on the verge of manhood, had never received any intimation. far more yet than this knowledge, which shyuote might have obtained through mere accident, the hint at unpleasant relations between okoya and the koshare startled the latter. it was perfectly true that he not only disliked but even hated the cluster of men to which the name of koshare was given in the tribe; but he had concealed his feelings as carefully as possible until now. only once, as far as he could remember, had he spoken of his aversion; and then it was during an absolutely confidential conversation with his own mother, who seemed to entertain like sentiments. to his father he had never uttered a word; because his father was himself a koshare. whatever shyuote knew, he could only have gathered by overhearing a conversation of the koshare among themselves, in which it was mentioned that he, okoya, harboured ill-feelings toward that brotherhood. in that case he might be exposed to serious danger, since, as he believed, those people were in possession of knowledge of a higher order, and practised arts of an occult nature. against danger arising from such a source, okoya considered himself utterly defenceless. the more he tried to think over these matters, the more troubled his mind became. only one thought appeared logical and probable and that was that the boy had overheard one or other of the koshare's intimate conversations. but how came it that the koshare knew about okoya's aversion toward them? who could have told them? only his mother knew the secret! had she, perhaps, she--the thought was like a spark which glowed for a while, grew to a flame, flared and flickered unsteadily within his heart, then began to shrink. no, no; it was impossible! it could not be! his mother would never betray her child! the flame died out, the spark remained fast dying. suddenly it blazed up again as if some breath had fanned it. with renewed insistence, it struck okoya that even if shyuote had merely overheard a conversation and the child's knowledge was derived from that source, the most extraordinary part of the information could only have come from one source,--the person in whom he had confided, his mother! she alone could have told the koshare that okoya hated them. the spark flared up anew; it burst out in a wild flame of suspicion. it singed the heart and smothered feeling as well as reason. it so completely absorbed his thoughts, that okoya forgot everything else. instead of walking along at a quiet easy gait, he rushed fast and faster, wrapped in dismal despair and in wild impotent wrath. heedless of his little companion he ran, panting with agitation, until shyuote, unable to keep pace and startled at his wild gait, pulled his garment and begged him to stop. "brother," he cried, "why do you go so fast? i cannot follow you!" okoya came to a sudden halt, and turned toward the boy like one aroused from a sinister dream. shyuote stared at him with surprise akin to fright. how changed was his appearance! never before had he seen him with a countenance so haggard, with eyes hollow and yet burning with a lurid glow. loose hair hung down over forehead and cheeks, perspiration stood on the brow in big drops. the child involuntarily shrunk back, and okoya, noticing it, gasped,-- "you are right, the day is long yet and the houses near. we will go slower." bowing his head again he went on at a slower gait. shyuote followed in silence. although surprised at the change in his brother's looks, he did not for a moment entertain the thought or desire of inquiring into the cause of it. he was fully satisfied that as long as okoya did not see fit to speak of the matter, he had no right to ask about it: in short, that it was none of his business. meanwhile dark and dismal thoughts were chasing each other within the elder brother's soul. doubt and suspicion became more and more crushing. he was tempted to break the spell and interrogate shyuote once more, even to wrench from him, if needs be, a full explanation. the boy was old enough to enjoy that great and often disagreeable quality of the american indian, reticence. furthermore, he might have been forbidden to speak. if the indian is not an ideal being, he is still less a stolid mentally squalid brute. he is not reticent out of imbecility or mental weakness. he fails properly to understand much of what takes place around him, especially what happens within the circle of our modern civilization, but withal he is far from indifferent toward his surroundings. he observes, compares, thinks, reasons, upon whatever he sees or hears, and forms opinions from the basis of his own peculiar culture. his senses are very acute for natural phenomena; his memory is excellent, as often as he sees fit to make use of it. there is no difference between him and the caucasian in original faculties, and the reticence peculiar to him under certain circumstances is not due to lack of mental aptitude. he does not practise that reticence alike toward all. a great number of examples seems to establish the fact that the indian has developed a system of casuistry, based upon a remarkably thorough knowledge of human nature. certain matters are kept concealed from some people, whereas they are freely discussed with others, and _vice versa_. the indian hardly ever keeps a secret to himself alone; it is nearly always shared by others whom the matter directly concerns. it may be said of the red man that he keeps secrets in the same manner that he lives,--namely, in groups or clusters. the reason is that with him individualism, or the mental and moral independence of the individual, has not attained the high degree of development which prevails among white races. when europeans began to colonize america in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the social organization of its inhabitants presented a picture such as had disappeared long before on the continent of europe. everywhere there prevailed linguistic segregation,--divisions into autonomous groups called tribes or stocks, and within each of these, equally autonomous clusters, whose mutual alliance for purposes of sustenance and defence constituted the basis of tribal society. the latter clusters were the clans, and they originated during the beginnings of the human family. every clan formed a group of supposed blood-relatives, looking back to a mythical or traditional common ancestor. descent from the mother being always plain, the clan claimed descent in the female line even if every recollection of the female ancestor were lost, and theoretically all the members of one clan were so many brothers and sisters. this organization still exists in the majority of tribes; the members of one clan cannot intermarry, and, if all the women of a clan die, that clan dies out also, since there is nobody left to perpetuate it. the tribe is in reality but a league; the clan is the unit. at the time we speak of, the affairs of each tribe were administered by an assembly of delegates from all its clans who at the same time arbitrated inevitable disputes between the several blood-relations. each clan managed its own affairs, of which no one outside of its members needed to know anything. since the husbands always belonged to a different consanguine group from their wives, and the children followed their mother's line of descent, the family was permanently divided. there was really no family in our sense of the word. the indian has an individual name only. he is, in addition, distinguished by the name of his clan, which in turn has its proper cognomen. the affairs of the father's clan did not concern his wife or his children, whereas a neighbour might be his confidant on such matters. the mother, son, and daughter spoke among themselves of matters of which the father was not entitled to know, and about which he scarcely ever felt enough curiosity to inquire. consequently there grew a habit of not caring about other people's affairs unless they affected one's own, and of confiding secrets to those only whom they could concern, and who were entitled to know them. in the course of time the habit became a rule of education. reticence, secrecy, discretion, are therefore no virtues with the indian; they are simply the result of training. okoya too had been under the influence of such training, and he knew that shyuote, young as he was, had already similar seeds planted within him. but uncertainty was insufferable; it weighed too heavily upon him, he could no longer bear it. "umo," he burst out, turning abruptly and looking at the boy in an almost threatening manner, "how do you know that i dislike the koshare?" shyuote cast his eyes to the ground, and remained silent. his brother repeated the query; the little fellow only shrugged his shoulders. with greater insistence the elder proceeded,-- "shyuote tihua, who told you that the delight makers are not precious to me, nor i to them?" shyuote shook his head, pouted, and stared vacantly to one side. he manifestly refused to answer. cold perspiration stood on the brow of the elder brother; his body quivered in anguish; he realized the truth of his suspicions. unable any longer to control himself he cried,-- "it is my mother who told them!" trembling, with clenched hands and gnashing teeth, he gazed at the child unconsciously. shyuote, frightened at his wild and menacing attitude, and ignorant of the real cause of his brother's excitement, raised his hand to his forehead and began to sob. a shout coming from the immediate vicinity aroused and startled okoya. a voice called out to him,-- "umo!" he looked around in surprise. they were standing close to the cultivated plots, and a man loomed up from between the maize-plants. he it was who called, and as soon as okoya turned toward him he beckoned the youth to come nearer. okoya's face darkened; he reluctantly complied, leaped over the ditch, walked up to the interlocutor, and stood still before him in the attitude of quiet expectancy with downcast eyes. shyuote had dropped to the ground; the call did not interfere with his sobs; he pouted rather than grieved. okoya's interlocutor was a man of strong build, apparently in the forties. his features, although somewhat flat and broad, created a favourable impression at first; upon closer scrutiny, however, the eyes modified that impression. they were small, and their look piercing rather than bright. his costume was limited to a tattered breech-clout of buckskin. a collar of small white shells encircled the neck, and from this necklace dangled a triangular piece of alabaster, flat, and with a carving on it suggesting the shape of a dragon-fly. his hair streamed loose over the left ear, where there was fastened to the black coarse strands a tuft of grayish down. this individual eyed okoya in silence for a moment, as if inspecting his person; then he inquired,-- "where do you come from?" the young fellow looked up and replied,-- "from below," pointing to the lower end of the gorge. "what did you hunt?" the other continued, glancing at the bow and arrows of the boy. "tzina;" and with perceptible embarrassment okoya added, "but i killed nothing." the man seemed not to heed the humiliation which this confession entailed, and asked,-- "have you seen tracks of the mountain-sheep down yonder?" "not one; but i saw at a distance on the slope two bears very large and strong." the other shook his head. "then there are no mountain sheep toward that end of the tyuonyi," he said, waving his left hand toward the southeast, "thank you, boy," at the same time extending his right to the youth. okoya grasped it, and breathed on the outside of the hand. then he said, "hoa umo," and turned and sauntered back to where his little brother was still squatting and pouting, morose and silent. the man had also turned around, bent down, and gone on weeding the corn. withal he did not lose sight of the boys; on the contrary, an occasional stealthy glance from his half-closed eyes shot over where they met. shyuote rose from the ground. his eyes were dry, but he glanced at his brother with misgivings as well as with curiosity. the latter felt a sudden pang upon beholding the childish features. the short interruption, though annoying at first, had diverted him from gloomy thoughts. now, everything came back to his mind with renewed force,--the same anguish, the feeling of utter helplessness in case of impending danger, indignation at what he believed to have been base treason on the part of his mother,--all this rushed upon him with fearful force, and he stood again motionless, a picture of wild perplexity. his face betokened the state of his mind. shyuote did not dare to inquire of him further than to ask a very insignificant question,--namely, who the man was that had called. okoya answered readily, for this query was almost a relief,--a diversion which enabled him to subdue his agitation. "tyope tihua," he said hastily, "wanted to know if i had seen any mountain sheep. i told him that i had only seen bear-tracks. let him follow those," he growled. "come on, satyumishe, it is getting late." while this conversation had been carried on, the boys, now hurrying and now slackening their pace, had arrived within a short distance of the tall clay-pile, which was seen to be a high polygonal building, apparently closed on all sides. between them and this edifice there was still another lower one, not unlike an irregular honeycomb. about forty cells, separated from each other by walls of earth, carried up from the ground to a few inches above the terraced roof, constituted a ground-floor on which rested a group of not more than a dozen similar cells. the walls of this structure were of stones, irregularly broken and clumsily piled, but they were covered by a thick coating of clay so that nothing of the rough core remained visible. instead of doors or entrances, air-holes, round or oval, perforated these walls. the house appeared empty. no smoke flitted over the flat roof; the coating was so recent that many places were hardly dry. [illustration: (upper picture) a modern indian dance] [illustration: (lower picture) an estufa] north of this building, a circular structure thirty feet in diameter rose a few feet only above the soil, like the upper part of a sunken cylinder. its top was flat, and large flags of stone formed a rough staircase leading to its roof. in the centre, a square opening appeared, out of which a tall beam, notched at regular intervals like a primitive ladder, protruded, and down which also the beam disappeared as if extended into the bowels of the earth. this edifice, half underground, half above the soil, was what to-day is called in new mexico an _estufa_.[ ] this spanish word has become a technical term, and we shall hereafter use it in the course of the story as well as the designations _tshikia_ and _kaaptsh_ of the queres indians. the estufas were more numerous in a single pueblo formerly than they are now. nor are they always sunken. at the rito there were at least ten, five of which were circular chambers in the rock of the cliffs. these chambers or halls were, in the times we speak of, gathering places for men exclusively. no woman was permitted to enter, unless for the purpose of carrying food to the inmates. each clan had its own estufa, and the young men slept in it under the surveillance of one or more of the aged principals, until they married, and frequently even afterward. there the young men became acquainted with the affairs of their individual connections, and little by little also with the business of the tribe. there, during the long evenings of winter, old men taught them the songs and prayers embodying traditions and myths, first of their own clan, then of the tribe.[ ] the estufa was school, club-house, nay, armory to a certain extent. it was more. many of the prominent religious exercises took place in it. the estufa on special occasions became transformed into a temple for the clan who had reared it. from the depths of this structure there came a series of dull sounds like beats of a drum. the youngsters stopped short, and looked at each other in surprise. "the new house," whispered okoya, "which the corn clan have built here is empty, yet there is somebody in its estufa. what may this mean?" "let us look into it," eagerly suggested shyuote. "go you alone!" directed the elder brother. "i will walk on, and you can overtake me by-and-by." that suited shyuote. he crept stealthily toward the round building. there was an air-hole in the rim which rose above the ground. crouching like a cat, the boy cautiously peered through this opening, but quickly withdrew with an expression of disappointment. the underground chamber was not even finished; its walls were dark and raw, the floor rough, and on this floor a half-dozen young fellows in every stage of dress or undress were lounging. one of them mechanically touched a small drum with a stick, while two or three of the others were humming a monotonous tune to the rhythm of his rappings. shyuote stole away in evident discontent; his curiosity was satisfied, but at the expense of his expectations. loud laughter, screams, and animated talking diverted his attention, and caused him to run in the direction of the new house of the corn clan. he heard the voice of his brother, but at the same time women's voices also, and as soon as he turned the farther corner of the building, he saw what was plainly a playful encounter between okoya and a pair of young girls. the former had his bow in hand ready to shoot, and he pointed the arrow at the maidens alternately; they, utterly unconcerned about his weapon, were pressing him with weapons of their own, which he was much more anxious to avoid than they his missiles. these were two pairs of very dirty hands filled and covered with liquid mud with which the damsels attempted to decorate his person. okoya was clearly on the defensive, and the advantage so far seemed on the side of his aggressors. shyuote flew to his assistance. rushing to a large vessel of burnt clay, standing alongside the wall and filled with water, he plunged both hands into it, and began to bespatter the assailants with the not very clean liquid. forthwith one of the girls turned against the new enemy. she was older and taller than shyuote. seizing his raven locks she pulled him to the ground on his face, knelt on the prostrate form, and then and there gave the boy a series of energetic cuffs against which the youngster struggled and wriggled in the most desperate but absolutely ineffectual manner. the fair sex held the balance of power and wielded it. at every attempt of shyuote to rise or to roll over, she pushed his face back into the moist ground, she pulled his hair, thumped his shoulders, and boxed his ears. she was in earnest, and shyuote was powerless in her firm grasp. he could not even scream, for a thick coating of soil had fastened itself to his features, had penetrated into eye, mouth, and nostrils. his fate was as melancholy as it was ludicrous; it brought about a truce between okoya and the other maiden. they dropped, he the weapon, she her muddy arms, and looked at the other set of combatants with surprise and with immoderate laughter. the indian is not tender-hearted on such occasions. when the victorious beauty at last arose, suffering her victim to turn over again, the merriment became uproarious, for shyuote presented the appearance of a blowing, spitting, coughing, statue of dirt. his looks were in no manner improved by his frenzy after the boy had rubbed his eyes, and recovered his breath. tears of rage rolled down his cheeks over patches of sand and mud, and when he noticed the mirth of the others shyuote's fury knew no bounds. he rushed madly at the triumphant lass, who did not shrink from the hostile approach. the contest was threatening to assume serious proportions, when another person appeared upon the scene, at the sight of whom even shyuote temporarily stayed all demonstrations, while okoya seemed both startled and embarrassed. the new-comer was a young girl too; she carried on her head a vessel of burnt clay similar to a flat urn, decorated with black and red designs on cream-coloured ground, and filled with water. to understand this scene we must know that the two girls had been engaged in putting on the last coat of plaster to the walls of the abode of the corn people, when okoya suddenly came upon them. at a glance they saw that he had been on a hunt, and also that he had hunted in vain. here was a welcome opportunity for jeering and mockery. they interrupted their plastic labour, and turned against him with such merciless allusions to his ill-success, that unable any longer to reply to their sarcasm okoya threatened them, in jest of course, with his bow. instead of desisting, the girls at once moved upon him with muddy hands. the one who last appeared upon the scene, although assistant to the others, inasmuch as she carried the water needed in the preparation of the mud for plastering, had not seen the engagement just fought. she looked at the group in blank surprise, stood still without lifting the bowl from her head, and presented thus the appearance of a handsome statue, dusky and graceful, whose lustrous black eyes alone moved, glancing from one of the members of the group to the other. those large expressive eyes plainly asked, "what does all this mean?" the antagonists of okoya and shyuote were buxom lasses, rather short, thick-waisted, full-chested, with flat faces, prominent cheek-bones, and bright eyes. the third maiden was taller and much more graceful: her features were less coarse, less prominently distinctive. the nose was well-proportioned, the mouth also, although the lips were rather heavy. the eyes were large and beaming, soft yet not without an intelligent expression. all three girls were dressed nearly alike. a dark-blue cotton garment descended as far as the knees; it was tied over the left shoulder, and the right was exposed. a red-tinged scarf served as belt around the waist. arms and feet were bare. the long black hair streamed loosely. two of them wore heavy necklaces of green stones, red pebbles, and shell beads. the last comer carried only a single string of shell beads with an iridescent conch fastened to it in front. ear-pendants of turquoises hung from the ears of all three. the attention of the girl with the urn on her head soon rested on shyuote, and she was the first to break the silence by a hearty peal of laughter. this started her companions again, and the one nearest to okoya exclaimed,-- "mitsha help us throw the water in your urn over the head of the boy. okoya began it all, give it to him, too. you are strong enough." at the mention of okoya's name the maiden addressed as mitsha started. she threw a quick glance like a flash at him. her face quivered and coloured slightly. turning away, she deposited the water-urn at the foot of the wall, and remained standing, her eyes directed to the cliffs, her lithe fingers carelessly playing with the beads of her necklace. she was disinclined to take any part in the fray, and her behaviour acted as a damper on the buoyancy of the others. okoya hastily gathered up his arrows, and called shyuote to his side. but the boy did not care to obey. thirst for revenge held him to the spot of his defeat; he shook his fists at the girls, clenched his teeth, and began to threaten vengeance, and to shower uncomplimentary expressions upon them. as soon, however, as the one who had so effectually routed him showed again a decided movement toward his raven locks, he beat a hasty retreat to his elder brother. this change of base excited new hilarity, and under a shower of jokes and sarcasms the two boys departed. okoya walked along at a steady gait; but shyuote, as soon as he considered the distance safe enough, turned around, making grimaces at the belligerent damsels, vowing vengeance, and uttering opprobrious epithets of the choicest kind. he noticed that the two returned his compliments without reserve, whereas mitsha stood in silence leaning against the house-wall. one single look, one earnest almost sad glance, she sent after the disappearing form of shyuote's elder brother. the main building was now close at hand. it was an irregular pentagon, and at places two, at others three stories high. with one single exception these stories formed terraces, retreating successively from the ground to the top like so many steps of a staircase. nowhere did there appear any entrance. notched beams led up to trapdoors in the roofs, similar beams penetrated into the interior below. absolute stillness reigned about the edifice. some women scoured scanty clothing in the ditch running past the structure; on the terraces not a soul appeared. the lads directed their course toward that side where the three stories presented a perpendicular wall, and as they neared it an entrance, or doorway, high enough for a man and wide enough for four abreast appeared in the vertical front. it led them through a dark passage into an interior court which was fairly clean and contained three estufas. its diameter did not exceed one hundred and fifty feet. toward this court, or yard, the stories of the building descended in terraces also; but though everywhere beams leaned up as ladders, access to the ground-floor was also afforded by narrow doorways closed with hides or mats. it was hot and quiet in this yard; the sun shed glaring light into it and over the roofs. naked urchins played and squirmed below, whereas above, an old woman or some aged man would cower motionless, shading their blear eyes with one hand and warming their cold frames in the heat. okoya went directly to one of the ground-floor openings, lifted the deerskin that hung over it, and called out the usual greeting,-- "guatzena!" "opona,--'come in,'" responded a woman's voice. both lads obeyed the summons. at first the room seemed dark on account of the sudden contrast with the glare outside, but as soon as this first impression was overcome, it appeared moderately lighted. it was a chamber about fourteen feet long and ten feet wide, and its walls were whitewashed with burnt gypsum. deer-hides and a mat plaited of yucca-leaves lay rolled up in one corner. a niche contained a small earthen bowl, painted white with black symbolic figures. a doorway to the right led into another compartment which seemed darker than the first. as soon as the boys entered the room, a woman appeared in this side doorway. she was small, slender, and apparently thirty-five years of age. her features, notwithstanding the high cheek-bones, were attractive though wan and thin. an air of physical suffering lay over them like a thin cloudy veil. at the sight of this woman, okoya's heart began to throb again; for she it was whom he so direly suspected, nay, accused of treachery and deceit. this woman was his mother. footnotes: [footnote : the word "umo" properly signifies "grandfather;" but it is used indiscriminately for all ages and sexes in calling. an old man, for instance, will call his grandchild "umo;" so will a wife her husband, a brother his sister, etc.] [footnote : _estufa_ properly means a stove, and the name was applied to those semi-subterranean places by the spaniards on account of their comfortable temperature in winter. they recalled to them the _temaz-calli_, or sweat-houses, of mexico.] [footnote : the preservation of traditions is much systematized among the pueblo indians. certain societies know hardly any other but the folk-tales relating to their own particular origin. to obtain correct tradition it is necessary to gain the confidence of men high in degree. that is mostly very difficult.] chapter ii. the homes of the pueblo indians of new mexico, especially as regards the size and disposition of the rooms, are to-day slightly modified from what they were in former times. an advance has been made, inasmuch as the buildings are not any longer the vast and ill-ventilated honeycombs composed of hundreds of dingy shells, which they were centuries ago. the houses, while large and many-storied, are comparatively less extensive, and the apartments less roomy than at the time when the queres lived in the rito de los frijoles. the two rooms where we left the lads and their mother at the close of the preceding chapter formed such a home. in the front one the family slept at night, with the exception of okoya who was obliged to join the other youths in the estufa of his clan. the husband was not always at home after sunset. but the mother, shyuote, and a little girl four years old invariably took their nightly rest there. to the little girl we have not yet been introduced. when the boys returned she was in the court-yard at play, and in the usual state of complete undress which is the regular condition of indian children of her age. the inner cell was kitchen and storeroom, and there the family partook of their meals. among the pueblos the house was in charge of the women exclusively, everything within the walls of the house, the men's clothing and weapons excepted, belonging to the housekeeper. even the crops if once housed were controlled by her. as long as they were in the field, the husband or masculine head of the family could dispose of them. afterward he must consult the woman, and he could not sell an ear of corn without her consent. it is still so to-day in many villages. formerly all the field-products were gathered and stored in the granaries of the several clans whence each household drew its supplies. even the proceeds of communal hunts and fisheries were treated in this manner. only where the husband, son, or brother killed game while out alone, could he do with it as he pleased. not many centuries ago the members of each clan, or rather the women, their offspring, and aged people who were taken care of by their children, lived together. they occupied a certain section of the great hive which the communal dwelling represented, and such a section was not unappropriately called in spanish a _quartel_ or quarter. the husband also stayed with his wife and the younger children, but he had no rights as owner, or proprietor, to his abode. since it was the custom for women to raise the walls of buildings, and to finish the house inside and outside, they owned it also. the man was only tolerated. his home was properly with his clan, whither he must return in case his spouse departed this life before him. it was different in regard to the fields. each clan had its particular holding, and since the field-work devolved upon the men, the cultivated plots belonged to them alone. within each allotment every member who was of age, or so situated as to have to support himself or a family, owned and tilled a certain plot which was his by common consent, although in no manner determined by metes or bounds. the condition of ownership was regular improvement of the plot, and if that condition was not complied with, any other member of the same clan could step in and work it for his own benefit. in case of death the field reverted to the maternal relative of its owner, whereas the widow and children fell back for support upon the resources of their own clan. hence the singular feature that each household got its livelihood from two distinct groups of blood-relatives. the home which we have entered belonged to the quarters of the gourd people, or clan tanyi hanutsh, from which the mother descended; and okoya had slept at night in the estufa of that cluster ever since his thirteenth year. but the cultivated patch which the father tilled pertained to the fields of his clan, that of water, tzitz hanutsh. though the water people were his relatives, the crop raised by him found its way into the storeroom of tanyi for the support of the family which he claimed as his own. okoya's mother scanned her boys with a sober glance, and turned back into the kitchen without uttering a word. soon a grating sound issued from that apartment, indicating that toasted corn was being ground on the flat slab called in queres, _yakkat_, and now usually termed _metate_ in new mexico. the boys meanwhile had approached a niche in the wall. each one took a pinch of yellow cornmeal from the painted bowl, and scattered it successively to the north, west, south, east; then threw a little of it up in the air and to the ground before him. during this performance their lips moved as if in prayer. then they separated, for the spirits had been appealed to, and their entrance into their home was under the special protection of those above. shyuote, whose trout had been ruined during the combat with the girls, threw himself on the roll in the corner, there to mourn over his defeat. okoya went out into the court-yard. both expected an early meal, for the fire crackled in the dark kitchen, and a clapping of hands gave evidence that corn-cakes were being moulded to appease their hungry stomachs. the court-yard had become very quiet. even the children had gone to rest in a shady place, where they slept in a promiscuous heap, a conglomerate of human bodies, heads, and limbs, intermingled. the form of an old man rose out of a hatchway in the ground-floor, and a tall figure, slightly stooping, clad in a garment, and with a head of iron gray hair, stood on the flat roof. he walked toward a beam leading down into the court, seized its upper end and descended with his face toward the wall, but without faltering. a few steps along the house brought him in front of okoya, who had squatted near the doorway of his mother's dwelling. the youth was so absorbed in gloomy thoughts that the man's appearance was unexpected. starting in surprise and hastily rising, okoya called into the house,-- "yaya, sa umo,--'mother, my grandfather!'" the old man gave a friendly nod to his grandchild, and crossed the threshold, stooping low. still lower the tall form had to bend while entering the kitchen door. he announced his coming to the inmate in a husky voice and the common formula,-- "guatzena!" "raua,--'good,'" the woman replied. her father squatted close to the fire and fixed his gaze on his daughter. she knelt on the floor busy spreading dough or thick batter on a heated slab over the fire. she was baking corn-cakes,--the well-known _tortillas_ as they are called to-day. after a short pause the old man quietly inquired,-- "my child, where is your husband?" "zashue tihua," the woman answered, without looking up or interrupting her work, "is in the fields." "when will he come?" the woman raised her right hand, and pointed to the hole in the wall, whence light came in from the outside. the wall faced the west, and the height of the loophole corresponded to that of the sun about one hour before sunset. "give food to the children," directed the old man. "when they have eaten and are gone i shall speak to you." the fire crackled and blazed, and ruddy flashes shot across the features of the woman. was it a mere reflection of the fire, or had her features quivered and coloured? the old man scanned those features with a cold, steady look. she removed from the fire the sooty pot of clay in which venison cut in small pieces was stewing together with corn, dark beans, and a few roots and herbs as seasoning. then she called out,-- "shyuote, come and eat! where is okoya?" the latter alone heard the invitation, for shyuote had gone to sleep on the hides. the elder brother shook him, and went into the kitchen. he was followed by the child who staggered from drowsiness. the mother meanwhile had placed on the floor a pile of corn-cakes. beside it, in an earthen bowl decorated inside and out with geometrical lines, steamed the stew. dinner was ready; the table spread. to enjoy this meal both lads squatted, but shyuote, still half asleep, lost his balance and tumbled over. angry at the merriment which this created, the boy hastily grabbed the food, but his mother interfered. "don't be so greedy, uak,--'urchin.' remember those above," she said; and shyuote, imitating the example of okoya, crossly muttered a prayer, and scattered crumbs before him. then only, both fell to eating. this was done by simply folding a slice of the cake to form a primitive ladle, and dipping the contents of the stew out with it. thus they swallowed meat, broth, and finally the ladle also. okoya arose first, uttering a plainly audible hoa. shyuote ate longer; at last he wiped his mouth with the seam of his wrap, grumbled something intended for thanksgiving, and strolled back to his resting place in the front room. okoya went out into the court-yard to be alone with his forebodings. the sight of his mother seemed oppressive to him. after the boys had gone the woman emptied the remainder of the stew back into the pot, filled the painted bowl with water, and put both vessels in a corner. then she sat down, leaning against the wall, looking directly toward her father. her face was thin and wan, her cheeks were hollow, and her eyes had a suppressed look of uneasiness. the old man remained quietly indifferent as long as the meal lasted; then he rose, peeped cautiously into the outer apartment, resumed his seat, and spoke in a low tone,-- "is it true that you have listened to kamonyitza,--'black corn'?" the woman started. "who says so?" she answered with sudden haste. "the koshare," replied the old man, looking at her with a cold steady gaze. "what do i care for them," exclaimed his daughter. her lips curled with an air of disdain. "it may be," spoke her father, in measured tones, "that you do not wish to hear from them; but i know that they care for your doings." "let them do as they please." "woman," he warned, "speak not thus. their disposition toward you is not a matter for indifference." "what reason have they to follow my path? i am a woman like many others in the tribe, nothing more or less. i stay with my husband," she went on with greater animation. "i do my duty. what have the delight makers to say that might not be for my good?" "and yet, you are not precious to them--" "neither are they precious to me," she cried. her eyes sparkled. her father heaved a deep sigh. he shook his head and said in a husky tone,-- "woman, your ways are wrong. i know it, and the koshare know it also. they may know more, much more than i could wish," he added, and looked into her eyes with a searching sorrowful glance. an awful suspicion lay in this penetrating look. her face flushed, she bent her head to avoid his gaze. to the gloomy talk succeeded a still more gloomy silence. then the woman lifted her head, and began entreatingly,-- "my father, i do not ask you to tell me how you come to know all this; but tell me, umo, what are these delight makers, the koshare? at every dance they appear and always make merry. the people feel glad when they see them. they must be very wise. they know of everything going on, and drag it before the people to excite their mirth at the expense of others. how is it that they know so much? i am but a woman, and the ways of the men are not mine," she raised her face and her eyes flamed; "but since i hear that the delight makers wish me no good, i want to know at least what those enemies of mine are." the old man lowered his glance and sighed. "my child," he began softly, "when i was young and a boy like your son okoya, i cared little about the koshare. now i have learned more." he leaned his head against the wall, pressed his lips firmly together, and continued, "the holders of the paths of our lives, those who can close them when the time comes for us to go to shipapu, where there is neither sorrow nor pain, have many agents among us. p[=a]yatyama our father, and sanashtyaya our mother saw that the world existed ere there was light, and so the tribe lived in the dark. four are the wombs in which people grew up and lived, ere maseua and oyoy[=a]u[=a] his brother led them to where we are now, and this world which is round like a shield is the fourth womb." the woman listened with childlike eagerness. her parted lips and sparkling eyes testified that everything was new to her. "father," she interrupted, "i knew nothing of this. you are very wise. but why are women never told such things?" "don't cut off my speech," he said. "because women are so forward, that is why many things are concealed from them." "but," she continued, heedless of his rebuke, "where are the other three worlds?" "this question i shall answer," he said, "for it is wise in you to speak so. haatze the earth is round and flat, but it is also thick like a cake. the other three wombs are down below inside, one beneath the other. at shipapu the people came out upon this world which is the fourth womb, but it was cold and dark. then the great sun rose in the heavens above. in it p[=a]yatyama dwells, and on it he rides around the world in one day and one night to see everything which happens. it is day and light, night and dark. we have also summer and heat, winter and cold. for this reason there are summer-people and winter-people, some who like to live when it is cold and others who enjoy the heat. every tribe, every clan, has some of both kinds. thus they came out of the third world, and thus they have remained until this day. it was cold at shipapu when the people came out on the surface, and those above saw that they felt weak. toward the south it was warm and bright, so maseua and his brother said to their children, the men of our tribe, 'go you where there is more light;' and the summer people they directed to go along the rio grande; the winter people they sent south also but far around by the east over the plains where the great buffalo is roaming, where the wind blows and it is cold and dry. to both kinds of men they said, besides, 'come together in the mountains and live there in peace, each one getting food for himself and others as you are wont to do.' but, lest the people might get weary on their long journey, maseua and his brother commanded that from shipapu there should come forth a man whose body was painted white and black, and who carried on his head dried corn-leaves instead of feathers. this man began at once to dance, to jump, and to tumble, so that the people laughed and their hearts became glad. this man led the summer-men southward, and as often as they grew tired he danced again and made jests; and the tribe followed him until they came to where we are now, and all met again. the summer-people never suffered hunger in all their wanderings, for their leader was precious, and wherever they went he caused the fruits to be ripe. that man was the koshare.[ ] since that time there have been koshare in every tribe. their task it is to keep the people happy and merry; but they must also fast, mortify themselves, and pray to those above that every kind of fruit may ripen in its time, even the fruit in woman's womb. to them is given the yellow flower from the fertile bottoms which makes the hearts of men glad. now you know what the koshare are and," he added emphatically, "why you should not laugh and make merry when you are not precious to them." the woman had listened with breathless attention. at the close, however, she hung her head and sighed. the old man gazed at her in silence. in the outer room the regular breathings of the sleeping boy were heard, otherwise all was as still as a grave. at last she lifted her face again. "father," she asked, "are those who are precious to the holders of our paths, are they always good?" "i need not tell you about this," he replied, fixing upon her a penetrating glance. "i know of nothing evil," she stammered, "unless it be bad men." "and yet you have used owl's feathers!" her face grew pale. she asked hoarsely,-- "where should i keep them?" "the koshare know it," was the equally husky reply. she started, her eyes gleamed like living coals. "have the koshare sent you here, father?" "no," was the gloomy answer; "but if the old men come to me and say, 'kill the witch,' i must do it. for you know i am maseua, head-war-chief, and whatever the principals command i must do, even if it takes the life of my only child!" the woman rose to her feet; her attitude was one of defiance. "let the koshare speak, and do you as you are commanded. the time must come when i shall have to die. the sooner it comes, the sooner shall i find rest and peace with our mother at shipapu." her father also had risen, he clutched his cotton garment as if a sudden chill went through his body. without a word he turned and went off dejected, stooping, with a heavy sigh. the woman dropped to the floor beside the hearth with a plaintive moan. she drew her hair over her face, weep she could not. the embers on the hearth glowed again, casting a dull light over the chamber. say koitza, as this wretched woman was called, was the only child of him with whom she had just had this dismal interview. his name was topanashka tihua, and he was maseua, or head-war-chief, of the tribe. in times of peace the maseua is subordinate to the tapop, or civil governor, and as often as the latter communicates to him any decision of the tribal council he is bound to execute it. otherwise the maseua is really a superior functionary, for he stands in direct relation to the religious powers of which we shall hereafter speak, and these in reality guide and command through oracles and prophetic utterances. in war the maseua has supreme command, and the civil chief and the diviners, or medicine-men, must obey him implicitly as soon as any campaign is started. topanashka was a man of great physical vigour notwithstanding his age. he was highly respected for his skill and bravery, and for his stern rectitude and obedience to strict duty. he feared nothing except the supernatural powers of evil. there is nothing the indian fears, nay hates, so much as sorcery. topanashka could scarcely believe that his daughter had tampered with magic by causing the dark-coloured corn to speak, and keeping owl's feathers in her possession. still, if such were really the case, he knew of no other course to pursue but to execute the penalty which according to indian ideas she deserved, and which the leading men of the tribe composing its council would undoubtedly mete out to her,--death; a cruel, terrible death. but she was his only child, and ere he placed faith in the suspicion communicated to him in secret by one of the shamans in the tribe, he wanted to satisfy himself from her own behaviour whether it was true or not. to his deepest sorrow say koitza's behaviour seemed to prove that she was not falsely accused. it was a terrible blow to the old man, who for the first time in his life rose from a task bewildered and hopeless. duty was to him paramount, and yet he could not utterly stifle the longing to save his only child from a cruel and ignominious fate. his daughter too felt utterly wretched, and despondent in the highest degree. for the accusation against her was true. she had practised the dread art; and yet, strange to say, while conscious of guilt, in the bottom of her heart she felt herself innocent. let us recall the past life of the unhappy being to see whether there is in it anything to explain this apparent anomaly. when say koitza was fourteen years of age her husband zashue tihua began to pay her his first attentions. he called at her mother's home oftener than any other youth of her tribe, and one afternoon, when she was returning from the brook with a jar filled with water on her head, he stopped her, dipped some water out of the urn, drank it, and whispered something to which she gave no reply, hurrying home as rapidly as possible. she could not speak to her mother about this, for her mother was hopelessly deaf, and it would not have been proper to consult her father, since the father belonged of course to another clan. a whole night and one full day say pondered over the case; at last her mind was made up. the girl took a dish filled with corn-cakes and rolls of sweet paste of the yucca-fruit, and placed it on her head. with this load she climbed up the rugged slope leading to the dwellings of the water clan, to which zashue belonged. the lad was sitting in the cave inhabited by his family, busying himself with straightening arrow shafts over the fire, when the girl, pushing before her the loaded tray, crept through the port-hole. silently she placed the food before him, and went out again without a word. this was her affirmative reply to his wooing. thereafter, zashue visited the quarters of the gourd people at the big house every night. along the foot of the cliffs, in soft ground, and in a lonely sheltered spot, he meanwhile planted four stakes connected by cross-poles. from end to end cotton threads were drawn lengthwise, and here zashue wove a cotton wrap day after day. the girl would steal out to this place also, carrying food to the young artisan. she would cleanse his hair while they chatted quietly, shyly at first, about the present and the future. when the mantle was done and it looked white and firm, zashue brought it to say koitza's mother, who forthwith understood the intention of his gift, and felt gratified at the prospect of securing a son-in-law who possessed cotton. the plant was not cultivated near the upper rio grande at that time, and had to be obtained from the far south by barter. many journeys distant, pueblo indians lived also, and thither the queres went at long intervals to trade and to hunt the buffalo on the southwestern plains. topanashka also was pleased with the suitor. in due course of time zashue tihua and say koitza, therefore, became man and wife. [illustration: rito de los frijoles a cliff estufa of the snake-clan] zashue proved to be a good husband, according to indian ideas. he worked and hunted dutifully, providing the storerooms of tanyi hanutsh with supplies of which his wife, and through her he also, enjoyed the benefit. he spun cotton and wove it into wraps, scarfs, and sashes. furthermore, he was always good-natured and merry. he did not spend too many nights out of his wife's home, either. they had three children, okoya, shyuote, and a little girl. of these shyuote became the father's favourite, for when the child was yet small it happened that his father made a vow to make a koshare of him. zashue was a delight maker himself, and one of the merriest of that singular crew. among them he was perhaps the most popular; for while good-looking, his strength and agility enabled him to perform in a conspicuous manner, and his ready wit and quick conception of everything ludicrous caused him to shine as a great light among that society of official jesters. so the two lived in quiet and sober content. zashue was pleased with his spouse. she kept her looks well with advancing years, and while there is never among indians that complete intimacy between man and wife which engenders fidelity under all circumstances, while a certain freedom of action is always permitted to the man toward the other sex, say had natural tact enough to never pry into such matters. she, in turn, did her duty. always at home, she faithfully fulfilled her obligations as head of the house, and naturally shrank from all society but that of her own sex and such men as were allied to her by near ties of relationship. when she told her father in that sad interview that she was faithful to her husband, say had told the truth. and yet there was something that caused her to plead guilty. the family had lived contentedly, and no cloud appeared to hang over them until, a few years previous to the date of our story, say koitza fell ill from want of proper care. mountain fever is not infrequently fatal, and it was mountain fever that had seized upon the delicate frame of the little woman. this fever is often tenacious and intermittent; sometimes it is congestive. indian medicine may cure a slight attack, and prevent too frequent returns of more violent ones; but if the case is a serious one, indian remedies are of no avail. say suffered from a slight attack at first, and recovered from it. a primitive cold-water treatment was effective for the time being; but in the year ensuing fever set in again, and no sudorific was of any use. she tried a decoction of willow bark, but it did her no good. she took the root of the yucca, or soapweed, and drank the froth produced by whipping water with it, but gained no relief. the poor woman did not know that these remedies are not employed by the indians in a case like hers, but only for toothache and, in the case of soapweed, for consumption. thus it went on for three years. during the dry seasons there were no signs of the illness; but as soon as, in july or august, thunderstorms shed their moisture over the mountains, and chilly nights alternated with warm sunshine, the fever made its appearance. two years before the rainy season had lasted unusually long, and it was followed immediately by snow-falls. the attacks from the disease were therefore unusually violent, and by november say koitza thought herself dying from weakness and exhaustion. her condition was such that her husband felt alarmed, and every effort was made to relieve her by the aid of such arts as the indian believes in. the chief medicine-man, or great shaman, of the tribe had to come and see the patient, pray by her side, and then go home to fast and mortify himself for four consecutive days. his efforts had no effect whatever. every indigenous medicine that was thought of had been already used, and none had been of any avail. at last the shaman, encouraged by the many blue and green stones, cotton wraps, and quantities of corn meal which zashue tihua contributed in reward of his juggleries, resolved to make a final trial by submitting himself and his associates to the dangerous ordeal of fire-eating for the invalid's sake. this ceremony was always performed by a certain group of medicine-men, called therefore hakanyi chayani, or fire shamans. the hishtanyi chayan was their official head, and he, with the four others belonging to the fire-eating crew, fasted rigorously for four days and nights. then they went to the house of say koitza, and in her presence sang the powerful song, while each one of them in turn waved a burning bunch of long dry grass to the six sacred regions, and each time bit off a piece of the burning weed and chewed it. when all had gone through the performances, and their mouths were well filled with ashes, each one gravely stepped up to the invalid, and spat the contents of his mouth in her face. then they departed as quietly as they had come, and went home to await the results of the wonderful remedy.[ ] it was a last, a supreme effort. the condition of say could not fail to arouse the sympathies of her own sex, even outside of her clan. many were the calls from compassionate women. they would drop in, squat down, tender their services, suggest remedies, and gossip. only one woman made herself directly useful, and that was shotaye, a member of the water clan. shotaye was a strange woman. nobody liked her, and yet many applied to her for relief in secret; for shotaye possessed great knowledge of plants and other remedies, and she had a keen practical sense. but people dreaded her; she lived alone in her cave among the abodes of the water people, and nobody knew but she might know more than the official medicine-men themselves. in short, the majority of the tribe believed that shotaye was a witch; but the woman was so wary that nobody could prove her to be one. shotaye was not an old woman. her appearance was not in the least repulsive, on the contrary. the men knew that the woman showed no objections to occasional attentions, even to intimacy. for this reason, also, she was not popular among her own sex. shotaye had had a husband once; but he had left her and was living with another woman. that husband was called tyope, badger, a man of strong physique and one averse to monotony in conjugal life. tyope was a scheming man, cunning and unscrupulous in the highest degree; shotaye an energetic woman, endowed with a powerful will of her own. had there not been the little cloud of marital inconstancy on both sides, the pair would have been well-assorted for good as well as for evil. tyope was a koshare rather than an agriculturist, he spent his time mostly in other people's homes and in the estufa of the delight makers, leaving his wife to provide for herself and for him also, whenever he chose to remain at her house. in short there were flaws on both sides, and shotaye being the house-mistress held the main power. one fine evening when tyope presented himself in the grotto occupied by his wife, she refused to recognize him any longer. he protested, he stormed, he menaced her; it was of no avail. shotaye told him to go, and he left. henceforth the two were mortal enemies. the woman said little; but he was bent upon her destruction by every possible means. she kept on the defensive, avoided all conflicts, and was very careful not to give any cause for a direct accusation of sorcery. she cured people incidentally, never asking any compensation for it. she lived alone, and thus earned enough to be independent of her own clan if need be. this woman called on say occasionally, but only between the periods of the attacks of fever. on such visits she would assist the patient, do the housework, and arrange the hides or covers for her. say harboured a wish to consult her about her disease; but shotaye studiously avoided any opportunity for confidential talk. one day, however, when the two were alone in the kitchen, and the invalid felt somewhat relieved, she opened her heart to her visitor. shotaye listened very attentively, and when say had concluded, instead of asking for further details, she abruptly asked whether say had no suspicion of being bewitched. if such a question were put to us, we should doubt the sanity of the questioner. not so the indian. say felt like one from whose eyes thick scales are suddenly removed. indeed, she thought this was the cause of her evil, this alone could explain the tenacity of the disease, its mysterious intermittence. she told her interlocutor that she must be right, or else why these regular returns and always during the season of rain? shotaye listened and listened; every word she heard was in confirmation of her own thoughts. say must be under the influence of some evil charm, and unless counteracted by magic, it was clear to her that the poor woman must succumb to its workings. whatever there is in nature which the indian cannot grasp at once, he attributes to mysterious supernatural agencies. he believes that nature is pervaded by spiritual essence individualized into an infinite number of distinct powers. everything in nature has a soul according to him, and it is that soul which causes it to move or to act upon its surroundings in general. thus the medical properties of animals, of plants, or minerals, are due to spiritual manifestations. his medical art therefore does not consist merely in eliminating the physical cause of disease. as soon as any disease is stubborn there must be at the bottom of it some spiritual source, and this source can be discovered and removed only by magic. incantations therefore form an important part of indian medicine. the formulas therefor are the special property of the medicine-men, whom we shall hereafter designate with the much more appropriate name of shamans. the shaman is wizard and physician at the same time. he is also a prophet, augur, and oracle. his duty it is not only to protect from evil, but to counteract it. he has charms and incantations which he offers for the production of beneficial natural phenomena. magic for such purposes is regarded by the indian as essential to the existence of man. magic, however, as a black art is the most heinous crime which he can conceive. the difference between the two consists mainly in their purpose; the manipulations are substantially the same, so are the objects. to know those details is one of the attributes of the shamans. the latter constitute a circle of their own,--a cluster of adepts, nominally in the arts of healing, but really in the arts of magic. that circle is wide, and whoever stands outside of it has no right to infringe upon the duties of its members by attempting to follow their example. it is an institution, and its origin dates from untold centuries. it is subdivided into groups, each of which practises charms, incantations, or magic, relating to certain human interests. the shyayak are in possession of the spell which charms game, in other words they are the shamans of the hunt. the uakanyi practise magic in warfare, they are the shamans of war. the chayani are physicians who combine with the knowledge of medicine proper, the knowledge of magic curative powers. they are the shamans of medicine. lastly the yaya combine a knowledge of all these different branches in their essence. they are the prophets and priests. these groups may be described as, in a certain sense, guilds. but they are secret societies also, inasmuch as the arts and practices of each are special property which is kept secret from the others, and from the uninitiated members in the tribe. in order to become a member of a society of that kind secrecy is required and long apprenticeship. the novice rises slowly from one degree of knowledge to another, and only few attain the higher positions. the members of these secret societies are therefore magicians or wizards, and when any one dreads danger from evil sorcery it is his duty to consult the proper shaman for relief, unless he should be sure of the person of the sorcerer, in which case he may kill him outright without even mentioning the deed. in the present instance say could not resort to such a summary expedient. it was therefore the duty of shotaye, who was better informed on institutions and customs, to direct her sick friend to a shaman. but shotaye was not on good terms with the official wizards, particularly the chayani, those who cured, and still less with the highest religious powers, the yaya. it suited her pride to attempt the experiment at her own risk, conscious all the while that it was dangerous,--dangerous for herself, as well as for her patient. for it entailed performances which only the shaman can undertake, and should they be detected, the very crime of sorcery, against which their experiments were directed, would be charged against them. shotaye had still another reason for not encouraging her friend to speak to the higher chayani. the fever coincided with the rainy season. as soon as this was over it subsided. natural as this was, both women attributed it to a mysterious cause; and shotaye, suspicious and vindictive even, thought she had discovered a clew to the guilty party. the rainy season in new mexico is of course essential to the growth of the chief staple of the indian,--maize or indian corn. when, therefore, in july daily showers should occur, the principal shamans of each tribe and the yaya must pray, fast, and mortify themselves, in order that those above may send the needed rain. the hishtanyi chayan scatters the powder of the white flower to the winds, meanwhile murmuring incantations. at night he imitates thunder, by whirling a flint knife attached to the end of a long string, and draws brilliant flashes from pebbles which he strikes together in a peculiar manner. for the indian reasons that since rain is preceded in summer by lightning and thunder, man by imitating those heralds is calling the desired precipitation,--beckoning it to come. this is the time of the year when the koshare perform their chief work. four days and four nights, sometimes longer, they must fast and pray in order that the crops may obtain the moisture indispensable for ripening. the people look upon the delight makers with a degree of respect akin to fear at all times, for they are regarded as powerful intermediaries in matters of life and death to the tribe; but during that particular time they are considered as specially precious to the higher powers. shotaye hated the koshare. they in turn disliked the woman, and gave vent to their dislike by turning her into ridicule at public dances as often as possible. this she resented greatly; but she was powerless to retaliate, since the delight makers enjoy special privileges on festive days. the medicine-woman's hatred was still increased by the fact that her former husband, tyope, was a leading koshare. to his influence she attributed the insults which the jesters offered her, and she saw in the whole group but a crowd of willing tools handled by her personal enemy. since say's illness coincided with the beginning of the rainy season, the principal activity of the koshare immediately preceded the outbreak of the fever. urged by hate and desire for revenge, shotaye combined the two facts in her mind, and drew the conclusion that the disease was due to the magic power of the koshare, directed against say for some unknown reason and purpose. if the koshare were guilty, it was not only useless, it was dangerous even, to call upon any chayan for relief. the delight makers were the chief assistants of the shamans in any public ceremony, and indispensable to them in many ways. beside, say koitza could not have applied to a chayan without her husband's knowledge, and that husband was a koshare. so after explaining to the invalid her suspicions and inferences, she suggested direct inquiry about the principals in the supposed evil actions against her. that inquiry could be conducted only through sorcery itself, and say at first trembled. she feared, and not without good cause, an appeal to evil powers. still shotaye spoke so plausibly; she assured so strongly her friend of her own discretion and fidelity, and was so insistent upon her constant success in everything she had undertaken as yet,--that the woman yielded at last against her own convictions. something within her seemed to speak and say, "do not tread forbidden paths, speak to your husband first." but the arguments on the other side were too strong, her own physical condition too weak; she grasped the expected relief regardless of the warnings of her conscience. among the objects connected with evil magic, a certain kind of maize had the power of speech attributed to it. it is the dark-coloured variety, called in the queres language _ka monyi tza_. ears of this corn belonging to a witch are said to speak in the absence of their owner, and to tell of her whereabouts and doings. shotaye knew this, and herself but indifferently versed in the black art, concluded that the black corn would also reveal, if properly handled, the agent whose manipulations caused say koitza's sufferings. she hoped also that by combining the dreaded grain with another more powerful implement of sorcery, owl's plumage, she would succeed in eliciting from the former all the information desired. the woman was quite ignorant of the evil ways in which she was about to wander; but she was bold and daring, and the hope of injuring her enemies was a greater inducement than the desire to relieve her friend. the proposed manipulation was directed in fact much more against her former husband than against the disease. but how to obtain the necessary objects! how to secure black corn, and how and where to get the feathers of an owl! both were so well known and so generally tabooed that inquiry after them would forthwith arouse suspicion. black maize might be procured on the sly; but the other could be found by chance only,--by meeting with the body of a dead owl on the heights surrounding the tyuonyi. shotaye was in the habit of strolling alone all around the rito, over the timbered mesa as well as through the gorges which descend from the mountains. on such excursions the woman observed the most minute precautions, for there was danger,--danger from roaming indians of the navajo or dinne tribe, and danger from spies of her own tribe. frequently people had followed stealthily in the hope of surprising her at some illicit practice, but she had been lucky enough to notice them in time. of what is called to-day the mesa del rito, the high table-land bordering the tyuonyi on the south, shotaye knew every inch of ground, every tree and shrub. on a clear, cool november day she strolled again in that direction, climbing the heights and penetrating into the scrubby timber, interspersed with tall pines, which covers the plateau for miles. to her delight she discovered the remains of an owl at no great distance from the declivity of the rito beneath a rotten pine. instead of picking up the carcass she kicked it aside disdainfully, but took good care to notice whither so as to remember the place. it landed on a juniper-bush and remained suspended from its branches. shotaye went onward carelessly. she looked for herbs and plants, picking up a handful here, pulling out a root there, until she had made a long circuit, which however brought her back to the place where the dead owl was. here she stopped, listening, all the while looking out for plants. as if by accident she neared the bush on which the carcass was still hanging, and after assuring herself that the body had not been disturbed, she brushed past so as to cause it to drop to the ground. she hastily plucked a few feathers, put them with the herbs and roots already gathered, and turned homeward. everything was quiet and still around her, only at a short distance two crows flew up croaking. say koitza was not strong enough to walk up to the cliffs; therefore shotaye, when she came to announce to her friend that the necessary material was at last secured, suggested that the incantation be performed at the home of the invalid. a certain evening when zashue was sure to be absent, owing to a gathering of the koshare, was appointed for the purpose. on that evening the two women sat alone in the kitchen. okoya was away in the estufa of tanyi hanutsh. the two younger children were fast asleep in the outer room. it was a cold night, but the fire on the hearth had almost completely subsided, only a few embers remaining. through the loophole in the wall an occasional draught of chilly air entered. say koitza clung to her friend's shoulder, shivering and trembling from fear as well as from cold. in the centre of the dark room shotaye had placed a few ears of black corn, and on them two bundles of owl's feathers, each tied to a chip of obsidian. she had also brought along some bark of the red willow; this she pulverized in the hand, and made into two cigarettes with corn husks. at that time tobacco was unknown to the pueblos, and red willow-bark was the only thing used for smoking, while smoking itself was not a relish but exclusively a sacrifice. handing one of the cigarettes to her friend, shotaye directed her to light it and then puff the smoke successively to the six mythical regions. after this she was to cast the glowing stub on the pile of corn and feathers. with a shudder say koitza obeyed these instructions; her teeth chattered while the cave-woman recited an invocation. then both huddled together to listen. even shotaye felt afraid of the consequences. for a long time everything was silent; the cold draught from the outside had stopped; the women sat in breathless silence; they listened and listened. nothing moved. not a sound was heard. shotaye overcame her first anxiety and repeated the dread formula. all was silent. suddenly a cold blast pervaded the room again. it fanned the embers to renewed life; they shed a faint glimmer over the chamber. the women started; there was a crackling heard; the feathers moved; the ears of corn seemed to change position. one of the feather bunches rolled on the floor. they nearly screamed in terror, for their excited imagination caused them to hear ghostly sounds,--disconnected, uncomprehended words. it was clear that the black corn had spoken. what it said neither could tell; but the fact of having heard the noise was sufficient to convince them that say was under the influence of an evil charm, and shotaye took care to add that that charm was exercised by the koshare or by some one belonging to their society. so powerful was the effect of this incantation scene upon say that she fainted. after a while she recovered and shotaye led her back to the outer room, where, after some time, she began to slumber from sheer exhaustion. then the medicine-woman returned to the caves, taking with her every vestige of the conjuration. it was wise on her part, for as soon as say awoke from feverish and anxious dreams, her first thought was about the dismal objects. everything was quiet. zashue had returned, and was quietly asleep by her side. she arose and glided into the kitchen, noiselessly, stealthily. the floor was clean. she felt around; not a trace of the objectionable pile could be noticed. unspeakable was the feeling of relief with which she returned to her husband's side and extended herself on the hides again; sound sleep came to her, and when she awoke it was daylight. she felt stronger, brighter. yet thereafter, as often as zashue approached her in his harmless, bantering manner, she experienced a strange, sudden pang. she was reminded of having done wrong in not having been open with him. the indian's conscience is hemmed in by bonds arising from his social and religious organization; why, for instance, should she have told her spouse? he was neither of her clan nor of her party. he belonged to the summer people, she to those of winter. she stood outside of all secret associations, whereas he was a koshare. the winter following proved to be mild and dry. say recovered slowly. shotaye kept aloof after the conjuration, for a long time at least. all of a sudden she made her appearance at the home of her convalescent friend. it was in order to remind her that the first step was only a preliminary, and that it could not effect a radical cure. all that had been achieved was to prove that an evil charm existed, and that the koshare were the wrongdoers. it remained now to remove the spell by breaking the charm. this, she represented, had to be attempted when the koshare were in their greatest power, and could only be effected by means of the owl's feathers. by burying these feathers near the place where the delight makers used to assemble, shotaye asserted that not only would the disease be eliminated forever, but the guilty one be punished according to the measure of his crime. say would not listen to any such proposals. she saw no necessity for going any further in forbidden tracks. now that her health was restored, why should she attempt to harm a cluster of men to which her husband belonged, and thus perhaps imperil his life? shotaye met this objection with the assurance that the remedy was directed against the guilty ones only, and that she herself did not for a moment think that zashue had participated in the evil manipulations against his wife; that consequently he was in no manner exposed to danger. say finally told her visitor that she would wait and see, and then decide. winter went and spring came. warm summer followed with a dark-blue sky and sporadic thunderclouds. all the crops were planted, irrigated, and scantily weeded. now they awaited the rains in order to complete growth and prepare for maturity. the great chayani had gone through their official fasts, they had made their sacrificial offerings in the sacred bowls dedicated to rain-medicine. every day clouds loomed up in the west, distant thunder rumbled, but not a drop of rain fell in the rito and the people began to look gloomy. the koshare were therefore required to go to work earlier than usual. they were to fast four consecutive days between two full moons. the estufa in which the delight makers used to assemble is situated at the eastern end of the cliffs, and its access is difficult to-day. it is a circular chamber in the rock twenty feet in diameter. at present the outer wall has fallen in, but a crease in the floor indicates the place where a little port-hole led into the cave. the cave lies high, so that from it a view of the whole valley presents itself, and at its feet opens a narrow chasm of considerable depth. this is a mere fissure, so narrow that cross-beams were fastened into its sides like the rounds of a step-ladder; and on these the people ascended to a narrow trail leading up to the entrance. other cave-dwellings were scattered along this trail and farther below. they were inhabited by the people of the turquoise clan. all the koshare had retired to this secluded spot, and the first day of fasting was nearly over when shotaye called once more at the home of say. the latter guessed the object of her coming and felt afraid. without preamble, in a sober, matter-of-fact way, the cave-woman stated that the time had come for a decisive step; and with this she placed three bunches of owl's feathers on the floor. in vain say koitza protested, affirming that her health was fully restored. shotaye would not listen to refusal or excuse. now or never, she commanded. she repeated her former assertion that the charm could not hurt zashue as long as he was not guilty. for a long while the women sat arguing the matter; at last say koitza yielded, and promised to comply. night came, and the people of the rito went to rest. the moon rose behind the lava-ridge of the tetilla; the rocky battlements of the cliffs shone brightly above the gorge, whose depths rested in dark shadow. a tiny figure crept out of the big building and hurried down the vale along the fields. when she reached the grove where we met okoya and his little brother for the first time, she crouched beneath a tree, covered her head, and sobbed aloud. it was a dire task for say koitza, this errand out of which harm might arise to the whole cluster to which her husband belonged. if the charm which she clutched with trembling fingers should work against him, then he was the guilty party. so shotaye had insinuated, and the word had stung her like the bite of a serpent. it came back to her mind as she hurried to perform the deed, and caused her to start. she rose hastily and turned toward the cliffs. the uppermost rocks glistened fairly in the light of the moon; and where the sharp line of the shadows commenced, the ruddy glow of a fire burst from an oblong aperture. there was the estufa of the koshare. from it issued the sound of hollow drumming intermingled with the cadence of a chorus of hoarse voices. a thrill went through say, she stopped again and listened. was not her husband's voice among them? certainly he was there, doing his duty with the rest. and if he was as guilty toward her as the others? that monstrous thought rose again, it pushed her onward. she crawled ahead slowly, scarcely conscious of the danger attending her mission. large blocks of débris, tent-shaped erosive hillocks, impeded her progress; they crowded along the foot of the cliffs like protecting bulwarks, and the trail wound around them on a higher plane. but this trail she dared not follow, there was not enough darkness on it. she crept along the base, the sense of danger coming to her with the increasing obscurity, until suddenly she stood before a cleft of almost inky hue. here she remembered was the ascent to the estufa, here she had to perform the work, and here overpowered by emotion and excitement she dropped behind an angular block of stone unconscious. when she recovered, the chorus sounded directly above her, and the chant seemed to soar away like voices from an upper world. she glanced up the dark fissure as through a flume. the cross-beams were faintly visible. over the cleft rested a moonlit sky, but to the rocks clung the figure of a man. that man stood there a moment only, then shouting a few words as if calling to somebody within, he disappeared. the song was hushed. say recognized the speaker; it was tyope, shotaye's former husband, and the one whom the woman suspected of having done her harm. resolutely she went at her task. taking a bundle of owl's feathers from her wrap, she presented it successively to the six regions, and then buried it carefully in the sand, below where the first cross-beam traversed the fissure. again she listened and spied, and creeping forward concealed the second bunch in another place near by. then she whispered the sinister prayer which was to give to the feathers the power to do harm. at the close the drum rumbled again within the cliffs above her, and the chant rose strong and rude. covering her head, shaking and shivering with sudden fear, say koitza rushed from the spot. ere day broke she had reached home again, and extended her weary frame by the side of her sleeping children. say slept for the remainder of the night a long sleep of exhaustion. the next morning her first task was to bury the last bunch of owl's feathers in the kitchen, close to the fireplace, where it was to protect her from the inroads of enemies. she felt weak but rather comfortable. her only anxiety was now the return of her husband. zashue came home at last, good-humoured as ever, but with a lively appetite akin to hunger. his wife received him in a subdued manner bordering on obsequiousness; she was more than ever bent on anticipating any desire on his part. all the while afraid of detection, every kind word spoken to her caused remorse, every joke pained her in secret. it recalled what she had done to his companions, perhaps to him also. the incantations of the chayani and the fasts of the koshare seemed to have no effect whatever upon the course of the rain-clouds. the heavens clouded regularly every day; they shed their moisture all around the tyuonyi, but not a drop fell in the valley-gorge. now the three chief penitents of the tribe, the hotshanyi, the shaykatze, and the uishtyaka, were called upon to use their means of intercession with those above. they fasted, prayed, and made sacrifices alternately for an entire moon; still it rained not. in new mexico local droughts are sometimes very pertinacious. plants withered, the corn and beans suffered, languished, and died. the tribe looked forward to a winter without vegetable food. but say koitza was secretly glad, for drought killed her disease. she felt stronger every day, and worked zealously, anxious to please her husband and to remove every suspicion. shotaye called on her frequently; she, too, felt proud of the success of her cure, sure of the revenge she had taken upon her enemies. when a few rains swept at last down upon the vale, it was too late for the crops. only the few stores kept in reserve and the proceeds of the hunt could save the tribe from a famine. women and children put on red wristbands to comfort their hearts in the prospective distress, for a winter without vegetable supplies was until then an unknown disaster. say koitza also placed strips of red buckskin around her arms. ostensibly she mourned for her tribe; in reality it was to relieve her heart from the reproaches of her own conscience. but when winter set in and the fever had not put in its appearance, her mind gradually changed. she lost all fear of discovery, and finally felt proud of what she had done. had she not preserved herself for her own husband, for her children? instead of performing a crime, it was a meritorious act. shotaye encouraged her in such thoughts. to her it was less the recovery of her friend than the blow dealt the koshare, particularly her former husband, that excited her satisfaction and tickled her pride. say thus felt happy and at rest, but that fatal interview with her father suddenly dispelled all her fond dreams. the old man's revelations annihilated everything at one fell blow. no hope was left; her life was gone, her doom sealed. as if lightning had struck her she lay down by the hearth, motionless, for a long while. she heard nothing; she stared vacantly; her thoughts came and went like nebulous phantoms. at last somebody entered the outer room, but the woman noticed him not. three times the new-comer called her name; she gave no reply. at the fourth call, "koitza!" she started at last, and faintly answered,-- "opona." zashue, her husband, entered the kitchen and good-naturedly inquired,-- "are you ill?" she raised herself hastily and replied,-- "no; but i was asleep." "the sun is resting on the western mountains," said zashue; "give me something to eat, i am tired." she stirred the fire, and when dry brush flamed over the hearth she placed the stew-pot on it. the remainder of the cornmeal she stirred with water, and began to mix cakes in the usual way. her husband watched her pleasantly. zashue was indeed a good-looking indian. lithe and of a fair height, with black hair and large bright eyes, he appeared the picture of vigour and mirth. he chatted with the utmost nonchalance, telling his wife about the insignificant happenings of the day, the prospects of the crops, what such and such a one had said to him, and what he had told the other in return. it was innocent gossip, intimate chat, such as a contented husband may tell a wife in whom he places entire confidence. how happy she felt at the harmless chatter, and yet how intensely miserable. his inquiry, "are you ill?" rang in her ears with a sickening clang, like some overwhelming reproach. why, oh why, had she not spoken to him in time? he was so good to her. now it was too late; and beside, why anticipate the fatal hour when he must know all? why not improve the few moments of respite granted ere death came? say koitza suffered him to continue, and listened with increasing interest to the talk of her husband. it might be the last time. little by little, as he went on, with harmless, sometimes very clumsy, jokes and jests, she became oblivious of her wretched prospects, and her soul rested in the present. she began to smile shyly at first, then she even laughed. as zashue ate he praised her cooking; and that gratified her, although it filled her with remorse and anguish. the children came also and squatted around the hearth, okoya alone keeping at a distance and eyeing his mother suspiciously. could she in his presence really feel as merry as she acted? was it not evidence of the basest deception on her part? so the boy reasoned from his own standpoint, and went out into the court-yard in disgust. the sun set, and a calm, still night sank down on the rito de los frijoles. as the sky darkened, evidences of life and mirth began to show themselves at the bottom of the gorge as well as along the cliffs. monotonous singing sounded from the roofs of the big house, from caves, and from slopes leading up to them. noisy talking, clear, ringing laughter, rose into the night. old as well as young seemed to enjoy the balmy evening. few remained indoors. among these were zashue and his wife. the woman leaned against him, and often looked up to his face with a smile. she felt happy by the side of her husband, and however harrowing the thought of her future seemed to be, the present was blissful to her. after a while zashue rose, and his spouse followed him anxiously to the door, trembling lest he should leave her alone for the night. she grasped his hand, and he stood for a while in the outer doorway gazing at the sky. every sound was hushed except the rushing of the brook. the canopy of heaven sparkled in wonderful splendour. its stars blazed, shedding peace upon earth and good-will to man. the woman's hand quivered in that of her spouse. he turned and retired with her to the interior of the dwelling. footnotes: [footnote : this tradition was told me by tehua indians, and some friends among the queres subsequently confirmed it.] [footnote : this fire-cure was still practised by the queres not very long ago.] chapter iii. we must now return to the fields of the rito, and to the spot where, in the first chapter of our story, okoya had been hailed by a man whom he afterward designated as tyope tihua. that individual was, as we have since found, the former husband of shotaye, say's ill-chosen friend. after the boys had left, tyope had continued to weed his corn, not with any pretence of activity or haste, but in the slow, persistent way peculiar to the sedentary indian, which makes of him a steady though not a very profitable worker. tyope's only implement was a piece of basalt resembling a knife, and he weeded on without interruption until the shadows of the plants extended from row to row. then he straightened himself and scanned quietly the whole valley as far as visible, like one who is tired and is taking a last survey of the scene of his daily toil. the fields were deserted. everybody had left them except himself. tyope pushed aside the stone implement and turned to go. after leaving the corn he turned to the right, and gradually stooping went toward a grove of low pines. into that grove he penetrated slowly, cautiously, avoiding the least noise. it was clearly his intention to conceal himself. once inside of the thicket of pine boughs he cowered, and after listening again and satisfying himself that nobody was around, he plunged his right arm beneath the branches that drooped down to the surface. when he withdrew it his hand grasped a bow. he placed this bow near his feet and dived a second time under the branches, pulling out another object, which proved to be a quiver made of panther-skin filled with arrows. he examined each of these arrows carefully, trying their heads of flint and obsidian, and replaced them in such a manner that the feathered ends projected from the quiver. a third time he ransacked the hiding-place, and produced from beneath the boughs a short wooden war-club. his last essay brought to light a cap of buffalo-hide thick enough to repel an arrow fired at short range, and so fashioned as to protect the forehead to the eyebrows, while behind, it descended low upon the neck. this cap, or helmet, he forthwith placed upon his head. then he slung the quiver across his shoulders, wound the thong of the club around his right wrist, grasped the bow with the left hand, and rose to his feet. daylight was gone. only a flat golden segment blazed above the western peaks. the peaks themselves, with the mountains, formed a huge mass of dark purple. over the valley night hovered already, but a streak of mist trailing here and there like a thin veil marked the course of the little brook. it was so dark that tyope could move without any fear of being seen. he nevertheless maintained a stooping position as long as he was on open ground. once in the corn he followed its rows instead of traversing them, as if afraid of injuring the plants. he also examined carefully the edge of the brook before crossing it to the south side. once on the declivity leading up to the mesa, he climbed nimbly and with greater unconcern, for there the shadow was so dense that nobody could notice him from below. from the brink of the table-land tyope looked back upon the rito. he stopped not so much in order to see, for it was too dark, but in order to listen. everything was quiet. a bear snarled far away, but this did not concern the listener. he strolled on through the scrubby timber of the mesa until he arrived at a place where tall pines towered up into the starry sky, when he stopped again and remained for quite a while looking up at the heavens. the great bear--the seven stars, as the pueblos term it--sparkled near the northern horizon, and tyope seemed to watch that constellation with unusual interest. now a hoarse dismal yelping struck his ear, the barking of the coyote, or prairie wolf. twice, three times, the howl was repeated in the distance; then tyope replied to it, imitating its cry. all was still again. suddenly the barking sounded much nearer, and tyope moved toward the place whence the sound issued, brushing past the shrubs. reaching a clear space, he saw before him the form of a big wolf. the animal was standing immovable, his tail drooping, his head horizontal. "are you alone?" tyope whispered. the apparition or beast, whatever it might be, seemed not to excite the least apprehension. the wolf bent its head in reply without uttering a sound. "where are the dinne?" tyope continued. a hollow chuckle seemed to proceed from the skull of the animal; it turned and disappeared in the darkness, but a rustling of boughs and creaking of branches made known the direction. tyope followed. the wolf moved swiftly. from time to time its husky barkings were heard; and the indian from the rito, guided by these signals, followed as rapidly as possible. at last he saw the outlines of a juniper-bush against a faint glow. behind it sounded the crackling of freshly ignited brushwood, and soon a light spread over the surrounding neighbourhood. stepping into the illuminated circle tyope stood before a man squatting by the fire. the man was heaping wood on the fire which he had just started. by his side lay the skin of a large wolf. he seemed not to notice tyope, although his face was directed toward him, for his eyes disappeared below projecting brows, so projecting that only now and then a sudden flash, quick as lightning, broke out from beneath their shadow. his form indicated strength and endurance; he was of stronger build than the man from the tyuonyi. a kilt of deer-hide was his only dress. his hair was wound around his skull like a turban. as ornaments the stranger wore a necklace of panther claws. a bow and some arrows were lying on the wolf's skin beside him.[ ] without a word tyope squatted down near the fire, facing the other indian. it had turned cold, and both men held their hands up to the flame. the former glanced at the latter furtively from time to time, but neither uttered a word. the fire was beginning to decline; its light grew faint. at last the other indian said,-- "when will the koshare go into the round house?" "as soon as the moon gives light," tyope carelessly replied. "how many are there of you?" "why do you want to know this?" inquired the man from the rito, in a husky voice. his companion chuckled again and said nothing. he had put an imprudent question. he turned away carelessly, placed more wood on the fire, and poked the embers. tyope looked up at the sky, and thus the vivid, scornful glance the other threw on his figure escaped him. so far the conversation had been carried on in the queres language; now the stranger suddenly spoke in another dialect and in a more imperious tone. "art thou afraid of the dinne?" "why should i be afraid of them?" responded tyope in his native tongue. "speak the tongue of the dinne," the other sternly commanded, and a flash burst from beneath his eyebrows, almost as savage as that of a wolf. "thou hast courted the people of my tribe. they have not sought after thee. thou knowest their language. speak it, therefore, and then we shall see." he straightened himself, displaying a youthful figure full of strength and elasticity. tyope took this change of manner very composedly. he answered quietly in the same dialect,-- "if thou wilt, nacaytzusle, i can speak like thy people also. it is true i came for them, but what i wanted"--he emphasized the word--"was as much for their benefit as my own. thou, first of all, wast to gain by my scheme." his eyes closed, and the glance became as sharp as that of a rattlesnake. nacaytzusle poked the embers with a dry stick as if thinking over the speech of the other. then he asked,-- "thou sayest thou hast wanted. wantest thou no more?" "not so much as hitherto," tyope stated positively. "what shall it be now?" inquired the dinne. "i will speak to thee so as to be understood," explained the man from the rito, "but thou shalt tell thy people only so much of it as i shall allow thee to say. thou art dinne, it is true, and their tongue is thy language, but many a time hast thou seen the sun set and rise while the houses wherein we dwell on the brook were thy home. when they brought thee to us after the day on which topanashka slaughtered thy people beyond the mountains, thou didst not remain with us long. the moon has not been bright often since thou left us to join thy people. is it not so, nacaytzusle? answer me." the navajo shrugged his shoulders. "it is true," he said, "but i have nothing in common with the house people." "it may be so now, but if thou dost not care for the men, the women are not without interest to thee. is it not thus?" "the tzane on the brook," replied the navajo, disdainfully, "amount to nothing." "in that case"--tyope flared up and grasped his club, speaking in the queres language and with a vibrating tone--"why don't you look for a companion in your own tribe? mitsha koitza does not care for a husband who sneaks around in the timber like a wolf, and whose only feat consists in frightening the old women of the tyuonyi!" the navajo stared before him with apparent stolidity. tyope continued,-- "you pretend to despise us now, yet enough has remained within your heart, from the time when you lived at the tyuonyi and slept in the estufa of shyuamo hanutsh, to make my daughter appear in your eyes better, more handsome, and more useful, than the girls of the dinne!" the features of the dinne did not move; he kept silent. but his right hand played with the string of the bow that lay on the wolf's skin. "nacaytzusle," the other began again, "i promised to assist you to obtain the girl against her will. mind! mitsha, my daughter, will never go to a home of the dinne of her own accord, but i would have stolen her for your sake. now i say to you that i have promised you this child of mine, and i have promised your people all the green stones of my tribe. the first promise i shall fulfil if you wish. the other, you may tell your tribe, i will not hold to longer." the navajo looked at him in a strange, doubtful way and replied,-- "you have asked me to be around the tyuonyi day after day, night after night, to watch every tree, every shrub, merely in order to find out what your former wife, shotaye, was doing, and to kill her if i could. you have demanded," he continued, raising his voice, while he bent forward and darted at the indian from the rito a look of suppressed rage, "that the dinne should come down upon the tyuonyi at the time when the koshare should fast and pray, and should kill topanashka, the great warrior, so that you might become maseua in his place! now i tell you that i shall not do either!" the eyes of the young savage flamed like living coals. "then you shall not have my child!" exclaimed tyope. "i will get her. you may help me or not!" "i dare you to do it," tyope hissed. nacaytzusle looked straight at him. "do you believe," he hissed in turn, "that if i were to go down to the brook and tell the tapop what you have urged me and my people to do against your kin that he would not reward me?" tyope tihua became very quiet; his features lost the threatening tension which they had displayed, his eyes opened, and he said in a softer tone,-- "that is just what i want you to do. but i want this from you alone. go and see the tapop. tell him not the small talk about this and that, but what you have seen with your own eyes about shotaye, that witch, that snake,--of her dark ways, how she sneaked through the brush on the mesa, and how she found and gathered the plumage of the accursed owl. tell him all, and i will carry mitsha to your lodges, tied and gagged if needs be." "why don't you send the girl out alone? i will wait for her wherever you say." "do you think that i would be so silly?" the pueblo retorted with a scornful laugh. "do you really believe i would do such a thing? no, dinne, you and your people may be much more cunning than mine in many ways, but we are not so stupid as that. if i were to do that, you would rob me of my handsome maiden and that would be the last of it. no, dinne, i do not need you to such an extent, i am not obliged to have you. but if you go to the tyuonyi and accuse the witch, then you shall go out free, and mitsha must follow you to the hogans of your people, whether she will or not. do what i tell you, and i will do as i promise. if you will not neither will i, for mind, i do not need you any longer." tyope glanced at the stars with an air of the utmost indifference. nacaytzusle had listened quietly. now he said without raising his eyes,-- "tyope, you ask me to do all this, and do not even give me a pledge. you are wise, tyope, much wiser than we people of the hogans. give me some token that you also will do what you have said when i have performed my part. give me"--he pointed to the alabaster tablet hanging on tyope's necklace--"that okpanyi on your neck." it was so dark that nacaytzusle in extending his arm involuntarily touched the other's chest. tyope drew back at the touch and replied, rather excitedly,-- "no, i will not give you any pledge!" "nothing at all?" asked the navajo. a slight rustling noise was heard at the same time. "nothing!" tyope exclaimed hoarsely. the savage thrust his arm out at the pueblo with the rapidity of lightning. a dull thud followed, his arm dropped, and something fell to the ground. it was an arrow, whose head of flint falling on the ashes caused the embers to glow for an instant. both men sprang in opposite directions, like snakes darting through the grass. each one concealed himself behind a bush. the branches rustled and cracked for a short space. the place around the fire was vacant; nothing remained but a dim streak of ruddy light. tyope, after repelling the assault upon him, had taken refuge behind a low juniper-bush. when the navajo thrust a pointed arrow at his chest he had numbed the arm of the savage by a blow from his club, and then both men, like true indians, hurriedly placed themselves under cover, whence each listened eagerly to discover the movements of his foe. tyope could have killed the navajo while close to him, for he had the advantage in weapons; but, although he really had no further use for the young man, he was not so angry as to take his life. still, under the circumstances, the greater the caution displayed the better. intimately acquainted with the character of the dinne indians, and that of nacaytzusle in particular, tyope had gone on this errand well armed. open hostility had resulted from the interview; it was useless to make any attempt at conciliation. speedy return to the rito was the only thing left. this return might become not only difficult, but dangerous, with the young navajo concealed on the mesa. tyope had known nacaytzusle thoroughly from childhood. twenty years before, the dinne had killed an old woman from the tyuonyi. the murder took place near the gorge, on the mesa north of it, whither she had gone to collect the edible fruit of the piñon tree. when the corpse was discovered the scalp had been taken; and this, rather than the killing, demanded speedy revenge. a number of able-bodied men of the clan to which the grandmother belonged gathered in order to fast and make the usual sacrifices preliminary to the formation of a war party. on the last night of their fast a delegate from the hishtanyi chayani appeared in their midst, and performed the customary incantations. he painted their bodies with the black lustrous powder of iron and manganese ore which is believed to strike terror into the hearts of enemies. he selected their leader, invested him with the office, and blessed the war-fetiches. to the leader he gave a little bag of buckskin filled with the powder of the yerba del manso, which still further produces dismay among the foe. that leader was topanashka tihua, then in the full vigour of manhood. on the following morning topanashka left before daybreak with five picked men in the hideous garb of indian braves. they penetrated cautiously the mountain labyrinth west of the rito, concealing themselves during the day and travelling at night. on the morning of the fifth day they discovered a few huts of the navajo. whether or no their inmates had participated in the murder of the old woman they did not stop to inquire, but pounced upon the people who were still asleep. the results of the surprise were nine scalps and one captive. this captive was a little boy, and that boy was nacaytzusle. although barely three years old, he was dragged to the rito and had to take part in the solemn dance, during which the scalps of his parents were triumphantly waved by those who had killed them. afterward he was adopted into the turquoise clan, for the people of the eagle clan refused to receive him, the privilege of so doing being theirs. topanashka disliked the appearance of the child, and his counsels weighed heavily. thus nacaytzusle became an adopted son of the queres, but it did not change his nature. his physique at once indicated foreign origin; he grew up to be taller, more raw-boned, than the youth of the house people, and his dark, wolfish look and the angular cut of his features betrayed his dinne blood. like all the other youth, he received the rude education which was imparted at the estufas. he showed considerable aptitude for mastering songs and prayers, after once acquiring the language of his captors. he also watched the wizards as often as opportunity was afforded, and learned many a trick of jugglery. tyope was struck by the youth's aptitude for such arts and practices. it revealed natural tendencies, and confirmed tyope in the belief that the navajos were born wizards, that their juggleries and performances, some of which are indeed startling, revealed the possession of higher powers. the pueblos hold the navajos in quite superstitious respect. tyope therefore looked upon the young fellow as one who in course of time might become an invaluable assistant. he observed the boy's ways, and became intimately acquainted with all his traits, bad and good. [illustration: a westerly cliff of the habitations of the tyuonyi, showing second and third story caves, and some high lookout caves] nacaytzusle was a successful hunter; he was very nimble, quick, and exceedingly persevering, in everything he undertook. but he was also a natural lounger and idler, whenever he was not busy with preparations for the hunt or repairing his own scanty clothing. work in the fields he avoided. he even showed marked contempt for the people of the rito, because the men performed toil which he regarded as degrading. keeping aloof from the men's society to a certain extent, he was more attracted by the women. it was especially mitsha koitza, tyope's good-looking daughter, who attracted him; and he began to pay attentions to her in a manner in keeping with his wild temperament. tyope, strange to say, was pleased to notice this. he would have been happy to have given his child to the savage, but he had no right to interfere in the matter of marriage, for this belonged to the girl's own clan to arrange. the clan was that of the eagle, and topanashka was its most influential member, its leading spirit. mitsha avoided the navajo; and when nacaytzusle attempted to press his suit, the girl repelled his addresses in a manner that showed her aversion to him beyond any possible question. had mitsha been less positive in her behaviour, it is quite likely that the character of the young captive might have changed,--that he might have softened little by little, entering into the path traced by the customs of sedentary indians. as it was, his hatred to them increased, and with it the desire to recover his independence by returning to his kindred. about a year before, then, nacaytzusle disappeared from the tyuonyi. shortly afterward tyope was suddenly accosted by him while hunting on the mesa, and a secret intercourse began, which led to the negotiations of which we have just heard the main purport. these negotiations were now broken, and in a manner that made a return to the rito rather dangerous. the very qualities which had fascinated tyope--the wariness, agility, and persistency of the navajo, his physical strength, and above all his supposed natural faculties for magic, coupled with his thorough knowledge of the country--caused tyope to ponder upon his means of escape. the blow which he dealt the savage was sufficient to teach him that a hand-to-hand encounter would not result favourably to him. at the same time this slight injury could not fail to exasperate the navajo, and tyope knew that the savage would lie in wait for him at some point which he had to pass on his return. for the present, nacaytzusle was very likely concealed in the vicinity, in the same manner and for the same reasons as the pueblo indian himself; but he was sure to leave his hiding-place and make some movement toward preparing either an ambush or a sudden surprise. tyope remained motionless for a while. he glanced across the space where the fire had been burning; but every spark was gone, and it was too dark to discern anything. he finally rose to his knees slowly and cautiously, and turned his eyes in the opposite direction. there also was an open space, and the dim starlight enabled him to discover that between his station and the nearest tree something similar to a rock or ledge protruded. he peered and listened, then turned around on his knees and flattening his body on the ground began to creep toward the tree. as soon as he reached its foot he rose to full height, leaned against the trunk, and glanced at the stars. they indicated that it was past midnight, and tyope felt uneasy. in case he should be delayed, and reach the rito after daylight, it might excite suspicions. yet his only safety lay in making a wide circuit. the dismal yelping of a prairie wolf struck his ear, and to his alarm there was at once a reply near where the interview had taken place, but slightly to the east and more toward the deep gorge in which the rio grande flows. he concluded that nacaytzusle had shifted his position, by placing himself on tyope's supposed line of retreat. but it was also manifest that the boy had not come to the meeting alone,--that at least one more navajo lurked in the vicinity. at least one, perhaps more. another wolf now howled in the direction of the south. a fourth one was heard farther off, and both voices united in a plaintive wail. any one unacquainted with the remarkable perfection with which the navajos imitate the nocturnal chant of the so-called coyote, would have been deceived, and have taken the sounds for the voices of the animals themselves; but tyope recognized them as signals through which four navajo indians prowling around him informed each other of their positions and movements. this made his own situation exceedingly critical. the only mitigating circumstance was that the four were dispersed, and only one of them could as yet have an idea of his whereabouts. the indian from the rito braced himself against the tree, and taking off his helmet laid it carefully beside him on the ground. then he took off the quiver, emptied it, and tied the strap to which it was fastened around his waist. to this belt he tied both the quiver and the helmet, distributing them in such a manner that in the prevailing darkness they appeared like one of the ragged kilts of deerskin which formed the main part of a navajo's costume. next tyope untied the knot which held his hair on the back of the head, divided the long strands into switches, and began to wind those around his skull. necklace, fetich, and the plume that adorned his sidelock, he put in the quiver. he was now so far transformed that any one, nacaytzusle excepted, might have taken him in the night for a navajo warrior. this metamorphosis was performed rapidly, but without anxious haste or confusion. the howls had meanwhile been repeated. they sounded nearer than before from the east, the south, and the southeast. nacaytzusle alone, to judge from the signals which he gave, remained stationary. tyope, abandoning his position at the foot of the tree, glided to the nearest shrub. thence he struck northward in the direction of the rito. he walked erect, but scrupulously avoided everything that might create noise. when near the fireplace he stood still and listened. a wolf yelped to the right of where the dinne of whom tyope was most afraid seemed to be listening, about two hundred steps from him, on the swelling of the mesa. he manifestly expected the queres to return the same way he came. it was not a sign of much wisdom, but the boy was young and inexperienced in the stratagems of indian warfare. tyope felt relieved. suddenly loud barking sounded directly in front of him, and at no great distance. tyope dropped on the ground and began to glide like a snake toward the place whence this last signal came. he crouched behind a flat rock and raised his eyes. it was in vain; nothing could be seen in the obscurity. he felt puzzled. was this last signal the voice of another enemy who had hitherto remained silent, or was it nacaytzusle who had changed his position? at all events it was safer to rise and go directly toward the spot, rather than approach it in a creeping posture. he walked deliberately onward, at the same time calling out in a low tone,-- "nacaytzusle!" nothing moved. he advanced a few steps and repeated,-- "nacaytzusle! hast thou seen anything?" "no," said a hollow voice near by, and a human form arose as if from beneath the surface. the man stepped up to tyope; and to the latter's unpeakable relief, he looked stouter and shorter than nacaytzusle. the indian was unknown to him, and tyope said eagerly,-- "the badger must be hiding near where the fire is. we should cut off his trail to the north. nacaytzusle went too far east; there"--he pointed toward the northeast--"is where he ought to stand." tyope spoke the navajo language fluently. "thou art right," said the other; "go thither, and we will be closer together." tyope felt loath to follow this advice, for it would have brought him uncomfortably near his most dangerous foe; yet, under the circumstances and to avoid all suspicion he accepted the suggestion, and was about to turn in the direction indicated when the signals sounded again and simultaneously from every quarter. the strange indian held him back, asking,-- "how is this? we are five, and four have shouted now. who art thou, and where dost thou come from?" "i came from above," tyope replied, with affected composure. they stood so close together that the navajo could notice some details of tyope's accoutrements. grasping the cap of buffalo hide which dangled from the belt of the queres, he inquired,-- "what dost thou carry here?" all was lost, for the navajos were well acquainted with this garment, peculiar to the war dress of the pueblos. tyope saw that only the most reckless act could save him. so he dropped all his arrows, which until now he had carried in his right hand, and thrust his club like a slung-shot into the other's face. with a yell of pain and surprise the navajo tumbled backward into a bush, while tyope darted forward in the direction of the rito. behind him sounded the hoarse cries of the wounded man, loud yells answering. they came from four sides; all the pursuers were running at full speed to the assistance of their companion. madly, like a deer pursued by wolves, tyope bounded onward. but soon his speed slackened; he believed that he was safe, and there was no use in tiring himself. his movements were no longer noiseless as before. during his first run he had made so much noise as to lead the pursuers directly on his trail. these pursuers had suddenly become silent. nevertheless, from time to time, rustling sounds struck the ear of tyope, and proved that the pursuit was carried on unrelentingly. he noticed a suspicious twittering and cracking, not behind him, but at one side; and it approached. he comprehended at once that one of the navajos, instead of rushing to the rescue of the one whom tyope had struck down, had taken a direction diagonal to his own, with the hope of intercepting him near the brink of the declivity leading down into the rito, or perhaps sooner. a change in his line of flight was thereby rendered necessary, but in what direction? the warning sounds were heard directly north of him; then everything became quiet. the same stillness reigned all around; and this proved that the pursuers, while certainly approaching with the greatest possible alacrity, were anxious to cover their movements. tyope stood still, undecided what to do. the sound of a breaking or bending twig, faint though audible, caused him to crouch behind a cedar bush again. he held his breath, listened, and peered through the branches. soon a man appeared,--a navajo; but whether it was nacaytzusle or not, he could not discover. the indian glided across the open space as noiselessly as a spectre, and disappeared in a northerly direction. tyope remained in his concealment for a while, and as nothing more was heard or seen, he crawled to the nearest shrub to the west. there he again listened and watched, then rose to his feet and moved in a westerly direction. the moon had risen, and its crescent shed a glimmer over the tree-tops. for some time tyope walked on. frequently he halted to listen; everything was still. from this he inferred that his enemies had passed him, and were now stationed along the brink of the gorge in order to intercept him, and that he had gone far enough to risk a descent from where he stood. it did not seem likely that the navajos had posted themselves so far up the brink, since he knew it to be beyond the highest cave-dwellings. turning to the north, therefore, he soon found himself under the last trees of the mesa. beyond opened a whitish chasm, and the northern cliffs of the rito rose like dim gigantic phantoms. here he knew the descent had to be made, but here also the most imminent danger was lurking. the brink of the rito on the south side is lined by shrubbery, with high timber interspersed; but ledges of friable volcanic rocks advance in places beyond this shade, crowning the heights like irregular battlements. their surface is bare, and anything moving on them might become visible to a watchful eye, notwithstanding the dimness of the moonlight. tyope lay down, and began to glide like a snake. he moved slowly, pushing his body into every depression, hugging closely every protuberance. thus he succeeded in crossing the open space between the woods and the rim of the declivity. now he could overlook the valley beneath and glance down the slope. it was not very steep, and thickets covered it in places. but between him and the nearest brush a bare ledge had yet to be crossed. he crept into a wide fissure, and then down. the crags were not high, scarcely ten feet. then he pushed cautiously on to the open space. when near the middle of it he raised his head to look around. immediately a twang sounded from the heights above him, and a whiz followed. tyope bounded to his feet, reeled for a moment; another twang and another whizzing,--an arrow struck the ground where he had lain; but already the queres was away, leaping from rock to rock, tearing through shrubbery and thickets like a frightened mountain sheep. stones rolled from above; somebody was hastening down in pursuit; arrow upon arrow sped after the fugitive. but tyope was safely out of reach and in the bottom, whither the navajo did not dare to follow. a drizzling noise, like that of pebbles dropping from a height, told that the pursuer had withdrawn to the woods again; then all was still. down below on the edge of the brook lay tyope, panting from exhaustion. his life was safe and he felt unhurt, but he was overcome by emotion and effort. as long as the excitement had lasted his physical strength had held out. now that all was over he felt tired and weak. yet he could not think of rest, for daybreak was close at hand. he dipped some water from the brook and moistened his parched lips, taking care not to touch his face or body with the liquid. tyope was tired and worn out, but at the same time angry; and when the indian suffers or when he is angry he neither washes nor bathes. physical or mental pain, disappointment, and wrath, are with him compatible only with lack of cleanliness, and since he becomes wrathful or disappointed or sick quite as often as we do, his bodily condition is frequently far from pleasant. tyope felt angry and disappointed at himself. the failure in regard to nacaytzusle was not the cause of his disappointment. what angered him was that he had not killed the navajo whom he struck down on the mesa, and taken his scalp. there would have been ample time, and he could have concealed the trophy, returning for it in the daytime. he had already taken one scalp in his life, but to have missed this opportunity of securing a second one was an unpardonable failure. it was this which caused him to avoid the cooling waters and forget the demands of cleanliness. he rose and walked on. the valley opened before him; the dim light of a waning moon shone into it, allowing a practised eye to discern grotto after grotto in the cliffs. as tyope proceeded down the gorge, following the brook's course, he glanced at the caves. they were those of the water clan. he frowned and clenched his fist in anger. there lived his enemy, shotaye, his former spouse. there was her den, the abode of the hated witch. how often had she crossed his path, how often warned those whom he had planned to injure! yes, she was a sorceress, for she knew too much about his ways. but now his time would come, for he too knew something concerning her that must ruin her forever. he had known it for some time, but only now was it possible to accuse her. he shook his fist at the cliffs in silent rage; the thought of taking revenge filled his heart with sinister joy, and made him forget the fatigue and disappointment of the past hours. he soon stood in front of the place where the cliffs form a perpendicular wall, and where instead of excavating dwellings the people of the eagle clan had built their quarters outside, using the smooth surface of the rock as a rear wall. a row of terraced houses, some three, some two stories high, others with a ground-floor only, extended along the base of the rocks, looking like a shapeless ruin in the faint glow of the moon. toward this edifice tyope walked. all was silent, for nobody had as yet risen from sleep. he climbed on the roof of a one-story house and stooped over the hatchway to listen. it was dark inside, and only the sound of regular breathings could be heard. tyope descended into the room. two persons lay on the floor fast asleep. they were his wife and daughter. concealing his weapons and war-accoutrements, he stretched himself at full length beside the others. the rushing of the brook was but faintly heard; a cold blast entered through the loophole in the wall. tyope heaved a deep sigh of relief and closed his weary eyes. the night was nearly over, but he had reached home before the dawn of day. footnotes: [footnote : this custom of taking the disguise of a wolf is or has been used by the navajos frequently in order to surprise herds of cattle and horses.] chapter iv. a bright morning followed the night on which tyope underwent his adventures. he slept long, but it attracted no undue attention and called forth no remarks on the part of his wife and daughter. they were wont to see him come and go at any hour of the night. it was very near noon when he awoke at last, and after disposing of his late breakfast, _à la mode du pays_, sauntered off to parts unknown to the others. the day was one of remarkable beauty. no dim foggy city sun cast a sullen glance at the landscape. the sun stood in the zenith of a sky of the deepest azure, like a flaming, sparkling, dazzling meteor. still its heat was not oppressive. on the mesa above the rito a fresh wind was blowing. the shrubbery was gently moved by the breeze. a faint rushing sound was heard, like distant waves surging back and forth. in the gorge a zephyr only fanned the tops of the tallest pines; a quietness reigned, a stillness, like that which the poets of old ascribe to the elysian fields. there is not much bustle about the big house on the tyuonyi. the men are out and at work, and the children have retired to the court-yard, a group of girls alone enlivens the space between the main building and the new home of the corn people. they are gathered in a throng while they talk, laugh, and chatter, pointing at the fresh coat of clay which they have finished applying to the outside of the new building. their hands are yet filled with the liquid material used for plastering, and they taunt each other as to the relative merits of their work. one of the maidens, a plump little thing with a pair of lively eyes, calls out to another, pointing at a spot where the plaster appears less smooth and even,-- "see there, aistshie, you did that! you were too lazy to go over it again. look at my work; how even it is compared with yours!" the other girl shrugged her shoulders and retorted,-- "it may be, but it is not my fault, it is yours, sayap. you did it yesterday when we beat off the boys. you pushed shyuote against the wall and he thumped his head here. see, this is the mark where he struck the clay. you did this, sayap, not i." sayap laughed, and her buxom form shook. "you are right; i did it, i served the urchin right. it was good, was it not, aistshie? how i punished the brat, and how he looked afterward with his face all one mud-patch!" "yes," aistshie objected, "but i did more. i faced okoya, despite his bow and arrows. that was more than you did." the other girls interrupted the scornful reply which sayap was on the point of giving. they crowded around the two with a number of eager questions. "what was it?" queried one. "what happened yesterday?" another. "did you have a quarrel with boys," a third; and so on. all pressed around begging and coaxing them to tell the story of yesterday's adventure. the heroines themselves looked at each other in embarrassment. at last aistshie broke out,-- "you tell it, sayap." "well," began the latter, "it was yesterday afternoon and we were just putting on the last touches of the coating, when okoya and little shyuote his brother--" a clod, skilfully hurled, struck her right ear, filling it with sand and cutting off the thread of her narrative rather abruptly. sayap wheeled around to see whence the blow had come. the other girls all laughed, but she was angry. her wrath was raised to the highest pitch however, when she discovered that shyuote was the aggressor. on a little eminence near by stood the scamp, dancing, cutting capers, and yelling triumphantly. "shyuote is small, but he knows how to throw." "fiend," cried sayap in reply. she picked up a stone, raised it in the awkward manner in which most girls handle missiles, and running toward the boy hurled it at him. it fell far short of its mark, of course, and shyuote only laughed, danced, and grimaced so much the more. as sayap kept advancing and the other girls followed, he threw a second clod, which struck her squarely in the face, and so sharply that blood flowed from her nose and mouth. at the same time the rogue shouted at the top of his voice,-- "come on! all of you! i am not afraid. you will never catch me!" and as the majority of his pursuers came on, while two or three remained behind soothing and consoling sayap, who stood still, crying and bleeding, he thrust out his tongue at them its full length, performed a number of odious grimaces, and then nimbly clambered up between a group of erosive cones that lay in front of the cliff. he turned around once more to yell defiance and scorn at his pursuers, and disappeared on the other side. farther pursuit being hopeless, the girls clustered around the weeping sayap and held a council of war. they vowed dire vengeance on the lad, and promised their injured sister to improve the first opportunity that should present itself. shyuote, on the other hand, felt proud of his success. his revenge was, he felt, a glorious one. still he was careful not to forget the counsels of prudence, and instead of returning to the house by a direct route, which might have carried him too near the enraged damsels, he sauntered along, hugging the cliffs for some distance, and then cautiously sneaked into the fields below the new homes of the maize clan. once in the corn he felt safe, and was about to cross the brook to the south side, when the willows bordering the streamlet rustled and tossed, and a voice called to him from the thicket,-- "where are you going, uak?" shyuote stopped, and looked around for the speaker; but nobody was visible. again the boughs rustled and shook, and there emerged from the willows an old man of low stature, with iron-gray hair and shrivelled features. he wore no ornaments at all; his wrap was without belt and very dirty. in his left hand he held a plant which he had pulled up by the roots. he stepped up to shyuote, stood close by his side, and growled at him rather than spoke. "i asked you where you were going. why don't you answer?" shyuote was frightened, and stammered in reply,-- "to see my father." "who is your father?" "zashue tihua." the features of the interlocutor took on a singular expression. it was not one of pleasure, neither did it betoken anger; if anything, it denoted a sort of grim satisfaction. "if zashue is your father," continued he, and his eyes twinkled strangely, "say koitza must be your mother." "of course," retorted the boy, to whom this interrogatory seemed ludicrous. "and okoya your brother," the old man persisted. "why do you ask all this?" inquired the child, laughingly. a look, piercing and venomous, darted from the eyes of the questioning man. he snarled angrily,-- "because i ask it. i ask, and you shall answer me without inquiring why and wherefore. do you hear, uak?" shyuote hung his head; he felt afraid. "i forbid you to say anything about what i say to you to your mother," continued the other, grasping the left arm of the boy. shyuote shook off the grip, and also shook his head in token of refusal. the old man seized the arm again and clutched it so firmly with his bony fingers that the lad screamed from pain. "let me go!" he cried. "you hurt me, let me go!" "will you do as i bid you?" asked his tormentor. "yes," sobbed the child. "i will obey. my mother shall not know anything. let me go, you hurt!" the man loosened his grip slightly. "to your father you shall say that i, the koshare naua,"--the boy looked up at him at these words in astonishment,--"send word to him through you to come to my house on the night after the one that will follow this day, when the new moon sets behind the mountains. do you hear me, boy?" shyuote stared at the interlocutor with mouth wide open, and with an expression of fear and surprise that evidently amused the other. he gave him a last look, a sharp, threatening, penetrating glance; then his features became less stern. "have no fear," he said in a milder tone. "i will not do you any harm; but you must do as i say. go to your nashtio now, and tell him what i said." with this he wheeled about and left the boy as abruptly as he had appeared. shyuote stood gaping and perplexed. he felt very much like crying. his arm still ached from the grip of the old man, and while he was rubbing the sore spot his anger rose at the harsh and cruel treatment he had suffered. he thought of rushing home to his mother forthwith and telling her all about the bad old man, and how he had forbidden him to say anything to her. still, the koshare naua was not to be trifled with, and shyuote, young and childish as he was, had some misgivings about betraying his confidence. his father had told him that the naua, or chief leader of the koshare, was a very wise and therefore a very powerful man. zashue, who as soon as shyuote was born had pledged the child to become one of the delight makers, was educating the lad gradually in his duties; and shyuote had already imbibed enough of that discipline to feel a tremendous respect for the leader of the society to which he was pledged to belong. he suppressed the thoughts of rebellion that had arisen, and strolled on, crossing the creek and hunting for his father among the corn-patches on the other side. but his good-humour had left him. instead of being triumphantly buoyant, he felt morose and humiliated. zashue tihua was at work in the fields of the water clan, on the southern border of the cultivated plots. he was not alone; another young man kept him company. it was his younger brother, hayoue. they were weeding side by side, and exchanging remarks while the work went on. zashue looked up, and his handsome face brightened when he discovered shyuote coming toward them through the maize. a visit from his favourite child, although by no means an unusual occurrence, was always a source of pleasure. he liked to have shyuote around him when he was at work. throwing a small, sharp stone-splinter toward the boy, he called out to him,-- "come, take this okpanyi and begin weeding where you stand. weed toward us until we meet, and we will go home together to the yaya." this was still further a source of displeasure to shyuote, who above all things disliked work. he had not come down to the fields to toil. what he sought for was a friendly chat with his father, a few hours of lounging and loafing near him. disappointed and pouting, he bent over the work assigned, while the two men went on with their task as well as with their conversation. hayoue was taller than his brother, and a strikingly handsome young indian. his eyes had a more serious and less mischievous expression than those of zashue. he was yet unmarried; but, notwithstanding, a marked predilection for the fair sex formed one of his characteristics. he was held in high esteem by the leading men of the tribe, tyope and his adherents excepted, for his sagacity, good judgment, and personal valour. "i tell you," zashue spoke up, "shyuote will become a good one." hayoue shrugged his shoulders and replied,-- "you should know your own children better than i, yet i tell you okoya also is good; besides, he is wise and reserved." "yes; but he is too much with the women, and his mother stands nearer to him than his father. he never follows me to the fields unless i tell him. look at the little one, on the other hand. he will be a man." while his brother spoke hayoue had quietly observed shyuote; and the slow, loitering way in which the boy performed his work had not escaped his observation. he said,-- "it may be. to-day he certainly acts rather like an old woman. see how loath he is to weed the plants." "you always prefer okoya," replied zashue. "you like him because he never opens his mouth unless an arrow is forced between his teeth." "and you prefer shyuote because you are making a koshare of him," hayoue answered, with great composure. "he surely will become a good one, a better one than i am." "if he becomes as good a delight maker as you are, zashue, we may be satisfied. shall you soon retire to the estufa?" he inquired, changing the subject of the conversation. "i don't know; the naua has not said anything as yet, but the time is near at hand when we should begin to work. before going into the round house in the rocks, we ought to be sure that there are no navajos in the neighbourhood. you are kauanyi, a member of the order of warriors," he added with a side-glance at his brother, "do you know anything of the sneaking wolves in the mountains?" hayoue denied any knowledge concerning the navajos, adding,-- "i did not like it when that fellow nacaytzusle ran away from us. he knew too much of our ways." "he can do no harm. he is glad to stay among his people." "still i don't trust him," hayoue muttered. "neither would i, if i were in your place," zashue taunted, and a good-natured though mischievous smile lit up his features. "if i were you i would keep still better guard over mitsha koitza." "what have i to do with the child of tyope," exclaimed the other, rather contemptuously. "indeed?" queried zashue, "so you, too, are against tyope? what has he done to you?" "nothing, but i mistrust him as much as i do the navajo." these last words were uttered in such a positive manner--they were so earnestly emphasized--that they cut off the conversation. it was plain that hayoue had made up his mind on the subject, and that he did not wish to have it broached again. "sa nashtio," called shyuote over to where the brothers were weeding in silence, "come over here; i must tell you something, but i must tell it to you alone." hayoue at once turned away, while zashue called the lad to him. but shyuote protested, saying that only his father was to hear his communication, and zashue at last went where the boy was standing. it vexed him, and he inquired rather gruffly what he had to say. shyuote made a very wise and important face, placed a finger to his lips, and whispered,-- "the koshare naua told me to tell you that you should go to see him, not to-morrow, but the day after, when the moon goes behind the mountains." "is that all!" exclaimed zashue, disappointed and angry,--"is that all you had to say? that much you might have shouted to me. there was no need of being so secret about it, and"--he glanced at the insignificant and careless work the boy had performed--"is that all you have done since you came? you are lazy, uak! go home. go home at once to your mother and tell her that i shall not return for the evening, but will stay with hayoue in the caves." and as shyuote, dismayed and troubled, appeared loath to go, zashue turned to him again, commanding in a very angry tone,-- "go home! go home at once!" [illustration: (upper picture) a navajo hogan] [illustration: (lower picture) the heart of the tyuonyi: the excavated lower story of the great terraced communal house] shyuote left in haste; he felt very much like crying. hayoue said to his brother,-- "didn't i tell you that shyuote was lazy? okoya is far, far more useful." "let me alone about okoya," growled zashue; and both went on with the work as before. shyuote stumbled across the patches of corn, rather than walked through them. he felt sad, dejected, and very wrathful. all the buoyancy with which his victory over the girls had inspired him was gone. since that heroic feat nothing but ill-luck had crossed his path. he was angry at his father for scolding him and driving him home, in the presence of hayoue, for whom the boy had as great a dislike as his uncle had for him. why, it was worse than the threats and cuffs of the old naua! it was not only an injustice, it was an insult! so the lad reasoned, and began to brood over vengeance. he was going to show his father that he, the ten-year-old boy, was not to be trifled with. yes, he would show his teeth by refusing to become a koshare. would not that be a glorious revenge! the little fellow did not know that he was pledged to the delight makers by a sacred vow of his parent which it was not in his power to break. after a while his thoughts changed, and he concluded that it might be better to say nothing and to go home and ask for something to eat. but never, never again would he favour his father with a friendly call in the corn-patch. this latter resolve appeared to him so satisfactory, the revenge so ample for the injury received, that he forgot the past and fairly danced through the fields, hopping sometimes on one foot and sometimes on the other. he crossed the brook and reached the large house almost to his own surprise. it was noon, and the full blaze of the sun flooded the valley with light. not a breeze fanned the air, nothing stirred. no vibrations troubled the picture which the cliffs, the caves, the buildings, presented in the dazzling glare. the cliffs had lost their yellowish hue and appeared white, with every protuberance, every indentation, or cavity, marked by intense shadows. the houses inhabited by the eagle clan along the foot of the rocks were like a row of irregularly piled cubes and prisms; each beam leaning against them cast a jet-black streak of shadow on the ground. below the projecting beams of the roofs a short black line descended along the wall, and the towering rocks jutted in and out from dark recesses like monsters. so strong were the contrasts between shadow and light that even shyuote was struck by it. he stood still and stared. something indefinite, a vague feeling of awe, crept over him. for the real grandeur of the scenery he had no sense of appreciation, and yet it seemed to him as if everything about were new and strange. thousands of times had he gazed at the cliffs of his valley home, but never had they appeared to him as they did now. so strong was this impression, and so sudden, too, that he shrank from the sight in amazement; then he turned his eyes away and walked rapidly toward home. he was afraid to look at the colossal pillars and walls; they appeared to him like giants threatening to move. all his plans for revenge, every thought of wrath and indignation, had vanished. suddenly his left knee was struck by a stone hurled with such force that shyuote bounded and screamed. at the same time six or seven boys, some apparently of his age while others were taller and older, rushed from the bushes skirting the ditch. two of them ran directly in front of him. they were armed with sticks and short clubs, and the largest, who seemed to be of the same age as okoya, shouted,-- "you have injured sayap, and caused her blood to flow. you rotten squash, you shall suffer for it." shyuote took in the situation at a glance. he saw that only desperate running would save him from being roughly handled. he darted off like an arrow toward the cave-dwellings in front of him. unfortunately these were the quarters of the corn people who had not yet moved into their new homes. to them belonged sayap and the boys that were assailing shyuote; and as the fugitive approached the slope, he saw it occupied by other youth ready and eager to give him a warm reception. at the same time the tallest of his pursuers was gaining on him rapidly; rocks flew past his head; a stone struck him between the ribs, stopping his breath almost. in despair he turned to the left, and making a last effort flew towards the houses of the eagle clan. panting, blinded by exertion and by pain, he reached one of the beams leading to a roof, rushed upward along it, and was about to take refuge in the room below, when a young girl came up the primitive ladder down which he had intended to precipitate himself. issuing from the hatchway she quietly pushed the lad to one side; then, as in that moment one of his pursuers appeared on the roof, she stepped between him and shyuote. "get out of the way, mitsha! let me get at the wren!" cried the youth who had just climbed the roof. shyuote fled to the very wall of the rock; he gave up all hope and thought himself lost. but the girl quietly asked,-- "what do you want with the boy?" "he has hurt sayap, our sister," the tall youngster answered. "he threw a stone at her and caused her to bleed. now i am going to pay him for it." "so will i!" shouted another one from below. "i too!" "and i!" "he shall get it from all of us!" yelled a number of youthful voices, and in an instant the roof was crowded with boys. mitsha had placed herself so as to shield the trembling lad with her own body. very quietly she said,-- "don't you see that he also is bleeding? let him go now, it is enough." a stone had indeed grazed shyuote's scalp, and blood was trickling down his cheek. "it is not enough!" shouted one of the older boys, angrily. "get out of the way, mitsha!" "you shall not hurt him on this roof," replied mitsha, in a calm but very positive tone. "do you intend to protect him?" cried the tallest one of the pursuers, and another one exclaimed,-- "how does it concern you? you have nothing to do here." all turned against the girl. a little fellow, who carried several large pebbles in his hand for the occasion, endeavoured to steal a march around mitsha in order to reach shyuote; but she noticed it, and grasped his arm and pulled him back so vigourously that he reeled and fell at full length on the roof. then she ordered them all to leave forthwith. "you belong to the corn clan," she said, "and have nothing to do here on the houses of the eagle clan. go down! get away at once or i will call our men. as long as i am here you shall not touch the uak." "so you take his part?" cried the biggest one of the invaders. he raised a stick to strike her. "lay down your club, you dirty ear of corn," replied the maiden, "or you will fare badly." with this she drew from under her wrap a heavy war-club; it was the same weapon which tyope had used the night previous. the boy's arm remained uplifted, but still the attitude of the girl, her threatening look and resolute appearance, checked the assailants. mitsha stood with apparent composure, but her eyes sparkled and the expression of her face denoted the utmost determination. besides she was fully as tall as most of her opponents, and the weapon she was holding in readiness looked quite formidable. but the superior number of her assailants exercised a certain pressure on these assailants themselves, and the indian under such circumstances has no thought of chivalrous feeling. a dozen boys stood before the solitary maiden on the roof, and they were not to be intimidated by her. for an instant only neither said a word; then a threatening murmur arose. one of the lads called out to the tallest of the crowd,-- "strike her down, shohona!" a stone was thrown at her but missed its aim. at this moment the boys nearest the brink of the roof were suddenly thrust aside right and left, the one who had threatened mitsha with his stick was pulled back and jerked to one side violently, and before the astonished girl stood okoya. pale with emotion, breathless, with heaving chest, and quivering from excitement, he gasped to her,-- "go down into the room; i will protect my brother." then he turned to face the assailants. the scene on the roof had attracted a large number of spectators, who had gathered below and were exchanging surmises and advice on the merits of a case about which none of them really knew anything. now a woman's voice rose from amid this gaping and chattering crowd,--the sharp and screechy voice of an angry woman. she shouted to those who were on the roof,-- "get down from my house! get down, you scoundrels! if you want to kill each other do it elsewhere, and not on my home!" with this the woman climbed on to the roof. she seized the boy nearest to her by the hair and pulled him fairly to the ground, so that the poor fellow howled from pain. with the other hand she dealt blows and cuffs, and scratched and punched indiscriminately among the youngsters, so that a sudden panic broke out among these would-be heroes. each sought to get out of her reach with the greatest alacrity. she at last released her hold on the first victim and reached out for another; but the last of the young corn people was just tumbling down from the roof, and her clutch at his leg came too late. in an instant the roof was cleared. the young braves from the maize clan were ungraciously received below. a number of their parents had assembled, and when the woman began to expostulate, they looked at the matter from her point of view. they saw that it was an infringement, a trespass, upon the territory and rights of another clan, and treated their pugnacious sons to another instalment of bodily punishment as fast as they came tumbling from above. the final result for the incipient warriors of the corn people was that they were ignominiously driven home. while peace was thus restored upon the ground it still looked quite stormy on the roof. the woman who had so energetically interfered at last discovered okoya, who was looking in blank amazement at this sudden change of affairs. forthwith she made a vicious grab at his ebony locks, with the pointed remark,-- "down with you, you stinking weed!" but mitsha interfered. "mother," she said gently, "do not harm him. he was defending his brother and me. he is none of the others." "what!" the woman screamed, "was it you whom they were about to strike, these night-owls made of black corn? you, my child? let me tell them again what they are," and she ran to the brink of the roof, raised handfuls of dust from it, and hurled them in the direction of the caves of the offenders. she stamped, she spat; she raved, and heaped upon the heads of the corn people, their ancestors, and their descendants, every invective the queres language contains. to those below this appeared decidedly entertaining; the men especially enjoyed the performance, but mitsha felt sorry,--she disliked to see her mother display such frenzy and to hear her use such vulgar language. she pulled her wrap, saying,-- "it is enough now, sanaya. don't you see that those who wanted to hurt me are gone? their fathers and mothers are not guilty. be quiet, mother; it is all over now." her mother at last yielded to these gentle remonstrances, turned away from the brink, and surveyed the roof. she saw okoya standing before weeping shyuote, and scolding him. "what are you doing to this child?" asked mitsha's mother, still under the pressure of her former excitement. she was ready for another fray. "he is my brother, and the cause of the whole trouble," okoya explained to her. "i chide him for it, as it is my duty to do. nevertheless, they had no right to kill him, still less to hurt the girl." the woman had at last had time to scrutinize the looks of the young man. she herself was not old, and when not under the influence of passion was rather comely. okoya's handsome figure attracted her attention, and she stepped nearer, eyeing him closely. "where do you belong?" she inquired in a quieter tone. "i am tanyi." "who is your father?" "zashue tihua." the woman smiled; she moved still nearer to the young man and continued,-- "i know your father well. he is one of us, a koshare." her eyes remained fastened on his features; she was manifestly more and more pleased with his appearance. but at the same time she occasionally glanced toward her daughter mitsha, and it struck her forcibly that mitsha, too, was handsome. "i know who you are," she said smilingly. "you are okoya tihua, your little brother is called shyuote, and say koitza is your mother's name. she is a good woman, but"--and she shrugged her shoulders--"always sick. have you any cotton?" she suddenly asked, looking squarely into the eyes of the boy. "no," he replied, and his features coloured visibly, "but i have some handsome skins." mitsha too seemed embarrassed; she started to go into the room below, but her mother called her back. "sa uishe," she coaxed, "won't you give the mot[=a]tza something to eat?" the faces of both young people became fiery red. he stood like a statue, and yet his chest heaved. he cast his eyes to the ground. mitsha had turned her face away; her whole body was trembling like a leaf. her mother persisted. "take him down into the room and feed him," she repeated, and smiled. "i have nothing," murmured mitsha. "if such is the case i shall go and see myself." with these words the woman descended the beam into the room below, leaving the two alone on the roof, standing motionless, neither daring to look at the other. while the colloquy between okoya and mitsha's mother was going on, shyuote had recovered somewhat from his fright and grief and had sneaked off. once on the ground he walked--still trembling and suspiciously scanning the cliff wherein the corn people had their abodes--as straight as possible toward the big house. nobody interfered with him; not even his two defenders noticed that he had gone; they both remained standing silent, with hearts beating anxiously. "okoya," the woman called from below, "come and eat. mitsha, come down and give sa uishe something to eat." a thrill went through okoya's whole frame. she had called him _sa uishe_,--"my child." he ventured to cast a furtive glance at the maiden. mitsha had recovered her self-control; she returned his shy glance with an open, free, but sweet look, and said,-- "come and partake of the food." there was no resisting an invitation from her. he smiled; she returned the smile in a timid way, as shy and embarrassed as his own. she descended first and okoya followed. on the floor of the room, the same chamber where tyope had taken rest the night before, stood the usual meal; and okoya partook of it modestly, said his prayer of thanks, and uttered a plain, sincere hoya at the end. but instead of rising, as he would have done at home, he remained squatting, glancing at the two women. while he ate, the mother watched him eagerly; her cunning eyes moved from his face toward that of her daughter like sparks; and gradually an expression of satisfaction mingled with that of a settled resolve appeared on her features. there was no doubt that the two would be a handsome pair. they seemed, as the vulgar saying goes, made for each other; and there was something besides that told that they were fond of each other also. okoya had never before entered this dwelling; but the woman thought that they had met before, nay, that her desire had been anticipated, inasmuch as the young people already stood to each other, if not in an intimate, in a more than merely friendly, relation. "why do you never come to see us?" asked the woman, after okoya had finished his meal. "i stay at the estufa during the night," was the modest reply. "you need have no fear," she answered pleasantly, "tyope and your father are good friends. you should become a koshare!" she exclaimed. okoya's face clouded; he did not like the suggestion, but nevertheless asked,-- "is she," looking at mitsha, "a koshare also?" "no. we had another child, a boy. he was to have become a delight maker, but he died some time ago." the woman had it on her lips to say, "do you become one in his place as our child," but she checked herself in time; it would have been too bold a proposal. okoya glanced at the daughter and said timidly,-- "if you like, i shall come again to see you;" and mitsha's face displayed a happy smile at the words, while her mother eagerly nodded. "come as often as you can," she replied. "we"--emphasizing the word strongly--"like it. it is well." "then i will go now," said okoya, rising. his face was radiant. "i must go home lest shyuote get into more trouble. he is so mischievous and awkward. good-bye." he grasped the woman's hand and breathed on it; gave a smiling look to the girl, who nodded at him with a happy face; and returned to the roof again. thence he climbed down to the ground. how happy he felt! the sun seemed to shine twice as brightly as before; the air felt purer; all around him breathed life, hope, and bliss. at the foot of the slope he turned back once more to gaze at the house where so much joy had come to him. a pair of lustrous eyes appeared in the little air-hole of the wall. they were those of the maiden, which were following him on his homeward way. tyope's wife was right in supposing that her daughter and okoya were not strangers to each other. and yet not a single word had passed between them before beyond a casual greeting. as often as they had met he had said "guatzena," and she had responded with "raua." but at every meeting his voice was softer, and hers more timid and trembling. each felt happy at the sight of the other, but neither thought of speaking, still less of making any advances. okoya was aware of the fact--which he felt deeply and keenly--that a wide breach, a seemingly impassable chasm, existed between him and the girl. that gap was the relation in which he stood toward tyope, the girl's father. or rather the relation in which he fancied himself to stand toward him. for tyope had hardly ever spoken to him, still less done him any wrong. but okoya's mother had spoken of tyope as a bad man, as a dangerous man, as one whom it was okoya's duty to avoid. and so her son feared tyope, and dared not think of the bad man's daughter as his future companion through life. now everything was changed. mitsha's mother had said that tyope was a friend of his father, and that tyope would not be angry if okoya came to her house. then he was not, after all, the fiend that say koitza had pictured him. on the contrary he appeared to okoya, since the last interview, in the light of an important personage. okoya's faith in his mother was shaken before; now he began to think that tyope after all, while he was certainly to him an important man, was not as bad as represented. the koshare also appeared to him in a new and more favourable light. the adroit suggestion made by the woman that he should join the society bore its fruits. okoya felt not only relieved but happy; he felt elated over his success. he was well trained in the religious discipline of the indians; and now that he saw hope before him, his next thought was one of gratitude toward that mother of all who, though dwelling at the bottom of the lagune of shipapu at times, and then again in the silvery moon, was still watching over the destinies of her children on earth, and to whose loving guidance he felt his bright prospects due. he had no prayer-plumes with him. these painted sticks--to which feathers or down of various birds, according to the nature of the prayer they are to signify, are attached--the aborigine deposits wherever and whenever he feels like addressing himself to the higher powers, be it for a request, in adoration only, or for thanksgiving. in a certain way the prayer-plume or plume-stick is a substitute for prayer, inasmuch as he who has not time may deposit it hurriedly as a votive offering. the paint which covers the piece of stick to which the feather is attached becomes appropriately significant through its colours, the feather itself is the symbol of human thought, flitting as one set adrift in the air toward heaven, where dwell those above. but as in the present instance, the indian has not always a prayer-plume with him. so he has recourse to an expedient, simple and primitive. two little sticks or twigs, placed crosswise and held to their place by a rock or stone, serve the same purpose in case of emergency. such accumulations of rocks, little stone-heaps, are plentiful around indian villages; and they represent votive offerings, symbolizing as many prayers. there were a number of them at the rito around the big house, along the fields, and on the trails leading up to the mesa. okoya went to the nearest one and placed two twigs crosswise on it, poising them with a stone. then he scattered sacred meal, which he always carried with him in a small leather wallet, and thanked the sanashtyaya, our mother, with an earnest ho-a-a, ho-a-a. then he turned homeward. the very thought of that home, however, made his heart heavy and sad. for more and more he became convinced that his mother was false to him. the assertion made by tyope's wife that he was welcome in her house, and that tyope would not object to his visiting there, worked another breach in the faith he was wont to place in his mother's words. not that the invitation to join the koshare had exercised any influence upon his opinion regarding that society of men and women. he mistrusted, he hated, he feared them as much as ever, but toward tyope personally he felt differently. his thoughts were carried back to the gloomy subject; one by one his doubts and misgivings returned with them, and a longing after some friend to whom he might communicate his fears and whom he might consult with absolute confidence. as he was thus pondering and walking on, slowly and more slowly, he saw at some distance two men climbing up toward where the cave-dwellings of the water clan lay. one of them was his father; he recognized him at once. who was his companion? he stopped and looked. it was his father's brother, hayoue; and with this it seemed as if a veil had suddenly dropped from his eyes. the tall, slender young man yonder, who was advancing up the declivity at such an easy gait, was the friend upon whom he could fully rely, the adviser who would not, at least purposely, lead him astray. hayoue was but a few years older than okoya. the relations between the two were those of two brothers and chums, rather than those of uncle and nephew. hayoue was not a member of his clan, consequently not exposed to any influence which his mother, through her father, topanashka, might attempt to exert. hayoue, he knew, disliked the koshare as much as he disliked them himself, and hayoue was thoroughly trustworthy and discreet, though very outspoken if necessary, and fearless. yes, hayoue was the friend in need he so anxiously desired to find, and now that he had found him he resolved to seize upon the first opportunity of consulting him on the subject that so seriously troubled his mind. he was so delighted at this sudden discovery, as it might be called, that he attributed it to an inspiration from above, and stood for a moment in doubt whether he should not return to the stone-heap and offer another prayer of thanks to the mother above, for what he considered to have been a gift of her goodness to him. but the house was too near, and he bethought himself of shyuote and what the mischievous urchin might have done since he had left him. he entered the front room of his mother's dwelling with a lighter and easier mind than the day before, and what he saw at once diverted his thoughts into another widely different channel. shyuote sat in a corner, and his eyes were red from crying. beside him stood say, agitated and angry. without giving her elder son time to speak, she asked,-- "who sent the boy to the fields?" "i don't know," replied okoya, in astonishment. he knew nothing of shyuote's morning rambles. "he must know; how could i tell?" "he says that they drove him from the corn because he threw mud at a girl," added the mother. "that is quite likely," rejoined his elder brother. "that is why the lads of the corn clan intended to beat him, i presume." "why did you not stay with your father?" cried say. "because,"--he held his arm up to his eyes and commenced to sob,--"because my father drove me off." "why did he drive you away?" "because--" he stopped, then raised his head as if a sudden and wicked thought had flashed across his mind. his eyes sparkled. "i dare not tell." he cast his eyes to the ground, and a bitter smile passed over his lips. "why dare you not tell?" both say and okoya inquired. "has sa nashtio told you not to say anything about it?" "not he, but the koshare naua." it was like an explosion. say koitza felt a terrible pang; she stared vacantly at the wicked lad for a moment, and then turned and went into the kitchen. shyuote wept aloud; his brother looked down upon him with an expression of mingled compassion and curiosity. the doorway was suddenly darkened by a human form, and with the usual _guatzena_ the grandfather, topanashka, entered the apartment. okoya stood up quickly and replied,-- "raua opona." "what is the boy crying for?" inquired the old man. "the corn people tried to hurt him because he threw something at one of their girls," okoya explained. "is that all? i heard scolding and crying going on here, and so i thought i would come and see what was the matter. where is your yaya?" say, when she heard her father's voice, came out and leaned against the entrance to the kitchen. her face was convulsed, her eyes glassy. topanashka scanned her features quietly and then said in a cold tone,-- "guatzena." she understood the meaning of his cold, searching gaze, and gathered all her strength to meet it with composure. "shyuote cries also," she said, "because his father sent him home from the fields." "why did zashue do that?" "this he dare not tell, for the koshare naua"--her voice trembled at the mention of the name--"forbade him to say anything about it." her eyes clung to the features of her father. topanashka turned away slowly and quietly, and she followed him to the door. as he was crossing the threshold he whispered to her,-- "there is nothing new as yet." chapter v. the people of the water clan dwelt at the western end of the cliffs which border the tyuonyi on the north. they occupied some twenty caves scooped out along the base of the rock, and an upper tier of a dozen more, separated from the lower by a thickness of rock averaging not over three feet. this group of cave-dwellings--and vestiges thereof are still visible at this day--lay in a re-entering angle formed by the cliffs, which overhang in such a manner as to form a sheltered nook open to the south. ascent to their base is quite steep, and great heaps of débris cover the slope. the gorge is narrow, a dense thicket interspersed with pine-trees lines the course of the brook, and the declivity forming the southern border of the rito approaches the bottom in rocky steps, traversed laterally by ledges overgrown with scrubby vegetation. vestiges of former occupancy are still scattered about the caves. some of these furnish a clew to the manner in which the dwellings were formed by scraping and burrowing. splinters of obsidian and of basalt--sharp fragments, resembling clumsy chisels or knives--served to dig an oblong hole in the soft pumice or tufa of the cliff. after this narrow cavity had penetrated a depth of one or two feet, the artisan began to enlarge it inside, until a room was formed for which the tunnelled entrance served as a doorway. the room, or cell, was gradually finished in a quadrangular or polygonal shape, with a ceiling high enough to permit a person of average size to stand erect. not unfrequently side rooms were excavated connecting with the first by low apertures, to pass through which it was necessary to stoop, or even to creep on all fours. these passages were too low for doorways, too short to deserve the name of tunnels. into the front apartment light and air were admitted through the entrance, and sometimes through small window-like apertures. the side cells were utterly dark except where excavated parallel to the face of the rock, when sometimes another entrance was opened to the front, sometimes an air-hole only admitted light and air. if on the afternoon of the day when shyuote had his perilous adventure with the young people of the corn clan, we had been able to peep into the third one of the ground-floor caves, counting from the west end of the group inhabited by the water people, we should have found the apartment empty; that is, as far as human occupancy was concerned. but not deserted; for while its owner was not there, ample signs of his presence only a short time before could be detected everywhere. in the fireplace wood was smouldering, and a faint smoke rising from this found egress through a crude chimney. this was built over the hearth, with two vertical side slabs of pumice supporting a perforated square flag, over which a primitive flue, made of rubble cemented by mud, led to a circular opening in the front wall of the cave. in a corner stood the frame for the grinding-slabs, or _metates_, and in it the three plates of lava on which the indian crushes and pulverizes his maize were placed in the convenient slanting position. not only the prismatic crushing-pins, but freshly ground meal also, lay in the stone casings of the primitive mill, and on these the plates themselves. deerskins and cotton wraps were rolled in a bundle in another corner. others hung on a line made of rawhide and stretched across one end of the room, fastened to wooden pins driven into the soft rock. on the floor--to which a thick coating of mud, washed with blood and smoothed, gave a black, glossy appearance--there were beside, here a few stone axes with handles, there some black sooty pots, painted bowls, and finally the inevitable water-urn with wide body and narrow top, decorated in the usual style with geometrical and symbolical figures painted in red and black on whitish ground. the walls of the cave were burnished with burnt gypsum; the ceiling was covered by a thick coat of soot; and a band of yellow ochre, like wainscoting, ran along the base of the sides. the owner of this troglodytic home, however, is not to be seen; but in a side chamber, which communicates with this apartment through one of the dark and low passages just described, a rustling sound is heard, as of some one rummaging about in darkness. after a while a woman's head peeps through the passage into the outer room, and little by little the whole body emerges, forcing itself through the narrow opening. she rises and stands erect in front of the hearth, and the sunbeam which still enters the apartment by the round hole above the fireplace strikes her features full and enables us to scan them. the woman into whose dwelling we have pryed, and who stands now in the dim chamber as sole occupant and owner, is shotaye, tyope's former wife, and the friend who has given say koitza such ill advice. if shotaye be a witch, she certainly is far from displaying the hag-like appearance often attributed to the female sorcerer. there is even something decidedly fascinating about her. shotaye, although near the forties, is for an indian woman undoubtedly good-looking. no wonder some other women of the tribe are afraid of her. she is tall and well rounded, and her chest is of that fulnesss that develops at an early age in the women of the pueblos. her face is even pretty,--her lips are pouting and sensual, the nose small and shaped like a short, pointed beak, the cheek-bones high, while the chin indicates remarkable determination. magnificent black hair streams down her back. it is as full as a wave, as lustrous as polished obsidian. her dress consists of a buckskin wrap without girdle, embroidered at the lower end with multi-coloured porcupine-quills. bracelets of white shells, a necklace of feldspar crystals and turquoises, and strings of yellow cotton threads around her ankles complete the costume. such is the woman who has played and still plays an ominous part in the history of okoya's mother, and in the history of the people at the rito de los frijoles. now that we have seen her home and her person, let us proceed with the tale of her doings on the afternoon to which the close of the preceding chapter has been devoted. shotaye had been rummaging about in the inner cell of her rocky house in search of some medicinal plant, for that cell was her storeroom, laboratory, and workshop. but as the room was without light at all, she had entered it with a lighted stick in her hand; and just as she had begun her search the flame had died out. so after a vain attempt by groping in darkness, she crawled back to the exterior apartment and knelt down in front of the hearth to fan the coals with her breath and thus obtain another torch for her explorations. at that moment the deerskin robe closing the entrance to her grotto was timidly lifted, and a feeble voice called the usual greeting. "opona," replied shotaye, turning toward the doorway. a lithe figure crept into the cave. when near the fireplace it stood still, enabling the mistress of the dwelling to recognize the features of say, her friend and now fully recovered patient. but how different was say's appearance from what it was when shotaye a few days ago saw her last? how changed,--how thin and wan her cheeks, how sunken her eyes, how sallow and sickly her complexion! her face seemed to bear the seal of approaching death, for the eyes stared expressionless, the mouth twitched without speaking. but one thought seized shotaye, that her friend must be ill, very, very ill,--that the old disease had returned in full force and had clutched her anew with perhaps irresistible power. anxiously she rose to her feet, and scanned the face of the invalid. "what ails you, my sister," she inquired tenderly. "has disease come on you again? speak, sa uishe, speak to me that i may know." her visitor only shook her head and glanced about as if seeking a place to rest herself. the medicine-woman gathered hurriedly a few robes, folded them so as to make a cushion near the hearth, and then gently urged say to sit down on this soft and easy seat. she yielded, and then remained motionless, her glassy eyes staring vacantly at the floor. "sister," shotaye reiterated, "sister, what ails you? speak, and i will do all i can for you." but the other merely shook her head and began to shiver. shotaye noticed the wristbands of red leather on her arms, and it startled her. she asked eagerly,-- "why do you wear in trouble the colour that should make our hearts glad? what has happened to you that causes you to seek relief for your distress?" the tone of her voice sounded no longer like entreaty; it was an anxious, nay stern, command. okoya's mother raised her eyes with an expression of intense misery; she threw toward her questioner a look imploring relief and protection, and finally gasped,-- "they know everything!" then her head dropped on her knees, she grasped her hair, covered her face and chest with it, and broke out in convulsive sobs. "they know everything!" shotaye repeated, "who know everything?" suddenly the truth seemed to flash upon her mind. "what, the koshare?" she cried in terror. convulsive sobs and groans were the only reply to her exclamation. they amply confirmed her worst apprehensions. "the koshare know all." unconsciously the cave-dweller uttered these words while staring into the remnant of gleaming coals on the hearth; then she became silent. neither could say koitza utter a word; only from time to time her spasmodic sobs broke the stillness of the room. the bright disk which the light from the outside painted on the wall opposite was fading little by little, a sign of approaching sunset. shotaye's features displayed few signs of the terror which her friend's disclosures had produced. soon her face betokened that fear could not retain its hold long on her resolute mind, that intense reflection had superseded dismay. she turned to her visitor and asked,-- "tell me, sister, how you came to know that the delight makers are acquainted with your doings? tell me, and do not weep." and as say remained silent and immovable she crouched beside her, removed her hair gently from her face, then raised her head and placed it so as to rest on her bosom. then she looked deep into the eyes of the poor woman. they were glassy and almost lifeless. while thus gazing intently at say, shotaye's features changed and became sad and dejected. it was for a moment only. soon the expression of hopelessness vanished and the lines of her face became resolute, hard, and determined. surprise had yielded to reflection, reflection to pity and remorse. now remorse in turn gave way to determination. shotaye felt that she, much rather than her friend, was lost, irretrievably lost; but her energetic nature demanded that she should see the situation clearly. although the spasmodic hints of say, her broken words, spoke enough, she wanted more. her mind craved the full truth, however terrible it might prove. say koitza had slowly recovered from her stupor. she became quieter and quieter. in the arms of her resolute and sympathizing friend consciousness returned; she sobbed no more, and from time to time would raise her eyes with a look that besought pity, mercy, and assistance. the medicine-woman eagerly watched these changes and repeated her previous query. "how do you know that the koshare are aware of it?" "sa nashtio told me," moaned the poor woman. shotaye sighed. this was bad news indeed. she muttered,-- "this is bad, very bad. if the maseua knows it, then the tapop will not be long without notice." "the tapop knows nothing," breathed say. "but how can the maseua have been informed without the knowledge of the other?" shotaye asked with surprise. "he is my father," replied say, and wept aloud. "he is my father, and yet"--she started to rise and grasped her hair with both hands, screaming--"he has to kill me with his own hands!" so loud and piercing was her shriek that shotaye was seized with sudden fright. rising quickly, she ran to the doorway and peeped outside to see if the scream had attracted attention. but there appeared to be nobody about, except a few children who were playing and romping in front of the caves and whose cries had drowned the shriek. reassured she returned to say, who was lying with her face on the floor, tearing her hair and uttering low convulsive groans. shotaye grew frightened, and brought water in a gourd. she moistened her forehead and hands with the liquid, rubbed her face, and thus finally brought her back to some composure. after drinking some water say sat on the robes again, shivering and gasping. her mind seemed entirely gone, the expression of her features was akin to idiocy. the room had grown darker, night was approaching. as soon as she appeared to be quiet, shotaye felt tempted to resume her questionings. but she bethought herself of the late hour, and of the suspicion which might arise in case say koitza should not be home in time. still, she must ask some questions; her positive mind required some additional knowledge which must be gained ere she could afford to let her visitor return home. shotaye returned to the entrance, looked stealthily outside, and listened. dusk had set in, and the bottom of the gorge was wrapped in twilight. the shrubbery along the brook appeared dim and pale, the lofty pines looked like black monuments. on the southern declivity all detail had vanished, but the top of the southern mesa glistened yet like a golden seam. in the recess formed by the angle of the cliffs which contained her home, the usual bustle of the evening hours prevailed; and laughter, merry and boisterous, issued from a cave opposite that where shotaye, concealed by folds of the half-lifted curtain, stood watching with eye and ear. in those caves fronting hers dwelt the family of zashue, say's husband. thence sounded the merriment, and the woman recognized familiar voices. surely enough hayoue was there; and there could be no mistake, that clear good-natured laugh was from zashue himself. shotaye dropped the curtain and turned back considerably relieved. if zashue was at his mother's and brother's home, she reasoned, he would not return to the big house that night; and since he was so gay, so merry, it was not likely that he knew anything of the terrible accusation against his wife and her. if that were the case there was no immediate danger, since all the koshare were not informed of the matter. returning to the hearth she poked the embers, placed on them another stick of pitchy wood, and fanned it with her breath until the flames burst forth, lively and bright. until then say had remained motionless in her seat. she had taken no notice of her friend's movements; but when the wood flamed and a warm glow began to spread over the apartment, she started like one whose dreams are suddenly disturbed and began to speak. "i must go," she exclaimed anxiously. "i must go home. i must cook for zashue! he is looking for me! i must go," and she attempted to rise. shotaye tried to quell her sudden apprehension, but she kept on with growing excitement,-- "i must! let me go! let me go! for he is looking for me." "he is not," assured the other. "be quiet. he is yonder with his people in the cave. there he sits and there he will stay till late." a sudden tremor seized the body of say. her hands shook like aspen leaves. "is he there?" she gasped. "then he is coming after me. is he not a koshare?" her eyes glistened with that peculiar glare which betokens aberration of the mind. any ordinary indian woman would have concluded from the appearance and utterances of say that she was hopelessly insane, and would either have resorted to incantations or left her in terror. shotaye, although very much frightened, did not think of desertion, but only of relief. with keen self-possession she said in a decided and convincing tone,-- "fear nothing, sa tao; he will not come, for he knows nothing." "nothing?" inquired say, looking at her with the shy and sly glance of a doubting maniac. "nothing at all!" shotaye exclaimed, firmly. she had recovered her ascendency. she directed her glance, commanding and convincing, straight at the wavering gaze of the excited woman, whose look became dim and finally meek. shotaye took advantage of the change. "zashue knows nothing at all," she asserted, "and that is very, very good; for it gives us hope." "but if they tell him!" and the anxious look came back to her face. "let them tell, if they choose," defiantly exclaimed the other; "afterward we shall see." say shook her head in doubt. "but how did the koshare come to know about it?" shotaye again pressed the main question. "i do not know," sighed say; and she again stared into the fire, and her face quivered suspiciously. the cave-dweller quickly interjected,-- "what do the delight makers really know about us?" "they know--they know that i spoke to the dark-coloured corn." "is that all?" "no--yes--no. they know more." she spoke with greater vivacity, and in a natural tone of voice; "they know about the owl's feathers, too." a deep sigh followed this reply, and tears came to her eyes. say was herself again. shotaye also heaved a deep sigh of relief. her friend's mind was restored, and she had gained the much-desired information. but it would have been dangerous to proceed further in this conversation, lest the cloud which had threatened say's mental powers should return and settle permanently. so, after a short silence, she turned to her friend, and said in a positive tone,-- "sister, go home now and rest easy. nothing is lost as yet. go home, be quiet, and attend to your work as usual. i shall be on the watch." "but the koshare!" say anxiously exclaimed. "leave them to me," the other answered; and so powerful was her influence on the timid mind of her visitor, so unbounded the confidence which the latter had in her abilities and her faithfulness, that say rose without a word, and like an obedient child, covering her head with one corner of her wrap, went out and meekly strolled home. it was night, and nobody noticed her. okoya was already at the estufa; shyuote and the little girl were asleep. say lay down beside her sleeping children and soon sank into a heavy slumber. her body, weak from over-strain, compelled a rest which the mind might have denied to her. in her dark chamber in the rock, shotaye sat alone before the fire on the hearth. it began to flame lustily, for the woman fed it well. she wanted the glow, first in order to cook her food, next in order to brighten the room; for with the dark and tangled subject on her mind, she felt the need of light and warmth as her companions in musing. when the flames rustled and crackled, shotaye squatted down in front of them, folded her arms around her knees, and began to think. she felt far from being as reassured about the outlook as she had pretended to be when she sent say koitza home with soothing and comforting words. but the preservation of her friend's mental powers was an imperative necessity. had say been permitted to fall a prey to her momentary excitement, everything would have been lost for shotaye. had say's mind given way permanently, the cause of that calamity would have been attributed to her, and she would have been charged with her friend's insanity in addition to the charge of witchcraft already being formulated. these thoughts, however, came to her now in the stillness of the night and by the fireside. so long as her poor friend was with her she had acted almost instinctively, with the quick grasp of an active intellect and under the good impulses of compassion and attachment. now that she was alone the time had come to ponder, and shotaye weighed in her mind the liabilities and assets of her situation. she began to calculate the probabilities for and against. it was not difficult for her to escape; but this was only possible when attempted alone. with say koitza flight was next to impossible. beside, it appeared very unlikely to her that the woman would flee from her children. [illustration: rito de los frijoles a cliff estufa of the snake-clan] as for shotaye, the case was different; she might leave her cave and her scanty effects at any time, provided she knew where to go. this was not so easy to determine. the navajos, or dinne, haunted the country around the tyuonyi; and in case she fell in with one or more of their number, it became a matter of life or death. the moshome, or enemies of her tribe, might take a fancy to the woman and spare her; but they might feel wicked and kill her. death appeared, after all, not such a terrible misfortune; for under present circumstances what else could she expect at the rito but a horrible and atrocious death? but shotaye was intent upon living, not so much for the sake of life itself--although it had many sensual charms for her--as out of a spirit of combativeness resulting from her resolute character, as well as from the constant struggles which she had undergone during the time of her separation from her husband. she felt inclined to live, if possible, in spite of her enemies. to endure the lot of a captive among the navajos was repulsive to her instincts; she hated to be a drudge. admitting that she succeeded in eluding those enemies, whither was she to direct her flight? that there were village communities similar to her own at a remote distance was known to her; but she was aware of only one in which she might be received, and that belonged to the tehuas, of whom she knew that a branch dwelt in the mountains west of the river, inhabiting caves somewhere in the rocks at one day's journey, more or less, from the rito. between these tehuas and the queres of the tyuonyi there was occasional intercourse, and a fairly beaten trail led from one place to the other; but this intercourse was so much interrupted by hostilities, and the navajos rendered the trail so insecure beside, that she had never paid much attention to it. still, there was no doubt in her mind that if she reached the habitations of the tehuas, above where the pueblo of santa clara now stands, a hospitable reception would be extended to her. but could she leave say alone to her dismal fate? after all, death was not such a fearful thing, so long as no torture preceded or accompanied it. death must come to her once, at all events, and then what of it? there need be no care for the hereafter, according to her creed. the pueblo indian knows of no atonement after dying; all sins, all crimes, are punished during this life. when the soul is released from the thralls of this body and its surrounding nature, it goes to shipapu, at the bottom of the lagune, where there is eternal dancing and feasting, and where everything goes on as here upon earth, but with less pain, care, anguish, and danger. why therefore shun death? shotaye was in what we should call a philosophic mood. such careless philosophy may temporarily ease the mind, since it stifles for a moment the pangs of apprehension and dread. but with the temporary relief which shotaye felt, the demands of physical nature grew more apparent. in other words she felt hungry, and the more so as, being now almost resolved to suffer death with resignation, it was imperative to live, and consequently to eat, until death should knock at her door. she poured a good portion of the now boiling stew into a smaller bowl and began to fish out the morsels with her fingers, while between times she drank of the broth. the warm food comforted her, gave her strength, and aroused her vital powers, which arduous thinking had almost put to sleep. she placed the pot with the stew in a corner and sat down again, leaning against the wall. no sleepiness affected her. there was too much to think of as yet. her thoughts returned to the absorbing subject of the day, and with these thoughts, random at first, a pale, wan figure rose before her inner eye,--a form well, only too well, known to her; that of say koitza. she saw that figure as she had seen it not long ago,--crouching before that very fire in bitterest despair, bewailing her own lot, lamenting her imminent untimely death, and yet without one single word of reproach for her who had beguiled her into doing what now might result in the destruction of both. was not that thin, trembling woman her victim? was she not the one who had led say astray? the indian knows not what conscience is, but he feels it all the same; and shotaye, ignorant of the nature of remorse, nevertheless grew sad. indeed she it was who had beguiled the poor frail creature,--she it was who had caused her to perform an act which, however immaterial in fact, still entailed punishment of the severest kind according to indian notions and creed. she was the real culprit, not say,--poor, innocent, weak-minded say. shotaye felt that she had done wrong, and that she alone deserved to suffer. but would her punishment save the other? hardly, according to indian ideas. therefore, while it dawned upon her that by accusing herself boldly and publicly she might perhaps ward off the blow from the head of her meek and gentle accomplice, that thought was quickly stifled by the other, that it was impracticable. again a voice within her spoke boldly, save yourself regardless of the other. yet she discarded that advice. she could not forsake her victim. for in addition to the legitimate motives of sympathy, another and stronger reason prevailed,--the dread of the very powers whom she thought to have invoked in say's behalf, and to whose dark realm she fancied that she would be fettered and still faster riveted by committing an action which she regarded as worse than all her other deeds. dismissing every thought of self she resolved to remain true to say, happen what might. shotaye had almost become-- "part of the power that still produceth good, whilst ever scheming ill." she believed that death stood plainly at her door. nevertheless she hated to die. the philosophy of careless, frivolous resignation could not satisfy her strong vitality, still less her stronger feelings of hatred against her enemies. she felt that there might be a bare possibility of saving her companion; and the wish to save herself at the same time, and in the very teeth as it were of the koshare, grew stronger and stronger. it waxed to an intense longing for life and revenge. but what was to be done? there was the riddle, and to solve it she thought and thought. shotaye became oblivious of all around her, completely absorbed in her musings. it thus escaped her notice that the curtain over the doorway had been cautiously lifted several times, and that a human face had peered into the apartment. she even failed to hear the shuffling step of two men who stealthily entered the room. only when they stood quite near her did the woman start and look up. both men broke out into roaring laughter at her surprise. shotaye grew angry. "why do you come in so unceremoniously," she cried. "why do you sneak in here like a moshome, or like a prairie wolf after carrion? cannot you speak, you bear?" she scolded without rising. her anger increased the merriment of the intruders. one of them threw himself down by her side, forced his head into her lap, attempting to stroke her cheeks. she pushed him from her, and recognized in him the gallant zashue, say koitza's husband. he grasped both her hands. this she allowed; but continued scolding. "go away, you hare, let me alone." he again reached toward her face, but she avoided him. "go home to your woman; i have no use for you." the men laughed and laughed; and the other one knelt down before her, looking straight into her face with immoderate merriment. then she became seriously angry. "what do you want here," she cried; and when the first one attempted to encircle her waist she pushed him from her with such force that he fell aside. then she rose to her feet and zashue followed. "be not angry, sister," he said good-naturedly, rubbing his sore shoulder; "we mean you no harm." "go home and be good to your woman." "later on i will," he continued, "but first we want to see you." "and talk to you," said hayoue, for he was zashue's companion; "afterward i shall go." he emphasized the "i" and grinned. "yes, you are likely to go home," she exclaimed. "to mitsha you will go, not to your mother's dwelling." "mitsha is a good girl," replied the young man, "but i never go to see her." his brother meanwhile attempted to approach the woman again, but she forbade it. "go away, zashue, i tell you for the last time." her speech and manner of action were very positive. "why do you drive us away?" he said in a tone of good-natured disappointment. "i do not drive you away," replied shotaye. "you may stay here a while. but then both of you must leave me." her eyes nevertheless gazed at the two handsome forms with evident pleasure, but soon another thought arose. "sit down," she added quietly, as she grasped after the stew-pot, placed it on the fire, and sat down so that she was in the shadow, whereas she could plainly see the features of both men. the visitors had squatted also; they feared to arouse the woman's anger, and the surprise they had planned had failed. hayoue spoke up first,-- "you are good, sanaya, you give us food." "indeed," she remonstrated, "when i am not willing to do as you want, you call me mother and make an old woman of me." she looked at the young man, smiling, and winked at him. "you are not very young after all," he teased; "you might easily be my mother." "what! i your mother? the mother of such an elk? you have one mother already, and if you need another, go to mitsha's mother." with these words she fixed her gaze on the youth searchingly and inquiringly. as her face was in the shadow hayoue could not well notice its expression. but he said again, and very emphatically,-- "i tell you once more, koitza, that i will not have anything to do with the girl; she is all right, but--" he stopped and shrugged his shoulders. zashue interjected,-- "why not? tyope would then be your nashtio." "for that very reason i do not want his daughter," hayoue exclaimed, looking straight at his brother. he was in earnest about this matter, and whenever hayoue grew serious it was best not to tease him too much. shotaye had treasured every word, noticed every look and gesture. of course she, as tyope's former wife, took care not to take part in the conversation as far as tyope was concerned. zashue turned to her with the query,-- "sam[=a]m, have you any feathers?" shotaye was startled; what might be the import of this suspicious inquiry? did he know about her affair and come only as a spy? she withheld her answer for a moment, just time enough for reflection. it was better to seem unconcerned, so she replied quietly,-- "i have." "if you have hawk's feathers, will you give me some?" the mention of hawk's feathers reassured shotaye. at the same time it indicated to her a prospective trade, and the woman had always an eye to business. so she placed both elbows on her knees, looked straight at zashue, and inquired,-- "what will you give me for them?" "nothing," replied zashue, with a laugh. "promise her the next owl that you may find," hayoue taunted. "be still, you crow," scolded shotaye, with well-feigned indignation; "you need owl's eyes that you may sneak about in the dark after the girls. there is not a single maiden safe when you are at the tyuonyi." "and no man is safe from you," retorted the young man. "you are safe, at any rate." "when you call me a turkey-buzzard you say the truth," he answered, "else i would not have come to you." shotaye understood the venomous allusion and was going to retort, but bethought herself in time and only said in a contemptuous tone,-- "why should i quarrel with you, uak." then turning to zashue and changing the subject,-- "how many feathers do you want, and what will you give me for them?" "four, but they must be long ones." "what will you give me for them?" "let me see the feathers." with this he rose. without replying shotaye poured out two little bowls of broth, placed them before her visitors, said "eat," took a lighted stick from the hearth, and crawled into the dark passage leading to her magazine. soon she was heard to rummage about in that apartment, and a faint glow illuminated the low tunnel. while the woman was busy searching for the feathers, the two men partook of the food she had set before them sparingly, as it was a mere matter of etiquette. but while eating they exchanged sly glances and winks, like bad boys bent upon some mischief. at last, as shotaye did not return, zashue stealthily arose, removed one of the heavy grinding-plates from its frame, and placed it across the mouth of the gangway. then he stretched himself at full length on the floor with his back leaning against the slab. hayoue watched him and chuckled. the light of the torch shone through the space which the slab could not cover; the mistress of the cave was coming back. very soon however the light disappeared and all grew silent. the firebrand had been extinguished; the woman was inside, but kept perfectly still, giving no signs of impatience or disappointment. the mischievous men looked at each other in astonishment; they had not expected that. they waited and waited. nothing stirred in the inner room; it grew late and later. hayoue had intended to make other calls, and zashue also became impatient to go. so he called into the dark passage,-- "shotaye." no reply. "shotaye." "shotaye sam[=a]m!" all was as silent as the grave. they sat in expectation for a while; then he again shouted,-- "shotaye sam[=a]m! come out!" nothing was heard. he noisily removed the grinding-slab from the entrance and cried,-- "shotaye, we must go. bring the feathers." "let me alone and go," sounded the dull reply at last. "give me the feathers first," zashue demanded. "come and get them yourself," replied the voice inside. this was rather an awkward invitation, for both men, like almost everybody else at the rito, were afraid of the medicine-woman's private room. "do bring them," zashue begged. "go! i will not come out any more," growled the voice within. "shotaye, sister, bring me the feathers. i will give you a fine deerskin for them," implored the husband of say. "what do you want them for?" "for the dance." "you lie! there is no dance now." anxiously and eagerly zashue cried,-- "there will certainly be a dance. three days hence we shall dance the ayash tyucotz!" and hayoue, who until then had quietly enjoyed the dialogue, now interjected emphatically,-- "certainly, sanaya, in three days." "what will you give me if i bring them?" came the dull query again from within. "a hide." "go! i will keep my feathers." "i will give you two turquoises." "give me four," demanded the cave-dweller. "it is too much," cried both men at once. no reply followed. shotaye remained silent. the trade was broken off. still the younger brother felt disinclined to give up. he went to the mouth of the passage and said aloud,-- "if you give us the feathers you shall have two green stones and one deerskin." "is it true; do both of you promise it?" asked the woman, after a while. "yes! yes!" cried both men together. "then put the things near the hearth and sit down," she commanded. "we have them not with us." "go and get them." "we cannot to-night." "then i will keep my feathers until you bring what you have promised;" and with these words shotaye crept smiling out of the passage and planted herself before the discomfited men. "go home, now, children," she said. "i am tired. i am sleepy." they attempted to beg, they pleaded and implored; but she was firm. all they finally obtained was her promise to deliver the feathers on the next day, provided the price agreed upon was paid. with this the two men had to be satisfied, and their exit was as crestfallen and disappointed as their entrance had been mischievous and buoyant. they had been completely outwitted and foiled by the wily woman. nevertheless, they never thought for a moment of obtaining by force what she so positively refused. it would have been easy for the two strong men to overpower her; but both were afraid of the supernatural powers attributed to shotaye. for the same reason they were anxious to obtain the feathers. an object coming from her and having been in her possession was suspected of having acquired thereby virtues which it did not possess before. but these virtues were thought to be beneficial only as long as the object was obtained from her in a legitimate way, and with her own free will and kind consent. in the opposite case, the bad will of the woman went with the feathers, and was thought to work harm to their new owner. it was easy to taunt or to tease shotaye, but to arouse her anger appeared a dangerous undertaking; and as for harming her person, none but the shamans would have attempted it. after her guests' departure shotaye felt wide awake. she had dismissed them, not in order to go to rest, but in order to be once more alone with her thoughts. for during the bantering conversation with the brothers, she had learned several important facts that changed materially her plans. in order to ponder carefully over the different aspect of matters, she poked the fire again and sat down by the hearth in the same position as before the interruption, and mused. in the first place, it had become clear to her that zashue was utterly ignorant of the accusation against his wife. next, she was convinced that hayoue was far from being tyope's friend; on the contrary, he seemed to dislike him thoroughly. hayoue was known to be very outspoken in matters of sympathy and antipathy, and if he were not fond of tyope, the latter certainly had come to feel it in some way or other. then, for she knew tyope well, he doubtless hated hayoue cordially, and would have shown his enmity in the dark, underhand way peculiar to himself. if hayoue, on the other hand, was not favourably inclined toward tyope, it was quite certain that he, being cuirana, nursed feelings of dislike toward the koshare in general. any accusation, therefore, which the delight makers would bring against say koitza was sure to meet at first with decided incredulity on the part of the young man, and this incredulity might possibly be converted, through adroit management, into active opposition. but the most valuable piece of news she had heard from the intruders was that three days hence a solemn dance, the ayash tyucotz, was to be performed at the rito. these ceremonies, which are always of a religious nature, are proposed generally by the principal shamans to the civil chiefs,--in council or privately,--either on the strength of some presage or dream, or as a public necessity. the proposal agreed to, as it usually is, the time is set; but no publication is made either of the performance or of the hour until the day on which it is to occur or the evening previous. but the matter is talked about at home, in the circle of friends, and thus it gradually becomes known to everybody as a public secret, and everybody has time to prepare for it. shotaye mixed very little with the people at the rito; she hardly ever went to see any one, and such as came to see her had other matters to talk about. it was no surprise to her to learn that an important dance was near at hand; but it was a source of much gratification nevertheless. for until the dance was over nothing could or would be undertaken against say and herself. after the performance, it was equally sure that several days would elapse ere the council could meet in full, as the religious heads of the tribe had yet to go through ceremonies of a private nature. at all events, it proved to her that there was no immediate danger, and that she still had time before her. with time, so the resolute and wary woman reasoned, there was hope. thus musing and speculating, she sat for a long while. the fire went out, but she did not notice it. at last she arose, unfolded several robes and mantles, which she easily found in the dark, and spread them out on the floor for her couch. shotaye could go to sleep; for at last she saw, or thought she saw, her way clearly. she had fully determined upon her plan of action. chapter vi. "hu-hu-hu-hu-hu-hu-hu-hu-hu-o-o-o-o!" shrill cries, succeeding one another in quick succession, ending in a prolonged shout, proceed from the outer exit of the gallery that opens upon the court-yard of the large building. the final whoop, caught up by the cliffs of the tyuonyi, echoes and re-echoes, a prolonged howl dying out in a wail. men's voices, hoarse and untrained, are now heard chanting in rhythmic and monotonous chorus. they approach slowly, moving with measured regularity; and now strange figures begin to emerge from the passage-way, and as they file into the court-yard the chant grows louder and louder. a refrain-- "ho-[=a]-[=a]! heiti-na! ho-[=a]-[=a]! heiti-na!" breaks clearly and distinctly upon the ear, mingled with the discordant rumblings of a drum. the fantastic procession advances, forming a double column, composed of men and women side by side. the former are stamping and the latter tripping lightly, but all are keeping time. they certainly present a weird appearance, tricked out in their gaudy apparel and ornamented with flashy trinkets. the hair of the men is worn loose; tufts of green and yellow feathers flutter over the forehead, while around their necks and dangling over their naked chests are seen strings of porcupine quills, shell beads, turquoises, bright pebbles, feldspar, apatite,--anything in short that glitters and shines. bunches of similar material glisten in their ears. fastened about the waist, and reaching as low as the knee, a rude kilt-like garment composed of white cotton cloth or of deerskin hangs and flaps. it is ornamented with an embroidery of red and black threads, and quills of the porcupine. below the knee, garters of buckskin, tinged red and yellow, form a fringe to which are attached tortoise-shell rattles and bunches of elk-hoofs. the ankles are encased with strips of the white and black fur of the skunk, and from the waist a fox-skin hangs, fastened to the back and reaching almost as far as the heel. each man carries a tuft of hawk's feathers in his left hand, while the right grasps a rattle fashioned from a gourd and filled with pebbles. the women wear their ordinary dress, emphasized however with a profusion of necklaces, wristbands, and ear pendants, while in each hand is borne a bunch of pine twigs wagging from side to side as they move. but by far the most striking feature of their costume is their headdress. it consists of a piece of buffalo-hide scraped and flattened like a board, about fifteen inches long and seven inches wide, one end of which is cut square. the other terminates in what resembles a triple turret, squarely notched. this is painted green, and decorated with symbolic figures in red and yellow. white feathers flutter from each of the three turret-shaped projections, and this peculiar headgear is held in place by strips of buckskin attached to the squared end, and knotted about meshes of the dark, streaming hair. the faces of both sexes are generously daubed with white clay, in addition to which the men have their naked chests, upper arms, and hands also decorated with stripes and blotches of the same substance. the procession is a long one; couple follows couple, the men gravely stamping, the women gracefully tripping. at the head are the tallest and most robust youths, the best developed and most buxom girls. following these, the dancers are less and less carefully assorted and matched, while boys and old women, little girls and old men, bring up the rear. as the last couple emerges, the chorus bursts out in full force, the choristers themselves issuing from the dark passage-way. these are twelve in number, all men, dressed or undressed as each one's fancy dictates, their faces whitened like the dancers'. their rude chant or rhythmic shouting is in the minor key. they advance in a body, keeping time with their feet, gesticulating in a manner intended to convey the meaning of their song. in their midst goes the drum-beater, an aged man adorned with an eagle's feather behind each ear. like the rest, his face is daubed with white paint; his drum, which he thumps incessantly with a single stick, being manufactured from a hollow tree. both ends of it are covered with rawhide, and the whole instrument is painted yellow. we recognize easily in this musician the head of the koshare, shyuote's late tormentor. at no great distance from the exit, the chorus comes to a halt, but the singing, gesticulation and beating of the drum proceed. the dancers meanwhile move about the whole court to the same step, but the couples separate and change places; man steps beside man, woman joins woman, all turning and passing each other, suggesting by their movements the flexures of a closely folded ribbon. the couples then re-form, the double rank strings out as at first, tramping and tripping in a wide circle to the rhythm and measure of the monotonous music. this solemn perambulation and primitive concert is witnessed by numerous interested spectators, and listened to by a large and attentive audience. the rito's entire population is assembled, eagerly, at times almost devoutly, gazing and listening. the assemblage crowds the roofs and lines the walls below, all confusedly gathered together. there is every imaginable posture, costume, or lack of costume,--men, women, children clothed in bright wraps or embroidered skins, scantily covered with dirty rags, or rejoicing in the freedom of undress. the several roofs of the large house, rising in successive terraces three stories high, form an irregular amphitheatre filled with humanity of all sizes, shapes, ages, clothing, in glaring contrast with one another. in the arena formed by the court-yard, form and colour intermingle with more order and regularity; and at the same time greater brilliancy is exhibited. the fantastic headdresses of the women nod and vibrate like waving plants of indian corn; the lustrous hair and the gaudy costumes glisten and sparkle in the sunlight, fox pelts wag back and forth, plumes and feathers flit and dance, the monotonous chanting, the dull thumping and drumming rise into the deep blue sky, re-echoing from the towering cliffs, whose pinnacles look down upon the weird scene from heights far above the uppermost tier of spectators. among those looking on we may recognize some of our acquaintances. seated upon one of the terraces, his chin resting on his hand, is topanashka, who looks down upon the actors with a grave, cold, seemingly indifferent gaze. say koitza stands in the doorway of her dwelling, her wan face wearing an immobile expression. her little girl, elegantly arrayed in a breech-clout and turquoise necklace, clings to her mother's wrap with one hand while the other disappears in her gaping mouth. the child is half afraid, half curious; and has an anxious, troubled look. shyuote, however, evinces no sign of embarrassment or humility. planted solidly on his feet, with legs well apart and both arms arched, he gapes and stares at everybody and everything, occasionally fixing his glance upon the resplendent sky overhead. in vain we search for zashue and his elder son, okoya. the mass of spectators--hundreds are here already and more are coming constantly--do not content themselves with devout and reverent admiration. criticism is going on, and it is exercised with the most unlimited freedom. should any one attract attention to himself, either by the perfection or imperfection of his dress measured by the standard of the critic, he is not only mentioned by name and his garb audibly criticised, but pointed at approvingly or derisively. the men are made the butt of their own sex among the audience; while the women praise or depreciate, according as the occasion may seem to require, the female members of the procession. frequently, when the costume of some dusky beauty in the arena is the object of publicly expressed admiration, some other within hearing may be seen casting a covert glance of disappointment at her own less successful apparel. or she fixes her eyes upon her gorgeous necklace with evident gratification, satisfied that her own get-up is handsomer than the one that the others so much admire, while she soothes her injured vanity with haughty contempt for the taste of those who see so much in her rival to admire. the beat of the drum ceases, the wild song is hushed, and the dancers break rank, seeking rest. they collect in groups or mingle with the bystanders, chatting, laughing, panting. their violent exercise has played sad havoc with the paint upon their faces and bodies, rendering them less fantastic but more ludicrous. the drummer occasionally raps his instrument to satisfy himself that it is in order, otherwise there is a lull of which all avail themselves to take part in the general conversation. children resume their sports in the court-yard. suddenly loud peals of laughter are heard on every side, and all eyes turn simultaneously toward the passage-way whence are issuing half a dozen strange-looking creatures. they do not walk into the polygon, but rather tumble into it, running, hopping, stumbling, cutting capers, like a troop of clumsy, ill-trained clowns. when they have reached the centre of the open space, laughter becomes louder and more boisterous all around. such expressions of mirth do not merely signify amusement, but are meant as demonstrations of applause. the indian does not applaud by clapping his hands or stamping his feet, but evinces his approbation by laughter and smirks. the appearance of the six men who have just tumbled into the arena is not merely strange, it is positively disgusting. they are covered with white paint, and with the exception of tattered breech-clouts are absolutely naked. their mouths and eyes are encircled with black rings; their hair is gathered in knots upon the tops of their heads, from which rise bunches of corn husks; a string of deer-hoofs dangles from each wrist; fragments of fossil wood hang from the loins; and to the knees are fastened tortoise-shells. nothing is worn with a view to ornament. these seeming monstrosities, frightful in their ugliness, move about quite nimbly, and are boldly impudent to a degree approaching sublimity. notwithstanding their uncouth figures and mountebank tricks their movements at times are undoubtedly graceful, and they appear to exercise a certain authority over the entire pageant. white is the symbolic paint of the koshare; hence all the actors who have performed their several parts, including the coarse jesters, make up and represent the society of the delight makers, whose office it is to open the ayash tyucotz. the association whose name has been selected as the title of our story is now before us fully represented, arrayed in its appropriate dress and engaged in the discharge of some of its official duties. the clowns, too, the most agile and sprightly, in a word the most amusing of the company, are only an exaggeration of the rest, whose joint task it is to diffuse mirth, joy, buoyancy, delight, throughout the whole tribe. the jesters are also the heralds and marshals of the celebration. they gather together in the centre of the court and carry on a boisterous conversation accompanied with extravagant gestures. no one interrupts their noisy garrulity, but the entire assemblage listens eagerly, hailing their clumsy attempts at a joke and their coarse sallies of wit with shrieks of laughter. their jests are necessarily of the coarsest; nevertheless excellent local hits are made and satiric personalities of considerable pungency are not infrequently indulged in. one of the clowns has tumbled down; he lies on his back, feet in the air; another takes hold of his legs and drags him around in the dust. the peals of laughter that greet this effort give testimony to the estimation in which it is held by the lookers-on. if one of the spectators has the misfortune to display immoderate enthusiasm, forthwith he is made the target of merciless jeering. one of the merrymakers goes up to him and mimics his manner and actions in the crudest possible way. the people on the terraced roofs exhibit their joy by showering down corn-cakes from their perches, which the performers greedily devour. these things are delightful according to indian notions, and are well fitted to show how much of a child he still is,--a child however, it must be remembered, endowed with the physical strength, passions, and appetites of adult mankind. the jesters scatter. one of their number runs up to say koitza, who shrinks at his approach. nevertheless he plants himself squarely in front of her, bends his knees sidewise so as to describe a lozenge with his legs, and thrusts out his tongue to its fullest possible extent. upon this the woman laughs, for in the grimacing abomination she has discovered her own husband, zashue, who thus pleasantly makes himself known. the hit is simply magnificent in the judgment of his audience. meanwhile one of his colleagues is astride a beam and endeavouring to crawl up it; a third is actually on the roof and scatters the shrieking girls everywhere by his impudent addresses; another bursts from a room on the ground-floor holding ears of corn in each hand, and throwing himself upon the earth begins to gnaw them as a dog would a bone, while one of his companions leaps on him, and together they give a faithful representation of two prairie wolves fighting over carrion. the greatest uproar prevails all about; the koshare are outdoing themselves; they scatter delirious joy, pleasure, delight, broadcast among the people. the rumblings of the drum are heard again; the men and women dancers take their places; once more the chorus surround the musicians. the clowns hush at once, and squat or lie down along the walls, sober and dignified. the strange _corps de ballet_ re-forms in four lines, the second and third facing each other, and the first and fourth fronting in opposite directions; men and women alternate. loud whoops and yells startle the air; the drum rolls and thunders; each dancer brandishes his rattle. softly and gently, at first, the chant begins,-- "ho-[=a]-[=a], heiti-na, heiti-na." gradually it increases in power, the dancers marking time. livelier become the motions, stronger and stronger the chanting, its text distinct and clearly enunciated,-- "misho-homa shi-pap, na-ya ha-te ma-a-a-se-ua, u[=a]-tir-anyi, tya-au-era-nyi, shoto ha-ya ma-a-a-se-ua, nat-yu-o-o, nat-yu-o-o, ma-a-a-se-ua, heiti-na, heiti-na, ho-[=a]-[=a], ho-[=a]-[=a]." the dancers intermingle; those in the front shift to the rear rank; then all together utter a piercing shriek and dart back to their former positions. the ceremony continues for upward of half an hour, during which the same words are sung, the same figures repeated. then there is again a pause, and the actors disband to rest and recuperate. the clowns forget their dignity and set to work with redoubled energy, growing bolder and bolder. a party of them has penetrated into a ground-floor apartment, and are throwing the scanty furniture through the doorway. now they spread robes and mats in the open court, lie down on them, crack jokes, and make faces at the audience. a specially gifted member of the fraternity hurries down a beam with a baby in his clutches, which he has powdered with ashes. he dances about with it, and exhibits the squalling brat in every attitude as a potential koshare. the people scream and shout with unmixed pleasure. now they point at a pair of monsters, one stamping and the other tripping daintily, who effectually mimic the late partners of the dance in the most heartless manner. another of these hideous creatures is sitting down, his head covered with a dirty rag, staring, stuttering, and mumbling, like an imbecile. his pantomime is recognized at once as a cruel mimicry of the chief penitent while at prayer, and it is universally pronounced to be a superb performance. to the koshare nothing is sacred; all things are permitted, so long as they contribute delight to the tribe. topanashka appeared to be lonesome in his exalted seat upon the roof. he arose quietly; and the bystanders made room for the tall man as with eyes fixed on an opposite terrace, he slowly descended and walked along the houses without deigning to take any notice of the gambols of the koshare. he brushed past say koitza, and without looking at her or moving a feature muttered so that she alone could hear,-- "watch, lest they discover the feathers." passing to the other side of the court he seated himself near a small, slender man, somewhat younger than himself. this was the tapop, or chief civil officer at the rito. the woman was greatly frightened by her father's words. it flashed upon her that should the delight makers raid her household and upset it, as they had others, the owl's feathers might be detected. in the troubled state of her mind she had failed to destroy or even remove them. nevertheless, she could not immediately leave her post, through fear of awakening suspicion; she must wait until the dance should begin and the goblins become quiescent. then? what then? the feathers lay buried in the earthen floor of the inner room. their removal must be accomplished with great care, in such a manner as to leave no signs of the earth having been recently disturbed.[ ] there was no choice; they must be removed at all hazards. there would be ample time if she could only afterward obliterate all traces of her work. luckily the kitchen was very dark, and the hearth covered with ashes. water was there also, but she dare not use it lest the moistened spot betray her. her mind was made up, however, and the attempt would be made as soon as the dance was renewed. singing and drumming are heard once more; the dancers fall into line; and when the chorus was shouting the second verse,-- "na-ya, ha-te oyo-y[=a]-u[=a], u[=a]-tir-anyi tya-au-era-nyi,"-- and the jokers had dispersed, say slowly retreated within the room, cowered down by the hearth, a sharp stone-splinter in her hand and her eyes fixed upon the door, watching lest anybody should appear. she listened with throbbing heart to discover whether there was any shuffling sound to betray the approach of one of the koshare. she saw nothing, and no sound was heard except the beats of the drum and the monotonous rhythm,-- "heiti-na, heiti-na, nat-yu-o-o, nat-yu-o-o, ma-a-a-se-e-e-ua." the woman began to dig. she dug with feverish haste. the dance lacked interest for her; time and again had she witnessed it, and well knew the figures now being performed. she made the hole as small as possible, digging and digging, anxiously listening, eagerly looking up now and then at the doorway, and starting timidly at the least sound. at last her instrument struck a resisting though elastic object; it was the feathers. cautiously she pulled, pulled them up until she had drawn them to the top of the hole, then peered about her, intently listening. nothing! outside the uproar went on, the chorus shouting at the top of their voices,-- "ei-ni-a-ha, ei-ni-a-ha-ay, tu-ua se-na-si tyit-i-na, tyit-i-na-a-a, ma-a-a-se-ua." wrenching the bundle from its hiding-place, she concealed it in her bosom; then carefully replaced the earth and clay; put ashes on this, then clay; rubbed the latter with a stone; threw on more ashes and more clay; and finally stamped this with her feet,--all the while listening, and glancing into the outer room. at last, when it seemed to her that the most rigid search could detect no trace of her labours, she brushed the ashes from her wrap and went out under the doorway again. she appeared composed and more cheerful, but her heart was palpitating terribly; and at every pulsation she felt the dangerous bundle concealed beneath her clothing, and she tightened still more the belt encircling her waist. the third act of the dance soon ended, and the jesters went to work once more,--women and girls now became the objects of their attentions. the screams and shrieks from the roof terraces when a koshare is tearing about amongst the women, loud as they are, are drowned by the uproarious laughter of the men, who enjoy hugely the disgust and terror of the other sex. from some of the houses the white painted horrors have taken out the grinding-slabs. kneeling behind them, they heap dirt on their flat surfaces, moisten it with water, and grind the mud as the housewife does the corn, yelping and wailing the while in mimicry of the woman and her song while similarly engaged. the pranks of these fellows are simply silly and ugly; the folly borders on imbecility and the ugliness is disgusting, and yet nobody is shocked; everybody endures it and laughs. [illustration: the dance of the ayash tyucotz] say koitza herself enjoyed seeing her sex made a butt by coarse and vulgar satyrs. suddenly two of the beasts stand before her, and one of them attempts an embrace. with a loud shriek she pushes him away, steps nimbly aside, and so saves the treacherous bundle from his grasp. both the monsters storm into the house, where a terrific uproar begins. corn is thrown about, grinding-slabs are disturbed, pots and bowls, robes and mats, are dragged hither and thither; they thump, scratch, and pound every corner of her little house. gasping for breath, quaking from terror and distress, she leans against the wall, for in the fellow who sought to embrace her she recognizes tyope. all at once he darts out of the house, rushing past her with a large ear of corn in each hand which he forthwith hurls at the head of one of his comrades. this provokes intense merriment, increased still more by his lying down and rolling over several times. the climax of his humour is attained, and exhibits itself in his squatting on the ground close to one of the clay-grinding artists, where he begins to feed very eagerly upon the liquid mud, literally eating dirt. but a terrible weight has been lifted from the breast of the poor woman, for the dangerous man has, so she must conclude from his actions, discovered nothing. meanwhile the other koshare had stepped out of the house with well-filled hands. say is unconscious of his approach, and as he passes her he empties his treasures, fine ashes, upon her devoted head. so sudden is his disappearance and so loud the laughter which this display of subtle humour excites among the bystanders, that say koitza fails to recognize its author, zashue, her own husband. she feels much relieved, and her heart has grown light now that the immediate danger is past. and intently she tries to catch her father's eye, but the old man is quietly seated and does not look toward her. the drum beats to signal the close of the intermission. the clowns are becoming too impudent, too troublesome, so that an end must be made to their pranks. the society of the koshare will appear now for the last time, as after the next dance they retire. while this is at its height, topanashka rises and returns to his former place. walking slowly past his daughter, he looks at her. she meets his gaze cheerfully, and with a slight nod of approbation he moves onward. the dance is over, and the koshare depart to scatter beyond the large house and to rest. on the disappearance of the last of their number, including the jesters, whoops and shouts fill the air again from without, and a second procession similar to the former marches into the court-yard. it is composed of different persons similarly costumed, except that their paint is bluish instead of white. no clowns accompany them. they go through a similar performance, and sing the same songs; but everything is done with gravity and even solemnity. this band is more numerous by at least ten couples, and as a consequence the spectacle is more striking on account of a greater variety of dress and finery. a tall, slender young man opens the march. it is hayoue. his partner is a buxom lass from the bear clan, kohayo hanutsh, a strong, thick-waisted creature, not so good-looking for a girl as he is for a man, yet of such proportion and figure as strike the indian fancy. they pay each other little attention. during the pauses each one follows his own bent, and when the time calls they meet again. in an indian dance there is no need of engaging partners, though it is not unusual for such as fancy one another to seize the opportunity of so doing. the mere fact of a certain boy stamping the earth beside a certain girl on a certain occasion, or a certain maiden tripping by the side of a particular youth, does not call for that active gossiping which would result if a couple were to dance with one another alone at one of our balls. a civilized ball is professedly for enjoyment alone; an indian dance is a religious act, a public duty. the society who are now exercising their calisthenics in the court has much similarity to the koshare, yet their main functions are distinct. they are called the cuirana. if, during the conversation in which topanashka informed his daughter as to the origin of the koshare and the ideas underlying their rôle in indian society, say koitza had inquired of him about the cuirana he might have given her very similar information. with this marked distinction, however, that whereas the former consider themselves summer people, the latter are regarded as winter men. while the koshare are specially charged with the duty of furthering the ripening of the fruit, the cuirana assist the sprouting of the seed. the main work of the koshare is therefore to be done in the summer and autumn, that of the cuirana in the spring; and, moreover, while on certain occasions the latter are masters of ceremonies also, they never act as clowns or official jesters. their special dance is never obscene, like that of the delight makers. during their performance, therefore, the public did not exhibit the unbounded hilarity which marked that of their predecessors. the audience looked on quietly, and even with stolidity. there was nothing to excite laughter, and since the figures were slavish repetitions, it became monotonous. some of the spectators withdrew to their houses, and those who remained belonged to the cliffs, whence they had come to witness the rite, as a serious and even sacred duty. while the dance of the cuirana is in progress, two of the white painted clowns are standing outside of the big building, and at some distance from the new house of yakka hanutsh, in earnest conversation. heat and exercise have partially effaced the paint, so that the features of tyope tihua, and of zashue, the husband of say, can be easily recognized. "i tell you, satyumishe," asserts the latter, "you are mistaken, or words have been spoken to you that are not true. this wife of mine is good. she has nothing to do with evil, nor has she tampered with it. you have done her wrong, tyope, and that is not right." his features, already distorted by the paint, took on an expression of anger. the other responded hastily, "and i tell you, zashue tihua, that i saw your wife sitting by the hearth with shotaye,"--his voice trembled at the mention of her name,--"and i heard when that mean, low aniehna"--his eyes flashed, giving a terrible expression to his already monstrously disfigured countenance--"spoke to the yellow corn!" "did you understand what she said?" zashue interjected. "no, but can any one ask aught of the yellow corn but evil? i know, too, that this shuatyam picked up the body of an owl on the mesa"--he pointed to the southern heights--"and carried its feathers back to her foul hole in the rocks." "but you did not see say with them?" her husband looked in the eyes of the other inquiringly, and at the same time threateningly. "that is the truth, but why does she go with the witch, and for what purpose does that female skunk need owl's plumage, if not to harm the tribe? she has done harm, too,"--he stamped his foot angrily,--"she is the cause of our having no rain last summer. she destroyed the maize-plant ere it could bring forth ears. she did it, and your wife helped her." furious, and with flaming eyes, tyope turned his head and stared into space. "are you sure that shotaye has done this, and that it is not p[=a]yatyama's will?" "did we not fast and mortify ourselves while it was yet time, all of us from the hotshanyi down to the youngest koshare?" exclaimed tyope. "was it of any use? no, for that base woman had power over us in order to destroy the tribe." "i am not defending her," zashue muttered, "but it is not certain that she is guilty, nor is it proven that she is the cause of the hunger we suffered last winter." his companion threw at him a glance of intense rage. the other's incredulity exasperated tyope, but he suppressed his feeling and spoke in a quieter tone. "come, satyumishe, the naua is expecting us, and in his presence we shall speak further. our father is wise and will teach our hearts." say koitza's husband stood motionless, looking away from his friend. "come," tyope urged, placing his hand on the other's shoulder. zashue at last turned around and reluctantly followed him. both went toward the new estufa of the maize clan. from this circular building faint sounds, as of a drum beaten by a weak or lazy hand, were issuing. the principal koshare and the naua had retired thither for recuperation after the dance. although the old man was not of the cluster to whom the estufa belonged, he had obtained permission from yakka hanutsh to use the room on this occasion as a meeting and dressing place for himself and his associates. the club-house of the corn people thus served to-day a twofold purpose, and was used by two distinct groups of the inhabitants of the rito. at this hour the koshare naua was its sole occupant. he sat on the floor, holding the drum in his lap and touching the instrument lightly from time to time. his vacant gaze was fixed upon a small heap of dying embers, nearly in the centre of the room and beneath the hatchway. occasionally he raised his head to glance at the wall opposite him. the interior of the estufa appeared quite different from what it did on the day when shyuote's peep into it was so poorly rewarded. its walls had been whitened, and were in addition covered with strange-looking paintings. the floor was partly occupied by a remarkable display of equally strange objects. the painting in front of which the old man sat, and at which he gazed from time to time, represented in the first place a green disk surrounded by short red rays, which three white squares, bordered with black, converted into something like the rude semblance of a human face. this disk stood for a picture of the sun. below it was the symbol of the moon's white disk, encircled by a black and red ring, and provided also with square eyes and mouth. still lower were painted two crosses, a red one and a white one, both with black border. above the sun there appeared a form intended to be human, painted in very gaudy colours. this was p[=a]yatyama, the sun-father. on each side of him rose a terraced pyramid painted green, and from the top of one of these pyramids to that of the other there spanned or stretched a tri-coloured arch, red, yellow, and blue, over the sun-father's head. on each side of sun and moon was the crudely executed picture of an animal,--the one on the right, being intended for a bear, painted green; the one on the left, for a panther, painted red. the heads of these beasts were turned toward the central figures. still farther, beyond these beasts of prey, two gigantic green serpents with horned heads swept over the remainder of the wall, leaving but a narrow space facing the sun, where four maize-plants, two green ones and two of a reddish-brown hue, were painted. below the central figures and not quite reaching up to them, an arch of wood, painted green with a yellow middle stripe, was held aloft by two poles driven into the floor of the estufa. under this arch stood a wooden screen, green and black with a yellow border at the bottom, while the upper edge was carved into four terraced pyramids surmounted by as many black arches. both right and left of the screen, pine-branches resembling christmas-trees of to-day were stuck into the floor. this strange decoration expresses symbolically a meaning similar to that intended to be conveyed by the dance of the ayash tyucotz. the sun-father, soaring above the sun, moon, and stars,--for the red cross is the star of morning, the white the evening star,--is surrounded by the symbols of the principal phenomena in nature that are regarded as essentially beneficent to mankind. thus the terraced pyramids are the clouds, for the clouds appear to the indian as staircases leading to heaven, and they in turn support the rainbow. the two principal beasts of prey, who feed upon game, like man, and whose strength, agility, and acute senses man hopes to acquire, are represented as the bear in the colour symbolic of the east, and the panther in that of the south. farther away from the sun-father are the two monstrous water-snakes, genii of the fish-bearing and crop-irrigating water-courses. the sun-father stands surrounded by all these elements and beings; he fixes his blissful magic gaze upon the nourishing maize-plants, that they may grow and that their ripe fruit may sustain the tribe. thus much for the allegory on the wall. but in order that the wish and hope which this allegoric painting expresses on the part of man may become realized, invocation rises before the picture in the shape of the screen, denoting an altar on which the rainbow has again settled down as a messenger from above. both are green, since it is summer; and the summer sun, or summer home of the sun-father, is green also, like the earth, covered with luxuriant vegetation. invocation alone does not suffice to incline the hearts of those above kindly toward mankind; gratitude is required as an earnest of sincere worship. but this gratitude can be expressed by words as well as by deeds, and prayers must precede, accompany, or follow the offering. in front of the altar a row of bunches artistically composed of snow-white down are placed on the floor. each of these delicate fabrics has sacred meal scattered about its base, and each of them symbolizes the soul of one household. they are what the queres indian calls the _yaya_, or mother, dedicated to the moon-mother, who specially protects every indian home. all these stand below the altar in token of the many prayers that each household sends up to the moon, painted above, that the mother of all, who dwells in the silvery orb, may thank her husband in the sun for all the good received, and implore him to further shed his blessings on their children. between these feather-bushes and the embers, a great number of other objects are placed,--fetiches of stone, animal figures, prayer-plumes, sacrificial bowls painted with symbolic devices and surmounted by terraced prongs, and wooden images of household gods decorated with feathers. sacred meal is in or about all of them, and all stand for so many intercessors praying for the good of the people, giving thanks in the name of the people and offering their vows in token of gratitude. similar to this estufa of the corn clan are to-day all the other estufas on the tyuonyi. they contain similar pictures, and similar objects are grouped on the floors in front of them. before the altars the swan-white mother-souls glisten and flutter. the estufas are without human occupants, their entrances alone are watched by old men or women outside to prevent the work of invocation and gratitude performed inside by symbolic advocates from being desecrated by rude or thoughtless intruders. while this work is going on thus silently and without direct intervention of man, man himself performs a similar duty in the open air through the ceremonies of the great dance. in this dance the koshare came first, for their request was one of immediate importance. that the fruit may ripen is the object of their sacramental performances,--"even the fruit in woman's womb," topanashka had explained. to this end man must contribute with delight and work with love. whoever mourns or harbours ill-will cannot expect his task to prosper. in this manner even the obscene performances of the koshare are symbolic, and their part in the great dance is above all an invocation. next the cuirana came. their labours are over; the germs which they were to protect with incantations have sprouted long ago, and the plants are ready for maturing. for these results of their work they give thanks to the sun-father,--thanks loud and emphatic, so that he may hear and see how grateful his children are. their performance to-day is a testimonial of gratitude. to close the dance, both societies will finally appear together, and with them representatives of the tribe at large. all together they will go through the same succession of ceremonies, in token that all acquiesce in the sentiments of the koshare and the cuirana,--that each individual for himself and in behalf of all the others joins in giving thanks for the past and praying for the future. this is the signification of the ayash tyucotz when performed about the time of the summer solstice. however clumsy and meaningless it may seem, it is still a solemn performance. it gives public expression, under very strange forms, to the idea that has found its most perfect utterance in the german philosopher's[ ] definition of "abject reliance upon god;" whereas in its lowest form it is still "a vague and awful feeling about unity in the powers of nature, an unconscious acknowledgment of the mysterious link connecting the material world with a realm beyond it." seated comfortably and alone, surrounded by the symbols of his creed, the old leader of the koshare was tapping his drum and humming softly a prayer. on a sudden the hatchway above him became darkened, and as he looked up he saw the legs of a man appearing on the uppermost rounds of the ladder leading down into the subterranean chamber. as that man continued to descend, the body, and finally the head, of tyope appeared. then followed zashue tihua. when both men were below, they went to the nearest sacrificial bowl, each one took from it a pinch of yellow cornmeal and scattered it in front of the altar. then they turned to the old man, but he did not take any notice of either of them. tyope squatted by his side, while zashue remained erect. "sa nashtio," began the former, "we have not found anything." "there is nothing," added zashue, rather excitedly; "my wife is innocent." the naua raised his eyes with an expression of astonishment and surprise, as if failing to understand. "what is it that you have not found?" he asked, rather dreamily. "no coco--" tyope stopped and looked at the pictures on the wall. it is improper to mention the names of evil powers or agencies in presence of the symbols of those above. so he corrected himself and said,-- "no hapi." "hapi?" the naua inquired with a vacant stare, "what sort of hapi? where did you look for them?" he bent his head, as if trying to remember. "hapi," exclaimed tyope, "in the house of say koitza, this mot[=a]tza's wife;" and he pointed at his companion. "yes, indeed;" the chief of the koshare now recollected. "i know; i recollect well." his eyes suddenly brightened; they assumed an expression of cunning as well as of suspicion. his quick glance moved back and forth from one of his visitors to the other. "so you found nothing? then there is nothing! you were right, zashue; your wife is good." he gave a chuckle which he intended for a benevolent smile. "see," say's husband exclaimed, turning to tyope; "the naua believes as i do. my wife is no--" the evil word he suppressed in time. he stopped, biting his lips in embarrassment. tyope's features moved not. he spoke to the chief of the delight makers as quietly and calmly as possible,-- "i believe as you do, nashtio; but while say may be guiltless, shotaye is not." "hush!" the naua sternly interrupted; "think of those here." he pointed toward the symbols. "don't you know that they must not hear the name of that woman?" tyope replied hastily, and eager to drown the reprimand his chief had given him,-- "what shall we do, naua?" the old man became impatient. "don't you see that i am at work? i am busy. those here," he again nodded at the idols, "leave me no peace. i must be with them until the last otshanyi begins. in three days we go to the kaaptsh,--you, he, all our brethren,--and then we may speak. now leave me alone. go! leave me! go! go!" he cried, and waved his hand upward. he was not to be spoken to any longer; he began to beat his drum and took up the low chant again. zashue hurriedly climbed out of the estufa, and tyope followed with an angry face. when the latter was on the open ground again, zashue stepped up to him and said in a very decided tone,-- "you see now, satyumishe, that say is innocent. hereafter, tyope, leave her alone." turning about, he walked toward the large house. tyope cast after him a look less of anger than of bitter disappointment. the last act of the great ceremony began. a tremendous shout sounded from the outer entrance to the gallery leading into the court-yard of the great house. the chant arose stronger and louder than ever before, and several drums rumbled at once. again were the terraces filled with people, the walls below lined with spectators. topanashka sat on the roof, cold and impassable. say koitza leaned in the doorway of her home, with a quiet, almost smiling, countenance. a long array of couples, dressed as before but painted red, opened the procession; then came the cuirana, and last the koshare. topanashka arose and joined the dancers; the tapop stood beside him, and both stamped along, keeping time as if they were young once more. the singers were reinforced by several aged men with snow-white hair, three of whom wore dark wraps, sleeveless and covered with red embroidery. these were the chief penitents; those without badges or distinctive dress, the principal shamans of the tribe. a thrill of excitement ran through the spectators; children on the roofs gathered in groups, moving in harmony with the strong rhythmic noise below. the jesters had become very quiet; they went about gravely keeping order, for the court was now filled with performers. the green headdresses waved like reeds before the wind, and the whole space looked like a rhythmically wafted cornfield. when the dancers were executing the beautiful figure of the planting of maize,--man and woman bending outward simultaneously, each one to his side, and all the rattles sounding as if upon command,--everything around was hushed; everybody looked on in respectful silence, so correct were the motions, so well-timed and so impressive the sight. say also felt genuine delight. she thought of times long past when she, too, had joined in the dance. now, alas, she could not. with all the relief this day had brought her, there still remained a dull weight in her bosom, and an inner voice forbade her to mingle with those so sincerely engaged in rites of thanksgiving to the powers of good and happiness. while she stood and gazed around, her attention was directed to a young couple passing in front of her. the handsome lad with the dark, streaming hair was okoya, and she recognized him proudly as the best-looking youth on the ground, hayoue perhaps excepted. but then, was not hayoue, okoya's father's brother? but who was the girl by okoya's side? that slender figure of medium height, that earnest, thoughtful expression of the face, those lustrous eyes,--whose were they? the two were manifestly a handsome pair, and the longer she watched them the more she became satisfied that they were the prettiest couple in the dance. they were certainly well matched; her son's partner was the handsomest girl of the tribe; of this she was convinced, and she felt proud of it. motherly pride caused her heart to flutter, and the instinct of woman made her eager to know who the maiden was who appeared such a fitting partner for her own good-looking son. say koitza determined to improve the first opportunity that might present itself for ascertaining who the girl was and where she belonged. the day was drawing to a close, a day of joyful excitement for the people of the tyuonyi. the dance terminated. as the sun went down the dancers crowded out of the passage-way; so did the visitors; it grew quieter and quieter on and about the large house. the swarm of people leaving it scattered toward the cliffs in little bands and thin streams, separating and diverging from each other like the branches of an open fan. and yet, after night had come and the moon had risen in a cloudless sky, there was still bustle everywhere. households ravaged by the visitations of the koshare were being restored to order, the exhausted dancers were being feasted, and the estufas were being cleared of everything bearing a sacred character. young men and boys still loitered in groups, repeating with hoarse voices the songs and chants they had lately addressed to the ruler of day. on the terrace roof of the home of tyope's wife a young girl stood quite alone, gazing at that moon where the mother of all mankind, the sanatyaya, is supposed to reside. it was mitsha koitza, who had just returned from the estufa of her clan with the mother-soul of her own home, and who still lingered here holding in her hands the cluster of snowy, delicate feathers. she thinks, while her nimble fingers play with it, of the young man who has been her partner the whole day, who has danced beside her so quiet, modest, and yet so handsome, and who once appeared to her on this same roof brave and resolute in her defence. while she thus stands, gazes, and dreams, a flake of down becomes detached and quivers upward into the calm, still air. involuntarily the maiden fastens her glance on the plumelet, which flits upward and upward in the direction of the moon's silvery orb. such a flitting and floating plume is the symbol of prayer. mitsha's whole heart goes anxiously with the feather. it rises and rises, and at last disappears as if absorbed by moonlight. the features of the maiden, which till now have carried an anxious, pleading look, brighten with a soft and happy smile. the mother above has listened to her entreaty, for the symbol of her thoughts, the feather, has gone to rest on the bosom of her who watches over every house, who feels with every loving and praying heart. footnotes: [footnote : it was natural for her to think of removing the feathers, as they would in all probability be looked for just where she had put them; that is, under the floor. such was the case at nambé in march, , when owl's feathers were found buried at several places in the pueblo. the result of the discovery at nambé was the slaughter of three men and one woman for alleged witchcraft by the infuriated mob of indians.] [footnote : schleiermacher.] chapter vii. among indians any great feast, like the dance of the ayash tyucotz described in the preceding chapter, is not followed by the blue monday with which modern civilization is often afflicted. intoxicating drinks were unknown to the sedentary inhabitants of new mexico previous to the advent of europeans. if it happened, however, that one or other of the feasters overloaded his stomach with the good things set before him, after the ceremony was over a decoction made from juniper-twigs afforded prompt and energetic relief. among the younger men it was not rare for some to remain in company with the fair sex until the small hours of morning, in which case the rising sun found them somewhat out of sleep. but the majority were glad to retire to their habitual quarters for a good rest after the day's exertions, and these woke up the following morning bright and active, as if nothing had happened to divert them from the duties and occupations of every-day life. to this majority belonged okoya. after the dance was over he had loitered and lounged about for a time with some companions of his own age, but as soon as the moon rose he had sauntered home. his mother was busy putting things into shape, for the delight makers had left behind a fearful disorder. shyuote was there, too; he was careful not to assist his mother, but to stand in her way as much as possible, which action on his part called forth some very active scolding. but it struck okoya that she appeared more cheerful than before. her motions were brisker, her step more elastic. say koitza placed the usual food before her eldest son, and at this moment zashue came in also. he felt exceedingly proud of his exploits as a jester, and was jollier than ever before. okoya listened for a while to the clumsy and not always chaste jokes of his parent, and then retired to the estufa. the next morning, bright and refreshed, he strolled back to the house for breakfast, expecting to meet his father, who would assign him his day's work. zashue had gone already. nobody asked where, but it was taken for granted that he had gone to see the old chief of the delight makers about the approaching days of penitential retirement. his mother was up; and she addressed her son in a pleasant manner, set food before him, and then inquired,-- "sa uishe, who was the girl that danced by your side?" "it was mitsha koitza," okoya replied without looking up. "mitsha koitza," she repeated, "where does she belong?" "tyame hanutsh." "who is her father?" "tyope tihua. do you like her?" and he looked at his mother pleadingly, as if asking her forgiveness and her consent to his choice. the woman's brow clouded at the mention of a name so hateful to her. she looked hard at her son and said in a tone of bitter reproach,-- "and you go with that girl?" "why not!" his face darkened also. "have i not told you what kind of man tyope is?" "the girl is no koshare," he answered evasively. "but her mother is, and he." both became silent. okoya stared before him; his appetite was gone; he was angry, and could not eat any more. what right had this woman, although she was his mother, to reprove him because he was fond of a girl whose father she did not like! was the girl responsible for the deeds of her parents? no! so he reasoned at once, and then his temper overcame him. how could his mother dare to speak one single word against the koshare! had she not betrayed him to them? in his thoughts the hatred which she pretended to display against the koshare appeared no longer sincere; it seemed to him hypocrisy, duplicity, deception. such deceit could mean only the darkest, the most dangerous, designs. with the indian the superlative of depravity is witchcraft. okoya revolved in his mind whether his mother was not perhaps his most dangerous enemy. on the other hand, say koitza, when she began to question her son, had in view a certain object. she was anxious to find out who the maiden was whose looks had at once charmed her. next she was curious to know whether the meeting of the two was accidental or not. therefore the leading question, "and you go with that girl?" under ordinary circumstances his affirmative reply might have filled her motherly heart with joy, for mitsha's appearance had struck her fancy; but now it filled her with dismay. nothing good to her could result from a union between her child and the daughter of tyope. that union would be sure to lead okoya over to the home of his betrothed, which was the home of her mother, where he could not fail to gradually succumb to the influence which that mother of mitsha, a sensual, cunning, sly woman utterly subservient to her husband, would undoubtedly exert upon him. it was not maternal jealousy that beset her now and filled her with flaming passion, it was fear for her own personal safety. under the influence of sudden displeasure human thought runs sometimes astray with terrific swiftness. say koitza saw her son already going to the house of that fiend, tyope, night after night, whereas in reality he had never called there as yet. she fancied that she heard him in conversation with this girl, confiding in her little by little, just as zashue used, before he and she became man and wife. but what could okoya tell after all that might prove of harm to her? he was a mere child as yet. at this stage of her reasoning, a cloud rose within her bosom and spread like wildfire. was it not strange that the discovery of the owl's feathers, the betrayal of that dread secret, almost coincided with okoya's open relations with the daughter of the man who, she felt sure, was at the bottom of the accusation against her? a ghastly suspicion flashed up and soon became so vivid that no doubt could arise,--her own son must accidentally have discovered the fatal feathers; he himself without intending any harm must have mentioned them to the girl, perhaps even in the presence of her mother. say became satisfied that she held the key to her betrayal. the riddle was solved. that solution dissipated all hopes of salvation, for if her own son was to be witness against her in the dreaded hour when the tribal council had to determine for or against her guilt, there could be no doubting his testimony. and tyope would have that testimony in any case, for if okoya should deny, okoya's own betrothed might be brought face to face with him as a witness. thus she reasoned in much less time than it can be written, and these conclusions overwhelmed her to such a degree that she turned away from her favourite child in bitter passion, with the conviction that her son in whom she had trusted was her destroying angel. she hid her face from him in anger and grief. okoya noticed his mother's feelings. her anger was inexplicable to him, unless it meant disappointment in relation to some of her own supposed dark designs. it made him angrier still, for say's bitterness against the koshare was in his opinion only feigned. persuaded that his mother was false to him, and that she was even harbouring evil designs, he rose abruptly and left the house in silence. he could no longer refuse to believe that she was planning his destruction. otherwise, why did she oppose what to him appeared the prelude to a happy future? and why that apparent duplicity on her part,--condemning the koshare to his face, and, as he thought, being in secret understanding with them? only one explanation was reasonable, the only one within reach of the indian mind,--that say koitza was in some connection with evil powers which she, for some reason unknown to him, was courting for the purpose of his destruction; in other words, that say koitza, his own mother, was a witch! nothing more detestable or more dangerous than witchcraft is conceivable to the indian. to a young and untrained mind like okoya's the thought of being exposed to danger from such a source is crushing. the boy felt bewildered, dazed. he leaned against the wall of the great house for support, staring at the huge cliffs without seeing them; he looked at people passing to and fro without taking any notice of their presence. he could not even think any more, but merely felt,--felt unutterably miserable. if only he knew of somebody who might help him! this was his first thought after recovering strength and self-control. why not speak to hayoue? the idea was like the recollection of a happy dream, and indeed he had harboured it before. it roused him to such a degree that he tore himself away from the wall against which he had leaned as on a last staff, and straightening himself he walked deliberately toward the upper end of the rito, where the cave-dwellings of the water clan were situated. hayoue might be at home, still it was more than likely that the don juan of the rito had been spending the last night elsewhere. if at home, so much the better; if not, there was nothing left but to wait until he came. the prospect of waiting and resting was not an unpleasant one for okoya, who felt exhausted after the shock of disappointment and disgust he had just experienced. as he slowly approached the recess wherein the grottoes of the water clan lay, he halted for a moment to catch breath, and just then descried shotaye, who was coming down toward him. the woman had been quite a favourite of his ever since she became so kind to his sick mother. nevertheless he had always felt afraid of her on account of her reputation as a doubtful character. now the sight of her made him angry, for she was his mother's friend and a witch also! so he resumed his walk and passed her with a short, sulky _guatzena_. shotaye noticed his surly manner and looked straight at him, returning the morose greeting with a loud _raua_ that sounded almost like a challenge. then she went on with a smile of scorn and amusement on her lips. she was not afraid of the young fellow, for she attributed his surly ways to sitting up late. okoya was glad to get out of the woman's reach, and he did not stop until at the entrance to the caves which hayoue and his folk occupied. there was no necessity of announcing himself; he merely lifted the curtain of rawhide that hung over the doorway, and peeped in. his youthful uncle--so much he saw at a glance--was not in. another young gentleman of the tribe lay on the floor beside the other members of the family. all were sound asleep yet, and okoya dropped the curtain quietly and turned toward the brook. on its banks he selected a spot where, unseen to others, he could look down the valley. here he threw himself on the ground to watch, and await hayoue's coming. although deeply anxious to meet his uncle, okoya entertained no thought of impatience. he had to wait, that was all. beside, his heart was so heavy, so full of grief and despair, that not even his surroundings could divert him from gloomy thoughts. the brook murmured and rustled softly by his side, its waters looked clear and limpid; he neither heard nor saw them. he only longed to be alone, completely alone, until his uncle should come. okoya had not performed his morning ablutions, but there was no thought of them; for he was in deep sorrow, and when the indian's heart is heavy he is very careful not to wash. flat on his stomach, with chin resting on both hands, indifferent to the peculiar scenery before him, he nevertheless scanned the cliffs as far as they were visible. the grottoes of tzitz hanutsh opened right in front of him; lower down, the entrances of a few of the caves of kohaio hanutsh could be seen, for the rocks jutted out like towering pillars. they completely shut out from his gaze the eastern cave-dwellings of tzina hanutsh. farther to the east, the wall of cliffs swept around to the southeast, showing the houses of the eagle clan built against its base, the caverns of yakka hanutsh opening along a semicircle terminating in a sharp point of massive rocks. in that promontory the port-holes of some of the dwellings of the cottonwood people were visible. beyond, all detail became undistinguishable through the distance, for the north side of the rito turned into a dim yellowish wall crowned by dark pine-timber. okoya lay there, scanning, watching every doorway back and forth the whole length of the view; hours went by; there were no signs of hayoue. yet okoya did not rise in anger and pace the ground with impatience, he did not scratch his head or stamp, he did not even think of swearing,--he simply waited. and his patient waiting proved of comfort to him, for he gradually cooled off, and freed from the effects of his violent impressions, began to think what he could do. nothing, absolutely nothing, at least until he had seen hayoue. to wait for the latter was a necessity, if it took him the whole day. but to wait in the same posture for hours was rather tiresome, so he rolled over on his back, and folding his arms under his head began to gaze on the skies. bright and cloudless as they had appeared at sunrise, a change had come over them since which attracted even okoya's attention. instead of the usual deep azure, the heavens had assumed a dingy hue, and long white streamers traversed them like arches. had the boy looked in the west he would have seen shredded clouds looming up behind the mountains, a sure sign of approaching rain. but he had become fascinated by what was directly above him, and so he watched with increasing interest the white arches overhead. slowly, imperceptibly, they pushed up, crossing the zenith and approaching the eastern horizon, toward which the boy's face was turned. and while they shifted they grew in width and density. delicate filaments appeared between and connected bow with bow, gradually thickening, until the zenith was but one vault of pale gray. the boy watched this process with increased eagerness; it caused him to forget his troubles. he saw that rain--one of the great blessings for which he and his people had so fervently prayed, chanted, and danced yesterday--was coming on, and his heart became glad. the spirits--the shiuana--he thought, were kindly disposed toward his people; and this caused him to wonder what the shiuana might really be, and why they acted so and so, and not otherwise. the shiuana, he had been taught, dwelt in the clouds, and they were good; why, then, was it that from one and the same cloud the beneficial rain descended, which caused the food of mankind to grow, and also the destructive hail and the deadly thunderbolt?[ ] a faint, muttering sound, deep and prolonged, struck his ear. he started, for it was distant thunder. the shiuana, he believed, had read his thoughts, and they reminded him that their doings were beyond the reach of his mind. turning away from the sights above, he looked again down the valley. there, at last, came the long-expected hayoue, slowly, drowsily, like one who has slept rather late than long. hayoue, indeed, was so sleepy yet that his nephew had to call him thrice. after the third _umo_, however, he glanced around, saw okoya beckoning to him, and came down to the brook. yawning and rubbing his eyes he sat down, and okoya said,-- "satyumishe, i want to speak to you. will you listen to my speech?" hayoue smiled good-naturedly, but looked rather indifferent or absent-minded as he replied,-- "i will; what is it about? surely about mitsha, your girl. well, she is good," he emphatically added; "but tyope is not good, not good," he exclaimed, looking up with an expression of strong disgust and blowing through his teeth. it was clear that the young man was no friend to tyope. okoya moved uneasily, and continued in a muffled tone of voice,-- "you are not right, nashtio; it is not concerning mitsha that i want to speak to you." "about what else, then?" hayoue looked up in surprise, as if unable to comprehend how a boy of the age of okoya could think of anything else than of some girl. his brother's son took from his neck the little satchel containing sacred meal. without a word he opened it, and scattered the flour in the usual way to the six regions. then he pointed to the clouds and whispered, "the shiuana are good," at the same time handing the bag to his uncle. the latter's astonishment had reached its maximum; the boy's actions were utterly incomprehensive to him. again the sound of distant thunder vibrated from the west, and the cliffs sighed in return. "they are calling us," okoya whispered. hayoue became suddenly very sober. he performed the sacrifice in silence, and then assumed the position of an earnest and attentive listener. "do you like the koshare?" began okoya, in a whisper. "no. but why do you ask this?" "because i don't like them either." "is that all you had to tell me? i could have told you that in their own presence." hayoue seemed to be disappointed and vexed. "that is not why i called you, umo," okoya continued; "it is because the koshare know that i dislike them." "what if they do know it?" "but they might harm me!" "they cannot. otherwise i should have been harmed by them long ago. but i don't care for them." [illustration: indian pueblo dances of to-day (upper picture) lining up for the dance (lower picture) the "clowns"] okoya shook his head and muttered,-- "i am afraid of the koshare." the other shrugged his shoulders. "i am not," he said. "men can do harm with their hands and with their weapons; and against those you have your fist and the shield. those above"--he pointed at the skies--"can harm us; they can kill us. but men--why, we can defend ourselves." okoya felt shocked at words which sounded to him like sacrilegious talk. timidly and morosely he objected,-- "don't you know that there are witches!" "witches! there are no witches." again there was a mutter from the west, a hollow, solemn warning; and the cliffs responded with a plaintive moan. even incredulous hayoue started, and okoya sighed. "i will tell you why i ask all this," said he, and he went on to explain. beginning with the incident provoked by shyuote, he confessed to the suspicions which it had aroused in his mind, and laid the whole process of his reasoning bare before his listener. his speech was picturesque, but not consciously poetic; for the indian speaks like a child, using figures of speech, not in order to embellish, but because he lacks abstract terms and is compelled to borrow equivalents from comparisons with surrounding nature. hayoue listened attentively; occasionally, however, he smiled. at last okoya stopped and looked at his friend in expectation. the latter cast at the boy a humorous glance; he felt manifestly amused by his talk. "mot[=a]tza," he began, "in what you have told me there is not more substance than in the clouds above, when the shiuana do not dwell in them. it is colour, white colour. it is nothing. you have been painting; the picture is done, but no spirit is there. shyuote is a lazy, idle brat; he shirks work; but when you say to him, sit down and eat, then he all at once becomes active. in this way he sneaks around from house to house. he may have overheard something said about you and your ways, he may even have surprised the koshare while talking among themselves. but it is quite as likely that the toad has invented the whole story just in order to anger you, for he always finds time to sneak, to lounge, and to hatch lies, the lazy, good-for-nothing eavesdropper! i tell you what it is, that boy is fit for nothing but a koshare, and a real good one will he become." "but," okoya rejoined, "if the delight makers have spoken about the yaya and me, there must be some cause for it." "don't you know that these shutzuna always find some occasion for gossip?" hayoue cried. "don't they run into every house? don't their women stick their noses into every bowl, in order to find out what the people cook and eat? rest easy, satyumishe, your mother is good, she has nothing in common with the koshare." "but is not the nashtio one of them? your brother, my father? is he like the rest of them?" hayoue replied, assuming an important mien,-- "it is true that brother is, and i don't like it; but we can't change it. it was so ordained long ago, for my father himself was koshare. beside, let me tell you that not all that the koshare do is wrong. if there were no koshare, it would not be good for the people. they must see that those above assist us when the corn ripens, and inasmuch as they perform their duties, they are necessary to us. it is also well that they should bring joy and mirth among the tribe, but"--he raised his hand and his eyes flashed--"they must not go beyond their duty. their leader shall not presume to be more than the hotshanyi, who has to suffer and bear for our sake and for our good. they shall do their duty and no more. it is not their duty to make people believe that they are wiser than the chayani and to induce the people to give them bowl after bowl full of meal, feathers, shells, and whatever else may be good and precious. for it is not to the koshare as a body that all these things are distributed; it is only their naua who gets them, and through him his hanutsh, at the expense of all the other clans. neither shall the koshare alone enjoy our makatza, pretending that it pleases those above!" it thundered again, louder and longer than before. hayoue stopped, and then went on. "zashue fails to see all this. he is koshare, and follows in the tracks of the others like a blind man. but we, the cuirana,--we see it. i am not a principal, i cannot sit in council and speak, but withal i have noticed these doings for a long time. i tell you, mot[=a]tza, that if the delight makers, the old fiend who rules them, and tyope are not restrained very soon, there will be sorrow in the tribe; the people will become weak because they will be discontented, and finally the moshome may come and destroy us all." "but if the koshare are so powerful," retorted okoya, "must i not be on my guard?" "with some of them, to be sure. beware of tyope and of the old rogue; they are base and dangerous men. avoid shtiranyi, avoid ture tihua, pesana, and the like of them. but your father, zashue, and shiape, your grandfather's brother,--do you believe they would forsake you? mind, boy, even if the koshare be against you, you are not lost. there is your umo, topanashka, and he has great weight with the old men, with the council, and with the people. there is your clan, tanyi, and in fine i and my people are here too." he uttered these words proudly, looking at his nephew encouragingly. but okoya was not fully reassured; his doubts were not removed. there was one thing yet that he held in reserve for the last, and that was his dread of witchcraft and the suspicion that such a danger threatened him from his own mother. he resolved to tell his friend all, including the scene of the morning and the conclusions he had drawn from it. "hayoue," said he, "you are good and wise, much wiser than i; still, listen to me once more." louder and nearer sounded the thunder. hayoue bent over toward okoya, a close, attentive, sympathizing listener. the young man related everything,--his relations with mitsha, how he had quarrelled with his mother, and the conclusions at which he had arrived touching his mother's evil designs and practices. at this point hayoue began to laugh, and laughed till he coughed. "and you really believe this!" he cried. but at once he grew very serious and even stern. "mot[=a]tza, it is not right in you to think thus of your mother. say koitza is good; she is better than most women at the tyuonyi, far too good for my brother zashue, and better than i or you. i know her well, and even if there should be witches, which i do not believe--" a loud thunderpeal caused the mountains to tremble. hayoue started, shook his head, and muttered,-- "they call loudly. it may be that there are witches. at all events"--he raised his voice again--"if there are such women, your mother does not belong to them. it is not right, brother, for you to think such things of your mother. you have done her a great wrong, for i tell you again she is good and she is your best friend. where do you belong? whose blood is yours? is it your father's? are the water people your people? no, tanyi is your hanutsh. your mother's clan are your kindred. mind, satyumishe, our life is in our blood, and it is the blood of her who gave you life that flows in your veins. when you say aught against your mother, you tarnish your own life." "but why does she not want me to go with mitsha?" okoya asked, and pouted. "don't you see why, satyumishe? don't you understand it? say knows tyope; she mistrusts him and is even afraid of him. mitsha is a good girl, and your mother has nothing against her; but she is her mother's daughter, and that mother is tyope's wife. if mitsha becomes your wife you will go and live with her, until tyame hanutsh has a house ready for mitsha. you will even have to stay at the home of tyope's wife. now i cannot say that hannay, the wife of tyope, is really bad; she is not nearly as bad as he, but then hannay is silly and allows him to make her his tool. everything that concerns her clan--things that he of course is not entitled to know--she tattles to him; and she tells him everything else that she sees, hears, or imagines. i know it to be so. now, your mother is afraid lest through mitsha's mother, first mitsha, afterward through her you, might become entangled in the coils of that sand-viper tyope. for i tell you, mot[=a]tza,"--his eyes flashed, and he shook his clenched fist toward the houses of the eagle clan,--"that man is a bad man; he is bad from head to foot, and he thinks of nothing but injury to others for the sake of his own benefit." "but what has tyope done? how do you know that he is such a bad man?" "that's just it. he never acts openly. like the badger, after which he is named, he burrows and burrows in darkness and covers up his ways; and when the earth caves in beneath those who walk over his trap and they fall, he is already far away, and looks as innocent and bland as a badger on top of the ground. but if you follow him, then he will turn around and snap at you, like a real tyope. your mother is right in fearing him; perhaps not so much on her account as for your sake. you and mitsha are both very young, and that man knows how to entrap such little rabbits." okoya could not deny the truth of his uncle's speech. he felt that he had wronged his mother, had misinterpreted her motives; and now he was ashamed of himself. nevertheless indian nature is exceedingly wary and suspicious in all important matters, and it struck him that hayoue was trying to dissuade him from his project of union with mitsha. knowing the propensities of his gallant uncle in the matter of women, he began to suspect that the latter might wish to estrange him from the girl or frighten him off in order to step into his shoes. so he assumed an air of quiet indifference and said,-- "i think it is better, after all, not to see mitsha any more." with this he attempted to rise; but hayoue held him back, and spoke very earnestly,-- "no; it would not be well. you are fit for each other, and you must come together. i will help you all i can." "can you help me?" okoya exclaimed, delightfully surprised. "perhaps i can, perhaps not. i will talk to your mother and get her to be in your favour; but there is one thing you must promise me faithfully, and that is to be very, very careful. when you go to the house of tyope's wife and you are asked about anything, say nothing; reveal nothing in regard to matters of our clans but what you might shout over the housetops with perfect impunity. otherwise"--and his voice sounded like an impressive warning--"you may do great injury to the tribe." "but if mitsha herself inquires of me?" "you must be wise, brother, wiser than she is; for women are seldom wise,--only forward, curious, and inquisitive. wisdom"--and the dandy of the rito shrugged his shoulders--"is a gift to man, never to woman. when you and mitsha are together alone, be wise. don't ask her anything that does not concern you; and if she begins to pry into your matters, you will have a right to say to her, 'i don't pry into your affairs, so don't ask me about those of my people.' i am sure that she will let you alone thereafter, for mitsha is a good girl. nevertheless, be careful, for it is as certain as that the brook runs through here that they will attempt to draw you out. tyope will say to his wife, 'find out this or that from him.' he may even tell her why he wants to know it. the woman goes to her daughter, and bids her ask the boy about such and such a thing. but she is careful not to let out why, and that tyope is at the bottom of the inquiry. the girl suspects nothing wrong and asks you, and you tell her all you know. in this manner precious things get little by little into evil hands, and the end of it is evil. if you will promise me that you will be very cautious, i will speak to say koitza such words that she will feel glad to see you and mitsha become one." okoya seized the hand of his friend, breathed on it, then clasped it with both hands, lifting it up to heaven. he could not utter a word; joy and hope deprived him of the power of speech. hayoue suffered him to go through this ceremony; he also felt glad. the storm was drawing nearer; dense clouds hovered over the rito, but they did not notice them. louder and louder the thunders rolled, and in quicker succession came the peals; they heeded not. from the heights in the west there was a sound of gushing rain; they paid no attention to it. hayoue spoke again,-- "something i have yet to tell you. although mitsha may like you, and even if her mother be in your favour,--perhaps as much for her own sake as on her daughter's account," he added, with a scornful smile,--"it is by no means certain that tyope will give his consent. if you become his tool, if you let him wield you as a hand wields flint or stone, then he will be in your favour; if not, he will not be. he knows very well how precious mitsha is, and with the aid of her mother and of that mother's clan he hopes to sell his pretty girl to his own best advantage. unless you are willing to let him use you to grind his corn as a woman grinds it on the yanyi, you have no chance; he will barter away mitsha to a navajo, if thereby he reaches his ends." okoya started, horrified. "is tyope as bad as that?" he asked. "do you recollect nacaytzusle, the savage stranger boy?" hayoue inquired in return. "i do; but he has left us." "it does not matter; for to that wild wolf he would rather give mitsha than let her be your wife. there is no danger of my obtaining her," he added, with a grim smile, "for he hates me like a water-mole. true it is that i, too, detest him as i do a spider." okoya felt bewildered. "why should he give mitsha to a moshome?" he timidly inquired. "what would he gain by it?" "i don't know; and nobody knows, except perhaps the young navajo, that fiend. but sure it is, and it bodes no good for us at the tyuonyi." a violent crash of thunder was followed by a few drops of rain. hayoue looked up and said,-- "kaatsh is coming; let us go." both rose and walked toward the caves for shelter. on the high mesa above, the wind roared through the timber; in the valley, it was yet quiet. lightning flashed through the clouds. hayoue stood still, grasped the arm of his companion, and pointed at the southern heights. "if you ever go up there," he warned, "be very careful." okoya failed to understand, and only stared. "be careful," the other insisted, "and if possible never go alone." he turned, and okoya followed. what he had heard and learned went beyond his comprehension. ere they could reach the caves a fiery dart shot from the clouds that shrouded the mountain-crests; it sped across the sky and buried itself in the forest above the rito. a clinking and crackling followed, as if a mass of scoria were shattered, then a deafening peal shook the cliffs to the very foundations. a strong gust of wind swept down the gorge. it caused the tall pines to shake, and the shrubbery surged in the blast. in the nooks and angles of the cliffs the wind whirled, raising clouds of dust and sand. raindrops began to fall, large and sparse at first, afterward smaller but thick and fast. the first rain of the season poured down upon the rito de los frijoles. footnotes: [footnote : a clear definition of the shiuana is not easy to give. in a general sense, they might be called the "spirits of the fetiches." as everything strange, unusual, or inexplicable is attributed to spiritual origin, the numbers of the shiuana are very great. even the pictures of the sun-father, of the moon-mother, etc., are shiuana, in the sense of their supposed spiritual connection with the deified beings they represent.] chapter viii. shotaye had taken no part in the great dance, and no one had missed her. it was known that whenever the koshare appeared in public she was certain to stay at home. in point of fact she seldom left her cell, unless it was to ascend one of the mesas for the purpose of gathering medicinal herbs. shotaye enjoyed the reputation of being a strange and even mysterious being; and so long as her services were not absolutely required, nobody cared to intrude upon her. nevertheless, she often received visitors of the male sex. she despised men most thoroughly, but accepted their attentions if profitable. on the day following the ayash tyucotz shotaye left her cave in quest of vegetable medicaments. we have seen how she met okoya, and how they greeted one another. the boy's sullen manner amused her; she attributed his morose ways to the effects of an over-lively night. onward she went, down to the edge of the brook, then turned to the right up the course of the streamlet. that the skies threatened to become overcast and that rain might overtake her during the day mattered little. whenever the indian is bent upon the performance of some task, sunshine or rain, moonlight or snow, are matters of indifference. shotaye strolled on regardless of things above or below. people were of as little interest to her as the clouds. the latter could do her errand no harm, and that errand everybody might know if they chose to follow her. wandering up the gorge of the rito and along its northern limit, the woman soon reached the upper part, where the cliffs crowd the water's edge, where the southern slopes become more rugged and the valley terminates. there a series of gigantic steps, formed by high and beetling rocks, closes the rito to the west. down that mass of ledges the brook trickles from its source, and a trail, formerly much used by the navajos on their raids, creeps up, meandering over and between crags, ledges, and shelves of bare rock. this trail was seldom trodden at that time, and then only by armed men, for it was regarded as dangerous. notwithstanding the proximity of the settlement at the rito, the navajos--dinne, or moshome--lurked here quite often, and many an unfortunate had lost his life while ascending the trail alone. shotaye was therefore travelling an exceedingly hazardous road, but she did not think of danger. many a time before had she clambered up and down this rocky labyrinth, and while the dinne fairly swarmed, nothing had ever happened to her. it is true that she was exceedingly wary, and had in her innumerable excursions gathered quite as much knowledge of the tricks of war as the most experienced scout, so that she felt almost intuitively the approach of danger. she had gradually become imbued with the idea that she was invulnerable. to-day, therefore, she moved along this dangerous trail with the greatest apparent _nonchalance_. furthermore her thoughts so completely absorbed her that while ascending from the level of the rito she unconsciously went on thinking of nothing else but of what say koitza had told her in the cave, and of the plans for relief which she had begun to devise, or at least to revolve in her mind. the trail is not only rough and long, it is very steep in places; and the woman stopped for rest, sitting on a ledge of rocks. below her the vale was no longer visible; a dark chasm yawned at her feet; out of it the cliffs of the tyuonyi rose like the heads of giants. one more difficult stretch had to be overcome before shotaye could reach the timber crowning the plateau on the northern cliffs of the rito. massive benches or ledges, abrupt and high, seemed to render farther ascent impracticable. but shotaye kept on after a short stop without the slightest hesitation. the trail wound its way upward. it crept from rocky step to rocky step, led her from crags to narrow bands skirting dizzy cliffs, until she came to a level where the timber of the northern mesa was easily reached. once in the shade of pines she looked around; the original object of her expedition returned to her mind, and she scanned with particular care the underbrush in hope of finding there the herbs on which she based the efficacy of her cures. it thundered audibly, but that was nothing to her. there, close to a juniper-bush, grew one of the coveted plants. she went to it, knelt down, and began to pull it up by the roots. suddenly she felt both of her upper arms seized with irresistible power. her body was jerked backward. ere she could think of resistance, she was lying on the ground. not a shriek, however, escaped her mouth, for although surprised, the woman had presence of mind enough to think that either tyope or some navajo must have attacked her. in either case it was useless to scream, for in either case she was lost. as soon however as she was able to glance at her captor her worst fears were dispelled. the man, or being, whatever he might be, loosened his grip and stood erect. he looked down into her face and grinned. that grin did not in the least beautify his already horrible features. the creature was indeed a man, but so disfigured by paint and accoutrements that any one unaccustomed to the appearance of indian warriors in full dress must necessarily have taken him for some fiend or demon from the nether world. he was of robust build, his muscular chest was naked to the waist, a kilt of deer-hide covered his thighs, and his feet rested on small hoops laid horizontally and tied to them like sandals. face and body were painted with a black metallic powder; under each eye there was a red dash. out of this sinister face the eyes gleamed like living coals; and the smile, though intended for a friendly token, appeared more like a beastly leer. a close-fitting cap covered the skull to the ears, giving it the appearance of ghastly baldness. from under this protection coarse locks of black hair protruded. shotaye looked up at the monster, and, strange to say, returned his horrid grin with a smile and with encouraging winks. but the man did not move; he only let go her arms. so she rose. thereupon he touched her right arm with his left hand, pointed at himself with the right, and uttered in a strange dialect, "tehua." afterward he pointed at her, adding, "tema quio," and accompanied these words by most significant gestures. shotaye did not understand the language, but the signs were clear to her. "koitza," she replied, imitating his motions; "tehua hachshtze;" and with a wink, "amoshko." the indian shook his head; he dropped the arm of the woman, made with both hands the motion of stringing a bow, and exclaimed,-- "uan save." grasping the war-club that hung from his wrist he struck two or three blows with it at random, repeated the words "uan save," and looked askance. this was beyond shotaye's powers of comprehension. she again pointed at herself, saying,-- "tyuonyi koitza," then in the direction of the rito, made the gesture-sign for killing, and looked at the stranger inquiringly and with an anxious face. now the indian understood her. his eyes sparkled; he shook his head emphatically, uttering,-- "nyo nyo tema, uan save, uan save;" at the same time he pointed to the west and brandished his war-club. it became clear to the woman that the warrior was on an expedition against the navajos, and not after the scalps of her own people; but it was equally plain to her that, being on the war-path, any kind of enjoyment was prohibited to him. this was a disappointment, and the strange dialogue came therefore to a stand-still. each eyed the other in silence. all at once the stranger stepped up to her, and extending his arms to the west, asked,-- "uan save?" she shrugged her shoulders in silence. "quio," he said now, and grasped her hand; "tupoge," pointing toward the rito. "quio," he beckoned her to go with him. "puye," waving his hand to the north. lastly he grinned and whispered, "cuinda?" there was no possibility of misunderstanding the smile and the motions, although the words, of course, were beyond shotaye's comprehension. in return she pointed to the west again, made the conventional sign for night and sleep, and began to count her fingers. as she bent the eighth digit the tehua stopped her, held up every finger of the right hand and three of the left, described, as if in confirmation eight times, an arch from east to west, and concluded by pointing to the north, exclaiming very emphatically,-- "puye!" he looked at her and laughed aloud, as the indian does when he feels delighted, pressed both hands against his chest, and uttered proudly,-- "cayamo." "shotaye," she eagerly replied. the black-painted hero burst out in immoderate laughter. "shotaye, shotaye," he repeated, caught hold of one of her hands, caressed his chest with it, and danced about merrily, exclaiming,-- "cuindae, cayamo, cuindae, shotaye, cuinda!" he counted the number eight several times, and then suddenly bent down. one of his sandals had become loose. these sandals consisted, as mentioned before, of wooden hoops covered by strips of rabbit-skin and tied to the naked foot with bands of the same material. the wearer stood on them as on wheels lying flat on the ground; he was able to walk and even to run at a moderate speed, and the prints which he made, being circular, gave a pursuing enemy no clew to the direction of his going or coming. while the man was stooping and fastening the leather thongs, shotaye scanned his appearance thoroughly. she perceived on his back, aside from a bow and the usual quiver filled with war-arrows, a shield. the painting on that shield she examined with particular care. the target was painted white, with a black rim; and in the centre was a green crescent, with four red crosses. such figures have no heraldic signification; they are but the creation of fancy or taste, and recall the designs of the ancient teutons which tacitus describes, "scuta tantum lectissimis coloribus distinguunt." shotaye evidently took an interest in the stranger. he, on the other hand, looked up to her from time to time with a terrific grin that was intended for a sweet smile. as often as he turned his face toward her she sought to decipher his real features, which the war-paint rendered utterly unrecognizable. at last the sandal was fastened again, and the tehua stood erect. he waved his hand to the west and north, repeated the words, "cayamo, cuinda," and placed a finger on his lips. she nodded, raised eight fingers, softly uttered "raua, raua, shotaye," and pointed to the north also. thereupon he moved away stealthily; but before disappearing in the timber, he turned around once more and waved his hand northward. the woman replied with affirmative nods, and after his form had disappeared she also turned to go. her eyes sparkled; a gleam of intense satisfaction illumined her features, as with head erect and heedless of the plants she had come to gather, she penetrated deeper into the forest. she now went due east, in a direction opposite to the one the tehua had taken. this had been a very remarkable meeting indeed. more than ever, shotaye believed that she was invulnerable. the queres of the rito and the tehuas, living north of them on the other side of savage mountain-fastnesses, and more than a day's journey distant, were not always on the best of terms. there was no regular intercourse between the tribes, for the speech of one differed from that of the other. barter and traffic took place at long intervals; but as not a soul at the tyuonyi spoke tehua, and no one at the puye understood queres, such attempts at commercial intercourse usually terminated in a fracas, in bloodshed even, and the party offended sought to make things even afterward by waylaying and murdering such of the other side as might chance to wander in the neighbourhood of their abodes. actual warfare had taken place between the tribes within the time of shotaye's recollection, and engagements were fought; one party got worsted and ran home, the other went home, too, and that settled the matter for the time being. it was, therefore, not at all safe for an indian from the rito to meet one from the puye, and _vice versa_. women made an exception, inasmuch as they were exposed only to capture and adoption in the tribe to which their captors belonged. such compulsory adoption was rendered very easy by the fact that nearly the same clans existed among all the pueblos. but the eagle clan, for instance, which the queres called tyame hanutsh in their dialect, bore in the tehua language the name of tzedoa. as soon as shotaye saw into whose hands she had fallen, she felt completely reassured. even if she were carried off a prisoner, it was no misfortune. when, moreover, she discovered that the stranger had not even such an object in view, but was after the scalp of some navajo, she experienced a feeling of delight. when at last the indian readily understood her suggestions, and went so far as to indicate a day when she should come to him at the puye, her gladness knew no bounds. in the accidental meeting, all her hopes for relief had been realized. she was now able to save herself by flight to the other tribe, but enough time was left her to provide for the safety of her companion in peril. she had no hope or thought of becoming the wife of her new acquaintance. he was probably married; but marriage, as we have seen, was no obstacle to temporary outside friendships. she could take refuge at the puye without hesitation, and claim the protection of her warrior. in case she afterward felt like tying herself to one man only, there was no doubt in her mind that a domestic animal of the _genus_ husband could easily be found. how often could she have been married at the rito, had the men not looked upon her as a witch! the friend whom she had now secured among the tehuas called himself cayamo. thus much she had guessed, and guessed rightly. but would she be able to recognize him after his face was washed and the military undress exchanged for that of civil life? never mind, she had noted the paintings on his shield, and that was enough. there are no two shields alike in one village; and by uttering the name cayamo and describing the white escutcheon with a green crescent and four red crosses--a thing easy for indian sign-language--she could not fail to identify him. that cayamo would recognize her and acknowledge her acquaintance she did not doubt for a moment. she even hoped to meet him half way on the trail to the village of his tribe, provided the navajos did not kill the hero. while she sincerely hoped that he would return safe and in possession of many scalps, there was still a possibility of his own scalp being taken by the enemy. the navajos were very cunning, and their arrows were tipped with very sharp flint. with all her feelings for her knight, and the reliance she placed on his broad shoulders, heavy neck, strong arms, and well-turned legs, accidents remained possible. in case cayamo should never return to his native village, what then? well, he was not the only man among the tehuas, and that consoled her. there seemed to be but one dark point in the otherwise bright outlook. would she have time to put her plans in execution? would the koshare, would tyope, leave her sufficient respite? things might have taken place during and after the dance that changed the face of matters and precipitated them beyond remedy. in case, for instance, that the delight makers had overturned say's household as they were wont to overturn others, and had discovered the feathers, was not all hope gone? shotaye suddenly recollected how okoya had greeted her that morning,--how surly his glance, how gruff and unfriendly his call. was that significant? still, if the secret had been disclosed, there would surely have been some noise about it the night before. on the other hand, it might be that the council had the case in hand and preferred not to make anything public for the present. what if the council were in deliberation at the very moment, discussing her fate and that of her accomplice? would it not be safer, instead of returning to the rito, to follow the tracks of her new friend, cayamo, and join him on his dangerous errand? yes, it would have been safer, provided cayamo would have tolerated the companionship of a woman. but this he was not allowed to enjoy, and furthermore, what would then become of that accomplice of hers? the latter thought staggered her. shotaye was a very strange woman. she was heartless, cold-blooded, merciless, remorseless, in everything that concerned her relations to others. one person only she excepted in her selfish calculations, and that was her accomplice and victim, say koitza. happen what might, she could not forsake say. she must at all hazards go back to the tyuonyi, call at her house, and find out from her whether or not anything had occurred that might jeopardize her plans and designs. in case matters were unchanged, she intended to tell her friend the occurrence of the day, giving her at the same time directions for the future. shotaye quickened her step, for the road was long. it was not advisable to return by the trail she had taken in coming, for she needed a pretext for running into the abode of say koitza as if by chance. at last she noticed the change in the weather and the approaching shower, and thought it a good plan to regulate her gait so as to reach the valley and the big house when the storm broke. she might then seek shelter under her friend's roof and avoid suspicion. crashing thunder roared in the high sierra, and as shotaye looked around she saw the rain-streaks that swept down on the mesas in advance of the shower. the sierra de la jara had vanished in the clouds, and gray fleeces whirled about the flanks of the sierra de san miguel. she stood on the brink above the eastern end of the rito, and began to descend over boulders and crags, and through bushes. only a part of the valley was visible; in the corn-fields not a living soul appeared. faster and faster shotaye ran, regardless of rocks and shrubbery. the western mountains were completely shrouded, lightning tore the clouds, thunder bellowed nearer and stronger. at last she reached the bottom and turned toward the houses, panting, perspiring, but untired. as she passed the new house of the corn clan, the first angry blast of the storm met her, and she had to stop. it filled her with lively satisfaction, however, to see how accurately she had regulated her movements. she might get into the big house almost unnoticed, for the rain began to fall. at the moment when hayoue and okoya found shelter in the caves of the water clan, shotaye dashed through the gangway of the building. a tremendous shower was falling, and as soon as she entered the court she was drenched from head to foot, to the great delight of those who, well protected themselves, were standing in the doorways of their quarters. one single voice called to her to come in, but she took no notice of it. blinded by the torrents of falling water, she groped her way along the walls, and finally stumbled into the open door of say koitza's home. not a single thread of her scanty clothing was dry; her hair, soaked and dripping, clung to her forehead and cheeks as if glued to the skin; water filled her eyes, nostrils, and ears. she removed the hair from her brow, shook herself, coughed, sneezed, and looked around. the room was empty, but in the inner cell a fire crackled on the hearth; and say came out. at the sight of her friend she burst into a hearty laugh, and asked,-- "where do you come from?" "tziro kauash." shotaye coughed, then in a whisper she inquired,-- "are you alone?" say's brow clouded, and a deadly pang seized her. what meant this query, this call so unusual, so mysterious? in a low, hollow tone she replied,-- "we are alone," and turned back into the kitchen. her friend's question sounded like a prelude to dismal tidings. both women squatted close to the fire. not a word was spoken. the new-comer was busy drying herself, and the mistress of the house was struck by her rather cheerful looks. possibly her sad presentiment was wrong. it was almost impossible to talk, except in a very loud tone; for the rain fairly roared, peals of thunder followed each other in quick succession, flashes of yellow lightning quivered outside of the little port-hole. the room itself was very dark. how often had the two women sat here years ago in anxious doubt, but hopeful at last! how often had say koitza complained to her friend on this very spot,--complained of her illness, of the sad outlook before her; and when she began to recuperate how often she told shotaye about her plans for the future. now that future had come, and in what shape! the roaring outside diminished gradually, the thunder sounded more remote. through the roof of mud and brush rivulets of water began to burst, forming little puddles on the mud floor and dripping on the heads of the two women. shotaye took no notice of it, but say moved to avoid the moisture. the roof seemed a sieve, the floor became a lagune. shotaye inquired,-- "have the koshare been here?" "they have," the other said, "and they turned everything upside down, but found nothing." shotaye drew a long breath, exclaiming,-- "then everything is right, all right; and you are safe!" but the wife of zashue tihua shook her head mournfully. "no, sa tao," she replied, "it cannot save me. i am lost, lost beyond hope." "rest easy, sister. believe me," the medicine-woman assured her, "you are saved; they can do you no harm." it rained softly in the court-yard; inside of the room it went on, pat, pat, pat, pat, dripping through the ceiling. shotaye resumed the conversation. "speak, sa tao," she said; "speak, and tell me what you think. why is it that you still believe that bad men will be able to do you harm? don't you know, sister, that you are safe from them now, and that they cannot injure you any more?" say koitza shook her head gloomily and replied, pointing to her ear and eye,-- "sanaya, what the ear hears and the eye sees, the heart must fain believe." "then speak to me; tell me, sa uishe, what it is that your ear has heard, your eye has seen, that makes your heart so sad." the woman spoke softly, entreatingly, as if she was soothing a sick child. but the object of her sympathy sighed, and continued, in the same tone of utter despondency,-- "sister, had you been present at the ayash tyucotz, when all the people danced and sang, your eyes would have seen what the heart could not approve. i saw my son okoya tihua, the child of tanyi hanutsh, dancing beside mitsha koitza, the girl from tyame; and she is the daughter of our base enemy." [illustration: type of old indian woman] "is that all that causes you trouble, koya?" shotaye very placidly asked. "listen to me further, yaya," say entreated. "this morning i took the boy to task for it, and then i found out that mitsha is near to him,--nearer than his own mother. i discovered that he goes to see her, and thus gets to the house of the woman of whom they say that she is tyope's ear and eye, tongue and mouth. what do you say to that, sa tao?" shotaye smiled. "have you ever spoken to mitsha?" "never!" exclaimed say. "how could i speak to one whose mother is a sand-viper, and whose father a carrion crow?" "is that all?" "you know," say cried, "how mean tyope is! if my child goes to see his child, is it not easy for the young serpent to ask this and that of my son? then she will go and tell the old sand-viper, her mother, who will whisper it to tyope himself. don't you see it, sister?" the argument was forcible, and shotaye felt the truth of it. the other proceeded,-- "okoya may have been going with the girl for a long while; and i knew nothing of it. have you found out, sister,"--she leaned forward and looked at her guest with a very earnest expression,--"how the koshare have learned about the owl's feathers in my house?" the other shook her head and shrugged her shoulders. "neither have i," continued say; "but might not okoya--" the hand of her friend closed her lips. "hush!" cried the medicine-woman, imperatively; "speak not, believe not, think not, such a thing! okoya is good; i, too, know the boy. he will never do what you suspect." but say was too excited to listen to her. she drew shotaye's hand away from her mouth and exclaimed,-- "remember that it is but a short time that the koshare have known about the feathers." "and remember, you, that okoya is of your own blood!" "he is young, and the makatza has great power over him, for he likes her. when zashue"--her voice trembled and she turned her face away with a suppressed sigh--"came to me and i went to him, he often told me things about your people,--things that your hanutsh would not have liked, had they known that i knew of them." "hush! i tell you again. hush, koitza!" the other commanded. "hush! or i will never listen to you any more. you loathe your own flesh, the very entrails that have given birth to the mot[=a]tza! i tell you again, okoya is good. he is far better than his father! thus much i know, and know it well." she looked hard at the wife of zashue, while her lips disdainfully curled. say cast her eyes to the ground; she did not care to learn about her husband's outside affairs. it was very still in the dark room. even the rain was scarcely heard; and from the ceiling it dripped in one place only,--the very spot where the owl's feathers had lain buried. it seemed as if the waters from heaven were eager to assist in obliterating every trace of the fatal tuft. shotaye turned away from her friend indignantly; the mere thought of a mother accusing her child, and such a son as okoya, was revolting to her. say hung her head and pouted; and yet she felt that shotaye was right, after all. and then it was so gratifying to hear from shotaye's own lips how good her son was. "sanaya," she asked after a while, timidly, "tell me for what you came." "no," the other curtly answered. say started. "be not angry with me," she pleaded. "i do not mean anything wrong." "and yet you slander your best child." say koitza began to sob. shotaye continued, angrily,-- "you may well weep! whoever speaks ill of his own blood, as you do, ought to be sad and shed tears forever. listen to me, koitza. okoya is good; he will not betray anybody, and least of all his mother. and hear my words,--mitsha also is good; as good as her father is bad, as wise as her mother is foolish. even if okoya had found the feathers, and had told makatza of it, she would keep it to herself, and the secret would lie buried within her heart as deep as if it rested beneath the nethermost rock on which the tetilla stands. and in the end let me tell you,"--she raised her head defiantly and her eyes flashed,--"if okoya likes the girl and she wants him, they are sure to come together. you cannot prevent it; neither can tyope, the tapop, the hotshanyi,--not even the whole tribe! those on high hold the paths of our lives; they alone can do and undo, make and unmake." say wept no more. she was convinced, and lifted her eyes again. "mother,"--it was shyuote's voice which called into the outer room from the court-yard,--"mother, come out and look at the fine rainbow." with this he dashed into the inner door and stood there, the very incarnation of dirt. he had been playing at delight makers in the mud-puddles outside with some of his comrades, and was covered with splashes of mud from head to foot. say bounded from her seat and pushed back the forward youngster. "who is with you, sanaya?" he inquired, while retreating. "nobody, you water-mole! i want to be alone. i have no time to look at your rainbow. get away!" and she hustled him outside and quickly returned to the kitchen. but shyuote, not satisfied with his mother's statement, rushed to the port-hole to see for himself. this shotaye had expected; and as soon as his dirty face darkened the opening, it received a splash of muddy rain-water that caused the boy to desist from further prying. after say had resumed her seat by the hearth, shotaye bent toward her and whispered,-- "mark me, the shiuana are with us; the rainbow stands in the skies. those above know that what i speak to you is the truth." okoya's mother nodded; she was fully convinced. the cave-dweller took up the former subject again. "do not misunderstand me, sister," she said; "i do not say that it is well that okoya should go to the house of the girl's mother. there is danger in it. but your son is careful and wise, and mitsha is good, as good as our mother on high. therefore don't cross his path; let him go as he pleases; and if mitsha should come to you, be kind to her, for she deserves it. all this, however,"--the tone of her voice changed suddenly,--"is not what i came to see you for. what i have to tell you concerns me and you alone. keep it precious, as precious as the green stone hidden in the heart of the yaya; and whatever may happen, be silent about it, as silent as the mountain. keep your lips closed against everybody until the time comes when we must speak." say nodded eagerly, and shotaye was fully satisfied with the mute pledge, for she knew that the woman dared not betray her. "believe me," she continued, "your life is safe. you will not, you cannot, be harmed." say koitza looked at her in surprise; she could not realize the truth of these hopeful tidings. "they found nothing in your house," resumed the other, "because, i presume, you removed the feathers in time, and in this you were wise. if tyope says that he saw you holding owl's feathers in your hands, and you have not kept them, who can speak against you at the council? rest assured of one thing. tyope is at the bottom of all our troubles, and unless he or somebody else watched you while you buried the hapi at the foot of the beams on which the koshare go up to their cave, nobody will believe him when he rises against you. are you sure," she added, "that nobody saw you?" "they were all up there, so zashue himself told me." "tyope, also?" "tyope," say replied with animation,--"i saw tyope. he was outside, clinging to the rock on high like a squirrel to a tree. but he could not see me." "then, child, you are safe; let them do as they please." "but if he comes and says, 'i saw say and shotaye with black corn, and owl's feathers on it; and i heard them ask of the evil corn to speak to them'?" "then everybody will say, 'shotaye is a witch, say only her tool; we must punish shotaye, she must be killed,' and that will be the end of it." she brought her face so close to that of her friend that the latter, while unable to see her features, clearly felt her breath. the last words of the medicine-woman shocked say. she stood toward shotaye almost in the relation of a helpless child, and the thought of seeing her friend exposed to death produced a feeling of dismay and sadness. "but, sanaya," she asked, "how can they harm you and let me go free? am i not as guilty as you? what you did, was it not for me, for my good? why may i not go along if they send you to our mother at shipapu?" "hush, sa uishe," the other retorted. "do not speak thus. i have led you to do things which those on high do not like, so i alone must suffer. nevertheless"--she laid her hand on the other's lap--"rest easy; i shall not die." in her simplicity, say, when shotaye mentioned the probability of her suffering capital punishment, had not thought of her children and of the consequences that would arise in case she herself were to share that fate. she felt greatly relieved upon hearing the cave-woman speak so hopefully of her own case, for she bethought herself of those whom she would leave motherless. but her curiosity was raised to the highest pitch. eager and anxious to learn upon what grounds shotaye based her assurance of safety, say nestled close to her side in order not to lose a syllable of the talk. it was necessary, for shotaye proceeded in a slow solemn whisper,-- "sister, i shall be accused and you will be accused also. if you are brought before the council, and they ask you about our doings, deny everything, say no to everything, except when the black corn is spoken of. that you may confess. they will inquire of you why we used the evil cobs. answer, and mark well my words, that you did not understand what i was doing, that you only did what i told you to do. lay all the blame on me." "but it is not true," the little woman objected. "never mind, provided you go free." "they, then, will kill you!" say cried. "be not concerned about me; i will save myself." "how can you?" "that is my secret; still this i will confide to you;" her whisper became scarcely audible as she added, "i shall flee!" "whither?" gasped say in surprise. "to the tehuas! but, sa tao, be silent, as silent as the stone, as quiet as kohaio when in winter he is asleep. whatever you may hear, heed it not; what you may see, do not notice. deny everything you can deny, and what you have to confess lay on me. do as i tell you, sa uishe," she insisted, as say moved uneasily, "and trust to me for the rest." shotaye arose, shook her wet garments, and stepped into the outer room. there she turned around once more, and repeated in a low but impressive voice,-- "sa tao, trust in me, and believe also that okoya is good, and mitsha better yet. be kind to both and be silent." she stepped into the court-yard, and say koitza remained standing in the doorway. the rain had ceased; the sky was clear again, all ablaze with the richest golden hues over the crest of the big houses. it was near sunset. say watched her friend as she went to the entrance; and as shotaye's form vanished in the dark passage okoya emerged from it, coming toward his mother, slowly, shyly, but with a smile on his countenance. that was surely a good omen, and she anticipated the timid "guatzena" with which he was about to greet her by a warm and pleasant "raua opona." chapter ix. the interview between okoya and hayoue, which took place at almost the same time that shotaye fell in with the tehua indian on the mesa, had completely changed the mind of say koitza's eldest son, and turned his thoughts into another channel. he saw clearly now to what extent he had been led astray by mere imagination,--to what sinister depths his reasoning had carried him. since hayoue's talk, okoya felt like another man. the world of his thoughts, limited as it was still, appeared now in rosy hues, hope-inspiring and encouraging in spite of all obstacles. these obstacles he saw in their true light, and the last warning of hayoue had made a deep impression. but obstacles clearly understood are half surmounted already, and "threatened people live long." it is not good for man to be alone. okoya had felt the truth of it bitterly. now that he knew that he was not forsaken, he was filled with strength and vigour. on the whole, an indian is much less exposed to isolation than a white man, for his clan and, in a wider range, his tribe, stand by him against outside danger; but when that danger arises within the narrow circle of constant surroundings there is imminent peril. okoya had fancied that such peril threatened his own existence, and that he stood alone and unsupported. now he saw that in any event he would be neither abandoned nor forsaken, and this imparted to his spirit a degree of buoyancy which he had never experienced before. when he issued from the cave where both his uncle and he had found shelter, the storm was over, and nature had assumed a different aspect. a heavy shower in the mountains of new mexico is often followed by illuminations of peculiar beauty. so it happened then. the west, where the sun had already descended behind the mountains, was crossed by a series of arches displaying successively from below upward the most resplendent gold, bright orange, green, and finally deep blue colours. in the eastern skies the storm-king hovered still in a mass of inky clouds above the horizon, but these clouds had receded beyond the graceful cone of the tetilla, which stood out in front of the dark mass of the storm sharply defined, with a rosy hue cast over every detail of its slopes. the air was of wonderful transparency, and every tint of the brilliant heavens above and in the west seemed to reproduce itself with increased intensity, on the dark, cloudy bank in the east, in the dazzling arch of a magnificent rainbow. the rays of the setting sun no longer penetrated the depths of the vale, they only grazed the moisture-dripping tops of the tallest pines, changing them into pyramids of sparkling light. okoya looked at the scenery before him, but its beauty was not what caused him to gaze and to smile. the indian is quite indifferent to the sights of nature, except from the standpoint of strictest and plainest utilitarianism. the rainbow fascinated the boy, not through its brilliancy and the perfection of the arch, but because the rainbow was in his conception shiuana, and a messenger from those above.[ ] where the ends of the luminous arch appear to rest, a message from heaven is said to be deposited. no more favourable token could have greeted him, for although the message was not for him, since the brilliant bow seemed to stand far off from the rito, still the shiuana, the spirits, graced the sky with their presence. they appeared clad in the brightest hues, and what is bright and handsome is to the indian a harbinger of good. no wonder, therefore, that the boy greeted his mother with a happy face and a pleasant smile. he had passed shotaye in the entrance, and his salutation to her was widely different from the gruff notice he had taken of her in the morning. when, afterward, he met his mother's gaze and saw how kindly she looked at him, how warm her invitation to come in sounded, his heart bounded with delight, and he obeyed her summons with a deep sigh of relief. his appearance was not very prepossessing, for between the caves and the big house a number of newly created mud-puddles and rivulets had crossed his path. his scanty clothing was profusely bespattered, and broad cakes of mud clung to the soles of his naked feet. before entering the house he carelessly shook off and scraped away the heaviest flakes, and then went in and sat down on the bundle of skins. say koitza offered him no change of clothing; she did not bring a pair of slippers, warm and dry, for his wet feet. no, she simply went into the kitchen and let him alone. such is the indian custom. but in the kitchen she began to move about. she was cooking, and that proved beyond a doubt that everything must be right again. after a while she squatted in the inner doorway and inquired,-- "where were you while it was raining?" "with hayoue." "how late did he come home?" she laughed; he chimed in and answered,-- "late enough; i had to wait a long time before he came, and so sleepy was he,--as tired and sleepy as a bear in spring." "do you know where he spent the night?" the tone of the conversation sounded easy and pleasant. "i don't know the name of the makatza,"--here okoya laughed again and his mother caught the contagion,--"but she must belong to oshatsh. he did not say much, for he was tired from yesterday." "was she a short, stumpy girl?" "i don't know. it must have been the same one with whom he was at the dance. i paid no attention to her." "it is haatze; i know her. she is a strong girl and tall." "do you think he goes to see her?" okoya asked. "it may be, and it may be not. hayoue goes to every one; he is like a fly,--he sits down everywhere and stops nowhere." okoya enjoyed hugely his mother's joke. the latter with some hesitancy continued,-- "does he also visit mitsha koitza?" okoya bent down to avoid her glance, then he resolutely replied,-- "no." "are you sure of it?" "i am sure." he cast a furtive glance at his mother. "did mitsha tell you?" not in the harsh tone of an inquisitor were these words uttered. say spoke them softly, gently; and okoya was comforted. he was moved by the question. "no," he replied in the same manner; "hayoue spoke to me about it." say felt a decided relief. it was clear to her now where okoya had spent the day, and how he had spent it. she liked her husband's younger brother and trusted him. although very fond of the other sex, hayoue was still honest and trustworthy in everything else. her son had evidently spoken to his uncle about mitsha, and in say's estimation he could not have chosen a better person in whom to confide. hayoue, she knew, harboured toward tyope sentiments akin to her own. his advice to okoya must therefore have been sound. on the other hand she was herself, since the talk with shotaye, greatly drawn toward mitsha. this made her anxious to find out what hayoue thought of the girl. so she put the direct question,-- "you spoke with your nashtio about mitsha?" "i did." "what says he of the makatza?" had the room been better lighted say would have seen how flushed okoya's face became, notwithstanding the tawny colour of his complexion. the boy saw at once that he had confessed much more than he had intended,--that the secret of his interview of the morning was divulged. recede he could not; neither could he conceal his embarrassment. he began to twist the end of his wrap, and stammered,-- "he says not much." and then he stared at the doorway with that stolid air which the indian assumes when he is in trouble. "does he speak good or ill?" say insisted. "good," muttered okoya, casting his eyes to the ground. the mild, soft smile which played over his mother's features as he uttered the word escaped him. when he raised his eyes again her looks were serious, though not stern. he was completely bewildered. what had occurred to cause his mother to speak in this manner? had she changed her mind since morning, and why so suddenly? he had, of course, no thought of attributing to shotaye and to her influence this surprisingly favourable change, for he did not know the intimate relations existing between her and his mother. so he remained silent, staring, wrapped in his own musings. his mother looked at him in silence also, but with a half-suppressed smile. at last she asked,-- "sa uishe, will you eat?" "yes," he replied, considerably relived by this turn in the conversation. he rose and moved briskly toward the entrance to the cooking apartment; but say held him back. "tell me, but tell me the truth; did hayoue say it was well for you to go with mitsha?" okoya was so embarrassed by this direct query that he could not answer at once. he stood still and hung his head. "tell me, child," say insisted. "he said"--the words were scarcely audible--"that it was well." "did he also say it was good for you to listen to the words of tyope and his woman?" now light began to dawn upon the boy. he felt a presentiment of something favourable. "no," he exclaimed, "he said that i must beware of tyope and of his koitza; but that mitsha i could trust." "then it is well, sa uishe," replied the mother; "come in and eat." okoya could hardly believe his senses. had his mother really said, "it is well?" was it possible that she was satisfied and in sympathy with his feeling toward mitsha? such was his surprise that he performed his prayers before squatting down to the meal without a thought of the kopishtai, to whom he scattered crumbs mechanically. he forgot to eat, and stared like a blind man with eyes wide open, heedless of the food, heedless of everything around him. "eat," said say to him. twice she repeated the invitation ere he came to himself and reached out for the first morsel. aware of his mute astonishment and conscious of his perplexity, his mother finally asked,-- "what is the matter with you, mot[=a]tza?" he merely shook his head and stared. very few young indians in okoya's condition would have placed so much stress on their mother's consent or dissent. all or nearly all of them would simply have left the old home and would have joined their betrothed at her mother's house; and only the clan, and not the family, could have interfered with their action. in the case of okoya it was different, and unusual circumstances complicated the matter. mitsha's clan was that of topanashka, his own maternal grandfather; and if he spoke against the union matters would be desperate. his mother, therefore, held the key to the situation, inasmuch as through her both the eagle clan, to which mitsha belonged, and tanyi hanutsh, his own consanguine cluster, could be favourably or unfavourably influenced. as things appeared now, all seemed most promising. even his mother--who a short time ago had expressed herself so bitterly against his choice--was now favourable to it. what could tyope do under such circumstances? nothing at all. so the boy reasoned unconsciously; but beside, he felt glad, he felt happy, because his mother approved of him. he was fond of his mother at the bottom of his heart, as fond as any indian can be. say koitza approved his choice. there was no doubt about it, and still she had not spoken plainly as yet. at any other time he would have maintained a prudent reserve and waited his time to inquire. to-day he felt so surprised, so completely stupefied, that only one course was left him, and that was to learn her real feelings by asking his mother directly for an explanation of her inexplicable demeanour. when, therefore, say asked again, "what ails you, mot[=a]tza, why don't you eat?" he turned to her with a heavy sigh, placed both hands on his knees, and replied,-- "i cannot eat until i have asked a question of you. tell me, yaya, how it is that this morning, when i said to you that i was going with mitsha koitza, you grew angry at me, and now you say it is right? tell me, sanaya, how it comes about that you like the girl in the evening, whereas in the morning she was not precious to you?" his mother smiled. she sat down beside him, and her face almost touched his own. the glare of the fire illuminated her features, so that their expression became fully visible to him. then she spoke softly,-- "umo, have i not often said to you, 'beware of tyope'? is it not so, sa uishe?" okoya nodded affirmatively. "can you suppose that i should feel easy at heart, if you go to the house where dwells the woman of that man?" okoya trembled. this was a discouraging beginning. had he mistaken his mother's views? in a faltering voice he replied,-- "no." say continued, "when for the first time you said, 'mitsha and i see each other,' i felt afraid. my heart spoke to me and said, your child is lost; and then sa nashka became angry. this was early in the morning; but afterward, when i was sitting alone here and the shiuana called loudly above during the storm, it seemed to me as if some kopishtai whispered, 'mitsha is good,--she is as good as okoya; she will belong to him, and not to her mother, much less to her father.' and as i was thinking, i heard the kopishtai again, saying to me, 'okoya is good; he is your child, and mitsha will become your daughter, for she is of your father's own blood.' and as the kopishtai thus spoke, the shiuana thundered louder and more loud. then i thought it must be right and good for the mot[=a]tza to go to the girl, and i was no longer angry. and then you came, and i asked you what i wanted to know, and you told me what hayoue had said. so it is well, and thus it shall remain." the sigh of relief heaved by okoya at hearing these words was as sincere as it was deep. he had barely strength to ask in the meekest manner possible,-- "then you have nothing against my going to mitsha?" "nothing; i like to see you go, for mitsha is good and"--her voice became a whisper--"the shiuana have thus disposed it. but"--she spoke louder again--"hear me, go to mitsha, and to her alone." "but i cannot disown her mother and father." "you need do nothing of the kind unless you wish. be pleasant to the man, as behooves you, but be careful. never say sanaya is doing this or that, or to-day they speak so or so at the estufa. if tyope queries what is your yaya doing, answer, her usual work. if he inquires about what is going on in the estufa of tanyi hanutsh, reply to him, 'nashtio, i am only a boy, and do not know what the men talk about.' to tyope's wife say nothing but what even shyuote might hear. to the makatza you can say, 'let us be together and live for each other and talk as is right. what concerns your hanutsh shall be hidden from me, and i will be silent on anything that concerns mine.' if you will do thus, sa uishe, then you can go to see mitsha; and i myself would like to see the girl who is to become my child." this was too much for okoya. he grasped with both his hands the hand of his mother, carried it to his lips, and breathed on it. then he gave back the hand, and said with an effort,-- "you are good, yaya, and i will do as you say. hayoue said to me the same things you have." "hayoue is a true friend. his tongue is like his heart, and you did right in taking his advice." a tall figure stepped into the apartment with a shuffling step. his loud greeting, "guatzena," cut off further talk for a moment. both mother and son, taken by surprise, answered,-- "raua [=a]." it was hayoue himself who thus suddenly appeared. he complied with the request to sit down, and afterward with the customary invitation to eat. but he seemed as much surprised as the inmates themselves; for while eating, his glance flitted inquiringly from mother to son, as if he were astonished to see them together. when he had finished, he asked,-- "when will zashue be here?" "i do not know," replied say. hayoue turned to his nephew,-- "okoya, will you let me speak to your yaya alone?" these words he accompanied with a knowing wink at the young man. it amused okoya to see that his uncle came so decidedly _post festum_ in the matter, but he at once rose and went out. in the court-yard it was still very damp, and hardly anybody was outside of the dwellings; but from the estufas there sounded merry talking, singing, and the beating of drums. okoya stood a while in the doorway, undecided whether he ought not to go to mitsha at once. he wavered, but at last the impressions received during the day, especially the warnings about mitsha's mother, prevailed, and he concluded not to go at this time. he was afraid as yet to cross the threshold of that woman's home. so he crept into the estufa of tanyi hanutsh, sat down beside the others, and soon joined in the chorus of discordant voices in the everlasting refrain,-- "ho-[=a]-[=a]! heiti-na! ho-[=a]-[=a]! heiti-na!" in the meantime hayoue had drawn closer to say in the kitchen, saying,-- "sister-in-law, i have come to speak to you concerning okoya." she motioned to him to remain where he was, and said, half in jest, half in earnest,-- "stay where you are, i hear you. you talk loud enough for me." "rest easy, sam[=a]n," he replied, with a peal of laughter that fairly shook his tall and slender form. "have no fear, i am tired out after yesterday. but i must talk to you about the mot[=a]tza." he patted his knees and looked straight into her face. "are you aware that your child goes with the child of tyope?" "i am," said say, with a smile. "what do you think of it?" "good," was the simple reply. "and you?" "good, yes, in one way, and not good in another." "what do you think of the girl?" the woman inquired. "very, very good!" hayoue emphatically exclaimed. "but her mother and her father,"--he hissed through his teeth and shook his head with every sign of disgust,--"they are very, very bad." "i think as you do," said okoya's mother, "and yet i know that the boy is good and the girl is good. why should they not go together?" "i say the same, but how comes it that you believe so now?" "i presume the mot[=a]tza has told you a different story?" say suggested, with a smile. hayoue nodded. "i thought differently," she explained, "but now my heart has changed." "you are right," the young man said approvingly, adding, "but he must avoid the snares which that turkey-buzzard tyope may set for him, and we must preserve him from them." "i warned him." "so have i, and he promised to be wise." "had we not better speak to zashue?" suggested say koitza. hayoue remained thoughtful for a while; then he said,-- "i dislike to say aught against my own brother, but in this matter i dislike to speak to him." "he is okoya's father," objected say. "true, but he is koshare, and completely under tyope's influence. nevertheless do as you like, for you know him better than i do." "he ought to come soon," say said, and rose. she went out. a noise of quarrelling children was approaching the door. soon she clearly distinguished the voice of shyuote scolding. "come with me, worm! go home, frog!" he yelled, and mournful cries succeeded to his kind invitation. at the same time his young sister, propelled by a violent push of his fist, stumbled into the outer room and grasped the dress of her mother for protection. "satyumishe is beating me," whined the little one, glancing anxiously toward the entrance. in the doorway appeared shyuote himself, a solid lump of mud from head to foot. his black eyes stared out of the dirty coating that covered his face, like living coals. the appearance of his mother put an end to his hostile actions,--he felt uncertain about the manner in which they would be viewed by his parent. say quickly changed his forebodings into absolute certainty. "are you not ashamed of yourself, you big, ugly uak," she scolded, "to beat your poor little sister?" "she would not come home." "neither would you, lazy brat, else you would have been here a long while ago! do not cry, my heart,"--she turned to the weeping child,--"do not weep. he will not hurt you any more, the bad, bad mocking-bird. weep not." she took the crying child into her arms in order to carry her into the kitchen, but on the way she turned back and called,-- "shyuote!" "what do you want," growled the boy, and stumbled after her. "do you know where your nashtio is?" "he is coming." "go and tell him to come. say that hayoue is here, and that he wants to see him." "did i not tell you that he was coming?" muttered the unruly lad. this answer was too much for hayoue, who until now had been a mere listener. he said in a peculiar tone of command,-- "will you go or not, you silly, lazy, good-for-nothing whelp! go at once, or i will lead you where your father is;" and he pretended to rise. shyuote had not noticed the presence of his uncle. his sudden appearance upon the scene was to him an unwelcome sight, and he sped away with unusual and commendable alacrity. hayoue was greatly amused and laughed aloud. "that urchin," he said, "is more afraid of me than of zashue and you together. the brat is no good, and will never do for anything but a koshare. how different is okoya!" say had again squatted near the hearth. she gathered the crying child into her arms. the little girl continued to sob for a while, and at first refused to eat. finally say persuaded her to take one of the corn-cakes, and still sobbing, she pushed the greater portion of it gradually into her little mouth. thus chewing, sobbing, and resting on the lap of her mother, the child forgot all fear, and ultimately forgot herself and fell asleep. "umo," say began again, "i think it is better to speak to zashue about it. not that he has anything to do in the matter, but then you know how it is. sooner or later he must hear of it, and if we tell him first he may perhaps assist us in teaching okoya and advising him about the future. all the boy needs is counsel, for we cannot prevent him from going to live with the people of tyame hanutsh with this girl." "the people of tyame," hayoue remarked, "are good. it is only that woman of tyope's who is bad, and after all she is not all-powerful." "how would it do," suggested say, "to call sa nashtio?" hayoue looked at her like one to whom has come a sudden revelation. "topanashka, the maseua," he said; "you are right, koya, this is a wise thought. nashtio is very wise. he will give us counsel that we can trust, but do you think he is here?" "he was in his cell while it rained." hayoue rose. "i will go and call him," he said. "he can help us. zashue listens to the talk of the old man, and what he says goes far with my brother." with this hayoue, ere say could interpose a word, went out and left her alone with the sleeping child. she felt happy. for years past she had not enjoyed the feeling of contentment, of quiet bliss, that filled her now. it seemed as if the danger that threatened her so direly had vanished. her thoughts were all with the future of the child whom only a few hours ago she had so bitterly accused. shotaye had worked wonders. but it was not the influence of shotaye alone that produced such a great change in the mind of say koitza. it was the fact that at the same time, and through the unwelcome interruption by shyuote, the shiuana--so she believed--had sent her a message confirmatory of the woman's admonition. say did not, she could not, reason as we should under similar circumstances. the rainbow of whose presence the awkward boy informed her appeared to her, not in the natural order of phenomena, but, in the light of her creed, as a messenger specially sent by one or more of the innumerable spirits which surround man in nature, whose call she had to obey implicitly. this implicit, slavish obedience to signs and tokens of a natural order to which a supernatural origin is assigned, is the indian's religion. the life of the indian is therefore merely a succession of religious acts called forth by utterances of what he supposes to be higher powers surrounding him, and accompanying him on every step from the cradle to the grave. the indian is a child whose life is ruled by a feeling of complete dependence, by a desire to accommodate every action to the wills and decrees of countless supernatural beings. in the eyes of say koitza, the whole afternoon appeared now like an uninterrupted chain of dispensations from those above. she was, of course, convinced that the rain had come in response to the prayers and ceremonies of yesterday's dance. that same rain had driven shotaye to shelter under her roof, had given the medicine-woman an opportunity to clear the mind of say of many a dismal fear, many a distressing apprehension and suspicion. the rainbow, in her eyes, was a token that what the cave-dweller said was true; it was also the messenger through whose agency okoya, and later on hayoue, had drifted into her home with cheering tidings. even shyuote had arrived at the right moment, in time to be sent after the husband and father. so happy felt say, that in view of shyuote's opportune coming, she almost regretted having scolded the boy. an intense feeling of gratitude toward the powers above filled her heart. among these powers there are two that appear not so much superior to the rest as more intimately connected with the fate of man,--as more directly influencing his weal and woe. these are the prominent figures of the sun-father and his spouse the moon-mother. it is principally the latter that moves the hearts of men, and with whom mankind is in most constant relations. say koitza felt eager to thank the mother above for all she had received that day. she went to the recess in the kitchen wall where the yaya, that fabric of snow-white down tied into a graceful bunch of drooping plumage, was carefully stored away, wrapped in a cover of deerskin. she took out the plumage and placed it before her on the floor, scattered sacred meal around it, and whispered a prayer of thanks. hardly had she replaced it, when the sound of voices approached the outer doorway. it was zashue and shyuote, who were coming home together. zashue seemed vexed at being called home. he looked around with a scowl, for hayoue, whom he had expected to meet, was not there. "why did you call me, koitza?" he grumbled, "satyumishe is not here. give me something to eat!" he threw himself down on the floor. shyuote nestled by his side, proud of being under his father's immediate protection. zashue said to him,-- "have you eaten, sa uishe?" "not yet." "why don't you feed shyuote?" zashue asked his wife. "surely okoya had his stomach full long ago, whereas this poor little frog here--" "this toad, you ought to call him," say interrupted her husband, in a tone of indignation. "he has been away from home all day, as he is wont to be. besides, when he came home at last, he beat his little sister. okoya was here early, therefore okoya got what belonged to him." she placed the food on the floor before her husband, and proceeded in a dry tone,-- "hayoue has gone to call sa nashtio. i want the maseua to hear what we have to say to you." zashue was surprised at his wife's manner. she spoke in a way that betokened more resolution than he was wont to see her display. but he was in her house, and had to accept the situation. so he fell to eating, careful all the while to supply his favourite child with the best morsels. at the close of the meal hayoue returned, saying,-- "sa nashtio is coming soon." turning to his brother he asked,-- "where have you been all day, satyumishe?" "with the naua," was the short reply. "and you?" "at home; i felt tired from yesterday." "and from kenayte!" zashue taunted, laughing. say joined in the laugh. "i don't ask you where you were last night." "at home." say confirmed it. "surely?" "certainly." "then you are better than people say." "sh--sh--!" the woman cried, pointing to shyuote, "you need not speak thus. sa uishe,"--she turned to the boy,--"go to rest." "i won't!" growled the disobedient child, "i want to hear what you say." "that is just what you shall not," commanded the woman. "go out at once. lie down on the hides." even the father became impatient now, for he saw that nothing would be said in the boy's presence. so he ordered him to leave. slowly and reluctantly shyuote obeyed; but when his sullen glance accidentally met the eye of hayoue he accelerated his motions. his uncle was not a favourite of his. "well, what do you want? why did you call me?" this query zashue negligently addressed to his brother, as if expecting the latter to inform him of the object of the interview. but it was say koitza who undertook the task of replying. in earnest and measured tones she said,-- "umo, we have called and sent for you in order to tell you that okoya, my child, your son, is going with the girl of tyope. now we wish to ascertain what you think of it, and what you have to say." "is that all?" "okoya is your child as well as mine," say emphatically stated; "it cannot be immaterial to you whom he selects for his wife." "i don't bother about that," he yawned, "the mot[=a]tza is old enough to care for himself. it is his business and yours, koitza. it does not concern me, and still less you," turning to his brother. "neither do i take part in it without request from okoya," answered hayoue, sharply. "but okoya has spoken to me about it and begged me to see his mother in his behalf. i have therefore a right to be here and to speak." "we expect sa nashtio also," the woman remarked. "nashtio! who? tyope?" zashue looked at his wife in surprise. "tyope!" say exclaimed, "he shall never cross my threshold. i mean topanashka; he shall give his speech; him we want and expect." "in that case you do not need me," replied zashue, attempting to rise. "i go to my people." hayoue touched his arm. "satyumishe," he said gravely, "it is not well for you to leave us now. we must speak with you more." "it is none of my business," growled the elder brother. "and yet you must hear about it, for mitsha is a daughter of the koshare." "she is not koshare herself, her mother only and tyame hanutsh are entitled to speak." zashue was becoming impatient. "hachshtze," say interfered, "i know that you are not fond of okoya. still he is good." "far better than shyuote," interjected the younger brother. she continued,-- "but mark my words; is it right that our child should go to the house where dwells the wife of a man who for a long time past has sought to torment me, who harbours ill-will toward my hanutsh and your hanutsh, and who, notwithstanding that you believe him to be your friend and are more attached to him than you are to your wife and child, is not your friend at all?" zashue was visibly impressed by these words of his wife. was she perhaps aware of the secret motives of the upturning of her household, which he and tyope had performed yesterday? he could hardly imagine that she could know anything about it, and yet her utterances intimated some occurrence of the past that had opened a wide breach forever between her and tyope. might not that occurrence have prompted the latter to his accusation against say? this was an entirely new idea to him, and, while he felt ashamed of having yielded to tyope against his own wife, he now began to suspect the real motives which inspired the man in his denunciations. he replied hastily,-- "i am not with tyope." "he is your best friend," hayoue objected. "that is not true." "hachshtze," say said in a tone of serious reminder, "speak not thus. i know that you and tyope are good to each other. i know that he gives you advice, and i know too"--her voice rose and grew solemn--"that you have told him many things which neither tzitz hanutsh nor tanyi hanutsh like him to know." "tyope is wise." "and he is also very bad," the younger brother exclaimed. this made zashue angry. "if he is such a bad man why do you want to throw away okoya, that jewel," he said with a grin of irony, "on that bad man's daughter? it seems that you have called me in, only in order to slander the best of my brethren. i am koshare, and will remain koshare, whether it pleases you, koitza, or not. the mot[=a]tza here," alluding to hayoue, "has still less to say about it. he is cuirana and has his people; i am koshare and have my people. okoya may do as he pleases. if he thinks that his father's brother is nearer to him than his father himself, let him believe it forever. now let me alone; and as to his makatza, do as you please. i will return to my brethren!" he rose angrily and went out. hayoue shook his head and looked sad; say drew a suppressed sigh and stared before her in silence. after a while she rose and fed the fire, and a more vivid glow spread over the room where both sat again motionless, absorbed by their own thoughts. a shuffling sound was heard outside, a muffled step in the outer room. then the woman's father entered the kitchen with the usual salutation, spoken in a hoarse voice. "guatzena." he sat down near the hearth, where his daughter had placed a deerskin for him. holding both hands up to the fire, his quick glance shot from one of those present to the other, scanning the expression of their features. then he asked quietly,-- "where is zashue?" "he went to the koshare," hayoue explained. "why did you call me?" say answered in a meek, submissive manner,-- "we wished to speak to you, nashtio, for okoya, my child, has told me something that may be good, although it may also not be good. it is something i like to see, and yet it also makes my heart heavy. he has spoken about it to satyumishe, too,"--she nodded at hayoue,--"before he said anything to me. therefore hayoue came to see me, and we thought it would be well to seek your advice. for, umo, you are wise and we are foolish; you are old and we are but children. therefore listen to our speech kindly, and then open our hearts with your speech as a father should with his children." the old man was flattered by this address from his daughter, and glanced at hayoue with the air of one who feels proud of the achievements of his child. the young man, too, bowed in approbation. topanashka turned to say, and said in an affable tone,-- "speak, sa uishe; i am glad to listen." "sa nashtio," she began, "okoya is young, but he is no longer a child. his eyes have seen a girl and that girl has pleased his heart. so he has gone to that girl and may be with her at present. i hold this to be good, umo. what do you think?" "it is well, and it is good for him and for the tribe," the old man asserted. "afterward he came and said, 'sanaya, i am going with that makatza; does she please you?' i believe that was right also?" "it was right." the woman omitted the incident of her quarrel with okoya as well as her interview with shotaye, and said,-- "he also went to hayoue and told him to speak to me for him. was that right, sa nashtio?" the old man remained thoughtful for a while, and then declared,-- "it was right." "should he not have said to his father, 'sa nashtio, do you speak to the yaya for me'?" the reply was very positive,-- "no." "why not, sa umo?" hayoue interjected. "i will explain this to you later on," topanashka answered. turning to his daughter again he inquired,-- "who is the makatza, and to which hanutsh does she belong?" "she belongs to your people." "to tyame? who is her mother, and what is the name of the girl?" "she is called mitsha koitza; tyope tihua is her father, and her mother you know too. is all that good also?" the maseua pressed his lips together firmly, energetically, lowered his eyelids, and gazed before him in silence. the others exchanged a rapid glance, and then both looked at the ground, remaining thus in expectation of the old man's reply. he kept silent for a long while. at last he inquired of the woman,-- "do you know the child?" "i have seen her, but have never spoken to her." "do you know her?" he turned to hayoue. "why not?" replied hayoue, with a smile. "i know everybody who wears a petticoat." "have you been to see her?" "no." "never?" topanashka looked at him suspiciously. "no!" "how can you know her, then?" "as i know all the others,--by meeting them out of doors, talking, and playing with them. i know them all,--all!" and the beau of the rito yawned complacently, and stretched himself. "is she a good girl?" continued topanashka. "she is," the youth replied emphatically. "does she talk much?" "no." "is she easily angered?" "that i don't know. i have never teased her." "is she a good worker?" "so they say." "good-looking?" "raua, raua!" hayoue exclaimed. "tall?" "yes." "strong?" "i believe so." topanashka became silent again, and both say and hayoue observed the proper decorum by fastening their glances on the floor in silence. then the old man raised his head, and spoke slowly and in solemn tones,-- "it is well; all you have said to me is well, my children. the daughter of my hanutsh is a good girl, she is a handsome girl, she is a strong girl. therefore she is as a woman ought to be. okoya is like her; they belong to each other; and it is wise for a son of tanyi to wed a daughter of tyame. the body must be as the heart; each must suit the heart and the body of the other, and since the two go with each other it is a sign that they are fitted to live together. but the hearts of men must abide by what those above"--he pointed upward--"command, and before we decide we should ascertain how the shiuana are disposed." here say interrupted him, and suggested,-- "when he was coming to speak to me the rainbow stood in the skies. is not that a sign that the shiuana are with my child?" topanashka smiled a kind, benignant smile, and said,-- "it is right to think thus, sa uishe, but remember that the rainbow is a messenger to a great many and for many purposes. as long as we have not asked the shiuana themselves, we cannot say; we do not know whether they approve or not. i shall therefore go to the yaya of our tribe and ask them to pray to those above that they may let them know if what we now treat of is good or not. for as long as p[=a]yatyama himself does not connect the paths of the two young people all our doings are in vain. in the meantime do not hinder okoya from seeing the girl; and when i come to you with the answer from those above, and that answer is favourable, then, say, go you to the people of the eagle and say to them, 'my son asks for your daughter in order that your numbers may be increased.' i myself like to see the blood of my children flow in that of mine own." hayoue and his sister-in-law looked at each other in mute admiration at this speech, which to them appeared so wise, so thoroughly appropriate. topanashka went on,-- "you have told me that mitsha is the child of tyope. that, it is true, is not good. but if okoya is strong and if mitsha is true to him what can tyope do? he belongs to his hanutsh, his daughter to hers; and the people of tyame have no faith in those of shyuamo, for they mistrust them. but warn the mot[=a]tza; tell him to be prudent; for tyope is cunning,--as cunning as shutzuna and as treacherous as the wildcat, and my grandson is young. but let them go together, for i am glad to see tyame and tanyi become one often." "[=a]-[=a]!" was the admiring and affirmative ejaculation of both his listeners. every word he had spoken was according to their convictions, and besides, whatever he said was law to them. hayoue rose, breathed on the hand of the old man, said "tro uashatze, umo," and left. after his departure topanashka also rose, but before crossing the threshold he whispered to say,-- "they found nothing?" "nothing." "was tyope along?" "he was." "in that case they may accuse you as much as they please, they cannot do you any harm." "but who could have told them?" "that i do not know and cannot know; but rest easy, you are safe." with these words he left the dwelling and returned to his own abode, where his deaf consort was already asleep. the fire had gone out; it was dark in his humble home; still topanashka did not go to rest, but sat down in a corner and mused. he felt happy in the thought that okoya and mitsha might become united; it caused him pleasure that his grandson should wed a child of his own clan. still with his strong attachment to the faith, or creed, in which he was born, he would not yield to his own wishes until the will of the higher powers was ascertained. to that end he was resolved to apply to the leading shamans of the tribe. in order, however, that the shiuana might look favourably upon his request, he determined upon doing penance himself during four consecutive days. until this was performed he would not even speak to the medicine-men. the self-sacrifice he thus imposed was to be light, and not a formal fast. it limited itself to a much less substantial nourishment, and to a shorter rest during the hours of night. footnotes: [footnote : in the symbolical paintings of the pueblos, the rainbow is represented usually as a tri-coloured arch with a head and arms at one end and with feet at the other. it is a female deity.] chapter x. at the time of which we are speaking, the chief civil officer of the tribe at the rito,--its tapop, or as he is now called, governor,--was an indian whose name was hoshkanyi tihua. hoshkanyi tihua was a man of small stature; his head was nearly round, or rather pear-shaped, for the lower jaw appeared to be broader than the forehead. the lips were thin and the mouth firmly set, the nose small and aquiline. the eyes had usually a pleasant expression, but when the little man got excited they sparkled in a manner that denoted not merely an irascible temper, but a disposition to become extremely venomous in speech and utterance. hoshkanyi tihua was nimble, and a good hunter. he seldom returned from a hunt without a supply of game. on such occasions he was always suitably welcomed by his wife, who suffered him to skin the animal and cut up the body. when that was performed she allowed her husband to go to rest, but not before; for koay, hoshkanyi's wife, was not so much his companion in life as his home-tyrant; and however valiant the little fellow might try to appear outside of his home, once under the immediate influence of that home's particular mistress he became as meek as a lamb. koay was an unusually tall woman for an indian,--she overtopped her husband by nearly a head; and the result of this anomalous difference in size was that hoshkanyi felt very much afraid of her. koay had a temper of her own, besides, which temper she occasionally displayed at the expense of the little tapop's bodily comfort. among the pueblo indians the wife is by no means the slave only of the lord of creation. koshkanyi had somehow or other acquired the reputation of being an experienced warrior. whether he really deserved that reputation or not was never accurately ascertained. at all events, he was the lucky possessor of one scalp, and that gave him prestige. there is no doubt that he acquired the trophy in a legitimate way; that is, he had not stolen it. once upon a time a war-party of navajos infested the avenues to the rito. they succeeded in killing a defenceless indian, who had wandered from the bottom of the gorge, and whom they found on the mesas somewhere wending his way back to the homes of his tribe. after the fact became known, a party went out to take revenge, and it so happened that there was deep snow, and the murderers could easily be trailed. on the top of what to-day is called the potrero viejo the avengers surprised the navajos fast asleep. it was bitterly cold, and evil tongues affirmed that the navajo whose scalp hoshkanyi tihua brought home had been frozen to death previous to the arrival of the hero from the tyuonyi. however that may be, our governor returned with one scalp; and he was declared to be manslayer, and henceforth counted among the influential braves of his community. hoshkanyi tihua was by no means silly. he possessed the valuable faculty of keeping his mouth closed and of holding his tongue under circumstances when it would be disadvantageous to him to speak. this faculty had been inculcated after long and earnest training by his great wife. whenever there was no danger, hoshkanyi proved very outspoken; but as soon as there was the slightest sign of active opposition he became extremely wise, and shrouded his views in a cloud of dignified gravity. in addition to these qualities hoshkanyi was the happy owner of an unlimited amount of personal vanity. his ambition had no definite object, provided some external authority was associated with his person. after having for a long time fulfilled the rather insignificant office of assistant to the governor of the tribe, his ambition at last became gratified with the announcement that after the governor's demise the hotshanyi, or chief penitent, and his associates had designated him as the incumbent of the office. so hoshkanyi tihua rose suddenly to the rank of one of the chief dignitaries of his commonwealth. the choice thus made by the religious heads of the queres did not satisfy everybody, but everybody was convinced that those above had spoken through the mediums to whose care the relations between mankind and the higher powers were specially committed. everybody therefore accepted the nomination, and the council confirmed it at once. the majority of the clans opposed hoshkanyi because he belonged to the turquoise people, who were rendering themselves obnoxious to many by pretensions which they upheld by means of their number, and by their connection with the leader of the koshare. the turquoise clan was beginning to assert in tribal affairs an unusual influence,--one that really amounted to a pressure. tyame and tanyi particularly felt this growing power of shyuamo at the expense of their influence. of all the less numerous groups, tzitz hanutsh was almost the only one who took the side of tanyi under all circumstances, and this was due exclusively to the fact that the marriage of zashue with say koitza bound the two clans together. topanashka himself was a member of the eagle clan, and through him the water clan, feeble in numbers, enjoyed the support not only of tanyi but also of tyame hanutsh. in proposing for the vacant position of tapop a member of the turquoise people, the chief penitents had in a measure acted discreetly. they certainly acted very impartially, or they considered that already one important office,--the office of maseua, or war-captain,--was held by a member of one of the most numerous hanutsh, tyame. it appeared unwise to them to refuse to as large a cluster as shyuamo an adequate representation in the executive powers of the community. so they chose hoshkanyi, as a member of the turquoise clan, and proposed him for the office of tapop, or civil chief. that more opposition was not made to this selection was due to two facts,--first, to the tacit acknowledgment on the part of all that it seemed fair to give shyuamo a share in the tribal government, and second, to the equally tacit conviction that hoshkanyi, while in appearance a man of determination and perspicacity, was in fact but a pompous and weak individual, ambitious and vain, and without the faculty of doing harm. in both these points public opinion at the rito was right. it will be seen from what has been said that there prevailed a strong desire on the part of the chief religious authorities to preserve a certain equilibrium between the components of the tribe. that anxiety to maintain an even balance of power was in itself evidence of danger that this equilibrium might be disturbed. the great penitents,--or as they are erroneously called to-day, caciques,--had not and could not have any clear conception of the condition of affairs in the government of their people. men old, even prematurely old from the effects of the life of constant abnegation and self-sacrifice to which they had to resign themselves, excluded from listening to anything that was or might indicate strife and contention, they knew not what was going on under cover of apparent harmony. theoretically and from the standpoint of their duty, which consisted in praying and suffering for the peace and happiness of the community, and thus securing these boons by means of more direct intercourse with those above, their choice was excellent. practically, it was the most dangerous step that could have been suggested and carried out. they did not consider that instead of giving to shyuamo a legitimate share in the government of the tribe, they virtually gave the turquoise people a majority. for the latter had already two representatives of great influence. tyope was delegate to the council, where he represented his clan; and the koshare naua, who also was a member of shyuamo, not only belonged to the leading councilmen but was one of the religious heads! by adding hoshkanyi as tapop it gave the turquoise clan an unfair preponderance. for while hoshkanyi was a weak man,--while he was mortally afraid of his inflexibly honest colleague, the maseua topanashka, he was dependent upon tyope and upon the chief of the delight makers, because both belonged to his clan. he very soon began to display an utter flexibility to the desires of the two last-mentioned individuals, to the disadvantage of those who did not coincide with their views. this marked preponderance of shyuamo in tribal affairs aroused apprehensions on the part of the other strong clans; it also caused the greater number of the weaker clusters to gravitate toward the growing element of power held by the turquoise people. a schism was slowly and imperceptibly preparing itself among the people of the rito. that schism was not the work of circumstances, it was being systematically prepared by two crafty men,--tyope and the koshare naua. [illustration: juanico: a member of the modern village-council] in working at such a division these two men had in view well-defined objects. their aim in itself was not absolutely illegitimate, since it foreshadowed what would be an inevitable necessity in the course of time. what rendered their doings reprehensible and positively odious were the means employed to hasten events. their object was nothing less than to expel a part of the people, for the exclusive benefit of the remainder. the extent of land that can be cultivated in the gorge of the rito is small, and the tribe was growing in numbers. the time was sure to come when the crops would no longer be adequate for all. furthermore, a positive danger threatened the people in their dwellings. the rock, being extremely friable, crumbled constantly; and now and then inhabited caves were falling a prey to the wear and tear of the material in which they had been excavated. as this slow decay was sure to continue, it was logical to expect that room must be found for the houseless outside. already the corn clan had been compelled to build a house in the bottom of the valley. all this further tended to curtail the space for agriculture, and rendered a diminution of numbers prospectively imperative. these facts had been recognized by tyope, and he had talked with the koshare naua about them for some time past. they were the only persons who had thought of them, not so much deploring the necessity arising therefrom in the future as hailing them as welcome pretexts for their immediate personal aims. neither tyope nor the naua had such high ambition as to aspire to a change of the basis of social organization. neither of them had any conception of government but what was purely tribal, but they both aspired to offices and dignities such as tribal organization alone knows. these seemed unattainable for them as long as there were other powerful clans at the rito besides their own, whereas in case some of the former were expelled, it would leave vacant and at their disposal the positions which they coveted. tyope, for instance, looked forward to the dignity of head war-chief, or maseua; but as long as topanashka lived he saw no chance for himself. he therefore concocted with the young navajo the sinister plan of murdering the old man. it was even uncertain, in presence of the two powerful clans of tanyi and tyame, whether after the death of topanashka it would be possible for him to secure the succession. for the chief penitents, who selected officially the new incumbent, while they were in no manner accessible to outside influence, might consider the general tendency of affairs, and for the same reasons that they chose hoshkanyi tihua for tapop might determine upon appointing some member of tanyi or tyame as maseua. tyope had foreseen such a contingency, and had therefore suggested to nacaytzusle the propriety of converting the isolated murder into a butchery of the adult men as far as possible. his suggestion to surprise the rito while the koshare were at work in their estufa had a double aim,--in the first place it made it less dangerous for the navajos, in the second it appointed a time when most of the men of the turquoise clan were out of reach of an enemy. the blow must then fall upon the males of other clans, for the majority of the koshare were from the people of shyuamo. this plan was out of the question since the night when his negotiations with nacaytzusle had come to such a disastrous termination. but tyope had laid his wires in other directions also. seeing that he could not reduce the numbers of the tribe by one fell blow, or that at least his endeavours might not succeed, he was devising in his peculiar underhand way means to create a disunion, and trying to secure for the time of the crisis a commanding position for his own clan. as he could never have attempted all this alone, he needed an associate, an accomplice. that accomplice he readily found in the old koshare naua. in the same manner that tyope aspired to the position of war-chief, the chief of the delight makers was coveting the rank of leading shaman, or medicine-man. not the dignity of cacique,--for that position entailed too many personal sacrifices, and carried with it a life of seclusion and retirement that presented no redeeming features,--but the office of hishtanyi chayan, or principal medicine-man, was what the naua desired to obtain. that position did not entail greater privations than the one which the old schemer occupied, but it secured for its incumbent much greater sway over the people, and placed him in the position to exert a degree of influence which was beyond the pale of koshare magic. the naua was working toward his end by ways and with means different from those employed by tyope. his machinations were directed against the religious heads of the tribe, and he persisted in securing for the society of delight makers a prominence that lay outside of their real attributes. therefore hayoue did not speak amiss when, in his interview with okoya, he accused the koshare, and principally their leader, of attempting to usurp functions and rights belonging properly to the main official shamans, and thus secure for themselves undue advantages. tyope and the old naua had found each other, in accordance with the proverb about birds of a feather. their understanding was perfect, although it had been brought about gradually and without the formality of a conspiracy. each worked in his own line and with his own means, and neither had any thought of going beyond what the tribal organization could give them. there was no idea of revolutionizing or even reforming the organization. had one of them entertained such a thought the other would have become his bitterest enemy, for both were deeply imbued with the principles on which rested the existence of the society in which they had been born. all they aspired to was to eliminate a certain number of men or people, in order to secure with greater ease certain advantages. it was the survival of the fittest, as primitive society understands it and as refined society attempts to enact, though with more refined means. the stumbling-blocks in the path of these intriguers were the chief penitents,--the cacique, or as their titles run, the hotshanyi, or principal cacique, and his two assistants, the uishtyaka and the shaykatze. these men, selected for the purpose of doing penance for all and thus obtaining readier access to the ear of the immortal ones, were the official keepers of peace among the tribe. for the indian feels that a house divided against itself cannot stand, and that the maintenance of harmony through a constant appeal to the higher powers is the most important feature in the life of his tribe. to discredit in an underhand way the caciques was the special aim of the koshare naua, and to direct the eyes of the people to his own achievements in religious magic,--in one word to place the power of the koshare and their specific medicine on a higher plane than all that the official penitents might achieve. to do this was a very slow piece of work, and it had to be brought about in such a manner that nobody could suspect his object. but both tyope and the aged scoundrel were working their plans with the utmost caution, and the religious heads of the tribe had not the slightest suspicion of what was going on against them. the tyuonyi, therefore, was quiet on the surface, but there were occasional ripples of that placid brook which earnest and thoughtful observers could not fail to notice. hayoue, although very young, was one of these observers; but none saw more and penetrated deeper into the real state of affairs than topanashka. he and the hishtanyi chayan, who to some extent was his trusty friend, felt that a tempest was coming. both saw that the disturbing powers were rooted in the society of the koshare, that tyope and the naua must be the leading spirits. but how and to what ultimate end the machinations were intended escaped their penetration. for the same reason they could not come actively to the relief of the situation, as no overt action had as yet been committed which would justify an official movement against the conspirators. topanashka had for several days been keeping the informal fast upon which he had determined for the benefit of his grandson's wooing. it was a warm, pleasant afternoon. since the rain which followed upon the ayash tyucotz the sky had been blue again as before; the season for daily showers had not yet commenced, and the people were in the corn-patches as busy as possible, improving the bright days in weeding and putting the ground in order. the bottom of the gorge therefore presented an active appearance. men and women moved about the houses, in and out of the cave-dwellings, and in the fields. from the tasselled corn that grew in these plots a tall figure emerged; it was topanashka himself, and he directed his steps toward the cliffs at the lower end, where the turquoise people dwelt. the old man moved as usual with a silent, measured step which would have appeared stately had not his head leaned forward. he was clad in a wrap of unbleached cotton, and a leather belt girded his loins. around his neck a string of crystals of feldspar was negligently thrown; and a fetich of white alabaster, representing rudely the form of a panther, depended from the necklace hanging upon his breast. the people of the turquoise or shyuamo resided on the lower range of cliffs, and formed the most easterly group of cave-dwellings on the rito. here the rocks are no longer absolutely perpendicular; they form steps; and the slope leading to them is overgrown with shrubbery, except where erosive action of wind, as well as of water or frost, has scooped out strange formations in advance of the main wall. these erosions are mostly regular cones, tent-shaped, between and behind which open chasms and deep rents like the one above which, as we recollect, lies the estufa of the koshare. topanashka walked toward the upper part of the cluster of dwellings of shyuamo, where the ascending slope was sparsely covered with brush. in front of one of the caves sat a woman. she was unusually tall for an indian, and neither young nor old. she appeared to be busy extracting the filaments from shrivelled leaves of the yucca, which had been dried by roasting, and afterward had been buried to allow the texture to decay. so engrossed was the woman by her task that only when the old man stood by her side, and asked, "where is the tapop?" did she notice his presence. koay, for it was she, the towering consort of the governor of the tyuonyi, did not condescend to reply in words to the inquiry of the war-captain. she resorted to a lazy pantomime by gathering her two lips to a snout-like projection and thrusting this protuberance forward in the direction of the doorway before which she was squatting. then she resumed her occupation. the visitor paid no further attention to the uncivil woman. he passed in front of her unceremoniously, and entered the cave. the apartment was like those we have previously described, with the single difference that it was better lighted, somewhat larger, and that the household effects scattered and hung around were of a different character. implements of warfare,--a bow and a quiver with arrows, a shield--convex and painted red, with a yellow disk, and several green lines in the centre,--were suspended from the wall. the niches contained small vessels of burnt clay and a few plume-sticks. a low doorway led from this room into another, and beyond that there was even a third cell, so that hoshkanyi tihua, the civil chief of the queres, enjoyed the luxury of occupying three apartments. still this was not the dwelling which he commonly inhabited. his wife descended from the bear clan; and her home, and consequently his also, was higher up the gorge, among the caves belonging to the people of the bear. but as his father had recently departed this life, and his mother was left alone, she had begged her only son to remain with her until one or the other of her brothers or sisters might be ready to take her in charge, either by moving into her abode or by her going to them. hoshkanyi, therefore, had temporarily gone to live with his mother, but his portly consort was careful not to let him go alone. they had no children, and she felt constrained to keep an eye upon the little man. in the room which topanashka had entered, his executive colleague was sitting on a round piece of wood, a low upright cylinder, whose upper surface was slightly hollowed out. such were the chairs of the pueblos in olden times. with the exception of that well-known garment peculiar to indians and babies, and called breech-clout, the governor's manly form was not concealed by any vestment whatever. but while he evidently thought that at home the necessities of costume might be dispensed with, he had not abandoned the luxuries of ornamentation. he wore on his naked body a necklace of wolves' teeth, ear pendants of black and green stones, and wristbands of red leather. the latter he carried in order to relieve his heart, still heavy under the severe blow that he had experienced through the death of his father. the tapop was also at work. by means of the well-known fire-drill he was attempting to perforate a diminutive shell disk and thus transform it into the shell bead so essential to the indian. so intent was he upon this arduous task that he failed to notice the coming of topanashka; and the latter stood beside him for a little while, an impassive observer. at last hoshkanyi tihua looked up, and the visitor said to him,-- "umo, you have sent for me and i have come. but if you are engaged, or have no time now, i do not mind returning again." there was a decided irony in the manner in which the old man uttered these words, and hoskanyi felt it. he rose quickly, gathered a few robes, and spread them on the ground. in short he was as pleasant and accommodating, all at once, as he and his wife had been careless in the beginning. topanashka settled down on the hides, and in the meantime the woman also entered the room and quite unceremoniously squatted beside the men. hoshkanyi said to her,-- "we have to talk together, the maseua and i." he fastened on his spouse a look timid and imploring; it was plain that he did not venture to send her out directly,--that he was afraid of her. koay looked at him carelessly, and said in a very cool manner,-- "i want to hear that talk." "but i will not allow it," interposed topanashka; and his cold, piercing eye rested on the woman's face. she cast hers to the ground, and he proceeded,-- "as long as you are here, the tapop and i cannot speak." she lifted her head angrily, with the manifest intention of rebelling, but as soon as her eyes met the cold, determined glance of the war-chief, she felt a chill, rose, and left the room. hoshkanyi tihua drew a sigh of relief; he was grateful to his visitor for having so summarily despatched his formidable spouse. then he said,-- "umo, i have sent for you because a speech has been spoken here in this house, which belongs to my mother. that speech may be good and it may not be good, and i cared not to tell my thoughts until i had spoken to you, nashtio. the matters of which it treated belong before the council, but i do not know whether to say to you, the nashtio of the zaashtesh, call them together, or not." he was manifestly troubled, and fastened an uncertain glance upon the face of the other. topanashka very composedly answered,-- "you are as wise as i, umo; you know what your duties are. whenever you say to me, go and call together the council, i shall do it. if you do not tell me to do so, i shall not." hoshkanyi moved in his seat; the reply did not suit him. after some hesitation he continued,-- "i know, father, that you do as the customs of the zaashtesh require,"--he held himself erect with an attempt at pride, for he felt that in the present instance his personality and word represented customs which were law,--"but i do not know that i shall tell you so or not. do you understand me, umo?" "i understand your words, tapop, but you know that i have only to act, whereas it is your office to speak." the cool reply exasperated the little man. he retorted sharply,-- "and yet you have often spoken in the council, when your hanutsh wanted something!" topanashka lifted his eyes and gazed fully, calmly, at the other; he even suppressed a smile. "then it is your hanutsh, shyuamo, that wants something this time?" hoshkanyi felt, as the saying is, very cheap. his secret was out; and his plan to obtain an expression of opinion from the maseua ere he came to a conclusion himself, a total failure. the latter added in a deprecating way,-- "if you do not know what to do, ask the hotshanyi. he will give you good advice." this was just what the governor wished to avoid, but he knew that when topanashka had once expressed his opinion it was useless to attempt to dissuade him. after an interval of silence the civil chief looked up and said,-- "come, let us go to the hotshanyi." topanashka thought over this proposal for a moment. "it is well," he at last assented; "i will go." with this he rose. the governor rose also, but was so embarrassed and excited that he would have run out as he was, in almost complete undress, had not the maseua reminded him by saying,-- "remember that we are going to the shiuana," adding, "take some meal along." "have you any with you?" inquired hoshkanyi, with a venomous look. the other responded quietly,-- "i do not need any. you are seeking their advice, not i." that settled the matter. as both went out, koay, who had been sitting as close by the doorway as possible, snappishly asked her husband,-- "where are you going, hachshtze?" topanashka took the trouble of satisfying her curiosity by dryly answering,-- "about our own business." the icy look with which he accompanied his retort subdued the woman. the hotshanyi, or chief penitent, lived with the people of the prairie-wolf clan. his abode consisted of two caves on the lower and one on the upper tier. the two officers of the tribe wandered slowly along the cliffs, past the abodes of the sun clan, topanashka walking as usual,--erect, with his head bent slightly forward,--hoshkanyi with a pompous air, glad to display himself in company with his much more respected colleague, to whom all the pleasant greetings which the two received on their peregrination were really directed. when they reached the cave wherein the cacique resided, hoshkanyi entered first. close to the fireplace, which was one of those primitive chimneys like the one we have seen in the home of shotaye, an old man was seated on the floor. his age was certainly greater than topanashka's; he was of middle height, lean and even emaciated. his eyes were dim, and he received the greetings of his visitors with an air of indifference or timidity; it was difficult to determine which. pointing to the floor he said,-- "what brings you to my house, children!" and he coughed a hollow, hectic cough. the tapop began,-- "we wish--" "do not say we," the maseua corrected him, "you wish, not i." hoshkanyi bit his lips and began anew,-- "i and my brother here have come because i want to ask you something. but if you are at work, grandfather, then we will go." "i am not working, sa uishe," said the cacique. "speak; i listen. what is it you wish?" "can i see the kopishtai?" hoshkanyi whispered anxiously. the eyes of the hotshanyi brightened. his look suddenly became clear and firm. with surprising alacrity he rose, as if he had become younger at once. his whole figure, although bent, attained vigour and elasticity. before leaving the cave he looked inquiringly at topanashka, who only shook his head and said in a low tone,-- "i have nothing to ask." the two left the room. the place where those above were thought to be accessible to the intercession of man was the cave adjoining, but there was no communication between the two chambers. presently the cacique crept back to where they had left topanashka alone, and hoshkanyi followed. the former resumed his seat by the hearth, whereas the tapop cowered in front of him. he looked anxiously in the old man's face, and at the same time shot an occasional quick glance over toward the maseua. in a hollow voice the hotshanyi said,-- "you may speak now, sa uishe; the kopishtai know that you are here." "sa umo hotshanyi," the tapop commenced, "i have listened to a speech. things have been said to me that concern the tribe." he stopped short and fastened his eyes on the floor. "this is well," the cacique said encouragingly; "you must hear what the children of p[=a]yatyama and sanatyaya are doing; you are their father." hoshkanyi sighed, and appeared to be much embarrassed. "speak, mot[=a]tza," urged the old man. "i don't know what to do," the little man stuttered. "have you been asked to do anything?" "yes, they have--" he stopped, sighed again, and then proceeded hastily and with an expression of anguish in his face, "shyuamo hanutsh asks that tzitz hanutsh--" the hotshanyi commanded him to desist. "stay, stay, hoshkanyi tihua!" he hoarsely exclaimed. "you know that we, the mothers of the tribe, will not listen to anything that divides our children among themselves or that might cause division among them. you ask for advice from me. this advice you shall receive, but only on things that i can know of and which i dare to hear. if you speak to me of strife and dispute, i shall not listen to it. speak of yourself, not of others." topanashka was an attentive listener, but not a muscle in his face moved; whereas the little tapop was manifestly in great trouble. he coughed, hemmed and hawed, twisted his body, moved uneasily in his seat, and at last continued in a faltering manner,-- "i do not know whether or not i ought to call the council together." "were you asked to do it?" "yes." "then you must do it; it is your duty," replied the hotshanyi. he spoke imperatively, and with remarkable dignity of manner. thus the first point was settled. and the tapop with growing uneasiness proceeded to his next. "it has been said to me that i should send my brother here," pointing at topanashka, "to call together the fathers. now is it well to do so, or shall i send the assistant civil chieftain to the men?" hoshkanyi spoke like a schoolboy who was delivering a disagreeable message. the matter in itself seemed of no consequence at all, but the manner in which the governor spoke and acted looked extremely suspicious. both of his listeners became attentive; the cacique displayed no signs of surprise, but he looked at the speaker fixedly, and inquired of him, speaking very slowly,-- "is my brother the maseua willing to go?" "i have not asked him as yet." "then ask him," sternly commanded the old man. almost trembling, the tapop turned to topanashka, who was sitting immovable, with lips firmly set and sparkling eyes. "will you call the council together, nashtio?" "no!" exclaimed the maseua. "you have heard what your brother says," coldly proceeded the cacique; "you know now what you are to do. my brother will not go, and you can only command him if the council orders you to do so. therefore send the assistant; he is your messenger. do your duty and nothing else, for it is not good to attempt anything new unless p[=a]yatyama has so directed." the words were spoken in a tone of solemn warning, and even topanashka was startled, for never before had he heard the hotshanyi speak thus. the old man had always been very meek and mild in his utterances, but now his voice sounded almost prophetic. was he inspired by those above? did the shiuana speak through him? was there danger for the tribe? at all events the conference had come to a close, for the cacique had bent his head, and spoke no more. "trouashatze, sa umo," said topanashka, and left the room. hoshkanyi followed hurriedly. the cacique took no notice of their departure. when both men stood outside, topanashka turned to the tapop coldly, asking,-- "are you going to call the council?" "i will," whined the little man. "for what day?" "i don't know yet." "but i want to know," sternly, almost menacingly, insisted the other. "i want to know, for i shall be present!" "four days from now," cried hoshkanyi, trembling. "what time?" "i don't know yet. when the moon rises," he added in despair, as the cold, determined gaze of topanashka met his eye. without a further word the war-chieftain turned and went off. hoshkanyi was utterly annihilated. he had made a total failure, and as he stood there like a child that has just been thoroughly whipped he began to curse the weakness that had caused him to yield to the advice and the demands of tyope. for it was tyope who had brought him to act the part in which the unfortunate governor had so disgracefully failed. tyope, when as representative of the clan shyuamo he asked the tapop to call together the council for a matter wherein the turquoise people were interested, had artfully told him that as one of their number it would be better if the maseua would issue the call. he knew very well that this was an innovation; but the deceiver made it apparent that if topanashka should yield, and commit the desired misstep, the blame would of course fall upon the war-chief, and the civil chief would profit by the other's mistake, and would gain in the opinion of the people at the expense of the maseua. but tyope, cunning as he was, had underrated the firmness and perspicacity of topanashka as much as he had overrated the abilities of hoshkanyi. as soon as the latter saw the rigidity of his colleague in a matter of duty, he felt completely at sea; he lost sight of everything that tyope had recommended, tumbled from one mistake to another, and finally exposed himself to grave suspicions. as the popular saying is, he let the cat out of the bag, and made an absolute, miserable fiasco. all this he saw clearly, and he cursed tyope, and cursed himself for having become his tool. more than that, he trembled when he thought of what tyope would say, and also what his own energetic wife would call him, and even perhaps do to him, if he went home. for koay was sure to exact a full report of what had occurred; and to save himself, nothing remained but to tell her lies. this he finally determined upon. but to tyope he could not lie; to tyope he must tell the truth; and then? hoshkanyi tihua wended his way home wrapped in thoughts of a very unsatisfactory nature. while the governor of the queres was thus agitated by unpleasant forebodings, the mind of the war-chief was not less occupied by gloomy thoughts. of all the leading men of the tribe, topanashka saw perhaps most clearly the sinister machinations of some of the turquoise people. still he had not discovered, and could not even surmise, the real object of their intrigues. of an intention to divide the tribe he had no idea. personal ambition, greed, and thirst for influence was all he could think of; and he felt sure that they would not prevail, for to personal ambition the tribal system afforded little, if any, opportunity. it was manifest however from what hoshkanyi had involuntarily divulged, that the clan shyuamo intended to press some claim against the small water clan, which besides was so distantly located from the abodes and the lands of the turquoise that he could see no just reason for a claim. it was equally impossible for him to imagine the nature of the claim. quarrels between clans are always most dangerous for the existence of a tribe, for disruption and consequent weakening is likely to result from them. the old man felt the gravest apprehensions; he saw imminent danger for his people; and still he could not arrive at any conclusion before the threatening storm had broken. there was no possibility of averting the peril, for he could not even mention its approach to any one. topanashka was calm and absolutely brave. his life was nothing to him except as indispensable for the performance of his duty. he knew long ago that the leaders of the movement for which the turquoise people were used as battering-rams hated him, that he was a thorn in their flesh, a stone in their crooked paths. if the revelations of hoshkanyi created deep apprehensions in him, it was out of no personal fear; in the present instance it was clear that a trap had been set for the purpose of decoying him into a false move. it was the first time that anything of the kind had been attempted; and topanashka looked upon it as very serious, not for his individual sake, but because it showed that it was undertaken jointly with a move that was sure to bring about internal disturbances, and was probably a part of that move itself, and because it exhibited a degree of boldness on the part of the schemers which proved that their plans were nearly, if not absolutely, mature. a crisis was near at hand; he saw it, but it could not be prevented. a deep gloom settled on the heart of the old maseua, and something like despondency crept over him at times. it caused him to forget the matter of his grandson's wooing and his proposed appeal to the shiuana in behalf of okoya, and to look forward to the momentous time, four days hence, when his mind would become enlightened on the impending danger. all his thoughts were henceforth with the council and the object for which it was to be held. he looked forward to it with sadness and even with fear. it was clear to him that the hour of that council must become an evil hour in the annals of his people. chapter xi. the four days at the expiration of which the council was to take place were drawing to a close, for it was the night of the fourth, that on which the uuityam was to meet. it was a beautiful night; the full moon shone down into the gorge in its greatest splendour, and only along the cliffs was it possible to walk in the shadow. the air was cool and balmy; not a breeze stirred; and the population of the rito seemed to enjoy the luminous, still, and refreshing hours that followed upon a warm and busy day. laughter, singing, shouting, came from the roofs and the vicinity of the houses, as well as from the caves and their approaches. the people felt happy; few if any suspected that a momentous question agitated the minds of some of their number. two men were walking along the cliffs toward the group of cave-dwellings which the prairie-wolf clan inhabited. they hugged the rocks so closely that most of the time their figures disappeared in the inky shadows of projecting or beetling cliffs and pillars. one of these men asked in a low tone,-- "are you going to the uuityam?" "i am," replied the other. the words were spoken in a tone sufficiently loud to enable any one acquainted with the inhabitants of the tyuonyi to recognize in the first speaker tyame tihua, the delegate or councilman from the eagle clan, in the other, our old friend topanashka. after exchanging these few words both continued their walk in silence. the round chamber in which the meetings of the tribal council were usually held exists to-day as a semicircular indentation in the cliffs, the rudely arched ceiling of which is still covered with a thick coating of soot. the front wall has crumbled long ago. at the time we speak of it was entire, and the apartment formed a nearly circular hall of more than usual size, with a low entrance in front and two small air-holes on each side of the doorway. as the two men approached the place, they noticed that a number of others were already congregated in front of it, but that no light issued from the interior. it was a sign that the council was not yet assembled, and especially that the religious chiefs had not made their appearance. those who were present assumed any posture imaginable, provided it gave them comfort. they talked and conversed about very unimportant matters, and laughed and joked. there was no division into separate groups, foreshadowing the drift of opinions and of interests; for no lobbying was going on. every one seemed to be as free and easy as in his own home or in the estufa among his companions, and the greatest apparent harmony prevailed. one man only had retired to a rocky recess where he sat aloof from the others in the darkest shadow of the already shadowy spot. it was the old chief of the delight makers, the koshare naua. when the last two comers reached the group and offered the usual greeting, the conversation--in which the delegate from tzitz hanutsh, a short, stout man, and his colleague from oshatsh had been the loudest participants--came to a sudden stop. the subject of the discussion was not a reason for its abrupt breaking off, for it was merely the all-absorbing topic as to whether two summers ago it had rained as early as this year. it was out of respect for the maseua, out of deference to his presence, that the other clan representatives became silent, all except one. that one was tyope, who continued the subject, as if he intended to display greater independence than the rest. nevertheless, as no one paid attention to his speech, he felt at last constrained to drop into silence. not for a long time, however, for as if he wished to atone for his lack of civility he called out to topanashka,-- "you are late, sa nashtio!" "early enough yet, satyumishe," replied the old man quietly, and tyame remarked,-- "shyuamo dwells nearer to the uuityam than we. the turquoise men have everything close at hand,--the tapop, the place, everything, and everybody. all we have is the maseua," he added laughing, "and he is very old." the laughter became general, and tyope said in a tone of flattery,-- "our nashtio is old, but he is still stronger than you, tyame. he is also wiser than all of us together. our father is very strong, runs like a deer, and his eye is that of an eagle." there was something like irony in this speech, but topanashka took no notice of it. he was looking for the tapop, a difficult task in the darkness, where a number of men are grouped in all kinds of postures. finally he inquired,-- "where is hoshkanyi?" "not here," came a reply from several voices. "and the yaya?" "tza yaya," was the negative answer. "then we are not too late," said the war-chief, turning to tyame. he sat down among the rest, and the talk went on as before his arrival. at last the governor came. he offered a short greeting and received a careless reply. then he crawled into the cave, and his assistant followed him. soon a rustling noise was heard inside, a grating like that of a drill followed, and everybody outside became silent. the tapop was starting the council-fire, and he used for the purpose that venerable implement of primitive times, the fire-drill. it was a sacred performance, therefore the sudden silence of all within hearing of the process. little by little a glimmer of light illuminated the entrance of the cave; the fire had started, which was a favourable omen. now the conversation might be resumed, but nobody entered the room. the fire was burning, and its light shone vividly through doorway and port-holes, and the men outside were beginning to move and to yawn, and some had even fallen asleep, but no one gave a sign of impatience. stillness prevailed; it was so late that all noise and bustle had ceased, and the rippling and rushing of the brook alone pervaded the night. several more men approached from various directions; their steps were almost inaudible, and when they reached the company each invariably uttered a hoarse "guatzena, sa uishe." one by one the new-comers glided into the estufa, until six of them had entered. then a metallic sound was heard within, as if two plates of very hard material were beaten against each other. all rose at once; those who had fallen asleep were shaken and pulled until they woke; and one after another filed into the chamber, topanashka being the last. the metallic sound produced by two plates of basalt had been the call to council. the interior of the estufa was as brightly illuminated as a small fire could make it, the smoke of which found egress through the door and the two air-holes, or rose to the low ceiling, where it floated like a grayish cloud. the air was heavy and stifling, and the odour of burning pitch proceeded from the pine wood with which the flames were fed in the centre of the room. close to the fire the tapop had squatted, with three aged men by his side in the same posture. all three wore short, black wraps with red stripes. we recognize in one of these men, who sit with humble, downcast looks, the chief penitent, or hotshanyi; the other two are his assistants, the shaykatze and the uishtyaka. in their immediate neighbourhood sat three others, whose hair also was turning gray; but they sat upright and looked around with freedom and assurance. their dress had nothing particular or distinctive about it, but each carried on his head feathers of a certain kind. one, with a tall, spare figure, an intelligent face, and dark complexion, wore behind each ear one blue and one yellow feather. he was the hishtanyi chayan, the principal medicine-man of the tribe. next to him was the shkuy chayan, or great shaman for the hunt, equally tall, slender, and with a thin face and quick, unsteady glance. the third, or shikama chayan, was an individual of ordinary looks and coarse features, who was decorated by a single upright feather. the leaders of the societies of the koshare and cuirana had squatted among the central group, while a projection that ran around the whole room served as a bench, or settee, for the representatives of the clans. this arrangement corresponded closely to the degree of importance of the various officers, or rather to their assumed proximity to the higher powers under whose protection the tribe believed itself to be placed. the tapop, as chairman of the meeting, occupied the middle, together with the principal religious functionaries,--the yaya, or mothers of the tribe. on the outer circumference were placed the nashtio, or fathers, the delegates of the clans. the koshare naua and his colleague of the cuirana held an intermediate position. topanashka, as military head, and the assistant governor, who had neither voice nor vote, sat beside the entrance, guarding it. a lieutenant of the maseua crouched outside to prevent the approach of eavesdroppers. as soon as the rustling noise occasioned by so many people taking their seats in a small room had subsided, the hishtanyi chayan again seized the two basalt plates and caused them to ring. when the metallic sound was heard, everybody became very quiet; and not one of the twenty-three men that composed the meeting moved. all maintained the deepest silence, fastening their eyes on the ground. the shaman scattered sacred meal to the six regions, then he raised his eyes to the ceiling, and finally turned to the three caciques with the formal greeting, "guatzena, yaya!" then to the others, with "guatzena, nashtio!" raising both hands upward, he pronounced the following prayer:-- "raua p[=a]yatyama our father, sanatyaya our mother, maseua, oyoy[=a]u[=a]! you all, the shiuana all, the kopishtai all,--all, raua! hear what we shall speak, witness all our deeds. make wise the heart, cunning the ear, bright the eyes, and strong the arm. give us wisdom and goodness, that our hearts may listen ere we say 'yes,' 'no,' or 'perhaps.' assist your children, help the zaashtesh, that they may remain united among themselves, wise, far-seeing, and strong. we call upon you, the shiuana, the kopishtai; whisper to us good thoughts and guide us to the right. to you, p[=a]yatyama, sanatyaya, maseua,--to all of you we pray. raua, raua! ho-[=a], ho-[=a], raua!" again the speaker scattered yellow meal in front of the principal penitent, who only bowed in a dignified manner in response. the remainder of the assembly uttered an affirmative "[=a], [=a]," and one after the other rose and deposited sacrificial meal before the cacique. when each of them had resumed his seat, the hishtanyi chayan turned to the tapop and looked inquiringly. hoshkanyi tihua assumed an air of solemn importance, for he was to play a prominent rôle. he glanced around the circle pompously; but when his eye caught the cold gaze of topanashka he felt almost a chill, and shrank to natural and more modest proportions. he looked quickly in the direction where tyope was sitting; but the delegate from shyuamo hanutsh held his face covered with both hands, and did not notice the pleading look of the little governor. so the latter began in an unsteady tone,-- "hotshanyi, shaykatze, uishtyaka, and you, the mothers of the tribe, hear me! hear me also, you who are our fathers,"--his voice grew stronger; he was recovering assurance. "i have called you together to listen to what i say." he crowed the last words rather than spoke them. "my brother, the nashtio of shyuamo hanutsh," continued he, "has spoken to me and said,"--he stopped and shot a glance of inquiry over toward tyope, but tyope failed to note it,--"satyumishe has said, 'tapop, my hanutsh is numerous and has many children, but only very little maize; the mot[=a]tza and the makatza are many, but of beans there are few, and the field we are tilling is small.'" hoshkanyi tihua was manifestly pleased with his own eloquence, for he again looked around the room for marks of admiration. only the icy look of topanashka met his gaze, and he proceeded more modestly,-- "my brother from shyuamo then said to me, 'see here, nashtio tapop, there are the people from tzitz; they are the least in numbers on the tyuonyi, and yet they have as much ground as we; and they raised as much maize and even more beans, for they are higher up than we, and get more water than we. now, therefore, call them together, all the yaya and the fathers, and say to them, "shyuamo hanutsh demands from tzitz hanutsh that it should share its field with us, for where there are two mouths of shyuamo there is only one of tzitz; but when tzitz raises one ear of corn, shyuamo grows not more than one."'" he had spoken, and drew a heavy sigh of relief. the most profound silence reigned. tyope remained with his head bowed and his face covered with both hands. topanashka sat rigidly immovable, his cold piercing gaze fastened on the tapop. the representative of the water clan made a very wry face and looked at the fire. the tapop had yet to perform one duty ere discussion could begin. he turned to the hotshanyi and addressed him,-- "sa umo, you and your brethren the shaykatze and the uishtyaka, i address; what do you say to what shyuamo is asking? speak, yaya; we are your children; we listen. you are old and wise, we are young and weak." the old cacique raised his dim eyes to the speaker and replied in a hoarse voice,-- "i thank you, sa uishe,--i thank you for myself and for my brethren here that you have put this question to us. but"--the voice grew more steady and strong--"you know that it is our duty to pray, to fast, and to watch, that peace may rule among the zaashtesh and that nothing may disturb it. we cannot listen to anything that calls forth two kinds of words, and that may bring strife,"--he emphasized strongly the latter word; "we cannot therefore remain. may the shiuana enlighten your hearts. we shall pray that they will counsel you to do good only." the old hotshanyi rose and went toward the doorway. his form was bent, his step faltering. his two associates followed. not one of those present dared to look at them. none of them noticed the deeply, mournfully significant glance which the cacique, while he crept through the door, exchanged with topanashka. the address which the governor had directed to the official penitents was a mere formality, but a formality that could not be dispensed with. it was an act of courtesy toward those who in the tribe as well as in the council represented the higher powers. but as these powers are conceived as being good, it is not allowed to speak in their presence of anything that might, in the remotest manner even, bear evil consequences such as disunion and strife. therefore the caciques, as soon as they had been informed of the subject, could not stay at the meeting, but had to retire. this happens at every discussion of a similar nature, and their departure was merely in the ordinary routine of business. nobody felt shocked or even surprised at it. but everybody, on the other hand, noticed the reply given by the aged hotshanyi, felt it like some dread warning,--the foreboding of some momentous question of danger to the people. an uneasy feeling crept over many of the assistants who were not, like tyope and the koshare naua, in the secrets of the case. after the departure of the caciques, therefore, the same dead silence prevailed as before. the tapop broke the silence by turning officially to the principal shaman and asking him,-- "sa umo yaya, what do you hold concerning the demand of our children from shyuamo?" the chayan raised his face, his eyes sparkled. he gave his reply in a positive tone,-- "i hold it is well, provided tzitz hanutsh is satisfied." he bent his head again in token that he had said as much as he cared to say for the present. hoshkanyi tihua then interrogated the shkuy chayan, who very pointedly answered,-- "it is good." his colleague, the shikama chayan, remained non-committal, saying,-- "it may be good, it may not be good; i do not know. my hanutsh is shutzuna,"--he cast a rapid glance to where the delegate of the prairie-wolf people was sitting,--"and we have enough land for ourselves." the governor now addressed the same question successively to the koshare naua and to the leader of the cuirana. the dim eyes of the former began to gleam; his shrivelled features assumed a hideous, wolfish expression as he spoke in a voice trembling yet clear,-- "it is well. our brethren deserve what they demand. if the crops ripen, my children from shyuamo are those who pray and fast most of all. my hanutsh alone counts more koshare than all the others together. if they get more land they will fast and pray so much the more, and this they do not for themselves only, but for the benefit of all who dwell on the tyuonyi." the cuirana naua, on the other hand, gave a confused and unsatisfactory reply. in his opinion it would be well if both clans could agree. it was next the turn of the clan delegates to be called up. they were those most directly interested, but until now they had, out of deference for their religious leaders, maintained an absolutely passive attitude. after the cuirana naua had spoken, however, many raised their faces, changed their positions; some looked at the tapop with an air of expectancy, others glanced around, still others seemed to denote by their demeanour that they were anxious and eager to speak. tyope and topanashka, alone, did not change their attitudes. the former remained with his head bent and his face covered with both hands; the latter, who happened almost directly to face tyope, with head erect and an expression of calm watchfulness on his features. it was of course impossible to foretell the general feeling among the members of the council in regard to the demands of the turquoise people. the shkuy chayan and the koshare naua had declared themselves favourable to their pretensions, but on the other hand the hishtanyi chayan--and his word had greater weight than their speeches--had made a very significant suggestion by reminding the governor in his reply that the matter did not properly come before the tribal council, but should be settled between the two clans directly interested. hoshkanyi tihua should have taken the hint; but hoshkanyi tihua had not the slightest tact; and besides, as a member of the clan shyuamo, he felt too much interested in the matter not to be eager to press it at once, however imprudent and out of place such action might be. he was, moreover, utterly unconscious of the fact that he was nothing but a tool which both tyope and the naua wielded to further their perfidious designs. the tapop therefore called upon the delegate of the sun clan to speak. he dwelt not far from the turquoise people, and he expressed himself strongly in their favour. "it is true," said he, "and i know it to be so, that my friends of shyuamo are hungry. i know it, and it is true also, that the water people have too much ground. it is right, therefore, for shyuamo to ask for a share of what they have in excess. how much it shall be, they must settle among themselves." everybody did not appear to be satisfied with this; but when the tapop summoned the representative of the bear clan to give his opinion, the speech of the latter was not only stronger, it was even offensive to the water people. he accused them of having done wrong in not sharing their fields with the clan of the turquoise some time before, since it was the duty of those who had too much to divide with those who were poorer. he said that it was wrong on the part of tzitz to have remained silent when they knew how much shyuamo did for the tribe, while at the same time they had not enough for their own existence. he charged the tapop, in the name of the council, with delinquency in not having required the water people to share their superabundance with those of the turquoise. the delegate of kohaio was not only aggressive in his speech, but his manner of delivering it was brusque and violent, and created quite a stir; and many of the members cast glances at him which were not of a friendly nature. it was now the turn of the delegate of the water people; and much depended upon what he would say, for he was, besides the members from shyuamo, the party most interested in the proceedings. kauaitshe, as he was called, was not, unfortunately, the man for the situation. short and clumsy in figure, extremely good-natured and correspondingly slow in thought and action, he was intellectually heavy and dull. when the demand upon his clan was first formulated, he listened to it like one whom it does not concern, and only gradually came to the conception that the matter was after all of prime importance to him and to those whose interests he had been selected to defend. kauaitshe was thunderstruck upon arriving at full comprehension; he was bewildered, and would much rather have run away from the council. but that was impossible. he heard the men speak one by one, and--what to him caused most anxiety--he saw the moment approaching when he also would be called upon; and the prospect filled him with dismay. what should he say! what could he say! the injustice intended toward his constituents, the necessity of undertaking a task for which he felt himself incapable, terrified him at first and soon drove him to utter despair; and as all weak and lazy natures, when they see themselves driven to the wall, become frenzied, kauaitshe, when the tapop turned to him, exploded like a loaded weapon, venting his wrath upon the governor instead of calmly discussing the matter itself. he saw in the governor not only a member of the clan whose plans were detrimental to the interests of his kinsmen, but chiefly the instrument by means of which he was placed in the present difficult position. his face turned dark, then yellow. his eyes glowed like embers. bounding from his seat, he advanced toward the chairman and hissed,-- "i have heard. yes,"--his voice became louder,--"i have heard enough. enough!" he screamed. "you want to take from us what is ours! you want to rob us, to steal from my people in order that your people may prosper and we may suffer! that is what you want," and he shook his clenched fist in the face of the tapop. the latter started up like an irate turkey, and screamed,-- "you lie! what we want from you is right! you are only a few people, and you are lazy; whereas we are many and thrifty; you are a liar!" "hush! hush!" sounded the voice of the principal shaman, between the shouts and screams of the disputing parties. "no! no!" shrieked kauaitshe, "i will not hush. i will speak! i will tell these friends--" "water-mole!" yelled the tapop in response; and both the koshare naua and tyope cried at once,-- "we are shyuamo, not shuatyam." their voices sounded like the threatening snarls of wild beasts. "hush! hush!" the hishtanyi chayan now sternly commanded. rising, he grasped the little governor by the shoulder, pulled him back to his place on the floor, and warningly raised his hand toward kauaitshe, whose mouth one of his colleagues had already closed by force. "if you hope for light from those above," the medicine-man warned the delegate from tzitz, "you must not name in their presence the powers of darkness." to the tapop he said,-- "do your duty, but do it as it ought to be done!" kauaitshe reeled back to his place, where he sat down in sullen silence. it happened to him as it always does to any one who loses his temper at the wrong time and in the wrong place; after the flurry is over, they find that they have wasted all their energies, and remain henceforth incapable of any effort. the delegate of the water people was _hors du combat_ for the remainder of the evening. the incident had made an impression on the assembly. nearly everybody shared more or less in the excitement. now that quiet was restored, apparent calmness seemed to prevail in their minds again. the men stared as motionless as before; but their faces were dark, and many an eye displayed a spark of passionate fire. topanashka had not moved during the quarrel, and tyope hid his face in his hands as before. hoshkanyi's voice still trembled as he called upon the representative of tanyi hanutsh. the latter replied,-- "there is more land yet at the tyuonyi; let shyuamo increase their ground from some waste tract." "there is no room for it," growled the koshare naua. "i say there is," defiantly retorted the other. the delegate of the prairie-wolf people was not only of the same opinion as his predecessor, he even mentioned a tract of waste land that lay east of the cultivated plots, from which shyuamo might take what they needed. the speaker of tzina hanutsh, however, was of an adverse opinion. he remarked that it was always better for a smaller clan to divide their ground with a more powerful one, as in that case larger crops would be raised. as matters stood, he added, only a portion of the land belonging to the water people was tilled. this the member from huashpa denied, and reminded him that the hishtanyi chayan had suggested that the whole matter should be settled by the two clans privately. both the cuirana naua and tyame, the delegate of the eagle clan, could not refrain from expressing their approval in an audible manner by the customary "[=a]-[=a]," and the shikama chayan slightly nodded assent. it was already late, but nobody thought of the hour. on such occasions the indian can sit up whole nights without ever thinking of rest. not only was everybody interested, but the excitement, although barely visible on the surface, was rapidly growing; and personal ill-feeling and spite cropped out more and more. tyame having expressed himself in favour of the opinion of the delegate from huashpa hanutsh, the tapop could not refrain from going out of the ordinary routine in order to slight him, and to give the floor to the member from hiits hanyi. this flattered the popular delegate, and he accordingly spoke so strongly in favour of the claim presented by shyuamo that at the close of his speech several voices at once grunted assent. both parties were growing decidedly bitter. tyame noticed the intended slight; so when hoshkanyi called him up he opened his talk with the remark,-- "one can see that you are shyuamo." "that is what i am," the little fellow bragged. "but you are tapop also," tyame objected. "why do you speak thus? are you angry that you could not be used for the place?" venomously inquired the governor. [illustration: the hishtanyi chayan, or chief medicine man] "if i were in your place," retorted the eagle, "i should do as is customary, and call upon each one in turn." "you have time enough left to speak against shyuamo," said the chief of the delight makers in a wicked manner. "that i shall do, most assuredly," exclaimed tyame. "i am against giving shyuamo any more ground than they have at present. you have enough for yourselves, for your women, and for all your children. do more work in the field and do less penance; be shyayak rather than koshare!" he rose and turned toward tyope. "your woman belongs to our hanutsh, and i know that it is not you who feed her; and so you are, all of you. you live from other people's crops!" tyope looked up, and his eyes flashed; but in a quiet tone he answered,-- "your woman is shyuamo; you know best how it is." the other continued with growing passion,-- "and when your wife was from tzitz everybody knew that it was not you who supported her, but that she maintained you!" loud murmurs arose, and the shkuy chayan called tyame to order, so that tyope did not have time for a reply to this insulting insinuation. of all the clans represented three had yet to express their views. these were the clans of yakka, of the panther, and shyuamo. the delegate of the corn people was no friend of tyame's, therefore he spoke directly against what the eagle had intimated. he emphasized how detrimental it might become for a small cluster to own too much tillable land while a large and important clan was suffering for the lack of vegetable food. with notable shrewdness, he exposed to the meeting the danger for the whole tribe in case one of its principal components should begin to decrease in numbers. he wound up by saying,-- "the strong hanutsh are those who maintain the tribe, for they are those who give us the most people that do penance for the welfare of all, be they koshare or cuirana. they also have the greatest number of warriors and hunters. if they have nothing to eat, they cannot watch, pray, and fast in honour of those above! so the shiuana and the kopishtai become dissatisfied with us, and withdraw their protection from their children; and we become lost through suffering those to starve who are most useful." but he omitted altogether the important fact that there was still waste land in the gorge, and that it was far preferable to redeem such tracts than to create dissension. still it must be acknowledged that the clearing of timbered expanses, such as those on the eastern end of the valley mostly were, opposed great difficulties to the indian. at the time when the rito was settled, the native had only stone implements. to cut down trees, to clear brush even, was a tedious and protracted undertaking when it had to be performed with stone axes and hatchets. fire was the most effective agent, but fire in such proximity to the dwellings was a dangerous servant. on the western end there was no tillable land beyond the patches of the water clan. still, if there had been any disposition on the part of shyuamo to be reasonable, they would have remained satisfied with extending their field slowly and gradually toward the east; but neither tyope nor the naua really wanted more land; what they desired was strife, disunion, an irremediable breach in the tribe. the panther clan, whose representative had to speak now, was a cluster which belonged neither to the larger nor to the smaller groups. occupying, as was the case, a section of the big house, the panther people were consequently near neighbours of tanyi, and they sympathized generally with the latter. their delegate, however, was koshare, and he leaned not so much toward the turquoise as toward what seemed to be the desire of the leading delight makers,--the naua and tyope. he therefore expressed himself bluntly in favour of tzitz hanutsh giving up a certain quantity of land to the clan shyuamo, without stating his opinion or suggesting in the least how it ought to be done. every member of the council, tyope and topanashka excepted, had spoken. the majority of votes seemed in favour of the claim represented, but it is not plurality of votes which decides, but unanimity of opinion and conviction; and finally and in the last instance, the utterances of those who speak in the name of the powers above. the shamans had given their opinions, the shkuy was manifestly favourable to shyuamo, but his colleague, the hishtanyi chayan, had spoken in a manner that restricted the point at issue to a discussion among the clans directly interested. the histanyi chayan was a personage of great authority, and many of those who were on the side of the turquoise people thought his word to be law in the end. they had shown themselves friendly toward their brethren of shyuamo, willing, however, to abide by what the closing discussion would bring to light. that discussion was yet to commence, and the opening was to be the speech of tyope himself. much stress also was laid upon what topanashka would say, for he too was to take part. some had their misgivings concerning the real object of the move which every one felt certain tyope and the koshare naua had set on foot; and when the tapop summoned tyope to speak at last, there was something like a subdued flutter among the audience. many turned their heads in the direction of the speaker, others displayed in their features the marks of unusual attention. tyope rose slowly from his seat. he looked around quietly; there was a sardonic smile on his lips. his eyes almost closed; he spoke in a muffled voice, slowly and very distinctly. he was evidently master of his subject, and a natural orator. "yaya, nashtio, tapop, i have heard what you have all said, and it is well, for it is well for each one of you to have spoken his thoughts, in order that the people be pleased and delight come into their hearts. for there are many of us, the fathers of the tribe, and each one has his own thoughts; and thoughts are like faces, never two alike. for this reason did i speak to our father the tapop that he should call in the uuityam, in order that all might hear and that nobody could say afterward,--'shyuamo hanutsh has taken from tzitz hanutsh what belonged to the water people, and behold we knew nothing about it!' shyuamo hanutsh"--he raised his voice and glanced around with flashing eyes--"has many people; shyuamo is strong! but the men of the turquoise are just! they go about in daylight and speak loudly, and are not like the water that roars at night and drops into silence as soon as oshatsh brightens the world." after this fling at the delegate of the water clan, tyope paused a moment; he seemed to wait for a reply, but none came, the explanation of his action in carrying the matter before the council appearing to satisfy all. "shyuamo hanutsh," he proceeded, "is great in numbers but weak in strength, for its people have no food for themselves, and what they raise is barely enough for their koitza, their makatza, and the little ones. they themselves must starve," he cried, "in order that other clans may increase through the children which my men beget with their daughters!" the most profound silence followed these words. the speaker paused again and looked around as if challenging an answer. he felt very sure of his point. "we have worked, worked as hard as any one on the tyuonyi, but our numbers have grown faster than our crops. go and look at the field of shyuamo and you will see how many are the corn-plants, and how large the ears of corn, but the field is too small! we have not more land than the turkey people, and not as much as the water clan! when during last summer no rain fell, notwithstanding all our fasting, prayer, and sacrifice, when yamunyi dried up and kaname shrivelled, tzitz hanutsh still had enough to eat, and its men grew fat!" this hint at the stout representative of the water clan created great hilarity. her representative growled,-- "you are not lean either." without noticing this interruption, tyope proceeded,-- "its women and its children are well! but we, at the lower end of the cliffs,"--he extended his arm to the east,--"starve in order that your daughters and the little ones whom we have begotten to the other clans shall not perish. we had no more than food enough to pray for, to fast for, in order that the shiuana might not let our brethren be lost." here the koshare naua, as well as the representative of the panther clan, uttered an audible "[=a]-[=a];" and even the shkuy chayan nodded. "how many koshare are there in tzitz hanutsh? how many in tanyi? how many in tyame who would sacrifice themselves for the ripening of fruit? how many in huashpa? shyuamo alone has as many delight makers as the remainder of the zaashtesh. one single clan as many as eleven others together! and"--he drew himself up to his full height and fastened on the delegate of the water clan a glance of strange fierceness, as he cried--"while your koshare feed themselves well between the fasts, ours starve to regain strength after they have watched, prayed, and starved!" this explosion of bitter reproach was again followed by deep silence. tyope was indeed a fascinating speaker. the maseua and the hishtanyi chayan were the only ones whom his oratorical talent could not lead astray. he proceeded in a quieter tone,-- "we need more land. some of our fathers have suggested that we should extend our territory to the eastward and open the soil there. they mean well; but there is not enough, and the pines are too near. shall we go as far as cuapa, where there is enough soil, or where the kauaush descends to the painted cave? shall we go and live where the moshome would surround us and howl about like hungry wolves? no! ere we do this we have thought to say to our brethren, 'tzitz has more land than it needs; tzitz is our brother; and we will ask them, "satyumishe, give us some of that of which you have too much, so that we may not be lost."' but not to the water people alone did we wish to speak; no, to all of you, to the yaya nashtio and the tapop, that you all may know it and assist us in our need. for rather than starve we shall leave the tyuonyi and look for another place. and then," he concluded, "you will become weak and we shall be weak; and the moshome, the tehuas, and the puyatye will be stronger than the queres, for we shall be divided!" he resumed his seat in token that his speech was ended. from all sides sounded the affirmative grunt "[=a]-[=a]-[=a];" the shkuy chayan and the cuirana naua even nodded. tyope had spoken very well. hoshkanyi tihua was delighted with the talk of his clan-brother. forgetful of his position as chairman he looked around the circle proudly, as if to say, "he can do it better than any one of you." the stillness that followed was suddenly broken by the voice of the hishtanyi chayan, who called out in a dry, business-like manner,-- "our brother tyope has spoken well, and all the others have spoken as their hearts directed them to speak; but my brother"--he emphasized the _my_--"the maseua has not yet said what he thinks. my brother is very wise. let him open his heart to us." there was a slight commotion among the assembled parties. the speech of tyope had so monopolized their attention that none of them had thought of the maseua. now they were reminded of his presence through the principal medicine-man himself, and that reminder acted like a reproach. the eyes of all, tyope and the koshare naua excepted, turned toward the doorway, where topanashka was quietly sitting. the two men from shyuamo affected to pay no further attention to what was going on. topanashka tihua remained sitting. he directed his sharp, keen glance to the hishtanyi chayan, as if to him alone he condescended to speak. then he said,-- "i believe as you do, nashtio yaya, but i also believe as you, tyope, have spoken." so great was the surprise caused by this that tyope lifted his face and looked at the old man in blank astonishment. kauaitshe stared at topanashka like one suddenly aroused by a wondrous piece of news. "tyope is right," continued the maseua; "shyuamo has not soil enough. he is also right in saying that there is not room enough on the tyuonyi for making new plantations." "[=a]-[=a]," the delegate from the turquoise interjected. "it is true our brethren are suffering for want of land whereon to grow their corn. it is equally true that tzitz hanutsh has more land than it needs, and it is well that shyuamo should ask for what it wants and not leave the zaashtesh forever. tyope has well spoken." nothing can describe the effect of this speech. even the chief of the delight makers smiled approvingly a hideous, satanic grin of pleasure. he felt like loving the speaker; that is, provided the schemer had been capable of liking anybody but himself. the eyes of tyope sparkled with grim delight. kauaitshe and tyame hung their heads, and reckoned themselves lost forever. the maseua continued, still addressing the principal shaman,-- "but you are right also, nashtio yaya, when you say that it is tzitz hanutsh who shall decide whether or not it wishes to part with some of its fields for the benefit of the turquoise people." both tyope and the koshare naua grew very serious at these words. "we cannot compel the water people to give up any of their soil." "no," the shikama chayan audibly whispered. "but if shyuamo hanutsh says to tzitz hanutsh, 'we will give you such and such things that are precious to you if you give us the land,' and does it,--then i am in favour of compelling tzitz hanutsh to give it; for it is better thus than that the tribe should be divided and each part go adrift. these are my thoughts, sa nashtio yaya." the hishtanyi chayan actively nodded assent, and all around the circle approving grunts were heard. the old man's speech satisfied the majority of the council, with the sole exception of those who represented the clan shyuamo; it was now their turn to become excited, and the koshare was the first one to display his dissatisfaction. "what shall we give?" he muttered. "we are poor, we have nothing. why should we give anything for that which does not help the others? it will help us, but only us and nobody else. we give nothing because we have nothing," he hissed at last, and looked at tyope as if urging him to be firm and not to promise anything under any circumstances. tyope remained mute; the words of the maseua appeared to leave him unmoved. but tyame, the man of the eagles, became incensed at this refusal on the part of the turquoise people. he shouted to the koshare naua,-- "what! you will give nothing? why are you koshare, then? why are you their chief? do you never receive anything for what you do? you are wealthy, you have green stones, red jewels from the water; you have and you get from the people everything that is precious and makes the heart glad. you alone have more precious things than all the rest of us together!" "it is not true!" exclaimed tyope. "we are poor!" screeched the koshare naua. kauaitshe now interfered; he had recovered from his stupor and yelled, "you have much, you are wealthy!" turning against tyope he shouted to him,-- "why should we, before all the others, give you the soil that you want? why should we, before all the others, give it to you for nothing? you are thieves, you are moshome, shutzuna, tiatiu! no!" he stamped his foot on the ground. "no! we will give you nothing, nothing at all, even if you give us everything that the koshare have schemed and stolen from the people!" the commanding voice of the hishtanyi sounded through the tumult,--"hush! hush!" but it was of no avail; passions were aroused, and both sides were embittered in the highest degree. the delegate from tanyi jumped up, yelling, "why do you want the ground from tzitz alone? why not our field also;" and he placed himself defiantly in front of tyope. the member from huashpa cried,-- "are the water people perhaps to blame for the drought of last year?" "they are!" screamed the koshare naua, rising; "tapop, i want to speak; make order!" "silence!" ordered the little governor, but nobody paid any attention. "satyumishe maseua," now shouted the principal shaman, "keep order, the nashtio koshare wants to speak!" the tall man rose calmly; he went toward the cluster of wrangling men and grasped kauaitshe by the shoulder. "be quiet," he ordered. nobody withstood his determined mien. all became silent. topanashka leaned back against the wall, his gaze fixed on the koshare. everybody was in suspense, in expectation of what the naua might say. he coughed, and began addressing the leading shaman,-- "yaya hishtanyi, you hear that the water people refuse to give us the land that we so much need. they ask of us that we should give them all we have for a small part of theirs. the mot[=a]tza from the hanutsh huashpa has asked whether tzitz hanutsh is perhaps the cause that the crops failed last year. i say it is the cause of it!" "how so?" cried tyame. "through shotaye, their sister," replied the old man, slowly. it was not silence alone that followed this utterance. a stillness ensued so sudden, so dismal, and so awful that it seemed worse than a grave. every face grew sinister, every one felt that some dread revelation was coming. tyope held his head erect, watching the face of the old maseua. topanashka's features had not moved; he was looking at the koshare naua with an air of utter unconcern. the hishtanyi chayan, on the contrary, raised his head; and the expression of his features became sharp, like those of an anxious inquisitor. in the eye of the shkuy chayan a sinister glow appeared. he also had raised his head and bent the upper part of his body forward. the shikama chayan assumed a dark, threatening look. the name of shotaye had aroused dark suspicions among the medicine-men. their chief now asked slowly, measuredly,-- "you accuse a woman of having done harm to the tribe?" henceforward he and his two colleagues were the pivots around which the further proceedings were to revolve. the tapop was forgotten; nobody paid attention to him any longer. "i do; i say that shotaye, the woman belonging to tzitz hanutsh, has carried destruction to the tribe." "in what way?" "in preventing the rain from falling in season." "and she has succeeded!" ejaculated tyope, in a low voice,--so low that it was not heard by all. the shkuy chayan continued the interrogatory. nobody else uttered a word; not even the hishtanyi spoke for the present. the latter disliked the woman as much as any of his colleagues; but he mistrusted her accusers as well, and preferred, after having taken the initiatory steps, to remain an attentive listener and observer, leaving it to his associates to proceed with the case. the shkuy, on the other hand, was eager to develop matters; he had been secretly informed some time ago of what was known concerning the witchcraft proceedings of shotaye, and he hated the woman more bitterly than any of his colleagues did; and as the charge was the preventing of rain-fall, it very directly affected his own functions,--not more than those of the hishtanyi, who is ex-officio rain-maker, but quite as much. for drought not only affects the crops; it exerts quite as baneful an influence upon game; and game, as food for man, is under the special care of the shkuy chayan. he is the great medicine-man of the hunt. drought artificially produced, as the indian is convinced it can be through witchcraft, is one of the greatest calamities that can be brought upon a tribe. as a crime, it is worse than murder, for it is an attempt at wholesale though slow extermination. the sorcerer or the witch who deliberately attempts to prevent rain-fall becomes the object of intense hatred on the part of all. the whole cluster of men assembled felt the gravity of the charge. horror-stricken, they sat in mute silence, awaiting the result of the investigation which the shkuy chayan proceeded to carry on. "how do you know that the aniehna"--he emphasized the untranslatable word of insult, and his voice trembled with passion--"has worked such evil to the people?" the query was directed to the koshare naua. the latter turned to tyope, saying,-- "speak, satyumishe nashtio." he squatted again. the eyes of all, topanashka's excepted, who did not for a moment divert his gaze from the chief of the delight makers, were fixed on tyope. he rose and dryly said,-- "i saw when shotaye koitza and say koitza, the daughter of our father the maseua,"--everybody now looked at the war-chief in astonishment, dismay, or sorrow; but he remained completely impassive,--"who lives in the abodes of tanyi hanutsh, caused the black corn to answer their questions. and there were owl's feathers along with the corn. it was night, and i could not hear what they said. it was in the beginning of winter; not last winter, but the winter before." "is that all?" inquired the hishtanyi chayan in turn. it displeased him to hear that tyope had been eavesdropping in the dark,--the man had no business in the big house at night. "i know also," continued tyope, "that shotaye gathered the feathers herself on the kauash toward the south." "did you see her?" "yes," boldly asserted tyope. he lied, for he dared not tell the truth; namely, that the young navajo was his informant. "is that all?" queried the hishtanyi again. "after we, the koshare, had prayed and done penance in our own kaaptsh i at one time went back to the timbers on which we climb up to the cave. at their foot, below the rocks, i found this!" he drew from beneath his wrap a little bundle, and handed it to the shaman, who examined it closely and gave it to his colleagues, who subjected the object to an equally thorough investigation. those sitting along the wall bent forward curiously, until at last the bundle was turned over to them also. so it went from hand to hand, each one passing it to the next with sighs and marks of thorough disgust. the bundle was composed of owl's feathers tied to a flake of black obsidian. "i found a second one," quietly said tyope, pulling forth a similar bunch. now the council gave demonstrations not only of amazement but of violent indignation; the shamans and topanashka alone remained calm. both bunches were given to the tapop, who placed them on the floor before him. the hishtanyi chayan inquired further,-- "where did you find the feathers? say it once more." "at the foot of the rocks, where we ascend to our estufa on cross-timbers." "did you see who put them there?" "no." "when do you think they were placed there?" "while the koshare were at work in the estufa." "do you know more?" "nothing more." tyope sat down, and the interrogatory was over. it was as still as a grave in the dingy, ill-lighted chamber. no one dared even to look up, for the matter was in the hands of the yaya, and they were still thinking over it. the demands of shyuamo hanutsh were completely forgotten. the owl's feathers had monopolized the attention and the thoughts of every one in the room. at last the hishtanyi chayan rose. he threw a glance at his colleagues, who understood it, and rose also. then the great medicine-man spoke in a hollow tone,-- "we will go now. we shall speak to our father the hotshanyi, that he may help us to consult those above. four days hence we shall know what the shiuana think, and on the night following"--he turned to the tapop--"we will tell you here what to do. in the meantime,"--he uttered these words like a solemn warning,--"hush! let none of you exchange one word on what we have heard or seen to-night. let none of you say at home, 'i know of something evil,' or to a friend, 'bad things are going on in the tribe.' be silent, so that no one suspect the least thing, and that the sentence of the shiuana be not interfered with. nasha!" he concluded, and went toward the exit. ere leaving the room, however, he turned once more, adding,-- "and you go also. each one for himself and alone. let no one of you utter words, but all of you pray and do penance, keep open your ears, wide awake your eye, and closed your lips." with this the shamans filed out, one after the other. their muffled steps were heard for a moment as they grated on the bare rock. one by one the other members of the council left the chamber in silence, each wending his way homeward with gloomy thoughts. dismal anticipations and dread apprehension filled the hearts of every one. chapter xii. at the time when the tribal council of the queres was holding the stormy session which we have described in the preceding chapter, quite a different scene was taking place at the home of the wife of tyope. that home, we know, belonged to hannay, the woman with whom tyope had consorted after his separation from shotaye; and it was also the dwelling in which he resided when other matters did not keep him away. the tie that bound tyope to his second wife was of rather a sensual nature. hannay was a very sensual woman, but in addition to this she possessed qualities that made her valuable to her husband. she was extremely inquisitive, listened well, knew how to inquire, and was an active reporter. on her side there was no real affection for tyope; but her admiration for his intellectual qualities, so far as she was able to appreciate them, knew no bounds. it amounted almost to awe. their connection was consequently a partnership rather than anything else,--a partnership based on physical affinities, on mutual interest, and on habit. of the higher sort of sympathy there was no trace. neither had room for it among the many occupations which their mode of life and manner of intercourse called forth. if tyope was shrewd and cunning, and if he made of his own woman his eye, ear, and mouth, as has been said in one of the previous chapters, hannay was not a fool. she did not of course understand anything of his plans and schemes, and he never thought it necessary to inform her; but she knew how to manage him whenever anything aroused her curiosity. she contrived to gratify this sometimes in a way that her husband failed to detect,--by drawing from his talk inferences that were exceedingly correct and which he had no thought of furnishing. for tyope knew his wife's weakness; he knew that if her ears and her eyes were sharp, her tongue was correspondingly swift; and he tried to be as guarded as possible toward her on any topic which he did not wish to become public property. nevertheless hannay succeeded in outwitting her husband more than once, and in guessing with considerable accuracy things that he did not regard as belonging within the field of her knowledge. so, for instance, while he had carefully avoided stating to her the object of the council, she nevertheless had put together in her own mind a number of minor points and hints to which he attached no importance, and had thus framed for herself a probable purpose of the meeting that fell not much short of the real truth. the main desire that occupied hannay's mind for the present was the union between okoya and her daughter mitsha. okoya had, unknown to himself, no stronger ally than the mother of the girl. the motive that actuated her in this matter was simply the apparent physical fitness of the match and the momentary advantages that she, considering her own age and the loose nature of indian marriages, might eventually derive from the daily presence of okoya at her home. in other words, she desired the good-looking youth as much for herself as for her child, and saw nothing wrong in this. from the day when okoya for the first time trod the roof of her dwelling in order to protect mitsha, she had set her cap for him. but she knew that there was no love on the part of tyope for the relatives of okoya, paternal or maternal, and she was too much afraid of him to venture open consent to a union that might be against his wishes. in her mind tyope was the only stumbling-block in the path of the two young people; that is, in the way of her own desires. she had consequently set to work with a great deal of tact and prudence in approaching tyope about the matter. after a number of preparatory skirmishes, she at last ventured to tell him of it. to her astonishment he took it quite composedly, saying neither yes nor no, and displaying no feeling at all. he saw not the least objection to having okoya visit her house as often as he might please; in fact, he treated the matter with great indifference. this was a decided relief to her, and she anxiously waited for okoya's first visit to impress him most favourably regarding not merely herself but her husband. tyope indeed did not attach the slightest importance to okoya personally. the youth had no value for him at present; he did not dislike him; he did not notice him at all. the boy was as unobjectionable to him as any one else whom he did not need for his purposes. but there were points connected with the union that affected tyope's designs very materially, and these would come out in course of time, although he foresaw them already. in the first place, intermarriage between the clans of tanyi and tyame was not favourable to his scheme, which consisted in expelling gradually or violently four clusters,--tanyi, tyame, huashpa, and tzitz, from the rito. the last-named cluster he wanted to get rid of on account of shotaye, whom he feared as much as he hated; the other three he wished to dispossess of their houses, which were the best secured against decay on the tyuonyi, in order to lodge therein his own relatives and their partisans. had okoya aspired to the hand of a daughter of the turquoise clan, tyope would have been in favour of his pretensions at once. on the other hand, okoya was very young; he might be flexible if properly handled; and in case the boy, whose father was already a koshare and completely under tyope's influence, could be induced to join the society of the delight makers, it would be a gain fully compensating for the other disadvantages of the situation. one more koshare in tanyi, and one who would dwell with tyame, besides, after marriage, was a gain. it would facilitate the realization of the plan of a disruption of tribal ties by creating disunion among the clans most powerful, after shyuamo. tyope did not care for the expulsion of certain special clusters as a whole, provided a certain number and a certain kind of people were removed. but the matter of making a koshare out of okoya was a delicate undertaking. his wife had already suggested as much to him, and he had insinuated to her that she might try, cautioning her at the same time against undue precipitation. finally he left the whole matter in her hands without uttering either assent or dissent, and went about his own more important and much more intricate affairs. hannay awaited okoya with impatience, but the youth had not appeared again. he was afraid of tyope and also afraid of her. the warnings of his mother and hayoue he had treasured deeply, and these warnings kept him away from the home of mitsha. still he longed to go there. every evening since the one on which say encouraged him to go, he had determined to pay the first regular visit, but as often as the time came his courage had abandoned him and he had not gone. and yet he must either go or give up; this he realized plainly. there might be a possibility of some other youth attempting the same, and then he would be too late, perhaps. there was no thought on his part of giving up; he felt committed; and yet he was more afraid of going to call on the maiden than he would have been of encountering some wild beast. not on mitsha's account, oh no! he longed to meet her at her own home, but he feared both her parents. say koitza instinctively noticed her son's trouble, and she became apprehensive lest out of timidity he might suffer to escape him what she now more and more regarded as a golden opportunity. at last, on the evening when the council was to meet, a fact that was well known to all, she said to her son,-- "i hear that sa nashtio maseua is going to the uuityam to-night; in that case tyope will be there also." more she did not say, but okoya treasured the hint, and made no remark about it, but at once thought that the time had come to pay a visit to the maiden. after the sun had gone down he went out and leaned against the northern wall of the big house, gazing steadily at the dwellings of the eagle clan. there were too many people about yet for him to attempt the call, and furthermore it was so early that the council could hardly have assembled. by the light of the moon he saw clearly the movements of the people, although it was impossible to recognize individuals at any distance. the boy sat down and waited. from where he rested he could not fail to notice when the delegates of the clans that inhabited the big house left for the council, and that would be the signal for his own starting. his heart beat; he felt happy and yet anxious; hope and doubt both agitated his mind. one of his comrades stealthily approached okoya, sat down on the ground beside him, threw one arm around his shoulders, and began to sing loudly. okoya chimed in, and the two shouted at the top of their untrained voices into the clear still night. such is the custom in indian villages. a third one joined them, finally a fourth. the latter lay down on his stomach, rested his elbows on the ground, his chin in both hands, and sang in company with the others. soon after, two men issued from the gangway and walked down the valley; at last another went in the same direction. these were the members of the council, and now it was time for okoya. as soon as the song reached a pause, he stood up, said "sha," and turned to go. one of his companions seized him by the ankles, saying, "it is too early for you to go to see the girls;" and all together added, laughing, "don't go yet, later on we will all go together." but okoya stepped firmly on the arm of him who attempted to hold him back, so that the boy loosened his grip; then he jumped into the passage, where they could not see him. he disliked to have any one notice that he went to see mitsha. waiting in the dark passage for a short time, he glided out at last on the side farthest from where the boys were still sitting and singing, crossed the ditch into the high corn, and went through the latter upward until opposite the western end of the building. crossing the ditch again, he reached the slope that led to the buildings occupied by the people of the eagle. in order to mislead his comrades, in case they should be on the lookout, he went higher up along the cliffs till he reached the caves of tzina hanutsh. here he looked back. the three boys were singing lustily the same monotonous rhyme at the same place where he had left them. from the rock dwellings of the turkey people there was a gentle declivity to the houses which the clan tyame had constructed against the perpendicular wall of the cliffs. okoya walked rapidly; now that he had started, he longed to reach mitsha's home. children still romped before the houses; on the roofs entire families were gathered, loudly talking, laughing, or singing. some of them had even built small fires and cooked their evening meal in the wonderfully cool and invigourating air. the terrace of the abode whither okoya directed his steps was deserted, but a ray of light passed through the opening in the front wall. nothing seemed to stir inside when the boy approached. had okoya glanced at that little opening he might have discerned a woman's face, which looked out of it for a moment and then disappeared within. had he stepped closer to the wall he might have heard a woman's voice inside calling out in a low tone,--"mitsha, he is coming!" but he neither looked nor listened; he was barely able to think. his feelings overpowered him completely; wrapped in them he stood still, lost in conflicting sentiments, a human statue flooded by the silvery moonlight. somebody coughed within the house, but he did not hear it. again the face appeared in the small, round air-hole. okoya had his face turned to the east and away from the wall of the house. at last the spectator within thought that the boy's musings were of a rather long duration, and she called out,-- "sa uishe, opona!" he started and looked toward the dwelling, but saw only two black points peeping through the port-hole. again the voice spoke,-- "why don't you come in, mot[=a]tza?" now he became conscious that hannay was calling him into her home. his first impulse was to run away, but that was only a passing thought; and it became clear to him that he had reached the place whither he was going, and furthermore that the women were alone. without a word of reply he climbed the roof and nimbly down into the apartment. he was still on the ladder when hannay repeated the invitation,-- "opona, sa uishe." his greeting was responded to by a loud and warm "raua, raua" from the mother, and a faint, slightly tremulous "raua [=a]" from another voice, which from its softness could only be that of mitsha. the room was dark, for the fire was about to go out; but beside the hearth cowered a female figure who had placed fresh wood on the embers and was fanning them with her breath. it was mitsha. at the entrance of the visitor, she quickly stroked back the hair that streamed over her cheeks and turned her face half around. but this was for a moment only; as soon as the wood caught fire and light began to spread over the room she again blew into the flames with all her might. it was quite unnecessary, for the fire burned lustily. hannay stood in the middle of the floor, wiping her mouth with the back of her hand. stepping up to the boy she said,-- "you have not been here for a long time, mot[=a]tza." it sounded like a friendly reproach. he modestly grasped her fingers, breathed on her hand, and replied,-- "i could not come." "you did not want to come," said the woman, smiling. "i could not," he reiterated. "you could had you wished, i know it; and i know also why you did not come." she added, "well, now you are here at last, and it is well. mitsha, give your friend something to eat." the significant word "friend" fell on fertile soil. it eased okoya at once. he sat down closer to the hearth, where the maiden was very busy in a rather confused manner, her face turned from him. still as often as the strands of hair accidentally parted on the left cheek, she shot quick side-glances at him. okoya, balancing himself on his heels, quietly observed her. it was impossible to devote to her his whole attention, for her mother had already taken her seat close by him and was claiming his ear. she offered slight attraction to the eye, for her squatting figure was not beautiful. okoya grew lively, much more lively than he had been on his first visit. "why should i not have wanted to see you?" he good-naturedly asked. "i will tell you," hannay chuckled; "because you were afraid." "afraid?" he cried, "afraid? of whom?" but within himself he thought the woman was right. hannay smiled. "of mitsha," she said; adding, "she is naughty and strong." a peal of coarse laughter accompanied this stroke of wit. the girl was embarrassed; she hid her face on her lap. okoya replied,-- "mitsha does not bite." "she certainly will not bite you," the mother answered, causing the maiden to turn her face away. "does she bite others?" okoya asked. again hannay laughed aloud, and from the corner whither mitsha had retreated there sounded something like a suppressed laugh also. it amused her to think that she might bite people. her mother, however, explained,-- "no, mitsha does not bite; but if other boys should come to see her she might perhaps strike them. but you, sa uishe,"--the woman moved closer to him,--"you, i am sure, she will not send away. is it not so, mitsha? okoya may come to see you, may he not?" the poor girl was terribly embarrassed by this more than direct question, and okoya himself hung his head in confusion. he pitied the maiden for having such a mother. as mitsha gave no answer, hannay repeated,-- "speak, sa uishe; will you send this mot[=a]tza away as you do the others?" "no," breathed the poor creature thus sorely pressed. a thrill went through the frame of okoya; he looked up, and his eyes beamed in the reflex of the fire. the woman had watched him with the closest attention, and nothing escaped her notice. her eyes also sparkled with pleasure, for she felt sure of him. "well, why don't you give the mot[=a]tza some food?" she asked her daughter again. "on your account he has walked the long way from the big house. is it not so, okoya?" "yes," the boy replied innocently. quick as thought mitsha turned around, and her eyes beamed on him for an instant. he did not notice it, and she forthwith stepped up to the hearth. even though she lacked evening toilette, mitsha presented a handsome picture; and her friend became absorbed in contemplation of the lithe, graceful form. she lifted the pot from the fire, placed the customary share of its contents before okoya, and retired to a corner, whence she soon returned with a piece of dried yucca-preserve, regarded as a great treat by the indians, because it has a sweet taste. as she was placing the dessert on the floor, the boy extended his hand, and she laid the sweetmeat in it instead of depositing it where she had originally intended. okoya's hand closed, grasping hers and holding it fast. mitsha tried to extricate her fingers, but he clutched them in his. stepping back, she made a lunge at his upper arm which caused him to let go her hand at once. laughing, she then sat down between him and her mother. the ice was broken. "you are very strong," okoya assured her, rubbing the sore limb. "she is strong, indeed," her mother confirmed; "she can work well, too." "have you any green paint?" the girl asked. "no, but i know a place where it is found. do you want any?" "i would like to have some." "for what do you use the green stone?" "next year i want to paint and burn bowls and pots." mitsha had no thought of the inferences that he would draw from her simple explanation. he interpreted her words as very encouraging for him, not only because the girl understood the art of making pottery, but he drew the conclusion that she was thinking of furnishing a household of her own. hannay improved the opportunity to still further praise her child. she said,-- "mitsha does not only know how to paint; she can also shape the uashtanyi, the atash, and the asa." with this she rose, went to the wall, and began to rummage about in some recess. okoya had meanwhile taken one of the girl's hands in his playing with her dainty fingers which she suffered him to do. "see here," the woman cried and turned around. he dropped the girl's hand and hannay handed something to him. "mitsha made this." then she sat down again. the object which okoya had received from her was a little bowl of clay, round, and decorated on its upper rim with four truncated and graded pyramids that rose like prongs at nearly equal intervals. the vessel was neatly finished, smooth, white, and painted with black symbolic designs. there was nothing artistic in it according to our ideas, but it was original and quaint. okoya gazed at the bowl with genuine admiration, placed it on the floor, and took it up again, holding it so that the light of the fire struck the inside also. he shook his head in astonishment and pleasure. mitsha moved closer to him. with innocent pride she saw his beaming looks, and heard the admiring exclamations with which he pointed at the various figures painted on the white surface. then she began to explain to him. "lightning," said she, indicating with her finger a sinuous black line that issued from one side of the arches resting on a heavy black dash. "cloud," he added, referring to the arches. "rain," concluded the maiden, pointing at several black streaks which descended from the figure of the clouds. both broke out in a hearty laugh. his merriment arose from sincere admiration, hers from equally sincere joy at his approbation of her work. the mother laughed also; it amused her to see how much okoya praised her daughter's skill. she was overjoyed at seeing the two become more familiar. okoya returned to his former position, placing the vessel on the floor with tender care; and mitsha resumed her sitting posture, only she sat much nearer the boy than before. he still examined the bowl with wonder. "who taught you to make such nice things?" he asked at last. "an old woman from mokatsh. look," and she took up the vessel again, pointing to its outside, where near the base she had painted two horned serpents encircling the foot of the bowl. "tzitz shruy," she laughed merrily. the youth laughed, so did the women, all three enjoying themselves like big, happy children. "for whom did you make this?" okoya now inquired. "for my father," mitsha proudly replied. "what may tyope want with it?" asked the boy. "i have seen uashtanyi like this, but they stood before the altar and there was meal in them. it was when the shiuana appeared on the wall. what may sa nashtio use this for?" "i don't know," mitsha replied, and her eye turned to her mother timidly askance and with an expression of doubt. hannay saw here an excellent pretext to put in a word of her own which she had wished to say long before. "i will tell you, sa uishe; i will speak to you as i would to my own child." the artful flattery had its desired effect. okoya became very attentive; he moved closer apparently to the mother,--in reality, to the daughter. "you know tyope is a koshare, and i am koshare too; and he is very wise, a great man among those who create delight. now it may be that you know also what we have to do." "you have to make rain," said the youth; for such was the common belief among the younger people about the duties of the society. hannay and mitsha looked at each other smiling, the simple-mindedness of the boy amused them. "you are right," the woman informed him. "after we have prayed, fasted, and done penance, it ought to rain, in order that yamunyi may grow to koatshit, and koatshit ripen to yakka." in these words she artfully shrouded the true objects of the koshare. it enhanced their importance in the eyes of the uninitiated listener by making him believe that the making of rain was also an attribute of theirs. "see, uak," she proceeded, "on this bowl you see everything painted that produces rain." one after the other she pointed out the various figures. "here you see the tadpole, here the frog, here the dragon-fly and the fish; they, as they stand here, pray for rain; for some of them cry for it, when the time comes others live in the water, which is fed from the clouds, or they flit above the pools in summer. here is the cloud and lightning, and"--she turned the vessel bottom side up--"here are the shiuana themselves," pointing at the two horned serpents. "these live everywhere where tzitz is running or standing. in this uashtanyi we keep meal in order to do sacrifice at the time when rain ought to fall. the pictures of the shiuana call the shiuana themselves! so you see what the koshare want with this thing." okoya's lips had slowly parted in growing astonishment; and mitsha, to whom the explanation was not altogether new, watched the expression of his features with genuine delight. "and when you pray and scatter meal out of this,"--pointing to the bowl,--"does the rain always come?" "always." "why, then, did it not rain last summer?" "that i cannot tell you," said the woman. "only the shiuana know. besides, there are bad people who stop the rain from coming." "how can they do that?" cried both okoya and mitsha in surprise, neither of them having heard as yet of such a thing. "i must not tell you that," said hannay, with a mysterious and important air; "you are too young to know it. tell me, okoya,"--her voice changed with the change of the subject,--"does shotaye koitza often come to see your mother?" this question was highly imprudent. but hannay was often imprudent. smart and sly in a certain way, she was equally thoughtless in other matters. the query so sudden, so abrupt, and so uncalled for must, she ought to have foreseen, look extremely suspicious. and yet okoya was on the point of answering, "she was at our home a few days ago." in time, however, he bethought himself of the warnings she had received, and replied in an unsteady tone,-- "i don't know." hannay noticed his embarrassed manner, and saw at a glance that he was forewarned. the "no" of the boy told her "yes." the discovery, however, that okoya was on his guard was rather disagreeable; it angered her so much that her first impulse was to send him away. but she soon changed her mind. the youth was obedient; and if now he obeyed the counsels of his people, why might he not later on become accustomed to submission to his wife's people also? at all events he was good-natured, and according to hannay's conceptions, good-natured folk were always silly. that smart but ill-natured persons might also prove extremely silly on occasions was far from her thoughts, and yet the very question she had imprudently put to okoya was an instance of it. it did not occur to her that it might yet be problematic whether okoya would ever become a traitor to his own people. she could not conceive how anybody might be different from her and from tyope, and of course she had no doubt concerning his ultimate pliability. and she relied also upon the influence mitsha would exert upon her future husband, taking it for granted that her child had the same low standards as her parents. that child hannay regarded merely as a resource,--as valuable property, marketable and to be disposed of to the most suitable bidder. in her eyes okoya appeared as a very desirable one. she saw that the courtship, if thus it may be called, was advancing most favourably; and thought it proper, now that the ball was in motion, to allow it to roll alone for a short time,--in other words, to leave the house under some pretext, abandoning the young folk to themselves. after her return she intended to sound okoya again, though in a more skilful manner. so she replaced the bowl in its niche and went toward the ladder. before ascending it she turned and said,-- "i will be back soon." the youth smiled, and she gave him a knowing, significant wink, climbed on the roof and down to the ground, and remained standing outside for a while, until she thought that the young people had forgotten about her. then she glided noiselessly to the air-hole and peeped in. they still sat by the hearth, examining together some object the nature of which she could not discover; and mitsha was explaining something to the boy. evidently the girl was showing him another piece of her handiwork. she heard them laugh merrily and innocently. they were like children at play. satisfied with the outlook, hannay crept off to a neighbour's dwelling where the whole family was gathered on the house-top. she took her seat by the old folk and joined in the conversation. that conversation was nothing more nor less than the merest gossip,--indian gossip, as genuine as any that is spoken in modern society; with this difference only, that the circle of facts and ideas accessible to the indian mind is exceedingly narrow, and that the gossip applies itself therefore to a much smaller number of persons and things. but it is as venomous, the backbiting as severe and merciless among indians as among us; and there is the same disposition to criticise everything that does not strictly pertain to us and to our favourites, the same propensity to slander the absent and to be of the same opinion as those present so long as they are within hearing distance. gossip has a magic power. it fascinates more than any other kind of conversation. it fascinated hannay, and time rolled on without her noticing it. the night was so beautiful, so still, so placid, and it felt so comfortable outside on this terrace, whereon the moon shone so brightly, that hannay sat and sat, listened and talked, until she had forgotten the young folk at home. suddenly a dark shadow covered the roof; the change was so abrupt that everybody looked around. what a moment ago was plunged in the silvery bath of the moon's rays was now wrapped in transparent darkness. but the valley below and the slope in front were as softly radiant as before. the moon had disappeared behind one of the cliffs, and the shadow of the rocks was now cast over the houses of the eagle. it reminded the talkers that it was late, and it also reminded hannay of her visitor. she clambered hurriedly off and hastened home. again she looked through the circular vent. it was dark inside, and still. after listening a while she distinguished regular breathings. it was easy to recognize them as those of mitsha, who was soundly, peacefully asleep. hannay, as soon as she reached the floor of the apartment, called out,-- "sa uishe!" no reply. "sa uishe!" no answer. she groped about in the dark until her hands touched the sleeping form. she pulled the girl's dress and shook her by the arm until she sighed and moved, and then asked,-- "sa uishe, has your father come?" "no," murmured the still dreaming child. "where is okoya?" "he has left." "will he come again?" "oh, yes," breathed mitsha softly; then she turned over, sighed, and spoke no more. hannay was happy. the boy would return! that was all she cared for. she really liked him, for he was so candid, so good, and so simple-minded. with such a son-in-law much was possible, she thought. okoya could certainly be moulded to become a very useful tool to her as well as to tyope. the woman felt elated over the results of the evening; she felt sure that notwithstanding one egregious mistake, of which of course she would be careful not to speak, her husband would be pleased with her management of affairs. it was long after midnight when that husband returned to the roof of his wife, and hannay was already fast asleep. okoya had gone long before hannay thought of returning. he went home happy, and satisfied that mitsha henceforth belonged to him. and yet after all there was a cloud on his mind,--not a very threatening one, yet a cloud such as accompanies us everywhere, marring our perfect happiness whenever we fancy we have attained it. mitsha had said to him, while they were alone,-- "if you were only koshare, the sanaya would give me to you." okoya thereupon imagined that without hannay's consent he could never obtain the maiden. on the other hand, the idea of joining the delight makers did not at all suit him. he feared in that case the opposition of his mother. after he had returned to the estufa and lain down among the other boys, who were mostly asleep, he revolved the matter in his mind for a long time without arriving at any conclusion whatever. had he been less sincere and less attached to his mother, such scruples would hardly have troubled him; had he owned more experience he would have known that his apprehensions were groundless, and that hannay could not, if she wished, prevent him from becoming mitsha's husband. chapter xiii. when, at the close of the eventful meeting of the council at which the accusation against shotaye and say koitza had fallen like a thunderbolt upon the minds of all present, the principal shamans warned the members of that council to keep strict silence and to fast or pray, that reminder was not to be understood as imposing on them the obligation of rigid penitence. secrecy alone was obligatory; it remained optional with each how far he would carry his contrition. the three caciques, however, and the chief medicine-men had to retire and begin rigorous penitential ceremonies. therefore the hishtanyi chayan had said that he was going to speak to the leading penitents at once. some of the fathers of the tribe, however, took the matter so much to heart that they obeyed the injunction of the great medicine-men literally, and took to sackcloth and ashes as soon as they reached home. their motives were extremely laudable, but their action was by no means wise. they lost sight of what the shaman had strongly insisted upon; namely, that none of them should, by displaying particular sadness or by dropping mysterious hints, attract attention, and thus lead the people to surmise or suspect something of grave import. the shaman knew the human heart well, at least the hearts of his tribe; but with all his well-intended shrewdness he overlooked the fact that the very recommendations he gave had fallen on too fertile ground, and consequently worked more harm than good. for the majority of the councilmen were so horror-stricken by the disclosures of tyope and of the koshare naua, that they went to do penance with a zeal that could not fail to draw the attention of everybody around them. thus kauaitshe, the delegate of the water clan, and tyame, he of the eagles, and several others considered it their duty to fast. not a word concerning the meeting passed their lips; but when on the following morning each one of them retired to a secluded chamber or sat down in a corner of his room, his arms folded around his knees, speechless, motionless; when he refused to partake of the food which his wife or daughter presented to him,--when he persisted in this attitude quietly and solemnly, it could not fail to attract attention. the father, brother, or husband fasted! whenever the indian does penance it is because he has something heavy on his mind. in the present instance, as it happened immediately after the council, it necessarily led to the inference that at that council momentous questions must have been discussed, and also that these questions had not been solved. otherwise, why should the councilmen fast? penitence, with the indian, is akin to sacrifice; the body is tormented because the soul is beyond human reach. the fasting is done in order to render the body more accessible to the influence of the mind. often, too, one fasts in order to weaken the body, in order to free the soul from its thralls and bring it into a closer relation with the powers regarded as supernatural. at all events, fasting and purifications were a sure sign that serious affairs were in process of development, and such proceedings on the part of some of the nashtio could not fail to produce results the opposite of what the shaman had intended. it would have been different had the yaya alone retired for penitential performances; nobody would have been struck by that, for everybody was accustomed to see them at work, as such voluntary sacrifice on their part is usually called; it was their business. but since the nashtio also, at least in part, performed similar acts, it could not help producing, slowly and gradually but surely, a tremendous amount of gossip and a corresponding number of speculations of a rather gloomy nature. that gossip was started in the cave-dwellings of tzina hanutsh. the stout representative of the water clan had married into that cluster, and lived consequently among them with his wife. he returned home wildly excited; he did not go to rest at all; and when his family awoke they saw him sitting in a corner. as soon as he declined to eat, remaining there in morose silence, they all knew that he was grieving and chastising himself. everybody thought, "the nashtio of tzitz since his return from the council is doing penance. what can have happened last night!" owing to the custom which compels a man to marry outside of his own clan, the abodes of the women of each clan were frequented by their husbands. they of course belonged to different clans. their natural confidants were not their wives, still less their children, but their clan-brothers and clan-sisters. during the day that followed the council, a man whose wife was from the turkey people, but who himself belonged to shyuamo, went down to the caves of the latter. there he was received with the remark,-- "the nashtio of the eagles, tyame, who lives with us, is fasting." he replied in surprise, "and kauaitshe is also doing penance." a third, whose wife belonged to the bear clan, was within hearing; and he quickly added, "the delegate from hiit-shanyi dwells with kohaio; he, too, is fasting!" it was strange! people said nothing, but they shook their heads and separated. similar things occurred in the houses of the tanyi. there the representative of the bear clan was in retirement. in the big house news circulated faster than anywhere else on the tyuonyi, and in a very short time it became known that not only the nashtio from kohaio, but especially that the hishtanyi chayan and the cuirana naua were secluding themselves. step by step the news got abroad and went from clan to clan, while the people compared notes without expressing opinions. at sunset it was known all over the rito that since the council at least six of the clan delegates were fasting, besides the three shamans. when at last news came that a woman had gone to see the wife of the chief penitent, and had heard from her that her husband was working, things began to look not only strange but portentous. in an indian village, gossip about public affairs comes to a stand-still as soon as the outlook seems very grave. a sullen quiet sets in; the hanutsh recede from each other, and only such as are very intimate venture to interchange opinions, and even they only with the utmost caution. for any event that concerns the welfare of the community is, in the mind of the aborigine, intimately connected with the doings of those above. and if the shiuana were to hear an irrelevant or unpleasant utterance on the part of their children, things might go wrong. there is, beside, the barrier between clan and clan,--the mistrust which one connection feels always more or less strongly toward the others. instead of the excitement and display of passion that too often accompany the preliminaries of great events in civilized communities, and which too often also unduly precipitate them, among the indians there is reticence. they do not run to headquarters for information; they make no effort at interviewing the officers; they simply and sullenly wait. this patient waiting, however, is only on the surface. in strictly intimate circles apprehensions are sometimes uttered and opinions exchanged. but this is done in the clan, and rarely in the family. in the present case it was not reticence alone that prevailed. the conviction that great things might be brought to light soon, caused uneasiness rather than anything else. apprehensions were increased by the fact that only a part of the dignitaries of the tribe were doing penance. the koshare naua was not fasting, neither was topanashka; and tyope went about with the utmost unconcern. members of the clans whose delegates kept secluded became suspicious of the fact that their nashtio appealed more particularly to the higher powers, and hence that his constituents--such was their conclusion--were in danger of something as yet concealed from the people. suspicion led to envy, and finally to wrath against such as appeared to be free from the necessity of intercession. tyope had thrown a firebrand among the tribe, and the fire was smouldering yet. but it was merely a question of time for the flames to burst forth. it was even easy to guess when it must occur, for no such fast can last longer than four days. at their expiration, if not before, all doubts must be dispelled. with this absolute certainty the people rested, not content, but submitting to the inevitable. only two men among the queres knew the whole truth of the matter, and these were tyope and the old koshare naua. they watched with apparent calmness, but with the greatest attention, the approach of the storm which they had prepared. everything went on to their hearts' content. they did not need to do penance, for their sinister plans were advancing satisfactorily. and a third at the rito, although unknown to them, also began to see the truth gradually with a distinctness that was fearful, that was crushing to him. that man was the head war-chief, topanashka tihua. a series of logical deductions brought him to ravel step by step the game that was being played. he saw now why tzitz hanutsh had been made to bear the first assault. it was on account of shotaye. but as the demand was put, it involved ultimately the question of residence, and consequently an expulsion of the water people. this could never have been merely on account of one woman and in order to get rid of her, since it was so easy to put shotaye out of the way by the mere accusation of witchcraft. that accusation itself appeared to the old man to be a mere pretext and nothing else. to expel the small water clan alone was not their object either. his daughter, the child of tanyi, was also implicated, and with this thought came a flash of light. not one clan alone, but several, were to be removed, and as he now saw plainly, mostly the clans occupying houses which were not exposed to the dangers which threatened the cave-dwellers from the crumbling rock. tzitz had only served as an entering-wedge for their design that the house-dwellers should make room for the others. the more topanashka thought over it, the more he felt convinced that he was right. and the stronger his convictions the more he saw that the plans of the two fiends, tyope and the naua, were likely to succeed. they were bad men, they were dangerous men; but they certainly had a pair of very subtle minds. was it possible to defeat their object? other men, differently constituted from topanashka, might have come to the conclusion that it was best to leave the rito with their people at once, without any further wrangling, and make room peaceably. to this he could never consent. none of his relatives or their friends should be sacrificed to the intrigues of the turquoise people. rather than yield he was firmly determined that the turquoise people themselves should go. but only after they had done their worst. it was true, as tyope had said, that a division of the tribe entailed a dangerous weakening of both fragments; but then if it must be, what else could be done? still he was in hopes that the shiuana would not consent to a separation, and in his firm belief in the goodness of those above he resolved, when the time came, to do his utmost for the preservation of peace and unity. but it was a crushing weight to him. not a soul had he with whom to communicate, for his lips were sealed; not one whom he might enlighten and prepare for the hour of the crisis. and he felt unconsciously that he was the pillar on which rested the safety of his people,--he and the shiuana! the feeling was no source of pride; it was a terrible load, which he longed in vain to share with some one else. topanashka did not attempt to do penance externally; he was too shrewd for that; but he prayed as much as any one,--prayed for light from above, for the immense courage to keep silent, to hope, and to wait. the news that kauaitshe, the delegate from tzitz hanutsh, was fasting had reached the cave-dwellings of his cluster late in the afternoon. zashue had carried it thither, communicating the intelligence secretly to his mother and sister. they were speaking of it, the old woman with apprehensions, and zashue in his usual frivolous manner, when hayoue entered. "do you know," said he, "that the nashtio of tyame is doing penance?" "so does ours," remarked zashue, growing serious. he began to see matters in a different light. "what may this all be about?" wondered the younger brother. the elder brother shrugged his shoulders, sighed, and rubbed his eyes; and all four kept silent. "is it perhaps from the uuityam?" asked hayoue; and his mother exclaimed,-- "surely it is." "then something must have occurred," continued hayoue; and with a side-glance at his brother, "i wonder if tyope is fasting also?" zashue denied it positively, and added, "the naua is out of doors." "in that case it is our people again who have to suffer." his passion was aroused; he cried, rather than spoke "the shyuamo never suffer anything. who knows but the shuatyam, tyope, and the old one have again done something to harm us!" ere zashue could reply to this sally the young man had left the cave. when hayoue stood outside he noticed shotaye sitting on her doorstep. "guatzena, sam[=a]m," he called over to her. "raua a," the woman answered, extending her hand toward him as if she wished to give him something. he went over to her, took the object, and looked at it. it was the rattle of a snake. "where did you get this?" he asked. "i found it above, where a rattlesnake had been eaten. do you want it?" he shook the rattle and inquired,-- "will you give it to me?" "yes." "it is well; and now i will tell you something that you don't know yet. our father, kauaitshe, is fasting." "he is right," shotaye remarked; "it will make him leaner." both laughed, but hayoue said with greater earnestness, "tyame is doing penance also." "then he is with his woman from shyuamo," flippantly observed shotaye; "it will make turquoises cheaper." she turned away with an indifferent air. her careless manner struck the young man, and when he saw that she would not speak, but only gazed at the sky, he went off with the present he had received. he felt differently; he took the matter very seriously. he directed his steps toward the tall building where it might be possible to ascertain something else. hayoue was afraid of the turquoise people and their designs. shotaye was far from indifferent to the piece of news which hayoue had brought to her. but neither was she surprised. she expected as much. it was therefore easy for her to appear perfectly calm and unconcerned. she was fully convinced that her case had been the subject of last night's discussion in the council, but the fact that the delegates were doing penance proved that the matter was still pending, and that no conclusion had been reached. there was consequently time before her still, and the reprieve amounted to about four days. she had time to reflect and to prepare her course of action. the sooner she was alone and left to her own musings the better, and that was why she turned away so abruptly from the young man. hayoue drew from her manner the inference that the woman busied herself with thoughts entirely foreign to his own, and did not wish to be disturbed. but as soon as he turned to go she watched him through one corner of her eye. when he was far enough away, she rose, and slowly crept back into her dwelling. we need not follow the train of thought that occupied shotaye. it was in the main the same that had filled her mind during the last week. one thing was certain, she was not silly enough to fast. she would not commit such a blunder. neither would she call on say koitza. she regarded her companion in danger as sufficiently advised, and felt sure that the wife of zashue was prepared for any event. why then disturb her? it might only lead her into committing some disastrous blunder. without shotaye's direct knowledge say was sure to do nothing at all, and that was the best for both. for the present, all that could be done was to remain absolutely quiet and to wait. hayoue, on the other hand, was not so philosophical. as he strolled down the valley, his mind was deeply agitated. it seemed clear to him that a grave question had been propounded at the council, and it could only have originated through some deviltry on the part of the evil spirits of the turquoise clan, tyope and the old naua. this made him very angry, and he vowed within himself that when the time came he would take a very active part in the proceedings. he would rather have commenced the fray at once by slaughtering tyope and his accomplice; but then, it was not altogether the thing to do. neither would it do to go about and inquire at random. nothing was left to him but to have patience and wait. waiting, however, did not interfere with his disposition to talk. with a nature as outspoken as that of hayoue, it was impossible to wait without saying something to somebody about it. but to whom? at home he could not speak, for there was zashue, and he was never impartial when any one of the koshare was concerned. okoya would be far preferable, and he determined upon looking him up. his nephew was not in the big house, and hayoue went out to the corn-patches. the indian goes to his field frequently, not in order to work, but simply to lounge, to seek company, or to watch the growing crops. okoya was in his father's plot, sitting comfortably among the corn; but it was not the plantation that occupied his thoughts, they were with mitsha; and he pondered over what she had told him the night before, and how he might succeed in making her his beyond cavil. looking up accidentally he discerned the form of his uncle coming toward him, and his face brightened. he motioned hayoue to come, and this time hayoue was eager to meet okoya. the uncle wore a gloomy face, and the nephew noticed it at once. but he thought that if his friend intended to confide in him he would do so spontaneously. he had not long to wait. hayoue sat down alongside of him and began,-- "do you know where sa umo is,--the maseua?" "he is at home, i think. at least he was there when i went away." "is he doing penance?" okoya stared at hayoue in astonishment. "no, he ate with us. why should he fast?" "do you know," hayoue continued to inquire, "that the nashtio of tzitz and the nashtio of tyame are fasting?" "i did not, but i know that the hishtanyi chayan is at work." hayoue extended his neck and pricked up his ears. "what," said he, "the yaya also?" "indeed, the cuirana naua also. did not you know it? you are a nice cuirana." the uncle shook his head. "that is bad, very bad indeed," muttered he. okoya was perplexed. at last his curiosity overcame all diffidence and he asked,-- "what is it, satyumishe nashtio? do you know of anything evil?" hayoue looked at him and said,-- "okoya, you and i are alike. when your heart is heavy you come to me and say, 'my heart is sad; help me to make it light again;' and when i feel sorrow i go to you and tell you of it. when you came to me up there"--he pointed to the west--"it was dark in your heart. to-day it is night in mine." the speech both astonished and pleased the boy. he felt pride in the elder's confidence, but was too modest to express it. so he merely replied,-- "nashtio, i am very young, and you are much wiser than i. how can i speak so that your heart may be relieved? you know how i must speak, and when you tell me i will try and do it." he gazed into hayoue's features with a timid, doubting look; he could hardly conceive that his uncle really needed advice from him. it was hayoue's turn to sigh to-day. slowly he said,-- "last night the uuityam was together, and to-day the yaya and the nashtio are fasting." okoya innocently asked,-- "why do they fast?" "that is just what i want to know," hayoue impatiently exclaimed, "but surely it bodes nothing good." "why should the wise men want something that is evil?" said the other, in surprise. "you are young, mot[=a]tza, you are like a child, else you would not ask such a question. the wise men are doing penance, not because they intend harm, but in order to prevent the people from being harmed. do you understand me now?" it began to dawn on okoya's mind; still he had not fully grasped his uncle's meaning. "who is going to do evil things to us? are there moshome about?" hayoue was struck by the remark. he had not thought of this possibility. it might be that the older men had learned something of the approach or presence of navajos. a few moments of reflection, however, convinced him of the utter improbability of the suggestion. if there were danger of this the warriors, to whom he belonged,--that is, the special group of war magicians,--would have been the first to be informed of it; and they would all be now in the estufa preparing themselves for duty, and the maseua first of all. instead of it the old man was up and about as usual. no, it could not be; and he accordingly said,-- "it may be that some sneaking wolf is lurking about, but i do not believe it. see here, satyumishe, i belong to those who know of war, and i should certainly have heard if there were any signs of the dinne. and our father the maseua would not have remained about the big house. no, umo, it is not on account of the moshome that the yaya and nashtio take no food." "but if there are no moshome about, whence could there come danger to us?" "from there;" and hayoue pointed to distant cliffs where some of the cave-dwellings of shyuamo were visible at the diminutive openings in the rock. "why from there?" "from shyuamo hanutsh." "what can shyuamo want to do harm for?" hayoue grew really impatient. "you think of nothing else but your girl," he grumbled. "have you forgotten already what i told you of tyope and of that old sand-viper, the naua?" it thundered in the distance; a shower was falling south of the rito, and its thunder sounded like low, subterranean mutterings. hayoue called out,-- "do you hear the shiuana? they remind you of what i said." the parts were reversed. it was now the uncle who reminded the nephew of the voices from the higher world. okoya hung his head. "listen to me," continued hayoue; "i know that you do not like it that i speak against tyope, but i am right nevertheless. he is a bad man and a base man; he only looks at what he desires and to the welfare of his hanutsh. toward others he is ill-disposed; and his companion is worse yet, the old fiend." "yes, but what can they gain by doing evil to others?" okoya asked. "i don't know." "how can i know it, then? i am much younger, much less wise than you." hayoue saw the candour of the boy and it troubled him. it was true; okoya was too young yet, too inexperienced; he could not fully understand what hayoue was suspecting, and could not give him any light or advice. it was useless to press him any further. but one thing hayoue had achieved, at all events. he had enjoyed an opportunity to vent his feelings in full confidence, and that alone afforded him some relief. after musing a while he spoke again,-- "let it be what it may, i tell you this much, brother: be careful, and now especially. speak to nobody of what i have told you; and should you go to see mitsha, keep your ears open and your mouth shut. i cannot find anybody to speak to except you and the maseua, but our father i dare not ask, for when the others are fasting topanashka's lips are closed until the time comes to act. meanwhile, brother, we must wait. i am going back to the katityam, for it is not good to run about and pry. nobody knows anything but the yaya and the nashtio, and these do not speak to us." with these words he rose and left okoya alone. much as the latter was attached to his father's brother, he was still glad to see him go. the sinister hints which hayoue had dropped were as good as incomprehensible to him. that the zaashtesh could be damaged through some of its own people he could not conceive; still he believed it, for hayoue had said so and it must be true. but it was equally true that okoya's thoughts were with his own affairs exclusively, and his uncle's talk affected him mainly on that score. it increased his already uneasy feelings. the fear that mitsha would be given him only on condition that he became koshare was now stronger than ever, and his prospects appeared still further complicated in the light of hayoue's disclosures. nevertheless, nothing was absolutely certain so far; and he could not precipitate matters. in his case, too, there was nothing left but to wait. the shower, which was sending floods of moisture into the valleys farther south, only grazed the rito, sending a short and light rain upon its growing crops. it surprised zashue upon his return to the big house, and drove him to shelter at his own, that is, his wife's home. he did not really care to go there, for since the time when he and tyope had searched the rooms, zashue had kept rather away from his spouse. he did not suspect her any longer; but the very conviction on his part that she was innocent, and that consequently he had wronged her, kept him away from her presence. the weaker a man is, the less he likes to acknowledge guilt. he feels ashamed of himself, but will not acknowledge it. the indian in this respect is as tough as other people, if not tougher. to beg pardon for an offence committed is to him a very difficult task. he is a child, and children rarely make atonement unless compelled. they conceal their guilt, and so does the indian. if he has wronged any one, the redman persists in acting as if nothing had happened, or he pouts, or avoids the party offended. zashue did not pout, but he avoided his wife's dwelling as much as possible, and felt embarrassed when there, or as had been the case a few days ago, when the matter of okoya's wooing was discussed, he availed himself of the first pretext to take leave. to-day it was different; he had to go there for shelter. say received him in her usual way, almost without a word, but with a look that was at once friendly, searching, and unsteady. it was dark in the inner room, and zashue failed to notice his wife's glance. say also had heard of the fasts and penitence to which some of the officers of the tribe had submitted; and she rightly surmised that the accusation against shotaye, and against herself perhaps, had at last been made, and was the cause of such unusual proceedings. but shotaye had judged her well when she decided upon not troubling say with a visit. it was unnecessary, for say took everything calmly and with perfect composure. the positive assurance of shotaye that she was safe, and still more the words of her father to the same effect, had completely reassured the woman. she looked forward to coming events with anxious curiosity rather than with apprehension. still as her husband unexpectedly entered her dwelling, she could not resist the temptation to sound him, and to find out, if possible, what he thought about affairs. while kneading the corn-cakes she therefore asked, in a quiet, cool manner,-- "hachshtze, do you know that the nashtio are fasting?" "all of them?" "i don't know," she replied, going on with her work, "and yet i know this much,--that sa nashtio does not fast. he ate with us and is going about as usual." "what may it all mean?" he inquired of her. she shrugged her shoulders, and asked,-- "does tyope do penance?" in view of the intimate relations existing between tyope and zashue this was a very natural question, and yet it stung zashue. he interpreted it as a covert thrust. but as he bethought himself of the charges which hayoue had uttered against the delegate from shyuamo, a whole series of ideas rose within him so suddenly, and so far from pleasant or comforting to himself, that he forgot the conversation and inclined his head in thought. say koitza was too much absorbed by her work to notice the change in her husband's manner at once. after a few moments of silence she reiterated her question. zashue appeared to wake up; he started, saying,-- "i don't know; but why do you ask this?" the woman realized that her inquiry might have been imprudent, but with great assurance explained,-- "because he is nashtio, and a great one at that. shyuamo is a strong hanutsh, and what it wants will be done. it alone can do more than tzitz and tanyi together." the quick, bold, apparently unpremeditated reply relieved zashue of an undefined feeling of suspicion that had arisen within him. during his moment of thoughtfulness he had been led from the accusations of hayoue against tyope unconsciously to the accusation which tyope had launched before against shotaye and his own wife. quick as lightning it flashed upon his mind that that accusation had perhaps been formulated again, and this time officially before the council. and if say were innocent, as he still believed, why did she inquire about him who was the originator of it? he did not attribute her query to a guilty conscience, for the indian has but a very dim notion about human conscience, if he thinks of it at all. he would have gone further and have seen in the utterance of his wife the evidence of some positive knowledge. did say know anything about the real object of the stormy visit which he and tyope paid to her home during the dance of the ayash tyucotz? her ready reply to his mistrustful inquiry had allayed suspicions as to her guilt for the time being, but on the other hand he felt strong misgivings that she had found out something, either of what the koshare said or thought concerning her, or about the attempt which tyope and he had failed in. one thing, however, grew to be more and more certain in his judgment; namely, that a charge proffered against shotaye was probably the cause of the extraordinary fastings going on among the tribal heads. more he could not surmise, still less find out. but he determined upon being very guarded toward his wife hereafter. say, on her side, had a similar feeling toward him. the breach which social customs already established between man and wife was gradually but surely widening. still they continued to talk quietly. no one seeing them together in the dingy kitchen would have suspected a lack of harmony, or discontent, much less the sinister preoccupations lurking in the heart of each. both felt that it was useless, that they must abide their time, avoid imprudent words and queries, conceal from each other their misgivings, and wait. chapter xiv. more than eight days had elapsed since the one on which shotaye had pledged her new friend, the tehua warrior, to meet him at the homes of his tribe. she had not redeemed that pledge. in appearance she was unfaithful to cayamo, as her knight was called; and yet her lack of compliance with her promise was not intentional. she calculated that her case would have come up by that time; and until this occurred, the energetic woman had no intention of leaving the rito, much less of forsaking her friend say koitza. now that her case had been delayed, the eight days had grown to nearly ten. the chayani and the caciques were fasting still, as well as some of the clan delegates. twelve days had passed, and it was the last day of official penance. that evening something was sure to occur to relieve the situation. so everybody thought at the tyuonyi; so shotaye thought herself. but she felt more than usually excited and worn out. it was not fear; it was the natural longing of a soul replete with energy and activity to see a matter ended that kept her in suspense. in regard to say koitza she felt perfectly reassured; the woman had not shown herself at her cave, and must feel quiet, cautious, and careful. when the sun rose on the fourth day, it found shotaye just about to take her morning meal. that was soon over, for there was no coffee, no hot rolls, no butter. it consisted merely of cold corn-cakes. when she had satisfied her appetite, she rose, shook the crumbs from her wrap, and went out. she had made a full toilet; that is, she had rubbed her face with her moistened hands and dried it with a deerskin, whereby a little more dust was added to her cheeks. she felt _pro forma_ clean. it was yet so early that hardly any one showed himself out of doors. the sun peeped up behind the volcanic heights in the east, casting a glow over the summits and crests that rise above the rio grande in that direction. the tetilla stood out boldly, crowning the black ridges with its slender, graceful cone. shotaye strolled down the rito. a few people were about; but regardless of these and what they might think or say, she wandered along past the dwellings of the eagle clan. what if tyope should see her? "let him see me," she thought; "let him become convinced that i know nothing, that i rest easy, without any suspicion whatever of the dreadful fate he has prepared for me. later on he may find out that his former wife is more than a match for him." she went on and on, and passed the big house. a few men stood on the roofs, gazing motionless in the direction where the sun rose like a mass of melted ore. farther she went, always down stream, quietly and with the greatest apparent unconcern. a girl from yakka hanutsh greeted her in a friendly voice; she returned the greeting cheerfully. the cliffs wherein oshatsh, shutzuna, and lastly shyuamo resided were to her left as she passed the grove where okoya and shyuote had had their first discussion. here she turned to the north, in the direction of the spot where she had met the tehua indian. even on this upward trail, rocky as it was and overgrown with shrubbery, her form was plainly distinguishable from below. but shotaye scorned to conceal herself, she walked without haste or hurry; her errand was perfectly legitimate and everybody might see her undertake it. everybody might indeed witness her doings as far as these could be seen. she simply took a walk on the mesa of the bird, ziro kauash. she hoped also to gather some useful plants,--such as the shkoa, a spinach-like vegetable; asclepias; apotz, a fever-medicine of the genus _artemesia_, and many other medicinal herbs known to the indian and used by him. for it had sprinkled if not rained every day of late, and last night's rain was still visible in the drops that covered the leaves. the ground was soft, and her step left plainly distinguishable tracks. not only might every one see her; she almost invited people to follow her on her wanderings. tyope, the koshare naua, the chayani, might trail and spy out her movements as much and as long as they pleased, step by step if they wished; for the real object of her stroll they would never be able to guess. after reaching the top of the plateau, shotaye sat down on a protruding rock, from which she might look over the whole valley beneath. she cared little for this; her main object was to rest and to think. what she now undertook was a step preliminary to the last act. a trail almost indistinguishable, so little was it used of late, led from the rito to the north, where the tehuas dwelt in caves in the rock which they name puye. this trail was the object of shotaye's search. we know of her intention to take refuge among the northern tribe of village indians, but she had meanwhile determined upon something else. she not only wanted to go but had determined upon returning! yes, she would return, though not alone. with armed men from the puye she intended to return in the stillness of the night. she would hide her companions at the approaches to the tyuonyi, and lie in wait for tyope and the old delight maker, for the chayani also if possible. the tehuas would reap many scalps; she would have had her revenge; and the deed could be so performed as to make those at the rito believe that the navajos were the perpetrators. this was her plan, and she did not feel the slightest scruple or compunction. for years she had been, among her own people, the butt of numberless insults and mortifications. now it had gone so far that her life even was in imminent peril. ere this should be lost, she would prove to her enemies that she was alive, and terribly alive! to reconnoitre the ground, to study every detail of it, to store her memory with everything that might be useful or valuable in the lay of the land, was what she had come for now. after she felt thoroughly rested she rose, and continued her walk. where she had been sitting, the trail was plain, for there it descended into the gorge. so she only noticed the place and then went into the shrubbery to seek for plants. she gathered a few leaves of the dark-green shiutui, sauntered from juniper-bush to juniper-bush, glanced from time to time upward into the tops of pines to see whether they bore edible nuts of the kind now called piñons, or threw stones at the noisy birds that fluttered about. again she came upon the trail, and her trained eye could follow it for some distance until it disappeared in the timber. so far she felt sure of her impressions for the future and turned away to the right, penetrating deeper into the forest. she could find her way even at night, for the moon shone still. besides, once acquainted with the spot whence she had to start, it mattered little whether there was any path or not. the indian needs only two points to guide himself,--the place of departure and the spot where he wants to arrive. moreover, for her flight it was better not to follow the trail at all. she felt sure of meeting some one of the tehuas in the vicinity of the puye. the topographical details attracted the woman's attention much more than the path. she studied them carefully, pretending to hunt for plants. unconsciously she went farther and farther, regardless of time, for it was yet early. the surface of the ziro kauash is slightly undulated, as well as the mesa to the south of the tyuonyi; the timber is relatively sparse; the pines are grouped together at intervals; and juniper and cedar bushes cover it uniformly like an extensive, irregular plantation. such is the topography of the mesas west of the rio grande, from the rito until one is beyond, and opposite to san ildefonso. they are traversed and cut by deep ravines and cañons, which run generally from west to east, emptying their waters after storms into the valley of the river through narrow gaps, or terminating before reaching the stream against a towering wall of volcanic rock. ere shotaye noticed it, the shrubbery had begun to grow thinner, until she noticed in front something like a vacant space, indicating a gap; beyond that gap there was timber again. this told her that she had reached the brink of the first cañon north of the rito. in these solitudes game is not by any means so plentiful as might be supposed. this is particularly the case in the vicinity of indian settlements. the merciless methods of communal hunting either exterminate or frighten away most of the larger animals. roaming tribes send parties of men, hunters or warriors, long distances away; and these not only slaughter but frighten the deer, the mountain sheep, and the mountain goat, driving them into regions less accessible to man. the turkey alone, that noble bird, with its dark, iridescent plumage, remains everywhere; and shotaye had already heard their loud cackling and calling before she entered the high timber. several gobblers as well as hens had run away on her approach; at last they rose into the air one after the other, flapping their wings until they settled down on a tall piñon that was visible from where the woman stood. there were four birds on the tree. with necks extended and eyelids alternately opening and shutting, they peered down on her, ready to soar away at the least suspicious motion. shotaye could not resist glancing at them. it seemed as if something was creeping up the tree very slowly. like a grayish streak, a long body flattened itself against the trunk. shotaye grew attentive, and the more so as the suspicious object all at once disappeared below the nethermost branches. the turkeys themselves were so occupied with the appearance of the woman that they lost thought of everything else. one of them, a gobbler, braced himself up, his breast bulged out, his head and neck drawn in; then quickly thrusting them forward, sent out a loud cackle. at this moment the pine-branches were violently tossed about. with noisy flapping of their wings the hens rose into the air; their companion flapped his wings but once or twice, and disappeared in the tree-top. for a moment the twigs and branches rustled and rattled; then all was still. a panther had surprised them and secured one for his breakfast. a long distance off might be heard the cackling of another gobbler; the forest was full of turkeys. shotaye burst out laughing. the panther had done well. he had enough to satisfy his appetite, besides, and there was no danger of her being attacked. the american panther is not dangerous to man; but he carries a mouthful of very sharp teeth, and his claws are long; he is a powerful animal, agile and large. nobody can foretell what might happen in case he should be ill-humoured. the woman began to scan the landscape around; it was a clear space, and she could see the bushes from their tops down to the ground. the base of one of these bushes attracted her attention. almost level with the soil, something black appeared beneath its branches. as she examined it more closely she saw that it was not really black, but of a grayish brown, like the colour of the soil. it was neither a plant nor was it a part of the earth itself, nor a stone. it might be some animal. the more she looked the more she became satisfied that it was neither animal's skin nor fur. the object was hairless. only the skin of a human being could appear so smooth. her first impulse was to hide; but before she could execute her purpose the object moved slightly, and something white appeared above the black. it was disk-like, and on it there was some object of a red colour. the eyes of shotaye sparkled; she abandoned all thoughts of concealment or of flight, and fastened her gaze on the strange thing beneath the shrub. it became clearer and clearer to her that it was a human form, and that on its back was a white shield decorated with red. that shield she knew to be cayamo's. but what could cayamo be doing here? or was it perhaps not he, but some navajo who had vanquished the proud warrior and was carrying home his weapons in triumph? the latter appeared rather improbable, and yet who could tell? at all events the man was alive, for he had moved. it was equally certain that he had not seen her. in order to clear up all doubt shotaye looked around for shelter, and saw near by a bush that afforded a scanty hiding-place. she glided to it noiselessly; and changing her position, got nearer to him, and was even able to see more of his body and dress. the first glance satisfied her that he was not a navajo, but a village indian, and indeed her friend cayamo. every trace of fear disappeared. shotaye left the shelter of the bush and stepped up toward him rather noisily, at the same time calling his name. he did not reply; and as she came nearer, the regular breathing and the heaving of his chest showed the cause of his silence; the great warrior from the puye was fast asleep! under different circumstances she would have left him and quietly retired, but now she could not; the opportunity was too favourable, matters too threatening for her. she must be recognized by him once more, must show to him that she still counted on his pledge, on his friendship, his protection. yet she did not wake him, but went close to his prostrate form and bent over it, even holding her breath for a while. he slept profoundly. the war-paint on his face was sorely blurred; the campaign had not improved his appearance,--the face with closed eyes resembled a lump of dirt rather than a human head, his kilt was tattered, and his legs covered with scars and scratches. the circular sandals, much dilapidated, were tied to the belt; and close to them was another object, which shotaye began to examine attentively, while her eyes flashed at the sight of it. it was a piece of human skin covered with gore and straight hair partly plaited. her heart began to pulsate proudly and in delight, for she saw that cayamo had secured a scalp, the scalp of a navajo! cayamo was a great warrior! shotaye was careful not to touch the trophy, for no woman is allowed to handle the sacred token until after its taking has been duly celebrated in the great dance of the tribe. but lest the hero might wake up prematurely and notice her presence in too close proximity to the repulsive laurels which he had won, shotaye quietly withdrew and sat down at some distance from him, where he could easily see her, and quietly awaited his rising from the slumbers of fatigue. in point of fact it was not proper for her to remain so close to him. the scalp-crowned warrior must keep aloof from the other sex until he has been purified and has danced. shotaye relied upon the extraordinary circumstances, and upon his interpretation of her presence as having run after him, to obtain his forgiveness. furthermore they were alone; and a few moments spent in the practice of sign-language could not, she trusted, deprive the scalp of the magic qualities attributed to it. had it been a warrior from the rito she would have left him long ago. cayamo was manifestly tired, for he slept hard. the sun stood close to the zenith, and still he dozed. the luminary of day did not only illuminate, but its heat was scorching; the shadows under cover of which cayamo had retreated were moving gradually, and the unkempt head of the hero became exposed to the most direct rays. the heat began to disturb him; he groaned, stretched himself, moved uneasily, and attempted to turn over. in this he bent his shield, and the hard leather struck him in the ribs. cayamo woke up! he opened his eyes and yawned, closed them again, then opened the lids a second time, when his look became suddenly a stare of surprise. lightning-like he rose to a sitting posture, and grasped the bow as well as his war-club. in this position he stared at the woman, who smiled, winking and placing a finger on her lips. as soon as she whispered "shotaye," the threatening flash in his eye vanished; he dropped both weapons and threw his features into a repulsive, hideous grin intended for a soft smile. then he rose. it was very plain that he felt overjoyed, and that he would fain have expressed his delight to the woman through some clumsy caress, but he restrained his feelings and became serious. extending his arm to the west, he shook his head in a warning manner, pointed to himself, made the sign indicating the act of men coming, and said, "uan save;" then he waved his hand northward, afterward at the sun; and finally he pointed at shotaye, uttering,-- "uiye tha, 'two days!'" she could not fully comprehend. until better informed she drew the conclusion that the navajos were in pursuit of him, but more she failed to understand. to ascertain his meaning she pointed at him, then at herself, raised four of her fingers, and asked,-- "tehua?" cayamo shook his head, counted two on his fingers, accompanying the gestures with the words,-- "tema quio puye," pointing to the north at the same time. now her doubts were cleared. shotaye saw that two days hence she would be expected among the tehuas. she nodded eagerly and rose. if the navajos, as she rightly concluded, were on her warrior's trail, it was unsafe for both of them to remain here long; but neither could she insinuate to cayamo that she would like to go with him at once. to her surprise the man bent down and with his fingers drew a line on the ground which ran in the direction where the cave-dwellings of the tehuas were situated. the woman bent over him with great curiosity. "tupoge," said cayamo, indicating the southern end of the line and looking askance. shotaye nodded that she understood, and he slowly moved his fingers along the line to the north, uttering,-- "tema quio." the northern terminus of the streak he designated as puye. finally he made a mark across the middle of the line, saying very positively,-- "uiye tha shotaye teanyi." these words he accompanied successively with the signs for the number two, for male indian, and for the meeting of two persons. nothing could be clearer. two days hence shotaye was to leave the rito for the puye; and as cayamo himself would be unable to meet her, owing to the ceremonies which he had to perform in honour of the scalp, some male friend of his, called teayni, would meet her half-way and conduct her safely to the abode of his people. with a radiant face the woman nodded assent, and made other gestures expressive of delight and agreement. cayamo took advantage of his cowering posture to fasten the war-sandals to his naked feet, and then rose and took the trail towards the north, but shotaye held him back in token of misgivings. he understood her motive, but pointed to his circular foot-gear and smiled. it was clear that he trusted to the round tracks left by that contrivance for safety. so he went on toward the brink of the gorge that lay before them. as soon as his form had sunk below it, shotaye also turned, this time in the direction of the rito. everything was right at last! she felt safe, completely safe; for the road was clear to her, and furthermore cayamo, of whose attachment she was now fully convinced, would provide for a guide during the second half of the journey, which was utterly unknown to her. everything was moving to her fullest satisfaction, provided she could escape from the rito. in regard to that matter she had scarcely any doubt, unless--and this thought came to her while she was wending her way slowly homeward--some one should have followed her and witnessed the strange meeting between her and cayamo. in that case everything might be lost. but there were not the slightest marks of human presence about. nature, even, seemed to slumber in the heat of the day; an occasional lizard rustled through the dried twigs and fallen pine needles, a crow sat on a dry limb, and high up in the air an eagle soared below the mares' tails that streamed over the sky. it would have been very disagreeable, to say the least, if one or other of the navajos who were in pursuit of cayamo should cross her path; but of this she had little fear. she was already too near the rito for that. soon the gorge opened at her feet, showing a placid, lovely picture,--the little valley down below, huge pines raising their dark columns by the side of light-green corn-patches, and the tall pile of the big houses looming up like an enormous round tower. but shotaye was not affected by scenery. walking along the brink to the west she at last reached the upper end, where twelve days ago she had ascended, and where the brook, swollen by late rains, now gushed down the ledges in a series of murmuring cascades. here she began her descent, and as the sun disappeared behind threatening clouds over the western mountains, she entered her home again. shotaye had spent nearly the whole day on the mesa, had spent it profitably, and was--so she fancied--in complete security as regarded her ultimate designs. and yet had the woman, after taking leave of the strange indian and after the latter had gone out of sight, peered into the shadow of the pines on one of which the panther had so nimbly captured the unsuspecting turkey, she might have noticed something that would have greatly modified her ideas on this point. for behind one of them there stood, all the while she and the tehua were carrying on their pantomime, a human figure intently watching them. pressed against the trunk of a tree there was, motionless, quiet, calm, not a common spy, but a cool observer of her doings, whose presence was accidental, but who not only watched but at the same time judged and passed sentence on her actions. a short time after shotaye had set out on her walk, topanashka tihua also started in the same direction. with all the self-control he had maintained, inward agitation and sorrow nearly overcame him. the nearer the hour came when the momentous question that was going to shake the existence of the tribe to its very foundations would be taken in hand, the more conscious he became that he was carrying a terrible load, and that upon his action depended nearly everything. the feeling of responsibility was crushing. he had, of course, ascertained nothing new; neither had he thought of making notes of what met his gaze. but on this last day he felt the necessity of being alone ere the dread moment came. others could not help; he was alone with his thoughts, and yet, as he did no fasting, not alone in the proper use of the word. on that last day, therefore, he resolved upon retiring to some solitude. it would attract no undue attention, and he would have done according to the spirit of the shaman's instructions. after leaving the rito he climbed to the northern mesa, and instead of resting on its brink as shotaye had, he strolled into the timber perfectly at random, hardly conscious whither he directed his steps, and content to be for once alone with his dismal thoughts. however much he speculated and reflected upon the matter, he drew not the slightest comfort from it. the main factor he lacked; namely, a knowledge of the judgment which those above would render. this the chayani alone knew, and they alone would proclaim it at the council. if the case of shotaye only had been before the meeting, his position would have been very simple. all he had to do was to kill her if found guilty, and he was ready to do this at any time. he did not especially hate the woman, and all he cared for in such an event was to perform his duty. in regard to his daughter say he no longer entertained any apprehension. matters, however, had degenerated into a venomous contention between two clans, amounting almost to a schism in the tribe. if now the chayani in the name of the shiuana proclaimed that shyuamo was right, and the others, his own clan included, resisted, what then? he had to obey, he had to execute what those above decreed; for that purpose was he called maseua, like him who bears the same name and is the most active among all the deities on high. what the shiuana determined was right always. the old man sat down under a tree and attempted to ponder over this little query of "always." but he did it in vain. it was a problem perhaps not beyond the reach of his intelligence, if it had been properly cultivated, but far beyond the limits which training and custom had set to the working powers of that intelligence. he staggered from doubt to doubt, and finally gave it up. no other conclusion could he reach than to wait. but waiting alone gives no light, does not comfort, gives neither strength nor wisdom. strength and wisdom, so the indian believes, are gifts from above, and can be obtained by prayer. topanashka came to the conclusion that he would pray. he picked up a stone, and was searching his memory for one of the many formulas that the indian has in his rituals, when a faint pattering sound attracted his attention. [illustration: looking out from one of the weathered cave-rooms of the snake-clan] it was as if something glided through brushwood. he forgot to pray, and listened. now it sounded again, at a greater distance from him. only some animal could have produced the noise; a human being would either have come up to him if a friend, or kept absolutely still if a foe. he looked and looked, and at last caught a glimpse of the panther's yellowish fur gliding along the ground. when a cat glides stealthily she is on the hunt. his curiosity was fully aroused; he longed to see what the animal was hunting and how he would succeed. furthermore the panther is in the eyes of the pueblo indian the symbol of the greatest physical power. a feeling overcame the old man as if this symbol was presenting itself to him at the very time when he needed the greatest moral strength himself; and the animal appeared like a living fetich, a hint from those above. he followed the movements of the puma eagerly. the tree where the turkeys sat stood near; he had heard their gobblings long ago without paying any attention to them. but now they explained the movements of the gigantic cat; he was creeping up to the birds. the puma approached the tree noiselessly; at its foot he laid down his head, and raised his tail, sweeping the ground with nervous force. now the beast of prey began to climb the trunk of the pine carefully and noiselessly. he reached the lower branches and disappeared within their maze. then followed his spring; and the turkeys flew away, all but one. with a tremendous leap the cat broke through the tree-top and down on the ground, with the wriggling bird in his jaws, and trotted off howling. topanashka had witnessed the performance with interest and with genuine pleasure. he admired the strength and the swiftness of the animal hunter. unconsciously his thought turned back to the intended prayer, and he earnestly addressed it now to those above, that they might give to his heart the strength which the panther had shown in his limbs. placing two sticks on the ground before him and a stone over them, he rose to go. but another sight met his eyes, and he stood still as if rooted to the soil, gazed and gazed. his eyes opened wide, then his expression became dark and almost fierce. on the clear space beyond the pines on which the puma had caught his prey, a woman sat near a cedar-bush; and in the shade of the bush a man rested. the first glance convinced topanashka that the man wore paint, and carried the accoutrements and weapons of a warrior. it was not a warrior from the rito; he was positive it could not be. nor was it a navajo. he undoubtedly belonged to some foreign tribe of village indians, in all probability to the tehuas. what was he here for? and what business had the woman in his company? indians in war-paint do not associate with women. topanashka strained his eyes, and recognized to his astonishment and dismay the woman shotaye. he could not contain himself any longer. like a shadow he moved forward and hid behind the trunk of a pine, whence he could see more and better. from there he witnessed the strange pantomime of shotaye and cayamo. he was too far off to hear the words, but the gestures spoke plainly enough. as they pointed and gesticulated to the west, north, and south, he thought that they were planning some murderous surprise for the queres,--that shotaye was betraying her own people and conspiring with an enemy of her own stock. fierce wrath filled his heart. yes, tyope's charge was true; the woman was a witch, and had topanashka been armed he would have sought to kill her on the spot. but though he had no weapons, his hand clutched a stone, raised it from the ground, and held it in readiness. the interview ended, the tehua disappeared, and shotaye went in the direction of the rito. topanashka felt tempted to follow her at once, to overtake her if possible and secure her person, or even to execute summary justice; but she was sure not to escape him. she had evidently not noticed his presence and had gone back to her den in the cliffs in complete security. there, on this very evening, he would seize her, drag her before the uuityam, disclose her shameless and dangerous plots, and doom her to the horrible death she deserved to suffer. whither was her accomplice, the tehua, going meanwhile? he was probably returning to his people to report, and to lead back those in whose company he intended to carry out the projected assault. the old man could not stop him, being himself unarmed: but he could follow at a distance, cautiously and without exposing himself to danger. for it was possible that the hellish plot had developed much further, and that the warriors from the north were lurking already near by to pounce upon the queres at daybreak. it was not only from the instinct of the old warrior scout, it was out of a sense of duty as head war-chief that he determined at once upon following the tehua. as soon as shotaye, too, was out of sight, he went over to the spot where the interview had taken place and examined the soil carefully. the round impression made by a war-sandal struck his eye; it proved to him beyond any possibility of doubt that his inferences were correct. the old man straightened himself to his full height. his piercing glance went in the direction whither the tehua had gone. he bent forward again and followed the same line toward the north. * * * * * the sun had just set over the rito. it disappeared behind dense clouds; a storm was gathering in the west. its wings were spreading like tentacles; they pushed on to meet the moon, whose light was just rising in the east as a dim whitish arch. the orb itself still remained below the horizon. gusts of wind whirled up the gorge from the east at intervals, causing the pines to sigh, the willows and poplars to rustle. the corn whispered and tinkled. the usual bustle prevailed about the houses and in front of the caves. before the grotto where the council was to meet that night, men were standing, sitting, or lounging. they were the delegates who had come to listen at last to the oracle which was to be revealed to them through the mouth of the great shaman. their number was not yet complete; the tapop, tyope, the koshare naua were there, but neither the caciques nor the chayani nor the maseua had put in an appearance. everybody was silent, hardly a word was heard from time to time, seldom a whisper. the men were in part exhausted by long penitence, but mostly depressed as if some nightmare was still weighing upon them. the obligation to be silent imposed by the medicine-man was yet in force. one by one those who were lacking came. the medicine-men appeared at last, and only the yaya and the maseua were missing. the tapop, prompted by a wink of the hishtanyi chayan, went into the cave and prepared the council-fire. it burned well, but nobody came. distant thunder rolled through the clouds; lightning flashed from them in fiery red tongues. the wind continued to blow in gusts, but at long intervals only. between gust and gust it grew dismally, anxiously, still. the singing, shouting, laughing of the people had almost ceased. now the wind again whirled up the valley stronger than before, and as its noise ceased, a plaintive sound, a distant howling, floated on the air. it waxed in strength and power till it rose into the night shrill and heart-rending. the men listened in surprise. sobs, cries, shrieks, from time to time a piercing scream, were the dismal sounds that struck upon their ears. all came from the large building; it was a lament by many voices, the sad, soul-rending lament over the dead! breathlessly they listened. hurried footsteps rushed toward them, several men came running up the slope. when the foremost of them reached the group he asked, panting,-- "where is the tapop?" hoshkanyi tihua stepped forward and inquired,-- "what has happened? what do you want?" "our father the maseua," gasped the man, "is dead! he was killed on the ziro kauash!" "who killed him?" demanded the principal chayan, placing himself in front of the speaker. the indian raised his arm on high; from it depended a circular object. as the pale light of the rising moon fell on it, it was plainly distinguishable as a circular war-sandal! chapter xv. "did you find that?" asked the shaman. "yes, i found it. i and hayash tihua together." "where?" "on the kauash, on the trail that leads to the north." "who killed sa nashtio?" the chayan further inquired. he alone carried on the investigation; hoshkanyi tihua had mingled with the rest again, and stood there silent and speechless over the terrible news. neither did any of the others utter a single word, but from time to time one or the other shook his head and sighed deeply. "we don't know," replied the indian, "for we did not find anything else." "have you looked for more?" emphasized the medicine-man. the other hung his head as if he felt the reproach. "no," he said in a low tone. "why not?" "because we were afraid that other tehuas might be around." "how do you know that the people from the north have killed our nashtio?" "because the moshome dinne never wear such." he pointed to the sandal, which he had handed to the tapop. "did the shoe lie where our father died?" "no, we found it closer to the tyuonyi." a flutter went through the group,--a movement of surprise and of terror. many persons had collected, and the steps of more were heard coming up. in the valley the wind sighed. louder than its plaintive moaning sounded the howling wail that continued in the great house with undiminished power. the hishtanyi continued,-- "how did the shuatyam kill our father?" his voice trembled as he uttered these words. "with arrows." "have you brought them along?" "yes." "how many?" "one." "where is the corpse?" "at the house of tanyi hanutsh." the shaman turned around. "tyame," he called to the delegate of the eagle clan, "do your duty. and you, too, tapop." the group was about to disperse when the shikama chayan called back the men who had brought the news. all stood still and listened. "is the head entire?" asked the medicine-man. "the scalp is not on it." a murmur of indignation arose. the chayan turned away and walked slowly along the foot of the cliffs toward his dwelling. every one set out for the great house, talking together excitedly, but in low voices. the tapop, tyame, and the two men who had found the body took the lead. the hishtanyi chayan and the shkuy chayan came last. the nearer they came to the great building, the louder and more dismal sounded the lamentations. the storm was approaching with threatening speed. one dense mass of inky clouds shrouded the west. from time to time it seemed to open, and sheets of fire would fill the gap. to this threatening sky the death-wail ascended tremulously and plaintively, like a timid appeal for redress. in response the heavens shot angry lightning and thunderpeals. the cliffs on the tyuonyi trembled, and re-echoed the voices from above, which seemed to tell feeble humanity below, "we come!" * * * * * it was long before sunset when the old war-chief of the queres, after having thoroughly examined the spot where the interview between shotaye and the tehua indian took place, began to follow on the tracks of the latter. he was undertaking a difficult, an extremely dangerous task. it is not easy for a man well provided with weapons to pursue an armed indian, but to attempt it unarmed is foolhardiness. the indian is most dangerous when retreating, for then he enjoys the best opportunities to display his main tactics in warfare, which are hiding and patient lurking. he has every opportunity to prepare his favourite ambush, and woe unto him who runs after an indian on the retreat, unless the pursuer is thoroughly prepared and well acquainted with the war-tricks of the redman. the annals of western warfare give sad evidence of the disastrous results. the mountaineers among the indian tribes are those who are best skilled in the murderous hide-and-seek game. indians of the plains have less occasion to cultivate it. topanashka tihua was aware that if he followed the tehua he was risking his own life. but it was not the first time he had attempted such dangerous undertakings, and so far he had never failed. with the configuration of the ground and the landmarks in vegetation and scenery he was far better acquainted than the tehua. furthermore, he enjoyed the material advantage that the latter could not have noticed him. everything depended on ascertaining unseen as much as possible about the enemy's movements. from some of shotaye's gesticulations the maseua had concluded that the tehua would proceed on the old trail leading from the rito to the puye, or at least keep himself very near that trail. he was confirmed in it by the direction which the friend of the woman took after leaving her. topanashka maintained, therefore, the same course, going slowly and with the greatest caution. he kept on the alert for the least noise that struck him as suspicious, or for which he could not at once account. in consequence of the heat of the day, the forest was remarkably still. not a breeze sighed through the tops of the pines, for the wind that blows toward a coming storm and heralds its approach rises later in the day. the distant gobbling of turkeys was a sound that awakened no suspicions, the more so as it grew fainter and fainter, receding in the direction of the higher crests and peaks. neither were the numerous crows a source of uneasiness to him. on every clearing these birds gravely promenaded by half-dozens together, and his cautious gliding across such exposed places did not in the least discommode the dusky company. as soon as topanashka came in sight of the trail again he kept near it, but to its left, gliding from tree to tree or creeping across clear expanses from shrub to shrub. he therefore moved more slowly than the tehua whom he was pursuing. in this manner he had advanced for quite a while, always keeping an eye on the trail to his right, when he caught sight of a suspicious object lying directly in the path, where the latter was barely more than a faint streak across the thin grass that grows sometimes on the plateaus in bunches. at once the old man stopped, cowered behind a juniper, and waited. a novice on the war-path, or an inexperienced white man, would have gone to examine the strange object more closely, but the old scout takes such unexpected finds in the light of serious warning. nothing appears more suspicious to him than something which seems to have been accidentally dropped on a trail over which hostile indians are retreating. he forthwith thinks of a decoy, and is careful not to approach. for topanashka it was doubly significant, for had the object purposely been placed there, it led to the disagreeable inference that the tehua was aware of his pursuit. in that case he was sure to lie in wait for him, and upon nearer approach he could expect an arrow-shot without the least doubt. that shot might miss him, but at all events the lurking enemy would find out that his pursuer was an unarmed man, and that there was no danger in attacking him openly. then the situation would become desperate. still, as the old man had always kept to the right of the trail, it was possible that the enemy had not so far noticed him. but somewhere in the neighbourhood of the suspicious object that enemy must be hidden; of that he felt sure. it was a very serious moment, for any awkward movement or the least noise might bring about his destruction. under such circumstances many a one sends a short prayer to heaven for assistance in his hour of need. not so the indian; he has only formulas and ritualistic performances, and there was no time to remember the former or to think of the latter. topanashka strained his eyes to the utmost to find out the nature of the suspicious object that lay not far from his hiding-place, but he could arrive at no satisfactory result. it appeared to be round, like a flat disk; but of what material it was made and for what purpose it had been manufactured, he could not discover. at last it flashed upon him that it might be one of the circular war-sandals of the tehua, whose tracks he had noticed from time to time, which the owner might have taken off and deposited here. there was no doubt that the enemy must be close at hand. topanashka had no thought of turning back. flight was very difficult, since he did not know where the foe lurked. to wait was the only thing to be done,--wait until night came, and then improve the darkness to return to the rito in safety. but what of the all-important council-meeting, at which he was compelled to assist? crouched behind the juniper-bush, cautiously peering out from behind it now and then, the old warrior pondered over the situation. at last he saw what to do. slowly extending his feet and legs backward, he little by little succeeded in laying himself flat on his stomach. he had noticed that not far behind him there was another and much taller bush. toward this bush he crept, but like a crawfish, feet foremost. had his enemy stood otherwise than in a line with the first shelter which topanashka had made use of, he would surely have sent an arrow during this retrograde performance. he continued to crawfish until the tall bush was between him and the smaller one. once covered by the former, he raised his head and looked around. a peculiar stillness reigned. not a breeze stirred, the sun was blazing hot, notwithstanding the long, trailing clouds that traversed the sky. "kuawk, kuawk, kuawk!" sounded the cries of several crows, as they flew from a neighbouring tree. they went in the very direction where topanashka suspected the tehua to be, and alighted on a piñon in that neighbourhood. the old man glanced, not at the birds, but at the trunk above which the crows were sitting. it was not thick enough to conceal the body of a man, and about it the ground was bare. if there had been anybody hiding there, the cunning and mistrustful birds would never have alighted. the maseua took this into consideration, and began to doubt the correctness of his former conclusions. yet it was wiser not to attempt a close examination of the sandal; such curiosity might still lead to fatal results. like an old fox, topanashka determined to circumvent the dangerous spot, by describing a wide arc around it. he would thus meet the trail farther north, and be able to judge from signs there whether or not the tehua was close upon the rito. first he would have to crawl backward until he was at a sufficient distance to be out of sight altogether. this movement he began to execute in his usual slow and deliberate manner, crawfishing until he felt sure that he could not be seen from the point where the crows had taken their position. once during his retreat the birds fluttered upward, croaking, but alighted again on the same spot. something must have disturbed them. topanashka arose, straightened himself, and moved ahead as noiselessly as possible. he maintained a course parallel to the trail. the old man considered himself now as being in the country of the enemy and on hostile ground. for whereas he was in reality not far from the rito, still, possibly, he had an enemy in his rear. it is the custom of a warrior of high rank in the esoteric cluster of the war magicians, ere the trailing of an enemy begins, to pronounce a short prayer, and topanashka had neglected it. his indignation at the discovery of shotaye's misdeed was the cause of this neglect. now it came to his mind. "kuawk, kuawk, kuawk!" a crow flew overhead. it came from the tree where the others had been sitting, or at least from that direction. to the indian the crow is a bird of ill omen. its discordant voice is, next to the cry of the owl, regarded as the most dismal forewarning. the use of its plumage in magic is strongly condemned. was it not strange that those harbingers of misfortune so persistently followed him, and that their repulsive croaking always interrupted his thoughts? topanashka resolved to make good on the spot what he had omitted, and ere he moved, to pray. in place of the formula which the warrior recites when he is on the track of an enemy, topanashka selected another one, spoken upon entering dangerous ground where enemies may be lurking. it seemed to him that the latter was better adapted to the occasion, since he was unarmed and therefore unable to fight in case of necessity. he still carried with him the same fetich, a rude alabaster figure of the panther, which we saw dangling from his necklace on the day he went to visit the tapop. but the necklace he had left at home this time, and he carried the amulet in a leather satchel concealed under his wrap. he took out the wallet and removed the fetich from it. to the back of the figure was fastened a small arrow-head, on the sides a turquoise and a few shells were tied with strings of yucca fibre. the old man squatted on the ground, took from the same satchel a pinch of sacred meal, and scattered it to the six regions. then he whispered,-- "[=a]-[=a]. nashtio, shiuana, kopishtai! make me precious this day, even if the land be full of enemies. let not my life be threatened by them. protect me from them. let none of the moshome go across this line," he drew a line in the sand with the arrow-point, "give me protection from them! mokatsh, tyame, shiuana, shield my heart from the enemy." while pronouncing the latter words he drew three more lines, breathed on the fetich, placed it in the satchel again, and rose. he felt strengthened, for he had performed his duty toward the shiuana, had satisfied those above. "kuawk, kuawk, kuawk!" the crow soared back over his head. the ugly, ill-voiced bird! topanashka's eyelids twitched angrily; he was amazed. he resumed his walk, or rather his cautious, gliding gait, his head bent forward, all his faculties strained to see, to hear, and to detect. frequently he would stop, hide himself, and listen. all was quiet around him, for even the crows kept silent or were heard in the distance only. the glare of the sunlight was less vivid, the afternoon was on the wane. the late hour was not alone the cause of the diminution of light; the sun was shrouded by heavy masses of clouds. with the waning daylight it grew cooler, a faint breeze being wafted over from the rio grande. the old man rightly supposed that he was approaching the trail again and would soon strike it. the cañon near which he had surprised shotaye and her ally lay some distance in his rear and to the right, for the old trail crosses it at its upper end, and the cañon bends to the north. topanashka intended to reach this upper terminus. he expected in case other tehuas should be about, that they would be hidden in that vicinity. he wanted to strike the path first, and survey it, if from a distance only, then keep on again in a line parallel to its course until it crossed the ravine. afterward he would go back to the tyuonyi, if possible, with the sandal as corroborative evidence. he almost chided himself now for not having picked up the foot-gear. the more he reflected, the more he became convinced that his suspicions about some ambush having been prepared by means of the sandal were groundless. the crows especially seemed to be a sure sign of it. that bird is very bold, but also very sly; and had a warrior or any human being been in concealment, would never have selected his vicinity for a place of comfortable rest. had they not flown away as soon as he approached their roosting-place? and yet he moved very slowly and noiselessly. but why did the crows so persistently follow him? what signified their restlessness, their loud and repeated cries? it boded nothing good. the black pursuivants either foretold or intended evil. were they real crows? the indian is so imbued with the notion of sorcery that any animal that behaves unusually appears to him either as a human being changed into an animal, or some spirit which has assumed the form for a purpose. that purpose is either good or bad. owls, crows, and turkey-buzzards, also the coyote, are regarded as forms assumed by evil spirits, or by men under the influence of evil charms. the more topanashka reflected upon the conduct of the birds, the more superstitious he became concerning them. they certainly meant harm. either they sought to allure him into danger, or they indicated the presence of imminent peril. whatever that danger might be and wherever it might lurk, the man thought of nothing but to do his duty under all circumstances. he was, after all, glad that he had not taken up the sandal. it had brought him as far as he was now, and he considered it his duty to go to the bitter end, and find out everything if possible. that he exposed himself more than was really necessary did not enter his mind. he failed to consider that if he were killed, nobody would be able to give timely warning at the rito, and that the very search for him might expose his people to the danger which he was striving to avert. death had little terror for him; it was nothing but the end of all pain and trouble. as soon as topanashka believed that he had come again into proximity of the path, he resumed his previous methods of locomotion; that is, he began to crawl on hands and feet. the timber was of greater density here, for it was nearer the foot of the mountains. in proportion as the trees become taller and as they stand closer together, the ground below is freer from shrubbery, and may be scanned from a certain distance with greater ease. nevertheless the soil is more rocky, ledges crop out on the surface, isolated blocks appear, boulders, and sometimes low, dyke-like protuberances. when topanashka felt certain of the proximity of the trail, he scanned the ground very carefully. it was still flat, notwithstanding some rocky patches. the shade was deep, and as far as the eye reached, nothing moved; nothing suspicious was seen, nay, nothing that bore life, except the sombre vegetation. the wind increased in force; the pines faintly murmured from time to time; a blast penetrated beneath them to the surface of the soil, chasing the dry needles in fitful whirls or playing with the tall bunch-grasses that were growing profusely here. if any man was about he certainly kept outside the range of vision. so the old man reasoned, and he began to creep toward a place where the smoothness of the rocks indicated the wear and tear of human feet. it was the only trace of the trail, and barely visible. as he approached the place he knew that he must be seen, but he relied upon the fact that a man lying flat on the ground is very difficult to hit. an arrow could scarcely strike him, and in no case could the wound be other than slight, for the shot must come from a distance, as there was, he felt certain, no one near by. he glided like a snake, or rather like a huge lizard, which crawls over obstacles, and whose body adapts itself to depressions instead of crossing or bridging them over. his cautious progress scarcely caused a leaf to rustle or a stone to rattle, and these noises were perceptible only in the vicinity of where they were produced. so he pushed himself gradually close up to a ledge, which, while of indifferent height, still protected his body somewhat. on this ledge he expected to notice scratches which indicated that the trail passed over it. it was as he suspected,--the rock was slightly worn by human feet; but of fresh tracks there could of course be no trace here, for only long and constant wear and tear, and not an occasional hurried tread, can leave marks behind. but topanashka noticed a few fragments of rock and little bits of stone that lay alongside the old worn-out channel. without lifting his head, he extended his arm, grasped some of the fragments, and began to examine them. loose rocks or stones that have been lying on the ground undisturbed for some time, always have their lower surface moist, while the upper dries rapidly. when the yellowish tufa of these regions becomes wet, it changes colour and grows of a darker hue. topanashka had noticed that some among the stones which he was examining were darker than the others. the indian, when he examines anything, looks at it very carefully. one of the fragments was darker on the surface; of this he felt sure, as when he removed them he was careful to keep them as they lay. below, the piece had its natural colour, that of dry stone. he assured himself that the darker shade really proceeded from humidity; it was still moist. the fragment, therefore, must have been turned over; and that, too, a very short time ago. only a large animal or a man could have done this. he looked closely to see whether there were any scratches indicative of the passage of deer-hoofs or bear-claws, but there were none except those that appeared so large as to show plainly from a distance. there was every likelihood, therefore, that some human being had but very lately moved the stones, and not only since the rain of last night but since the surface had had time to dry again; that is, in the course of the afternoon. he moved his body forward where he could examine the soil alongside the ledge. the grass was nowhere bent and broken, still that was no sufficient indication. there at last was a plain human track, the impression of a naked foot with its toe-marks to the north, and the impression was fresh! but the tehua walked on round sandals. had he not lost one of them? it was very uncomfortable walking on one of the circular disks only. topanashka rose on hands and feet and crept farther, regardless of what might be behind him. his eyes were directed northward and he relied upon his ear to warn him of danger in the rear. the trail lay before him quite distinct for a short distance. close to it some grasses were bent, and on the sandy place near by there was a print as if from a small hoop, but the impression was old and partly blurred. in vain did the old warrior search for other marks; the rain had obliterated everything except this faint trace that might originally have been plainer because deeper. it looked as if the wearer of the sandal had stepped on the grass-bunch with the fore part of his foot, slipped back lightly, and thus pressed the hind part of the hoop deeper into the soil. in that case some trace of the heel-print might still be found. and indeed a very slight concavity appeared behind the impression of the sandal. the heel was turned from the north, consequently the man was going to, not coming from the rito. the tracks were surely old ones. everything was plain now. the tehua had lost one of his sandals and was returning on his bare feet. but why should he leave it? why did he not take it along? even that topanashka could easily explain. people from the rito frequently roamed over the northern mesa, close to the tyuonyi. he might have noticed the presence of some of them, and have fled in haste, leaving his foot-gear behind. most likely the ties or thongs had given way, and he had no time to mend them. that was an evidence also that the man was alone, else he would not have fled with such precipitation. neither was he in this vicinity any longer. topanashka felt that his task was done; he could not gain anything by proceeding farther. "kuawk, kuawk, kuawk!" sounded overhead. a crow had been sitting quietly on the tree above him, but now it flew off again, the unlucky bird! its cry startled the old man, and he raised his head to look after the herald of evil, following him with his eye. all was still. then he rose to his knees. a sharp humming twang, a hissing sound, and a thud followed in lightning-like succession. topanashka bends over, and at the same time tumbles forward on his face. there he lies, the left cheek and shoulder on the ground. the left arm, with which he has sought to support the body, has slipped; and it now lies fully extended partly below the head, the prostrate head. the chest is heaving painfully, as if under extraordinary pressure. face and neck are colouring; the lips part; the throat makes a convulsive effort to swallow. the eyes are starting; they denote suffocation and terrible pain. the legs twitch; they seem struggling to come to the rescue of the body's upper half. from the back of the old man there protrudes an arrowshaft. it has pierced it close to the spine, between it and the right shoulder-blade, penetrating into the lungs, where it now stabs and smarts. from a distant tree-top there sounds the hoarse "kuawk, kuawk" of the crow. otherwise all is still. the wounded man coughs; with the cough blood comes to his lips,--light red blood. the thighs begin to struggle, as if formication was going on in the muscles. it is an impotent movement, and yet is done consciously; for the trunk of the body, which was beginning more and more to yield, now begins to turn clumsily backward; the left hand clutches the soil; the arm is trying to heave, to lift. but the weight is too heavy, the shaft inside too firmly and too deeply rooted. nevertheless the hips succeed in rising; the trunk follows; then it tumbles over on the back, contracts with a moan of pain and suffering, and lies there trembling with spasmodic shivers. topanashka has made this superhuman effort for a purpose. he feels that his wound is severe, that his strength is gone; his senses are darkened and his thoughts confused. still there is a spark of life left, and that spark demands that he should attempt to see whence came the arrow that so terribly lacerates his breast. but as he has fallen over heavily, the point of the arrow has been pressed deeper. flint--an arrow-head of flint with notched edges--tears; the muscles do not close about the intruder. the blood flows into the chest; it fills the lungs; he suffocates. yet all consciousness has not vanished, although pain and oppression overwhelm the physical instruments of consciousness, and deprive the will of its connection with its tools. the will longs to see him who has destroyed its abode, but it no longer controls the shattered tissues; the nerves shiver like the broken springs of clockwork ere they come to a stand-still forever. the eye still distinguishes light occasionally, but it cannot see any longer. weaker and weaker become the breathings. on both sides of the mouth a fold begins to form over the blood that has curdled and dried; new fillets stream to the lips from within. the legs still twitch convulsively. now a stream of blood gushes from the open mouth; wave after wave rushes up with such swiftness that bubbles and froth form between the lips and remain there. a chill pervades the whole body; it is the last nervous tremor; the lower jaw hangs down, showing with fearful distinctness the folds, the ghastly folds, of death. all is still. through the tops of the pines comes a humming sound like a chant, a last lay to the brave and dutiful man. still, stark, and stiff he lies in his gore. his career is ended; his soul has gone to rest. and thus all remained quiet for a short time. then the grass was waved and shaken in the direction to which the old man had turned his back in the last hapless moment. the grass seemed to grow, to suddenly rise; and a figure appeared which had been lying flat behind a projecting rocky ledge. as this figure straightened itself, bunches of grass dropped from its back to the ground. it was the figure of a man. but it is not the tehua indian who stands there motionless, with bow half drawn and an arrow in readiness, who gazes over to the corpse to see whether it is really a corpse, or whether it will need a second shaft to despatch it forever. the man is of middle height, raw-boned and spare. shaggy hair bristles from under the strands that surround his head like a turban. he wears nothing but a kilt of deerskin; from his shoulders hangs a quiver; a flint knife depends from the belt. this man is no village indian, notwithstanding that dark paint on his body. it is one of the hereditary foes of the sedentary aborigines,--a navajo! he is eying the dead body suspiciously. if it is surely dead the second arrow may be saved. those glassy eyes; that sallow face; and the fold, the ghastly fold that runs on both sides of the mouth, of that mouth filled with blood now clotting,--they show that life is gone. still the savage keeps his bow well in hand, as with head and neck extended he steals forward slowly, mistrustfully approaching his victim. when he is close to the body his eyes sparkle with delight and pride, and his face gleams with the triumph of some hellish spirit. he touches the corpse. it is warm, but surely lifeless. he grasps at the wrap; it is of no value to him, although made of cotton. beneath, however, there must be something that attracts his attention, for he quickly tears off the scanty dress and fumbles about the chest of the victim. a horrible grin of delight distorts his features, already hideously begrimed, for he has found the little bag and takes from it the fetich of the dead man. that fetich is a prize, for with it the magic power that was subservient to the victim while alive now becomes the victor's. he handles the amulet carefully, almost tenderly, breathes on it, and puts it back into the bag. then he detaches his stone knife, grasps it with the right hand, and with the left clutches the gray hair of the dead man and with a sudden jerk pulls the head up. then he begins to cut the scalp with his shaggy knife-blade of flint. a faint whistling sound, as of some one hissing near him, is heard; and ere he looks up a male voice by his side has said,-- "that is good, very good!" the words are spoken in the dinne language. the murderer looks up, staying his work of mutilation. by his side there stands another navajo, dressed, painted, and armed like himself. a short time after he had risen from his hiding-place and was stealing over toward the body of his victim, this other navajo had appeared in sight. he watched from the distance his companion's proceedings, and as he recognized that he was busying himself with some dead body, approached rapidly, though without the least noise. he discovered the dead, stood still, fastened a piercing glance on the prostrate form, and heaved a great sigh of relief. notwithstanding the paint on his face it was easy to see how delighted he was at the sight. he again advanced, not unlike a cat which is afraid to go too near another that is playing with a mouse, for fear of being scratched or bitten by her. but when unobserved he had reached the navajo, he could not withhold a joyful exclamation that startled and interrupted the murderer. he asked,-- "dost thou know who that is?" the other shrugged his shoulders. "that is topanashka, the strong and wise warrior. that is very, very good!" navajo number two looked closely at the corpse; then he grasped the hair again and resumed the cutting. number one touched his arm. "why do you do this?" he asked. the other chuckled. "dost thou not see it, nacaytzusle," said he; "the people of the houses know that we only take a lock of the hair. if now they find the body and see that this"--he pointed to the skin--"is gone, they will think it is one of those up here"--waving his hand to the north--"that has done it." nacaytzusle, for he was indeed the second navajo, nodded approvingly and suffered the other to go on. cutting, scraping, tearing, and pulling, he at last succeeded in making a deep incision around the skull. blood flowed over his fingers and hands. then he grasped the gray hair, planted himself with both feet on the neck, and pulled until the scalp was wrenched off and dangled in his fist. over the bare skull numberless fillets of blood began to trickle, at once changing the face and neck of the dead into a red mass. then he turned to the other, nodded, and said,-- "it is well." nacaytzusle turned his eyes upon the dead, and replied in a hoarse voice,-- "it is well." he scanned the surroundings suspiciously. "thou hast done well, very well," he said to the murderer. "thou art strong and cunning. this one"--he touched the body with his toes--"was strong and wise also, but now he is so no longer. now," he hissed, "we can go down into the tu atzissi and get what we want." "what dost thou mean, nacaytzusle?" inquired the victorious navajo. "go thou back to the hogan," whispered nacaytzusle to him, "and tell the men to be there," pointing southwestward, "four days from now. i will be there and will speak to them." the other nodded. "let us go," said he. they moved off in silence without casting another glance at the dead. their direction was southwest. they carefully avoided making the least noise; they spied and peered cautiously in every direction, shy, suspicious. thus they vanished in the forest like wolves sneaking through timber. * * * * * evening had set in. stronger blew the wind, and the top of the pines shook occasionally with a solemn rushing sound that resembled distant thunder. the breeze swayed the grass, the blades nodded and bowed beside the remains of the brave man as if they were asking his forgiveness for the bloody deed of which they had been the innocent witnesses. a crow came up, flapping her wings, and alighted on a tree which stood near the corpse, and peered down upon the body. then she croaked hoarsely, jumped to a lower limb, and peered again. thus the bird continued to descend from one branch to another, croaking and chuckling as it were to herself. at last she fluttered down to the ground, a few paces from the body, peeped slyly over to where it lay, and walked toward it with slow, stately steps and eager nods. but something rattled in the distance; the bird's head turned to the east, and as quick as lightning she rose in the air and flew off with a loud, angry, "kuawk, kuawk, kuawk!" two men are coming toward the spot. they are indians from tyuonyi who came up in the course of the afternoon with bows and arrows. they perceive the body, and the blood on it and around it. both stand still, terrified at the sight. at last one of them exclaims,-- "it is one from the zaashtesh!" they run together to the spot, heedless of the danger which may yet be lurking about. they bend over the dead, then look at each other speechless, confused. at last they find words, and exclaim simultaneously,-- "it is our father, topanashka tihua!" "it is sa nashtio maseua!" both men are young yet, they weep. their sorrow is so great, in presence of the loss sustained by them and by all, that they forget all caution. had the navajos been about still, two more of the house-dwellers would have fallen. they attempt to decide what is to be done; their thoughts become confused, for the terrible discovery distracts them. little by little they become conscious that it is impossible to leave the body here, a prey to the wolves and carrion crows; that it must be brought home, down into the valley where he was so beloved, so worshipped almost, by everybody. nothing else can be done. with sighs and sobs, stifled groans and tears, the body is raised up, one supporting the head, the other the feet. thus they drag and carry it along on the old trail to the rito. blood clings to their hands and to their dress. never mind. is it not the blood of a good man, and may not with that blood some of his good qualities perhaps pass into them? not a word is spoken, not even when they lay down the corpse to rest themselves a while. in such moments they stand motionless, one by the mutilated head, the other at the feet. they look neither at each other nor at it, for if they should attempt it tears would be sure to come to their eyes. without a word they lift up the body again, tenderly as if it were a child's, and on they go, slowly, painfully, and silently. it is night now, and the forest is more full of life. the dread voices of the darkness are heard around them; coyotes howl and whine; in the distance owls hiss and shriek and flit from tree to tree, as the panting men approach. they think not of danger, not even of those who so ruthlessly slaughtered their great and good maseua; on they go as fast as the heavy load permits and as their heavy hearts afford them strength. now one of them stumbles and falls, and as he rises he notices that the object over which he has tripped is still clinging to his foot. he cannot see what it is, but grasping it, discovers a round war-sandal, over which he has stumbled, whose thongs have remained between his toes. this discovery he communicates to his companion. with fresh vigour they resume their dismal march. it is dark, so dark that nothing more can be seen; nothing more is heard save distant thunder and the discordant voices of the night in the forest. slowly and silently they proceed homeward with their gory but precious burden. chapter xvi. lamentations over a dead body are everywhere a sad and sickening performance to witness and to hear. among the aborigines of new mexico--among the sedentary tribes at least--the official death-wail is carried on for four days. the number four plays a conspicuous rôle in the lives of those people. and it is natural that it should. four are the cardinal points, four the seasons, four times five digits depend from hands and feet. the queres has not even a distinct term for finger or for toe. he designates the former as one above the hand, the latter as one above the foot. four days the redman fasts or does penance; four days he mourns, for that is the time required by the soul to travel from the place where it has been liberated from the thralls of earthly life to the place of eternal felicity. at the time of which we are speaking, the body was still cremated, and with it everything that made up the personal effects of the deceased.[ ] if a man, his clothes, his weapons, his loom, in case he had practised the art of weaving, were burned; if a woman, the cooking utensils were "killed;" that is, either perforated at the bottom or broken over the funeral pyre and afterward consumed. in this manner the deceased was accompanied by his worldly goods, in the shape of smoke and steam, through that air in which the soul travelled toward shipapu, in the far-distant mythical north. the road must be long to shipapu, else it would not require four entire days to reach it; and there are neither eating-places nor half-way houses on the way, where the dead may stop for refreshments. therefore the survivors placed on the spot where the body had rested for the last time an effigy of the dead, a wooden carving, and covered it with a piece of cloth; while by the side of this effigy they deposited food and water, in order that neither cold, hunger, nor thirst might cause the travelling spirit to suffer. but the road is not only long, it is also dangerous; evil spirits lie in wait for the deceased to capture him if possible, and hamper his ultimate felicity. to protect himself against them a small war-club is added to the other necessaries, and to render the journey safe beyond a doubt a magic circle is drawn, encompassing the statuette with a circle of cruciform marks, imitating the footprints of the shashka, or road-runner. as these crosses point in all four directions, it is supposed that evil spirits will become bewildered and unable to pursue the soul in its transit. at the end of the fourth day, with many prayers and ceremonies, the circle is obliterated, and the other objects, including the effigy, are taken away by the shamans to be disposed of in a manner known to them alone. during the period of official mourning the loud wail was carried on incessantly, or at least at frequent intervals; fasting was practised; the women wept, sobbed, screamed, and yelled. both sexes gathered daily around the place where the effigy lay, praying loudly for the safe journey and arrival at shipapu of the defunct. the women alone shed tears on such occasions, the men only stared with a gloomy face and thoughtful mien. they recalled and remembered the dead. what the great master of historical composition has said of the ancient germans may be applied here also: "feminis lugere honestum est, viris meminisse." in the humble abode where topanashka tihua had dwelt with his deaf old wife, and where his bloody remains had rested previous to being borne to the funeral pyre, his effigy lay covered by the handsomest piece of cotton cloth that could be found among the homes of the rito, and a quaintly painted and decorated specimen of pottery contained the drinking-water for his soul. it was dusky in the room, for the window as well as the hatchway afforded little light. subdued voices sounded from the apartment, monotonous recitals, which the loud refrain, "heiti-na, heiti-na," at times interrupted. the poor deaf widow sat with tearful eyes in a corner; her lips moved, but no sound came from them; only, when the leader of the choir broke out with appropriate gesticulations, she chimed in loudly. when at such a signal the other women present began to tear their hair, she did the same, and shouted at the top of her voice like the others, "heiti-na, heiti-na!" group after group of mourners visited the room, until both clans, tanyi and tyame, had performed their duty. hannay, too, had made her appearance; she had shed tears like a rain-cloud, had howled and whined more than any one else. her grief was surely assumed, for when tyope asked her in the evening she told him everything in detail that she had noticed,--how this one had looked, how such and such a one had yelled,--plainly showing that the flood of tears had in no manner impeded her faculties of perception, the sighs and sobs around her in no manner deafened her attentive ear. tyope listened with apparent indifference, and said nothing. she attended to the weeping part, he not so much to the duty of pious recollection as to that of deep thinking over the new phase which matters had entered upon in consequence of the bloody event. for this sudden death of the maseua was for his designs a most fortunate occurrence. the only man who in the prospective strife between the clans might have taken an attitude dangerous, perhaps disastrous, to his purposes, was now dead; and the office which that man held had become vacant. there was but one individual left in the tribe who might yet prove a stumbling-block to him; that was the hishtanyi chayan. but the great medicine-man was not so much a man of action as a man of words, and the force of his oracular utterances tyope hoped to destroy through the powerful speeches of the koshare naua and the strong medicine of the shkuy chayan. the plans of tyope had been immensely furthered by the terrible accident; they had advanced so much that he felt it indispensable to modify them to some extent. terror and dismay were great at the rito, and the council had been adjourned _sine die_. there could be no thought of a fresh accusation against shotaye until the four days of official mourning were past, and the campaign against the enemy, which the bloody outrage imperatively called for. the murder by the tehuas, as tyope and the others believed, of the principal war-chief of the tribe, at a time when the two tribes were without any communication with each other, was too great an outrage not to demand immediate revenge. the murder could not have been the result of a misunderstanding or accident, else the scalp would not have been taken by the murderer. it was premeditated, an act of deliberate hostility, a declaration of war on the part of the tehuas. the dead man's scalp had certainly wandered over to the caves of the northern tribe; it was certainly paraded there in the solemn scalp-dance by which the tehuas, beyond all doubt, publicly honoured and rewarded the murderer. tyope knew that the queres were of one mind and that the official mourning alone kept them from replying to this act of unjustifiable hostility by an attack upon the puye, but he also knew that as soon as the four days were past a campaign against the tehuas would be set on foot. the hishtanyi chayan had retired to work, and that meant war! he and the shikama chayan fasted and mourned together; their mourning was not only on account of the great loss suffered by the tribe in the person of the deceased; they bewailed a loss of power. that power had gone over into the enemy's ranks with the scalp of the murdered man. although the death of topanashka was for tyope an event of incalculable benefit, he had exhibited tokens of regret and sorrow. his manner was dignified; he did not mourn in any extravagant fashion, but conducted himself so that nobody could suspect the death of the old man to be anything else than a source of regret to him. furthermore, he intended by his own example to foster the idea among his tribal brethren that the outrage was so grave that it demanded immediate and prompt redress. the carrying out of this redress was of the greatest importance to him. the sooner it was executed the better it would suit his plans. during the last interview of tyope with the young navajo, the latter had charged him with having asked the dinne to kill the old maseua during an incursion which his tribe were to make into the valley of the rito. it was true that tyope had suggested it, but he had not told the navajo all that he designed through this act of treachery. his object was not merely to rid himself of the person of topanashka; he sought an opportunity of becoming the ostensible saviour of his tribe in the hour of need. if the dinne had made the premeditated onslaught, he would, after he had given them time to perform the murder, have appeared upon the scene, driven off the assailants, and thus recommended himself to the people for the vacant position of war-chief. the game was a double one on his part; first he was to betray his kinsfolk to the navajos, and secondly to turn against the navajos in defense of the betrayed ones. tyope realized that it was a very dangerous game, and he had therefore desisted and even gone so far as to repel the young navajo at the risk of his own life. as matters stood, all had gone far better than he ever hoped for. without complicity on his part, topanashka had been put out of his way; and the office coveted by tyope was vacant. an important military enterprise was to follow at once. tyope intended to go on this campaign at all hazards, in order to distinguish himself as much as possible. this he was able to do, for he possessed all the physical qualities necessary for a powerful indian warrior, and he was very crafty, cunning, bold and experienced. he belonged to the society of war magicians, and held in his possession most of the charms and fetiches used for securing invincibility. there was no doubt in his mind that he would return from the war-path crowned with glory and with scalps, provided he was not killed. should he return alive, then the time would come for him to set the koshare naua to work to secure him the desired position. once made maseua he would resume his former plans, push the case against shotaye to the bitter end, and try to divide the tribe. for the present the two objects had to be set aside. the expedition against the tehuas must take the lead of everything else. while tyope was prompted, by the grief and mourning that prevailed, to display fresh activity and resort to new intrigues; while at the same time his wife improved the occasion for her customary prying, listening, and gossip,--their daughter, mitsha, on the other hand, really mourned sincerely and grieved bitterly. she mourned for the dead with the candour of a child and the feeling of a woman. when she, too, had gone to the house of the dead to pray, her tears flowed abundantly; and they were genuine. the girl did not weep merely on account of the deceased, for she could not know his real worth and merits; she grieved quite as much on okoya's account. the boy had been to see her every evening of late. he was there on the night when the corpse was brought home, and they heard the wail and rushed out on the roof. at that moment hannay had returned, full to the brim with the dismal news. okoya forgot everything and returned home, and mitsha went back to the room and wept. while her mother proceeded in her account with noisy volubility, mitsha cried; for okoya had often spoken of his grandfather, telling her how wise, strong, and good sa umo maseua was. she felt that the young man looked up to him as to an ideal, and she wept quite as much because of her feeling for okoya as for the murdered main-stay of her people. while she thus mourned from the bottom of her heart, the thought came to her how she would feel in case her father was brought home in the same way. mitsha was a good child, and tyope had always treated her not only with affection but with kindness. he gave her many precious things, as the indian calls the bright-coloured pebbles, shell beads, base turquoises, crystals, etc., with which he decorates his body. he liked to see his daughter shine among the daughters of the tribe. with him it was speculation, not affection; but mitsha knew nothing of this, and felt that in case her parent should ever be borne back to this house dead, and placed on the floor before her covered with gore, she must feel just as okoya felt now. and yet the dead man was only his grandparent. no, it was not possible for him to be as sad as she would be in case tyope should meet with such a fate. and then she wondered whether the whole tribe would regret her father's death as much as they regretted the loss of topanashka. something within her told that it would not. she had already noticed that tyope was not liked; but why, she knew not. okoya himself had intimated as much. she knew that the boy shunned her father; and her attachment to okoya had become so deep that his utterances began to modify her feelings toward her own parents. if she would sorrow and grieve for her father's loss, if okoya was mourning over his grandfather's demise, how must the child of the murdered man, of such a man as topanashka, feel? his only child was a woman like herself. a true woman always feels for her sex and sympathizes with other women's grief; and besides, that woman was the mother of the youth who had won her heart. okoya had told her a great deal about his mother,--how good she was and how content she was to see him and her become one. the girl was anxious to know his mother, but a visit to a prospective mother-in-law is by no means an unimportant step. if it is accompanied by a present it bears the character of an official acceptance of courtship. that step mitsha was afraid as yet to take; it was too early; there were too many contingencies in the way. still she longed to go to say koitza now. but visits of condolence are not in vogue among indians as long as there is loud mourning, except at the house where the mourning is going on. how much mitsha would have given to be permitted to go to say, sit down quietly in a corner, and modestly and without speaking a word, weep in her company. at the same time she felt another longing. since the night of the murder okoya had of course not been to see her, and she naturally longed to meet him also in this hour of sadness and trial. once when she had gone to the brook for water, zashue had crossed her path; but he looked so dark and frowning that she did not venture even to greet him. it was the last day of mourning, and nearly everybody at the rito who could or ought had paid his respects to the dead. the chayani of lesser rank alone returned from time to time to perform specially strong incantations in aid of the still travelling soul. mitsha had gone down to the brook to get water. it occurred only once a day during these days, for the people of tyame fasted, taking but one frugal meal daily. everybody was very careful also not to wash, and mitsha herself was as unkempt as any one else of her clan. bearing the huashtanyi on her head, she was returning, when as she passed the corner of the big house her eyes discovered a man standing with his back turned to her, gazing at the cliffs. he seemed to face the dwellings of the eagle clan. as the girl approached, the noise of her step caused him to turn, and she recognized okoya. the youth stepped up to her; his eyes were hollow, and now they became moist. he attempted to control himself, to restrain the tears that were coming to his eyes at the sight of her; but he sobbed convulsively. when she saw it tears came to her eyes at once. the two children stood there, he struggling to hide his grief, for it was unmanly to weep, and yet he was young and could not control his feelings; she, as a woman, feeling at liberty to weep. she wept, but silently and modestly. it grieved her to see him shed tears. he, too, felt for her; but it was soothing to his own grief that mitsha mourned. he too was longing to meet her; the four days of separation had been very long to him. "he was so good," okoya at last succeeded in saying. fresh tears came to his eyes. mitsha merely nodded and covered her face with a corner of her wrap. "have you been to him?" he asked. she nodded; okoya continued,-- "to-morrow i will come again." eager nods, mingled with sobs and accompanied by rubbing of the eyes, were her reply. the nodding proved that his call would be very, very welcome. she uncovered her face, her eyes beamed through tears, and she smiled. as sincerely as she felt her grief, the announcement that he would return as soon as the mourning-time was over made her happy, and her features expressed it. she went her way quietly, okoya following her with his eyes. he longed to say to her, "come with me, and let us go together to my mother; she weeps so much." but it could not be; it was useless to mention it. about his mother okoya felt deeply concerned, for she did not bear her grief as the others bore theirs. she was not noisy like the rest. utterly oblivious of her daily task, she neither cooked nor baked nor cared for anything. her husband and children had to go hungry, while she sat in a corner sobbing and weeping. it was indeed a blessing for her that she was able to weep; otherwise her reason might have given way under the terrible and crushing blow. with the loss of her father she felt as if lost forever, as if her only support, her only hope, had gone. the past came back to her, not like an ugly dream, but as a fearful reality threatening sure destruction. between her and the accusation which she felt certain had been fulminated against her before the council, there stood henceforth no one, and at the end of the mourning she expected to be dragged before the council at once and condemned to death! and what sort of death? exposed to public wrath as a witch, bound and gagged, tied to a tree, with the rough bark lacerating her breast, and then beaten, beaten to a jelly, rib broken after rib, limb after limb, until the soul left the body's wreck under the curses of bystanders. oh, if she could only die now a swift, an honourable death like that of her father! if she could only have seen shotaye! she expected the cave-woman surely to come down to cheer her up. she felt a longing for her friend, a desire to see her, to hear her voice. but day after day ran on, night after night followed, and shotaye did not come. it did not surprise her that shotaye did not appear on the first day, but on the evening of the second she began to tremble. when the night of the third came, her apprehensions became distressing. on the fourth, shotaye must surely come; expectation, and finally disappointment, almost tortured to death the poor woman, for shotaye came not. everything seemed to conspire to render her hopelessly miserable. she lost sight of her surroundings, grew speechless, and almost devoid of feeling. the others explained her state as one of profound and very natural grief, and let her alone. but it was uncomfortable in the house when the mistress took no notice of anything, and did not even provide the most necessary things, not even drinking-water. therefore zashue, as well as okoya, preferred to go out of doors, there to await the termination of the disagreeable period of mourning at the end of which they confidently expected say to return to her normal condition. after he had separated from mitsha, okoya sauntered, without really knowing whither, up the gorge and down the northern side of the cultivated plots. he gradually neared the cliffs, and found himself beyond the dwellings of the water clan, and therefore beyond the uppermost caves that were inhabited. the gorge, narrow and covered mostly with underbrush and pines, afforded to his sight but a single conspicuous object, and toward this he turned at once. to his right lay some caves that had been long ago forsaken, and whose front wall had partly crumbled. below the short slope leading up to them are the traces of an old round estufa. a plain concavity in the ground indicates its site to-day. at the time when okoya strolled about, the roofing alone was destroyed, and part of the interior was filled with blocks of stone that had tumbled from the cliffs, crushing the roof. okoya, from where he stood, had the interior of the ruin open before him, and he saw in it, partly sitting and partly reclining, the figure of his friend hayoue. it was a welcome discovery. he had not met hayoue since the death of his grandfather, for the brother of zashue had avoided the great house and its inmates on purpose. he mourned earnestly and sincerely, and wished to be alone with his thoughts. but okoya was not disposed to let him alone. he knew that if his uncle spoke to any one he would speak to him, and that if he felt indisposed to enter into any conversation he would say so at once. hayoue was very outspoken. the boy jumped down from block to block noisily, for he wanted to attract his uncle's attention beforehand. the latter looked up. as soon as he saw who the disturber of his musings was, he waved his hand, beckoning him to come. okoya obeyed with alacrity, for he saw that hayoue felt disposed to talk. throwing himself down beside him he waited patiently until the other saw fit to open the conversation. they both remained for a while in silence, until hayoue heaved a deep sigh and said,-- "does zashue, my brother, mourn also?" "not as we do," replied okoya; "yet he is sad." "it is well. he is right to feel sad. sad for himself, for you, for all of us." "sa umo was so good," whispered the boy, and tears came to him again; but he controlled his feelings and swallowed his sobs. he did not wish the other to see him weep. "indeed sa umo maseua was good," hayoue emphasized, "better than any of us, truer than any of us! none of us at the tyuonyi is as strong and wise as he was." "how could the moshome kill him, if he was such a great warrior," okoya naïvely inquired. "see, satyumishe, he was struck from behind. in this way a moshome may kill a bear, and so yai shruy destroys the strongest mokatsh. sa umo had no weapons, neither bow nor arrow nor club. he did not suppose that there were any moshome lurking about as tiatui lies in wait for the deer. had sa nashtio gone south or toward the west, he would have carried what was right, but over there,"--he pointed northward,--"who would have believed the people over there to be so mean as these shuatyam of tehuas now prove to be? destruction come upon them!" he spoke very excitedly, his eyes flashed, and he gnashed his teeth. shaking his clenched fist at the north, he hissed, "and destruction will come upon them soon! we shall go to kapo and come back with many scalps. we will not get one only, and crawl back, as shutzuna does after he has stolen a turkey. we shall go soon, very soon!" okoya yielded to the excitement which the latter part of his friend's speech bespoke. his eyes sparkled also, and his chest heaved at the mention of blood. "satyumishe," he exclaimed, "let us go, i and you together. let us go and get what may please our father's heart!" hayoue looked at him; it was an earnest and significant look. "you are right, brother. you are wise and you are good. you also know how to hit with an arrow, but you are not uakanyi." "but i shall be one, if i go with you," boldly uttered the boy. his uncle shook his head, and smiled. "don't you know, sa uishe, that every one cannot go with the warriors, when they go on the war-path? every one cannot say, 'i am going,' and then go as he pleases and when he pleases. every one cannot think, 'i am strong and wise, and i will follow the enemy.' if the shiuana do not help him, the strongest is weak, and the wisest is a child before the foe. see, satyumishe, i am as good a uakanyi as any one, but i do not know whether, when the hishtanyi chayan says in the uuityam which men shall go and take from the tehuas what is proper, i may go with them. perhaps i shall have to stay, and some other one will go in my stead." "must not all go?" okoya asked; he was astonished. "every one must go whom the maseua chooses." with a sad expression he added, "our maseua is no more, and ere the hotshanyi has spoken to the yaya and nashtio, and said to them, 'such and such a one shall be maseua,' it is the hishtanyi chayan who decides who shall go and who shall stay at home." his nephew comprehended; he nodded and inquired,-- "does not the hishtanyi chayan fast and do penance now?" "our nashtio _yaya_," hayoue replied with an important and mysterious mien, "has much work at present." "do you know what he is working?" naïvely asked okoya. "he is with those above." the reply closed the conversation on that subject. okoya changed the topic, asking,-- "satyumishe, you are not much older than i. how comes it that you are uakanyi already?" hayoue felt quite flattered. he was indeed very young for a war magician, and he felt not a little pride on account of it. assuming a self-satisfied and important air, he turned to his nephew with the query,-- "when you go out hunting, what is the first thing you do?" "i take my bow and arrow and leave the house," readily answered the boy. "this is not what i ask for," growled hayoue. "what kind of work do you do ere you rise to the kauash?" the boy understood at last. "i place the stone, and speak to those above." "if before you go hunting you do not speak to them, are you lucky?" "no," okoya mumbled. he recalled the unlucky turkey-hunt of some time ago, when he had forgotten to say his prayers before starting, of which we have spoken in the first chapter. "why have you no luck?" hayoue further asked. "because the shiuana are not satisfied," replied the other. his uncle nodded. "are you a hunter?" he asked. "not yet, i am only learning." "why do you learn?" "in order to know." "when you once know, what can you do then?" "i can--" okoya was embarrassed. "i can make the shiuana help me." "that is it!" hayoue exclaimed. "if the shiuana do not help, you can do nothing; no matter how swift you run, how far you see, and how sure your aim is. but of the shiuana there are many, as many as grains of sand on the shore of the great river below here, and when we do not know them we cannot speak to them and beg for assistance. just as there are shiuana who assist the hunter, there are those who help us, that we may strike the enemy and take away from him what makes him strong, that it may strengthen us. look at tyame, the nashtio of tzitz hanutsh; he is swift and strong, but he knows not how to call to those above and around to help him take the scalp of the moshome. we must be wise, and listen to what those speak who know how to address the shiuana, and what to give them. we must learn in order to act. i have learned, and thus i have become uakanyi. and he who will soon be where in time we also shall find rest,--he taught me many things. he was good and wise, very good, our father the maseua," he added, sighing deeply. "will you help me to learn and become uakanyi?" okoya turned to him now with flashing eyes. "i will, surely i will. you shall become one of us. but you know, brother, that you must be silent and keep your tongue tied. you must not say to this or that one, 'i am learning, i have learned such and such things, for i am going to become uakanyi.'" okoya of course assented. then he asked,-- "i am not uakanyi, and can the hishtanyi chayan tell me to go along too with the men to strike the tehuas?" "certainly, for there are not many of us, and in the zaashtesh all must stand up for each, and each for all. but when many go on the war-path there are always some of us with them in order that the shiuana be in our favour." "do the shiuana help the tehuas also? for the tehuas are people like ourselves, are they not?" "they are indeed zaashtesh, like the queres. but i do not know how the shiuana feel toward them. old men who knew told me that the moshome tehua prayed to those above and around us, and that they call them ohua. whether they are the same as ours i cannot tell; but i cannot believe them to be; for the kopishtai who dwell over there must be good to their people, whereas the kopishtai here are good to us. only those who hold in their hands the paths of our lives help those who do right and give them what is due, wherever and whoever they be." "how soon shall we go against the tehuas?" "the yaya chayan and the uishtyaka perhaps alone know that. as soon as the hishtanyi has done his work he will call the uuityam, and then those shall go that must. perhaps i may go, perhaps not. it may be that both of us will be sent along. but we will go soon," he fiercely muttered, "soon, to take from the tehuas what is precious to the heart of our father, who now goes toward shipapu." okoya felt wildly excited and could barely restrain himself. thirst for revenge joined the intense wish to become a warrior. but hayoue's placed a damper on his enthusiasm, else he might have left that night alone, with bow and arrow and a stone knife, to hover about the puye until some luckless tehua fell into his hands. he saw, however, that nothing could be done without the consent and support of the higher powers, and that he must curb his martial ardour and abide by the decisions of those above. the present topic of conversation being exhausted, both sat in silence for a while, each following his own train of thoughts. okoya was the first to speak again. "does your hanutsh mourn?" "the women have gone to weep with the dead," replied hayoue. "i too am mourning," he added sorrowfully; "but i mourn as is becoming to a man. crying and weeping belong only to women." "i have cried," whispered okoya timidly, as he looked at his friend with a doubting glance. he was ashamed of the confession, and yet could not restrain himself from making it. hayoue shrugged his shoulders. "you are young, satyumishe, and your heart is young. it is like the heart of a girl. when you have seen many dead men and many dying, you will do as i do,--you will not cry any more." he coughed, and his face twitched nervously; with all his affectation of stoicism he had to struggle against tears. in order to suppress them completely he spoke very loudly at once,-- "tzitz hanutsh has nothing to do with the dead, and yet the women lament and its men think over the loss that the tribe has sustained. i tell you, okoya, we have lost much; we are like children without their mother, like a drove of turkeys whose gobbler tiatui or mokatsh have killed. now,"--his eyes flashed again and he gnashed his teeth,--"now tyope and the old naua are uppermost. just wait until the men have returned from the war-path, and you will see. evil is coming to us. did you notice, satyumishe, on the night when they carried sa nashtio maseua back to the tyuonyi how angry the shiuana were; how the lightning flamed through the clouds and killed the trees on the mesa? i tell you, brother, evil is coming to our people, for a good man has gone from us to shipapu, but the bad ones have been spared." okoya shuddered involuntarily. he recollected well that awful night. never before had a storm raged on the rito with such fury. frightful had been the roar of the thunder, prolonged like some tremendous subterranean noise. incessant lightning had for hours converted night into day, and many were the lofty pines that had been shattered or consumed by the fiery bolts from above. the wind, which seldom does any damage at such places, had swept through the gorge and over the mesas with tremendous force, and lastly the peaceful, lovely brook, swollen by the waters that gushed from the mountains in torrents, as well as by the rain falling in sheets, had waxed into a roaring, turbid stream. it had flooded the fields, destroying crops and spreading masses of rocky débris over the tillable soil. yes, the heavens had come upon the rito in their full wrath, as swift and terrible avengers. both of them remembered well that awful night, and dropped into moody silence at the dismal recollection. "are there any other bad men at the tyuonyi?" okoya asked; but low, as if he were afraid of the answer. "there may be others," hayoue muttered, "but those two are certainly the worst." okoya felt disappointed; tyope, he saw, must indeed be a bad creature. "do you know whether tyope is mourning?" asked his uncle. "i have not seen him," grumbled the other. "i am sure he will look as if his mother had died," scolded hayoue. "he is a great liar, worse than a navajo. he puts on a good face and keeps the bad one inside. i would like to know what the shiuana think of that bad man." "have we any bad women among us?" okoya said, to change the conversation. "hannay is bad!" his uncle cried. a pang went through the heart of the other youth. his prospective father and mother in-law appeared really a pair of exquisite scoundrels. "are there any others?" "i don't know, still i have heard." hayoue looked about as if afraid of some eavesdropper,--"what i tell you now is only for yourself,--that shotaye is bad, very bad! after being tyope's wife for a while, i should not be surprised if--" "does she speak to those that can do us harm?" okoya interrupted in a timid whisper. "it may be. there is no doubt but she is a harlot; i know it myself, and every man on the tyuonyi knows it. other women are also spoken of, but nobody says it aloud. it is not right to speak thus of people when we do not know positively. i have not seen shotaye since our father died. she is mourning perhaps, for her cave is shut and the deerskin hangs over the doorway. she is likely to be inside in quiet until the trouble is over and the men can go to her again." okoya rose to go. "are you coming along?" he asked his uncle. hayoue shook his head; he still wished to remain alone. "it may be," he said, "that we shall have to leave in two days against the tehuas, and i shall remain so that i may be ready when the tapop calls upon us. you rely upon it, satyumishe, we shall go soon, and when it so happens that we both must go you shall come with me that i may teach you how the scalp is taken." thus dismissed, okoya sauntered back down the valley. when opposite the caves of the water clan he furtively glanced over to the one inhabited by shotaye. the deerskin, as hayoue had stated, hung over the opening, and no smoke issued from the hole that served as vent and smoke-escape. the woman must be mourning very deeply, or else she was gone. she did not often enter his thoughts, and yet he wished shotaye might come now and see his mother. he was convinced, without knowing why, that his mother would have been glad to see her. at all events the dismal period of mourning was drawing rapidly to a close, and with it official sadness would vanish. he could hardly await the morrow. on that day he hoped that the question would be decided when the great work of revenge should commence and whether he would be permitted to take part in it. the words of his uncle had opened an entirely new perspective to okoya. to become uakanyi was now his aim, his intense ambition. as warrior, and as successful warrior, he confidently expected that no one would dare refuse him mitsha. this hope overcame the grief he had harboured during the days that elapsed, for that grief belonged to the past; and as the past now appeared to him, it seemed only a stepping-stone to a proud and happy future. footnotes: [footnote : i borrow these facts from spanish sources. both castañeda and mota padilla mention cremation as being practised in the sixteenth century by the pueblos. the latter author even gives a detailed description. withal, the fact that the pueblos also buried the body is more than abundantly established. both modes of burial were resorted to, and contemporaneously even, according to the nature of the country and soil. there is comparatively little soil at the rito. the mourning ceremonies, etc., i have witnessed myself.] chapter xvii. okoya had been correct in his surmise that shotaye was gone. in vain say koitza pined; her friend had left never to return. when the news of topanashka's death reached her, which it did on the very night of the occurrence, she saw at a glance that henceforth her presence among the queres was an impossibility, for she knew that the deceased was the only one who could interpose himself between say koitza and her enemies, and thus wield an influence indirectly favourable to herself. she recognized that henceforth tyope was free to act as he pleased in the matter, for the medicine-men would be on his side. and she saw that the days of mourning that were sure to follow afforded her a capital opportunity for leaving the rito unobserved, and executing her flight to the tehuas of the puye. shotaye could not believe that cayamo was the slayer of topanashka. her warrior from the north was in too great a hurry to get out of the way of pursuing navajos. he was too anxious to save the scalp he had taken. even in case topanashka had overtaken him, which seemed impossible, the tehua would have avoided rather than attacked the unarmed old man. and if the maseua surprised their interview and followed her knight, the latter had too much vantage-ground to be ever overtaken by his aged and unarmed pursuer. the fact that the sandal had been found, shotaye interpreted as evidence of cayamo's precipitate flight. from her standpoint she reached the very correct conclusion that the navajos who followed in cayamo's tracks, and not the tehua, must have killed the father of her friend say. but she saw that her people would fall into error as to the manner of topanashka's death. she saw that they could not have reached a different conclusion, and also that the error must call forth extraordinary measures of revenge. she heard enough and saw enough, during the commotion prevailing at the rito when the dead body was brought in, to become convinced that as soon as the mourning ceremonies were over the queres would take the war-path against the supposed murderers of their war-chief. she took care not to disabuse the minds of any of her tribal brethren, and said nothing, but felt glad at the opportunity which the proposed campaign would give her for revenge. flight to the tehuas was not only very easy, it could be executed under circumstances that would give her among the other tribe a position of considerable importance. it was almost needless to avail herself of the understanding with cayamo; she had far more important things to communicate. by informing the tehuas of the movement on foot against them, she appeared as a deserter from the enemy, as a timely friend. if afterward, as she confidently believed, tyope should come up with the warriors against the tehuas, he would find everything prepared for a disastrous reception. matters looked exceedingly promising for her plans. for all that, she did not forget say koitza; but she had been to some extent forewarned, and as soon as say heard of shotaye's absence she must suspect the truth. after all, say was in no real danger. until the campaign was over, there was no time to think of her case, and during that campaign shotaye would provide for the queres such a rough handling that no thoughts of witchcraft trials would trouble them for some time to come. for there should be mourning, sadness, grief, howling, and gnashing of teeth on the rito on a very large scale. still she did not lose sight of the possibility that her absence might be noticed at an early day, and might arouse suspicion. it was possible, though not at all likely. as long as people mourned, nobody would care for her. after the official mourning was over the council would be convened and the campaign announced. thereupon all the men who had to take part would have to retire for the customary fasts and purifications, and the yaya and the chayani would have to work heavily. her home was not likely to be visited by any one for a number of days, and when the warriors of the queres were on the march nobody would call them back because she had disappeared from the rito. perfectly at rest in regard to her own future, reassured as to the fate of say koitza, shotaye had, on the night of the second day after the murder of topanashka, left her home and climbed to the northern mesa without meeting any obstacle. when the sun rose, she found herself quite near the place which cayamo, as far as she understood, had designated as the spot where his friend teanyi would wait for her. unacquainted with the real distance that separates the rito from the cave-dwellings above santa clara, she had underrated it; and it was only at noon, after she had spent hours walking through the pine timber and in fruitless waiting, that a man stepped up to her from behind a tree and called out,-- "teanyi!" then he added, "cayamo," and inquired, "shotaye?" he was the looked-for and longed-for delegate; and when the sun stood at its height, the two were travelling toward the puye together. shotaye attempted to convey the idea to her companion that the queres were upon the point of moving upon the tehuas in force. her excited gesticulations and broken sentences only succeeded in making him believe that she was herself the object of lively pursuit by a considerable number of men. therefore when the pair reached the isolated, castle-like rock called puye, which dominates the country far around, and along the base of which the dwellings of the tehuas were excavated in friable white pumice-stone, in the same manner as are those of the rito, teanyi left her standing before the entrance to his own cave-home, went in, and called his wife to take care of the new-comer while he ran to the tuyo, as the governor is called among the tehuas. the wife of teanyi had not been informed of the nature of shotaye's call, and as she took her into her quarters she eyed her curiously and suspiciously, for it was probably the first time she had seen a human being that spoke a language different from her own. she gave her no food, but waited her husband's return. shotaye, on her side, cast the quick glance of her lively eyes at everything. from time to time she attempted a word of conversation; she smiled and gesticulated, but the only response was a shaking of the head and facial expressions that denoted suspicion rather than friendship. teanyi had informed the tuyo that he had met a woman from the rito de los frijoles and had taken her to his home, or rather to that of his wife; that the woman was gesticulating in an unintelligible manner; and that all he could surmise was that there might be queres approaching the puye with hostile intentions. he said nothing about cayamo and his relations toward shotaye, for cayamo had enjoined absolute secrecy. the governor of the tehuas was a different man from the pompous little tapop of the queres. the latter would at once have called the council and done everything to surround the event and his own person with as much noise as possible. not so the tuyo of the puye. he only said, "i will go with you," and went to the room of teanyi's wife to see shotaye and investigate for himself. the gesticulations began again, and the woman used every effort to make herself understood. the governor did his best to understand her, but no progress was made toward comprehension. she even followed cayamo's precedent in drawing a line on the floor from north to south, designating the southern end as tupoge, the northern end as puye, for thus much she had kept in memory. then she pointed out on that line the spot where topanashka had been killed, and said, "uan save," and made the gesture-sign for killing. lastly she tried to convey the idea that the queres were in arms against the tehuas. the governor displayed much coolness, and paid close attention during this strange and almost comic interview. he thought he understood that a man from the rito, probably called topanashka, had been murdered by the dinnes on the trail leading to the puye from the south. he also thought that the queres were on the war-path to avenge the murder. in what manner this was connected with the excited state of the woman he could not clearly see, unless she was perhaps the widow of the murdered man. in that event she might have become insane from fright and despair! her violent gesticulations and the expression of passion and agitation on her features confirmed his suspicion that shotaye was distracted. a growing coldness in his manner at last showed the woman what sort of an impression she had been creating, and she felt very uneasy. not that her life became endangered thereby; on the contrary, the indian is very considerate and charitable toward such unfortunates. but from the moment that the tehuas were convinced of her insanity they would attach no longer any importance to her warnings, and a precious lapse of time that should be improved for immediate preparations for defence was irretrievably lost. the queres might be allowed to approach, and their onslaught would find the tehuas utterly unprepared. if only cayamo had been present! but he dared not approach a woman now, for he was at work purifying himself and fasting, in anticipation of the great day when the scalp which he had taken would be feasted over, danced over, prayed at, and sung to. shotaye found herself in a most painful situation. she noticed how complacently the tuyo smiled, the more she attempted to insist. at last he turned to teanyi and said a few words to the latter. teanyi shook his head, and shotaye followed the discussion that ensued between the two men with eager eyes and ears. it soon became clear to her that they were of different opinions, and that each one persisted in his own. finally teanyi spoke alone, and for quite a while in a low voice; and the governor listened attentively and with growing interest. though teanyi's voice was muffled, shotaye still overheard the word cayamo several times. straining her sense of hearing, she caught the words tupoge, tema quio, finally shotaye also. the tuyo listened, smiled, winked slyly, and at last laughed aloud. at the same time he turned his face to her and nodded most pleasantly; thereupon he said a few words to teanyi aloud, and the latter turned to his family, which had little by little congregated in the room, and repeated, as appeared to shotaye, his statements. at the close of his talk all broke out in a joyful laugh. the housewife, who until then had rather frowned at the visitor, now smiled and nodded too, repeating the words,-- "not queres; tehua woman, wife of cayamo." all laughed, and the governor exclaimed,-- "it is well." the case was clear to all. cayamo, on his expedition to secure scalps, had picked up a sweetheart. food was placed before shotaye, and the woman caressed her, inviting her to eat. in the mean time, one of the boys had left the room. shotaye was still eating when he returned in company with an elderly man of low stature, whose greeting was answered with the usual reply. this man cowered down among the rest, and listened with the closest attention to a long speech of the governor. at the close of it he sat for a while scrutinizing the woman's appearance, but when she looked up at him he addressed her in her own dialect, and with the words,-- "where do you come from?" a heavy load fell from shotaye's heart. the ice was broken; henceforth she could explain herself in her own tongue, and inform the tehuas of everything that was so important to them, so momentous to her. but her first impression, on hearing her tongue spoken by one who was certainly not of her stock, was almost one of fright. people who spoke more than one language were excessively rare at those times; and those who happened to learn the speech of another tribe kept it secret, as tyope, for instance, concealed his knowledge of the navajo language from the people of the rito. the knowledge of more than one tongue was a suspicious and therefore a dangerous gift. the man who now conversed with shotaye in the queres dialect was not a native of the puye. he belonged to the linguistic group of the tehuas, but to the southern branch, the tanos, who inhabited several villages west of the rio grande and in the country where the city of santa fé now stands. between the tanos and the queres there was limited commercial intercourse, for the tanos claimed the veins of turquoise that abound on the heights near some of their villages, and the queres went thither at rare intervals to trade for the gems which they were unable to obtain by force. through this rare and limited traffic the tano had become acquainted with some of the men of the rito, and many years ago had even accompanied them to their home in the mountain gorge. such visits were literally great affairs at the time, and they lasted long. extensive formalities were required to ascertain first how far the shiuana appeared favourable to the new-comer, and how he should make himself understood to them. the medicine-men had to make strenuous efforts in behalf of the visitor. equally long formalities preceded his departure, and our tano had in this manner, between reception, residence, and leave-taking, spent more than a year at the rito de los frijoles. during that time he had acquired a knowledge of the queres language, and spoke it therefore not fluently, but still intelligibly. as shotaye had appeared excited and agitated as long as she felt helpless in matters of speech, so now she became free, easy, and above all, calm and clear in her utterances, when she could make herself understood. the tano began to question her in a methodical, and even in an argumentative manner. he spoke slowly and brokenly; but she understood him, and he comprehended fully her replies, for they were given to the same categoric way. each of her sentences he translated into tehua, turning to the tuyo at the end of every one of her answers. shotaye told him everything, with the exception of the matter of the owl's feathers, for these would have been as dangerous among the tehuas as among the queres. she explained the misunderstanding that lay at the bottom of the hostility displayed by the queres, and finally she insisted that there was no time to clear up that misunderstanding; and since the queres were already on the march, she urged speedy preparation to repel the assault. she strained the truth on the latter point, but the tuyo forgave her this manifest exaggeration. he knew that there must be at least five days' delay before the prospective campaign. the further the woman proceeded in her exposition of facts, the more she observed, through her quick and scrutinizing glance, that her listeners became deeply interested, and that thoroughly startled, they at last displayed marks of indignation. that indignation, it was plain, was against the queres; and shotaye felt that she had gained her point. the breach between the tribes was now widened to such an extent that it could never be healed. at the close of the interrogatory, which had frequently been interrupted by exclamations of surprise and anger, the mistress of the house caressed shotaye, calling her sister. the tuyo, however, merely nodded to her kindly, uttered in a commanding tone a few words to those present, and went out to attend to his duties of convening the council. but the tano indian remained with shotaye until late in the night. he pretended to keep her company, and to contribute toward dispelling the feeling of loneliness that might overcome her in the midst of people with whom she could not converse. but in reality he remained as a spy, to cross-examine in a covert way. shotaye was wary, and not one contradiction, not one misstatement, could he detect during their talk. then he went where the council had gathered, reporting that according to his conviction the woman was not only sincere, but exceedingly well-informed. it would be superfluous to enter into details concerning the proceedings of the council. its composition and the formalities were in the main similar to those of the council of the queres. one point was earnestly discussed,--the propriety of sending a messenger to the queres to clear up, if possible, the misunderstanding. but the thought was finally discarded, on the ground that it was not the tehuas who should make overtures of peace,--because they were absolutely innocent,--but the queres, for it was they who, ere proceeding to hostile demonstrations, should have called on the tehuas for explanation. had the two tribes been on friendly terms, it might have been different; but there existed a breach between them already, and if the queres chose to still further widen it, the tehuas felt ready for any emergency. it was resolved to prepare for war at once, to call to arms the entire male population, send ahead the necessary spies, and thus prepared, to wait. with this the matter went into the hands of the great medicine-man and the head war-chief. the former was almost an equivalent to the hishtanyi chayan among the queres, the latter the exact equivalent of the maseua. the castle-like rock of the puye, along whose base the numerous cave-dwellings are burrowed out of a very friable and almost snow-white tufa, is situated about ten miles west of the rio grande, and not two miles south of the picturesque cañon of santa clara. the cliff is over one half mile long, and it dominates the mesa on which it stands. for many miles there are groves of timber surrounding the foot of the high and rugged slope that leads up to the cave-dwellings. while the queres at the rito dwelt at the bottom of a secluded gorge, the tehuas occupied a picturesque citadel rising from a high and level plateau. northeast of the puye, and separated from it by the cañon of santa clara, there rises a similar rock, equally bold and striking, and higher still, but not as extensive. this is called by the tehuas, shu finne. its lower rim is also perforated by cave-dwellings, and these were inhabited by a portion of the same tribe. during the night runners were sent to the shu finne, calling upon its people for assistance; and videttes were placed on the mountains and on the little mesa capping the cliff. the tehuas were more numerous than the queres of the rito, and might well wait calmly and with dignity until the latter either sought to negotiate or broke out in unjustifiable warfare. the five days which, as the tuyo had correctly inferred, would be spent by the people of the tyuonyi in mourning and in warlike preparations, passed; and no messenger of peace came to the tehuas. the queres remained in perfect confidence that those whom they intended to surprise were in absolute ignorance of any evil intentions on their part. but when the night of the fifth day had shrouded the landscape in purple darkness, tehua warriors began to stream down the slopes from the cliff and its cave-dwellings. the deepest silence was observed, instructions having been given beforehand, and the bands of armed men moved noiselessly forward. the plan was not to await the attack at home, but to advance into the more timbered country south of the barren mesa where the cliff rises, and to surprise the enemy on their approach. from reports of spies it was known that no queres were as yet scouring the heights north of the rito; and the tehuas, moving swiftly, were able to place themselves in ambush in the rocky wilderness where, later on, their descendants built and inhabited the now ruined village of the pueblo of the bird. one half day's journey would bring the queres easily to that point, where they certainly would not expect to be met by armed foes. there is water in the vicinity, and the ground is broken with pine groves. it could be foretold with reasonable certainty that the enemy would move in the direction of this place, for it is the straightest course, though not the easiest, from the rito northward. in this region the tehua hosts spread out, scouts preceding even as far as the ziro kauash. the queres might come, for everything was as ready as shotaye's fondest hopes could have wished. during these warlike preparations shotaye found ample time and opportunity to become initiated into the life of her new home. the old interpreter proved a very useful guide, and she improved his willingness to talk and to advise. he informed her that cayamo was free, and that as soon as the story of their meeting had become known among the people of the puye, everybody began to look upon her as his future wife. shortly before the beginning of the campaign, the time of his retirement expired; the ceremonies on the scalp matter had to be postponed on account of the all-important measures of war, and cayamo was able to present himself to his future spouse in the natural colour of his skin and in his usual costume. their meeting was not in the least sentimental. both laughed aloud and joyfully; they exchanged gestures and signs plainly indicating their future duties and probable results. those present laughed in token of approval and applause. at a hint from teanyi's wife, shotaye placed some corn-cakes before cayamo. he ate a few morsels, the courtship formalities were fulfilled, and the bridegroom returned to his duty as a warrior. the tano had informed the woman that cayamo belonged to the clan of the sun. in return she communicated that the water people were her kindred. what the queres called tzitz hanutsh the tehuas named p'ho doa, and the members of the clan p'ho were therefore officially requested to take their new sister in charge. some of the old men of the cluster came over to the dwellings of the turquoise clan, where the wife of teanyi lived. in their company came several women, who escorted shotaye to her new quarters. on the way to the caves of p'ho doa one of the women lightly touched shotaye's breast, then her own, and whispered,-- "oyike p'ho." it was her name, and shotaye communicated her own in reply. the woman shook her head, whispering,-- "nyo shotaye, nyo tema, 'not shotaye, not queres.' tehua quio." then she grasped her hand and breathed into shotaye's ear,-- "aua p'ho quio." shotaye easily understood the meaning of this confidential communication. with her change of abode her name was to change also. henceforth she was to be a tehua woman, and aua p'ho quio was to be her name. the tano continued his visits as heretofore. he plied the woman with questions, sometimes of the most complex nature. his conduct in this respect was characteristic of the suspicious nature of the indian generally. the leaders of the tehuas mistrusted shotaye still, notwithstanding her clear and positive talk; and they had instructed the tano to keep her company and to probe her sincerity and veracity still further. but she was more than a match for all of them. she saw through the maze of the very confused and bewildering interrogatory, and her replies were such as to absolutely confirm the tehuas in the good opinion they had conceived of her. whatever the interpreter reported to the tuyo that was of any value to the military operations impending, was immediately communicated to the war-chief through a special runner, for that functionary was in the field already with his men. shotaye made use of her conversations with the tano indian to direct the attention of the tehuas toward tyope. she described him as the leading warrior and the most influential man on the rito, as the pivot around which everything revolved and on whose life much would depend. but she was artful enough not to depict tyope as a bad man, lest the tehuas might infer her real purpose. she spoke of him as a man dangerous through his good qualities, and as a formidable adversary. in short her words produced such an effect that the governor himself came to interrogate her on the subject, and even caused the war-chief to return from the field on the fourth day, and had him visit shotaye in company with the interpreter and secure a detailed and accurate description of this dangerous individual. then they went to the medicine-man and consulted him about the propriety of taking shotaye along into the field, that she might point out the great warrior who, so they had become convinced, must be killed at all hazards in order to insure success. on the evening of the sixth day, therefore, shotaye wandered over to tzirege in company with the commander himself. shortly after their arrival among the group of warriors where the war-chief had taken his position, runners came from the south with news that they had detected several queres in full war-paint creeping northward from the brink of the rito. these runners were at once ordered back, with strict injunctions to the scouts not to impede the enemy's movements, but to suffer them to advance. the tehuas were quite scattered, particularly in the front, as is usually the case with bodies of indians on the war-path. the main bodies concealed themselves between the tzirege and a deep and broad ravine farther south, called to-day cañada ancha. they kept in the woods toward the mountains, expecting their foes to approach on a line closer to the river. the plan was to allow the queres to come up undisturbed as far as the north side of the cañada. as the men from the rito advanced, the tehua scouts were to close in from the rear and follow them cautiously, until the enemies were all gathered on the desired spot, with the woods to their left and rugged, barren cliffs and peaks to their right. then the trap would be sprung; and if the queres took to those bleak fastnesses for defence it would be easy to surround them, cut them off from water, and thus exterminate them completely. night had fallen when another message came, to the effect that the numbers of the enemy were increasing, and beginning to spread over the timber in small groups. the war-chief sent a messenger to the puye, and after midnight the great medicine-man of war appeared in person. the shaman was, like all the others, painted black; a tall plume taken from an eagle rose behind each ear; the left hand carried a rattle; and a little drum was suspended from his shoulder. as soon as he arrived, one of the warriors retired to a spot which was almost hedged in by several bushy cedar-trees. there he built a fire, and as soon as it burned he covered it in such a manner that only a thin film of smoke arose from it. to this smouldering heap the shaman proceeded alone and sat down. there he spent the night, muttering incantations and prayers, shaking his rattle, and striking the drum softly from time to time. the sounds that proceeded from his discordant music were so faint that they could be heard only in close proximity. they were besides the only human sound in this wilderness. animal voices occasionally disturbed the quietness of the night. nobody would have supposed that between the rito and the mesas opposite san ildefonso of to-day several hundred indian warriors were hidden, patiently waiting or slowly moving forward. it was a quiet, still night, cool, as the nights mostly are in the rainy season, and dark. the sky was partly overcast; but the clouds did not drift, they formed and dissolved overhead; and the stars appeared and disappeared alternately as the nebulous fleeces disclosed or shrouded them. behind the mountain, thunderclouds rested, and occasional flashes of lightning illuminated the crests, and faint thunder muttered in the distance. it had no threatening sound, and the lightning did not seem like prophetic writing on the sombre clouds. it was a pleasant night and an excellent one for indian warfare. the scouts of the tehuas had reported in the last instance that the bulk of the war-party from the rito must now be on the move, for no fresh additions were coming up from the gorge. so careless and unconcerned were the queres, so absolutely sure of the enemy's ignorance of their designs, that they never thought of sending scouts to the upper end of the northern mesa. from there a few tehuas had comfortably observed everything that happened in the gorge during the day, and as evening came they could report even the numbers of the warriors who took part in the campaign. as soon as these warriors were all on the ziro kauash, the tehua spies, after warning those behind them, crept cautiously into the rear of the advancing foe. all the able-bodied men from the tyuonyi had not been permitted to join the expedition. hayoue was not among them, neither was okoya. it was a sad disappointment to the boy, and yet was he not staying at home in defence of his mother and of mitsha? say koitza had ceased to weep, but the persistent neglect which she thought she suffered from shotaye grieved her. at last she asked okoya whether he had seen anything of the cave-woman. his reply, that he thought she had gone, explained everything. she recollected the confident words that shotaye had spoken to her, and concluded that the woman had carried out her plan of taking refuge with the tehuas. that quelled her apprehensions and allayed her fears. shotaye knew what she was and had to do; and shotaye--of this say felt convinced--was true to her. in order to be quite sure of the fact, however, she strolled up to the cave in the course of an afternoon. the rooms were empty, and say turned back. one of shotaye's neighbours stopped her to ask where the medicine-woman might be. say carelessly replied that she was probably on the heights above, gathering herbs. the wily fugitive had left her household as if she were about to return soon. with the exception of the mother of okoya nobody noticed her absence. she was known to disappear occasionally for several days; and furthermore, the excitement and bustle incident upon the prospective expedition against the tehuas engaged everybody's attention. say koitza could not help wondering whether shotaye would inform the tehuas of the impending attack. perhaps she might, perhaps not. at all events she felt relieved upon hearing that neither her son nor her husband nor even hayoue were to go with the warriors. the enterprise aroused within her vague apprehensions; why, she could not tell. but it pleased her to learn that tyope was going,--going as the leader, the war-captain of the party. [illustration: rito de los frijoles looking out from the ceremonial cave] tyope had worked incessantly and with brilliant results. the shkuy chayan and the koshare naua had succeeded in so inveigling the principal shaman that he ordered that all the men from the water clan, and those from shyuamo with few exceptions, should stay at home for the protection of the women and children. that included hayoue, of whose abilities and popularity tyope was afraid, and saved the turquoise people from the casualties of war. tyope went so far as to praise hayoue in the council, suggesting that the young man should be intrusted with authority as war-chief _ad interim_. the suggestion was carried out at once, and afterward the hishtanyi chayan appointed tyope as commander-in-chief of the forces marching out. he himself accompanied the body of warriors as adviser and spiritual guide to the captain. nothing could suit tyope better. the man was old and not very strong, and people are often killed in war. after sunset the medicine-man made his appearance on the northern mesa and performed his incantations. tyope and most of the others breathed on their war-fetiches, and then group after group stealthily moved onward. the plan, which had been communicated to every one in its main points, consisted in reaching before sunrise the very ground which the tehuas had selected for their operations; passing the following day in the woods of that vicinity in concealment, and creeping up to the puye the following night; then, after sunrise, when the tehuas would begin to scatter, unarmed and unsuspecting, pouncing upon them and making a general slaughter. tyope had under his direction more than two hundred men, and they extended over a wide front. about twenty experienced warriors, mostly uakanyi, glided in advance as scouts. behind them came at a suitable distance either single warriors or small bands. the main body came last. it was divided into several groups. near the centre were tyope and the shaman. every one knew that his duty for the present consisted in searching for traces of the enemy without exposing himself to discovery. should a single tehua be observed, and it became possible for a scout to overpower and kill him without noise, he might do it. in case a number of foes were noticed, the spy was to give quiet warning to the man nearest to him, that one to those in his rear; and they were to send a runner to inform tyope. in the mean time all were to halt until orders came to move in a new direction. for tyope, although he did not in the least suspect that the tehuas were forewarned, and still less on the alert so close by the rito, used every possible precaution in order that the surprise might be complete and the blow as crushing as possible. it was dark in the timber, and the main body of the queres approached the brink of the first cañon north of the rito while the advance were cautiously descending into the bottom and the scouts were already farther on. tyope and the medicine-man were standing a short distance from the descent of the south side and listening to the news which a runner had just brought in from the front. "are you sure you have noticed a man?" the chayan asked in a whisper. "i am sure of it. he crouched at the foot of a juniper-bush," replied the messenger, positively. "has he seen you?" demanded tyope. "i believe not." "when you left was he there still?" "i could not see any more of him." "how far is it from here? where stands the tree?" the chayan asked. "it is on the other side of the ravine, near the border to the left." tyope pondered a while; then he said to the shaman,-- "nashtio yaya, i think we should go more toward the east. what do you say?" "it is well," muttered the medicine-man. "satyumishe," tyope said to the runner, "go and tell the men to go along the ravine toward the rio grande until the trees become smaller. thence they may go to the north again, but slowly and carefully. ziua," he called to one of the bystanders, "go and tell those toward the left to come where i stand. ohotika," calling another, "run to the right and command those there to wait until we join them." the runners left in the directions indicated. the information which had just been conveyed to tyope was most disagreeable. the presence of one human being at the time and place indicated looked very suspicious. if the man had seen his warriors he would certainly run home and give the alarm. all tyope could do now was to keep as close as possible to the rio grande, push up parallel with the river as cautiously as possible, and thus sneak beyond the enemy, in case, as he still could not believe, the latter were in anything like a considerable force. he would thus eventually place himself between them and their village. after a while the warriors from the left came on hastily, stumbling through the darkness. all together now went down in an easterly direction, where the right wing, if this term can be used, was halting. thence tyope despatched runners ahead to inquire whether everything was quiet in front, to repeat the order of slow marching, and to direct them to halt on the northern brink of the cañada ancha. when the runners left, the march was resumed in the usual scattering manner, as if all were skirmishers. tyope and the shaman remained together. neither uttered a word. the commander looked up to the stars from time to time. they were peeping out more and more, for the clouds were dispersing. only from the southwest distant thunder sounded and lightning flashed occasionally. a shower was falling in that direction. it was past midnight when the main body came up with the advance guard after crossing the cañada ancha. tyope found everything in order, and he directed a farther advance. tyope was angry. the circuit which he had felt obliged to make made a serious delay, and there was danger that with the early sunrise of the summer months he might be behind to such an extent as to be unable to reach the cover of the woods in time. if the tehuas were informed of his approach they would either prepare for his coming at the puye--and the result of an open attack would be to say the least extremely doubtful,--or they would come out in force, and desultory fighting would ensue. in this those who were nearest water and supplies always had the advantage. his idea of striking a sudden blow appeared very much endangered by the presence of tehuas in the forest. he thought and thought without arriving at any satisfactory conclusion. return to the rito he could not, for such a retreat was worse than disaster. neither could he decide alone; the hishtanyi chayan was by his side and he had to consult him. so he stood still and turned to the shaman, saying,-- "nashtio yaya, the night will soon be over, and the sun may come out from behind the mountain in the east." "ko," grunted the medicine-man. "it is far yet to the houses of the moshome tehua." the chayan stood still. "sa uishe nashtio," said he, "the shiuana direct us to go on a different road. i saw an owl fly toward the moon. let us go away from the river into the kote to rest and to hide until the sun goes down again and we may go farther toward the katityam of the enemy." this was just as tyope wanted. he disliked the idea of passing a day concealed under cliffs and crags where a torrid sun shone, and where there was water only in the river beneath and at a great depth. but he wanted to be sure of what those above intended, so he asked again,-- "yaya chayan, do the shiuana"--he emphasized the term--"say that we should go to the west?" "the spirits say that we should go where there is shade and water! let us go to the mountains; there we shall find both." "they are right!" tyope exclaimed. "i believe it is better to stay there until the sun has risen. i will send word to the men to turn to the left, and we will sleep in the shade of the trees until the time comes to advance." "you are right, brother," the chayan assented; "do as you have said." the two men had lagged behind the others during this conversation. tyope imitated the cry of an owl. soon several warriors came up to him. he directed them to go to the front, to the right, and to the left, and give orders that all should move to the westward a short distance, far enough to reach high timber. then all should halt and prepare to pass the night. he himself moved a short distance only in that direction, in company with the shaman, and selected a spot where the mesa was covered with the usual underbrush and where taller trees already began to appear. here he lay down to rest with eyes wide open, ready for any emergency. not far away the medicine-man found a secluded spot where he sat down without fire, occasionally touching the drum and reciting his prayers and incantations. they were the same as those which the shaman of the tehuas was directing to those above at the same time and not far from him, but in a different tongue, for the success of his people and the destruction of those for whom the hishtanyi chayan was praying. the decision of tyope to penetrate into the forest to the west brought the queres into the very position which the tehuas desired. the scouts of the latter had obeyed punctually and diligently the orders which they had received, following step by step the advancing foe and reporting to headquarters any notable move. they possessed the immense advantage of knowing every movement the queres made from the very beginning, and were thus able to observe them unseen. as soon as tyope had concentrated his forces on the northern brink of the cañada ancha, the main body of the tehuas receded slightly to the west. as soon as the queres began to ascend in that direction, the retrograde movement of the others continued in the centre; whereas the left wing spread out, and the right slightly advanced to the east along the brink of the ravine. the scouts were called in with all haste and reinforced, especially the body that faced the queres in the north. at the time tyope lay down to rest, his forces were surrounded everywhere except on the east. everything was ready for the tehuas to begin their attack upon the unsuspecting foe at daybreak. chapter xviii. the change from night to daylight in new mexico is by no means sudden. darkness yields slowly to the illumination streaming from the east; and when the moon is shining, one remains in doubt for quite a while whether the growing brightness is due to the mistress of night or to the lord of day. nowhere is this more perceptible than on high plateaus covered by sparse timber. suddenly awaking, one is in doubt at first whether it is sunrise or the full moon that illuminates the landscape. the shadows are weakened, but objects are not much more distinct; a glow pervades the air rather than a positive light. when the indian is on the war-path he sleeps but little, and never long. he prefers the day to the night for rest, as he can conceal his movements better in the darkness. tyope had halted his little army just before daybreak because he felt afraid of going any farther, and because he had arrived close to the place where he desired to remain during the day without exposing his forces to the chance of discovery. none of his men slept; none of them dozed, even. they had all been warned of the possible presence of foes, and although there seemed not the slightest evidence of those foes being aware of their coming, yet the mere apprehension caused uneasiness. there was therefore increased watchfulness on their part. every one among the queres was looking forward with anxiety to the hour when there would be sufficient light to investigate the situation more closely. the sky had cleared; the air became cooler, and the morning star shone brightly, in spite of the luminous crescent of a waning moon. the hishtanyi chayan was sitting at the same place where he had retired a few hours before, but he no longer prayed; he stared motionless. tyope lay on his back behind a juniper-bush. he was watching the sky and the approach of dawn. a number of warriors had lain down in the vicinity, awaiting the signal to move. one of these had placed himself in such a position that he could glance at the forest, which loomed up before him like a mass of dense shadows with rays of moonlight between. he peered into that maze of darkness and light for hours. but nothing appeared in it worthy of note. so the queres warrior turned around on his back in order to change position. he saw the moon rise to the zenith and the corona borealis disappear below the western horizon. he noticed also how the stars grew dimmer and dimmer, how the shadows commenced to wane. finally he fixed his gaze on the east. owing to the shrubbery it was not possible to see distinctly, yet anything lying on the ground could be discerned. from the place where he lay, the queres indian looked through a lane bordered on both sides by bushes of cedar and juniper. at the end of that lane he discovered a dark spot. that spot disappeared while he was still gazing at it. he strained his eyes to find the spot again, but it had really vanished. the man from the rito became suspicious. again he looked, but the spot or object, whatever it might be, had gone out of sight altogether. he crawled over to the man nearest him, told him what had occurred, and returned to his post. the dark speck or thing had not reappeared; but on the right side of the gallery formed by the trees it seemed as if, somewhat nearer to his own position, something black became apparent and disappeared in an instant. the scout strained both ear and eye. nothing could be heard, and nothing else of a suspicious character met his gaze. meanwhile his companion had crept over to where tyope was lying, and had reported to the commander the strange apparition. tyope turned over so as to face the east and said,-- "it is well." he also began to scan the network of shadows and illuminated patches extending in that direction. the indian who had spoken to him went back to his post, but very soon returned, whispering,-- "somebody has crossed over from one tree to another." "where?" tyope asked in a subdued voice. "there," replied the scout, pointing with his hand toward a group of bushes. "it is well," said the leader; "go back and keep your eyes open." the indian crawled off. tyope rose to his knees, seized two branches of the tree behind which he had been reclining, and bent them asunder. in this manner he was able to overlook the ground to the east at a greater height than before. the light had increased, but it would have been impossible to discern any object at a distance. daylight was growing on the waning night. had tyope stood up and looked toward the east, he would have seen the dark, sinuous line which the mountains east of santa fé trace along that part of the horizon. their uppermost snow-fields were beginning to glisten in the light streaming up from beyond. on tyope's left a rustling sound was heard; he turned around. one of his men was cautiously approaching. "there are moshome in front of us." "i know it," replied the commander. "how many have you seen?" "two." "and you saw them clearly?" "yes, but they sneaked off." "did they seem to come toward us?" "they crept behind a juniper, and after that i could see nothing more." "do the others know it?" "not yet. shall i tell them?" "go tell them. afterward return here to me." tyope felt embarrassed. it was clear to him that several tehuas were lurking in the direction whence he had come, and that they were moving toward him. it indicated that their numbers were strong enough to engage him. that looked very, very ominous! if he only knew how matters stood elsewhere, and whether the enemy had shown himself at other points! tyope grew very uneasy. tactics in indian warfare reduce themselves to a game of hide-and-seek. he who must show himself first is sure of suffering the greater loss. tyope knew that in case the tehuas had actually surrounded him they had the greater advantage at their disposal. they might wait much longer than he and his men. they might even wait for days, keeping the queres penned up in uncertainty, and then break out as soon as the latter were sufficiently exhausted. the same scout approached again. he crawled like a mole. "nashtio," he whispered, "there are moshome to the left of us." "many?" tyope inquired hastily. "six of them have been noticed." that was exceedingly alarming. he directed the man to stay on the spot, while he glided through the bushes to where the hishtanyi chayan had spent the night. the medicine-man was awake, and looked at the captain in astonishment. tyope placed a finger on his lips and shook his head. the shaman asked,-- "sa uishe, what is it?" "tzatze raua! tzatze raua!" tyope exclaimed in a low tone. "the tehuas are sneaking about us like shutzuna. there are many of them, and they come up from the east. what shall we do, yaya? speak." "tzatze raua," the shaman repeated, shaking his head. "as you say, the moshome come up behind us?" "i thought," tyope suggested, "of sending word to the men in front to come back, and as soon as we could see anything, striking the enemies in our rear. what do you think of it, sa nashtio?" "many will go to shipapu to-day," the chayan muttered. "what shall i do? speak!" tyope insisted. the last words of the shaman frightened him. the chayan gave no immediate reply, but sat musing in a manner indicating that his thoughts were with those above. at last he raised his head and replied,-- "we must wait until the sun stands in the sky." tyope suppressed a sigh. however much he attributed this answer of the shaman to inspiration from those on high, it appeared to him dangerous. tyope felt very uneasy, but he was no coward. in case the worst had really happened, if the tehuas had anticipated and surrounded him, he still inclined to the conviction that concentration of his forces and a rapid onslaught on the foes in his rear would not only save him, but secure a reasonable number of coveted trophies. if this could be speedily effected, the less important would be his loss in attaining it; for as long as the light was faint and dim, the enemy's missiles could not be discharged with certain aim. he had hoped that the chayan would assent to this suggestion. now on the contrary, the oracle spoke in a manner that plainly indicated that the shiuana ordered him to wait until daylight. it was sure destruction, he felt it; but the shiuana spoke through the medium of the old man, and the shiuana were of course right. he could not complain or even grumble. but he might at least prepare everything in advance, so that as soon as the medicine-man gave the signal, his favourite move might be executed with a promptness and alacrity that would surprise the enemy. so tyope crept back to the juniper-bush in whose neighbourhood his men were grouped. dawn was coming on, and the shadows were beginning to assume definite shapes and directions. tyope sighed when he noticed the approach of sunlight; precious time was being irretrievably lost. he relieved the warrior whom he had left at his post. the latter whispered to him that nothing suspicious had turned up. suddenly tyope started and pressed his ear to the ground; then he darted up, rising to his knees, and listened, straining every nerve, his head turned to the southwest. in that direction arose loud yells. they were followed by piercing cries. soon the sounds mingled, so as to create a noise like that which a struggle between men and wolves might produce. these sounds told tyope that a severe engagement had commenced in that direction. at the same time it struck him that the main body of the tehuas were probably south and east of his forces, and that consequently by moving swiftly westward he could interpose himself between the tehuas and their homes, cut off their warriors from their village, and secure complete triumph. but before he could order such a change of tactics he ought to know something definite from the quarter where the fight had begun. to send a runner seemed unadvisable, for he thought it unsafe to lessen the forces around him, if only by a man. several of his companions had approached, startled by the sudden noise. he motioned them to return to their posts. the noise of the battle diminished; then it broke out anew and sounded nearer. it seemed to extend to the east. in the west and north everything remained quiet; the enemy appeared to be entirely southwest and east of the little army which tyope commanded. he felt relieved, and a grim satisfaction crept over his mind. he thought, surely the tehuas have committed a grave mistake. if only his people would report to him! now at last! the bushes rattled, and a man stepped up. in a tone of intense agitation he said,-- "where is the war-chief?" "i am here," replied tyope in a muffled voice, motioning the warrior to lie down. the latter either failed to notice the gesture or misunderstood it, and walked on upright. something whizzed through the branches of the shrubs; the messenger bent as if suddenly folded up; he grasped at his stomach with his hand, and tumbled to the ground. tyope stood by his side in the twinkling of an eye. the shaft of an arrow was sticking in his body, and in vain did the wounded man try to pluck it out. regardless of the horrible pain the unfortunate one was suffering, bent upon catching the drift of his message before the soul could escape the tortured body, tyope almost lay down on the groaning man. "what news do you bring? speak!" he hissed into his ear. the wounded warrior moaned, moaned again. tyope grew wild. "speak!" he growled, and shook him by the shoulder so rudely that the other screamed. "the moshome," he gasped, "they--they--have come on to us." a chill went through his body; he lay there gasping, incapable of speech. tyope was frenzied; he again shook the dying man ruthlessly. "where have they attacked?" he roared. "west." "have they killed any of our people?" "i--don't--know," breathed the poor fellow. his head was swaying; it rolled back and forth on the ground. tyope could not obtain any further reply. so he crawled back and left him to die. the moor had done his duty; the moor might go to shipapu. tyope had been so eager to secure from the dying man any information the latter might still be able to impart, that he paid no immediate attention to the noise and uproar which had arisen in his own vicinity. almost at the very moment when the queres warrior was mortally wounded, one of tyope's companions despatched one of his arrows at a tehua whom he had distinctly seen in front. this shot he accompanied by a loud yell. the foe replied to the challenge in the same manner; arrows whizzed and hissed through the air, crossing each other and tearing through the shrubbery or penetrating the trunks of trees with dull thuds. the fight had begun here too, but little if any damage was done as yet by either side. most of the arrows were shot at random, and both parties whooped and yelled. their purpose was manifestly to frighten the adversary by creating an exaggerated impression of their own numbers and strength. all this did not make an unfavourable impression upon tyope. on the contrary, as soon as he saw that the engagement had broken out in his rear also, he felt a thrill of pleasure and changed his plans at once. he believed now, in presence of the attacks made by the tehuas, that the latter had indeed placed all their men between him and the rito, and that consequently the road to the puye lay open, and he could rush up, capture the women and children, and hold them for ransom. but he must move swiftly and energetically, leaving the fight to go on as best it might. by advancing with a part of his forces, first to the west and then straight to the north, tyope might execute his plan of leaving enough men behind to make a desperate stand against the tehuas here. without the consent of the hishtanyi chayan, however, he felt unauthorized to adopt decisive measures. so he again crept over to the shaman and communicated his plans to him. to his delight the old man rose and said,-- "it is well. let us go." it was daylight now, and everything could be plainly seen. the extended skirmishing went on with less ardour than before, neither party pressing the other very closely. tyope glided back to one of his men. an arrow well directed struck the ground very near. whispering into his ear the change of programme, tyope took off his shield, turned it toward the enemy, and rose on his right knee. fastened to the left arm and resting on the ground with its lower rim, the shield covered the kneeling man almost completely. the left hand held the bow, and the weapon slightly protruded from behind the protecting target. tyope then pushed his body forward from behind the bush where he had been crouching. hardly was the shield visible when its owner felt a sudden blow against it, and the point of an arrow came through the hide. the shot must have come from a short distance, or it would not have pierced the shield. ere tyope discovered whence it came, his companion had discharged his bow, and with a loud whoop hurled himself forward, where he fell headlong behind a little tree. wild yells sounded from the tehuas, and several of their warriors rushed up to the spot; branches rattled and bushes shook as the men brushed past them. tyope had an arrow ready, and he despatched it at one of his foes. he pulled another from the quiver without looking to see whether the first had struck a mark or not, darted up, and with a shout bounded ahead to encounter the enemy. a shot grazed his right hand, scratching the wrist and causing him to drop his arrow. for a time the arm was numb, but tyope heeded it not. where the man who had stood beside him had fallen, a number of warriors from both sides were wrangling. a queres lay dead on the dead body of a tehua whose scalp he had intended to secure. two of his brethren were defending his corpse against half a dozen tehuas. tyope's right wrist had been paralyzed by the arrow-shot, but he raised his arm and flung the war-club that dangled from it against the head of the nearest foe. the blow was too feeble, and tyope grabbed the man's hair. arrows whizzed and shrieked past the fighting group; shrill yells and wild howling sounded from every quarter. the contending parties exchanged insulting cries and abusive words in both languages. the tehua whom tyope had grabbed by the hair made desperate lunges at him from below with a sharply pointed arrow. he succeeded in slightly wounding him in several places. tyope kicked him in the abdomen, causing him to double up at once. regardless of the pain in the right hand tyope succeeded in grasping the war-club at last. with it he directed several blows at the head of the enemy, but they were so weak that only at the third stroke did the tehua fall. at this juncture an arrow grazed tyope's temple. he looked up, and saw that he had been very imprudent in yielding so far to ardour and excitement as to mingle with his men in a strife for the possession of a single scalp, and thus expose unduly his own person. he began to think of withdrawal into the neighbourhood of the hishtanyi chayan, but it was not easy to extricate himself. warding off a blow aimed at his skull, with his shield he pushed it into the face of the new assailant with sufficient force to cause the man to stagger. then he shouted a few words to his own men, turned around, and rushed back to his tree, where he fell down at full length, exhausted and bleeding. the other queres, two in number, followed his example, and the tehuas did not pursue. the result was so far favourable to the queres that they lost but one man and the tehuas two; but the scalp of the dead man from the rito remained with the enemy. when tyope had recovered his breath, he sneaked back to where he had left the shaman. as he approached the spot he heard the medicine-man singing and beating his drum. it was a very good sign to see the shaman at work with such enthusiasm; still tyope must disturb him. "sa nashtio," he cried, "we must go." "heiti-na! heiti-na!" shouted the praying shaman, drumming incessantly. he was in ecstasies. his uplifted eyes sparkled; he paid no attention to what was around him. "sa nashtio yaya," tyope anxiously insisted. "do not disturb me, let me alone! heiti-na! heiti-na!" cried the hishtanyi chayan aloud. tyope was in despair. arrow after arrow was flying past him, rending twigs and shattering branches. the tehuas shot faster than the queres. they must have a large supply of missiles. every shot was accompanied by triumphant yells; the enemy was growing bolder. again the leader tried to rouse the medicine-man to decisive action, but the latter only shook his head in an irritated manner and proceeded with his song louder and louder. at last he dropped his drum, jumped to his feet, and began to dance and to stamp, shaking his rattle and wildly yelling,-- "raua, raua! ho-[=a]-[=a], heiti-na! ho-[=a]-[=a], heiti-na!" then he stood still, and looked around as if aroused from a dream. at the sight of tyope he remembered, and spoke, panting still,-- "it is well. they are good, those above! we will do as you said!" heedless of missiles he walked on into the forest. tyope heaved a great sigh of relief. a small whistle made of bone depended from tyope's neck. he raised it to his lips and blew a shrill, piercing blast. the warriors in his neighbourhood turned their faces toward him. he beckoned to one of them to approach. to this man he gave directions in a low tone. they were to the effect that they should offer the most determined resistance to the enemy, while at the same time they were to retire gradually but slowly from the actual position, as if yielding to pressure. their sturdy resistance was to cover the movements of the main body. tyope now stealthily crept away from the line of the fight. soon he met a group of his people who, outside of the range of missiles, were waiting to be called into action. he sent the majority of them to the front to reinforce the others. two runners were despatched to the south and southwest with orders. with the remainder he set out slowly, penetrating deeper into the timber. he thus collected, one after another, the various groups into a fairly compact body, always sending a few men back to reinforce the fighting portions. over one hundred men were now engaged with the tehuas. the remainder moved, as tyope confidently hoped, upon the cave-dwellings of the unprotected puye by a detour which would enable the queres to avoid the rather exposed site of tzirege. a tremendous noise from the south indicated that a hand-to-hand encounter was going on there. the noise lasted but a short time, then it subsided. shortly afterward a warrior rushed panting up to tyope. "nashtio," he said, "the moshome have taken five scalps." "where?" tyope snorted. "there;" he pointed southward. "and we?" "three." "have the people gone back?" "a little." "it is well. tell the men to come still farther this way, but very slowly." he ordered five of his own men to go back with the runner to replace the five whom the tehuas had killed. with the rest he pushed forward. he kept beside the hishtanyi chayan, and both walked almost at the head of their little troupe. only a few scouts preceded them, so completely safe did tyope feel about the west and northwest. the action in the rear seemed to lag. a wild uproar broke out in the southwest but no messenger came with evil tidings. the queres maintained themselves. all was well. the engagement had lasted two hours already, and it might continue in this way for hours more without coming to a crisis in the mean time. tyope would creep up to the women and children of the tehuas. in case the rear-guard should be ultimately destroyed by the enemy it mattered little, for by capturing the non-combatants the queres still remained masters of the situation. tyope was explaining all this to the hishtanyi chayan; and the two, in consequence of their conversation, had remained behind the foremost skirmish-line. the shaman was listening, and from time to time grunting assent to tyope's explanations. suddenly the shrubbery in front rattled, and moved violently, as though deer were endeavouring to tear through it at full speed. at the same time there arose in that very west which had been so still, and close upon the two men, a fearful war-whoop uttered by many voices. like wildfire this threatening howl spread to the west; it seemed to run along an arc of a circle from the northwest to the south. the warriors in front came running back in dismay. many of them were already wounded. one reached the spot where the commander and the shaman were standing spell-bound. there he fell to the ground headlong, blood flowing from his mouth. his body had been shot through and through. however great his surprise at that completely unexpected attack, and however disastrous it must be to all his plans, tyope not only did not lose his head, but rather seemed to grow cool and self-possessed, and an expression of sinister quiet settled on his features. yet he was internally far from being at ease or hopeful. he blew his whistle. without regard to his office the old shaman crouched behind a shrub, where, placing his shield before him, he listened and spied. the medicine-man had imitated tyope's example; the magician was now turned into a warrior! the signal given by the war-chief was heard by very few only, for the yells of the tehuas drowned every other noise. the enemy this time rushed up without any preliminary skirmishing, and the surprise was so sudden that the queres were running back in every direction with their foes in close pursuit. they had no time to gather or to hide. ere tyope knew it, his men were far away in his rear, as well as a number of his enemies also. to his left he noticed one of his tribe lying on the ground dead, and a tehua standing with both feet on his back, cutting and jerking at the scalp of the dead man. tyope was alone, for the medicine-man had fled. the tehua was so intent upon securing the trophy that he had not seen tyope, and he could easily have killed him. but hurried footsteps, many voices, and the shaking of bushes in front showed plainly that quite a numerous body of tehuas was rapidly coming toward him. his own life was too precious in this hour of terrible need to permit exposure for the sake of killing one enemy, so he turned about softly on his knees. the tehua still did not pay any attention to him, and now the temptation was too great; he quickly placed an arrow on the string and sent the shaft, thanks to the short distance, between the ribs of the unsuspecting foe. then with a yell of triumph and defiance he darted off in the direction whither his men had scattered. he had been noticed by some of the tehuas who were coming up from the west, and without delay they followed in pursuit. but it was not easy to overtake a man like tyope when fleeing for life. the powerful onslaught of the tehuas had scattered the queres in such a manner that friend and foe were intermingled in the forest, and it was not safe for the pursuers to shoot at the fugitives, who were only occasionally visible between tree-trunks and bushes, for the arrow might have struck a friend. tyope ran so fast that he soon left his pursuers far behind him. when he noticed that their shouting sounded more distant, he stopped, crouched under a bush that grew near the foot of a large tree, and listened and peered again. he was breathless from the rapid flight, and his heart throbbed so violently at first that he could not clearly distinguish sound from sound. at last he grew quiet, and now heard the din that seemed to fill the entire forest in every direction except the north. it was nearest toward the east and south, and there the fight seemed to concentrate. above the shouting, yelling, whooping, sounded the piercing war-whistle. there could be no thought of still winning anything like success, for the day was irretrievably, disastrously lost. to save as many of the survivors as possible was all that could be done. tyope would have raved, had it been of any avail. this terrible failure, he saw clearly, ruined his prospects forever. he wished to die, and despair began for the first time in his life to fill his heart. the noise of the battle was now approaching rapidly from the east and south. the tehuas were forcing his men into a confused mass; it was no longer an action, it was becoming a slaughter, a butchery of the vanquished. tyope felt as if chills and fever were alternately running through him; his people were without head, for the hishtanyi chayan was useless as a leader. he must try to get through, and as it was impossible to force a passage, he determined to steal through at all hazards. a number of tehuas had passed without seeing him, in their eagerness to reach the slaughter-pen into which the timbered plateau above the cañada ancha was converted. tyope improved the opportunity to slip from one tree to another, toward where the greatest uproar was heard. voices sounded quite near, and he cowered down between two cedars. the voices came nearer, and the more he listened the more he became convinced that his own tongue was spoken. he was on the point of rising and going up to the parties who spoke queres, for they must be friends. he distinctly heard his name. he looked, and looked anxiously, for he preferred to find out who they were ere addressing them. as they came closer he thought he recognized a woman's voice. nearer and nearer came the voices, and at last a group of men stood out between the trees. they were warriors of the tehuas, and in their midst was a woman. she was speaking to one of them in the language of the rito, and all around her seemed to be attentively listening. he stared at her,--stared, his eye-balls starting from their sockets, his face colouring and then becoming almost black. had any one seen tyope at that moment he must have taken him for some baffled and terrified demon from the nether world. he felt neither indignation nor passion. his heart stood still; so wonderful was the discovery he was making that he was benumbed, body and soul! for that woman who so confidently stood in the midst of the enemies of her tribe, and who spoke to them with an air of assurance bordering upon authority, uttering his own name time and again, was shotaye! once more his passion came back, and delirious with rage and frenzied with fury he lifted the bow with the ready arrow. but so monstrous was the sight to his eyes that his hand dropped paralyzed, and he was unable to speed the shaft. he stood disarmed, and stared, gaping like a fiend in despair who does not venture to oppose his master. he understood now the connection of events, the unexpected ambush. he saw that it could not have happened otherwise. he saw it clearly, to his shame! the woman whom he had persecuted for years, and whom he was certain that he should destroy utterly at the end of this campaign, had outwitted him and destroyed his plans and hopes forever. then let her suffer for it! he raised his bow, dropped it again and stared. it was not pity that fettered his otherwise ruthless hand; it was superstitious fear. that shotaye could have divined all his secret moves and could have saved herself at the right moment filled him with astonishment and gradually with invincible dread. she was no common witch! such wonderful insight, such clear perception of the means to save herself and at the same time destroy him, were not human. rage and passion disappeared; a chill went through his frame and his lower jaw hung down like that of a corpse, as he stared motionless, powerless to act and unable to move. a change came over tyope,--a change so sudden and so complete that he was henceforth another man. hope, ambition, revenge, vanished from his thoughts, and with them all energy left him. the appearance of that woman crushed him utterly. shotaye appeared to him by the side of the great war shaman of his enemies like some fiend, to be sure, but a fiend of so much higher rank than his own that it was futile to cope with her. the indian believes in evil spirits, but even they are subjected to the power of deities of a higher order beneficial to mankind. as such a shuatyam the woman appeared to tyope,--as one whom the shiuana had directed to accomplish his ruin. those above, not shotaye, not the tehuas, had vanquished him; and against them it was useless to strive. with a ghastly look of terror on his countenance, his eyes staring in uncontrollable fright, tyope slowly receded. mentally crushed, shivering and shuddering, he at last turned about and fled. the conviction that he was henceforth utterly powerless had seized upon him. like an utter coward, unmindful of his rank and duties, and bent only upon saving his life, tyope ran and ran until he found himself in the midst of the slaughter. he had mechanically warded off some arrows which the enemy had shot at his rapidly approaching figure; but he passed in among friends and foes, heedless of both, until his mad career was stayed by the brink of the cañada ancha. in the course of the massacre the queres had succeeded in breaking partly through the enemy, and gathering on the south, thus securing a line of retreat, or at least escape from the bloody trap. tyope had reached that point without knowing well whither he was fleeing. the sight of the ravine at his feet stopped him; he looked around absent-mindedly at first, then little by little self-control returned. a man came up to him. he was covered with blood. a drum was suspended from his shoulder. it was the hishtanyi chayan. "how is everything?" tyope gasped. "where have you been?" the shaman asked in a tone of stern reproach. "i was cut off and had to hide," tyope flared up; the manner of the questioner irritated him, and with his anger a portion of his former energy seemed to return. "do you not know that the war-chief should carry the life of his men upon his own heart, and care for them more than for himself? that he should not hunt for scalps in the rear of the enemy, as shutzuna follows a herd of buffaloes to eat a fallen calf?" the chayan hissed. "and you," tyope roared, "do you not know that you should speak the truth to the people? not say that the shiuana are good, that they say it is well, while the kopishtai and the shuatyam go over to the enemy together to help him! you are a liar! you lie like a dinne; you are foolish like a prairie dog when shutzuna plays before him!" it was tyope's last effort at passion. he nearly cried from rage as he brandished his war-club in the face of the shaman. the latter remained calm and spoke not a word, merely fastening on the maddened, raving man a cold, stern glance. heedless of his threats and insults he commanded,-- "hush, tyope, hush! if the evil ones are about us it is because they have followed along from the tyuonyi! hush, i say, do your duty at last. at the tyuonyi, if we ever get there, we shall see further." at this moment several queres burst from the timber. one of them cried to tyope,-- "nashtio, the moshome are too strong, they are coming to kill you and all of us. we must away into the karitya!" and with this he leaped from the brink. he had selected a spot where the rim was precipitous for a short distance. over he went! a cry of anguish and of helpless despair was heard; then followed a series of thuds, as though a heavy body were falling from step to step. from the depths below a faint moaning arose. then all was still. the din and noise of the battle was drawing nearer and nearer; soon more of the queres rushed out and would in their precipitate flight have followed the example of their comrade had not others coming up behind them held them back. regardless of the danger, they clustered together on the brink, and gazed at the shattered, mangled, gory mass beneath, which was once the body of one of their companions. the words of the shaman fell upon tyope like another blow from above. they cowed him. to avoid the gaze which the old man fastened upon him still, he turned to fly, no longer a warrior, no longer the commander. he was partly imbecile and absolutely cowed. he trembled, but the shaman seized his arm and restrained him. pointing to the men he said,-- "save these if you can." tyope obeyed, for he had no longer a will of his own. he cast a vacant glance about, but arrows whistled from the timber; the tehuas were coming. panic-stricken, the queres ran along the brink to look for a descent. there was no stopping them, no possibility of restoring order; every one looked out for himself. tyope cast a pleading glance at the old man by his side, and the chayan felt that he must henceforth do what was yet to be done. seeing the queres clambering down into the gorge in wild haste, and that others were still rushing out of the thickets, he caught tyope by the shoulder and drew him along, saying in a milder tone,-- "follow me, sa uishe." he pitied the crestfallen man. henceforth it was the medicine-man who assumed the lead, tyope gathering energy enough to act as his lieutenant. the shaman was but a mediocre warrior; still in this dismal hour he was the only salvation of the remaining queres. not one half of their number succeeded in reaching the bottom of the cañada ancha and taking shelter in the groves of tall pines that dot the vale. it was an anxious time for those who had already found safety behind trees, when they saw the stragglers rush down the rugged slope and tear through the thickets, followed by the tehuas, who crowded along the brink in greatly superior numbers, yelling, shooting arrows, and waving triumphantly the many, many scalps they had taken. a few of their skirmishers descended some distance, but the main pursuit was stayed by strict orders from the tehua war-chief. as soon as the first group of fugitives, among them hishtanyi and tyope, had reached the bottom of the cañada, the shaman arrested their farther flight, prevailing upon them to make a stand. their position was temporarily a good one. no approach was possible without exposing the assailant to arrow-shots, whereas the defenders were thoroughly protected. as their numbers increased by accessions from those who had also been able to extricate themselves, their courage returned, and they willingly remained until the time came when the shaman, and tyope by his command, should direct farther retreat. the leaders of the tehuas saw this and desisted from an attempt at complete extermination. it would have cost them dearly, and would only have increased the number of their trophies. so the tehuas remained above the gorge, displaying a threatening front, while in reality the majority of them returned home, and with them shotaye. great was the exultation of the woman when she saw the triumph of her new friends over her own people. she was proud of this result of her craftiness and her skill. when, the engagement over, she scanned the field, looking at the dead and searching for tyope among them in vain, her disappointment was fearful. corpse after corpse she scrutinized, turning over the ghastly bodies, peering into the lifeless features, raising the mutilated heads to see more closely, more distinctly. in vain; tyope was not among them, tyope had escaped. her revenge was sterile; it had fallen on the least guilty. she, too, felt that a higher hand must have interfered and made her triumph next to worthless. as she scanned the bloody, distorted features of the men of her tribe, in the expectation of gloating over those of him against whom she had schemed, she recognized more than one of whose company she had agreeable recollections, more than one whom in her cold-blooded, calculating way, she had made her tool for a time. something like regret arose within her,--regret at her treason. she went back to the puye with a sting in her heart forever. outwardly she led a contented life as the consort of cayamo, and the tehuas looked upon her as a useful accession, if not as one who had at one time become the saviour of their tribe; but she could never think of the rito nor hear it mentioned without feeling a pang. it was remorse, but she did not know it. never again was she seen by any of her former people. * * * * * the position in which the queres had taken refuge was tenable only for a short time, because the cañada ancha has no permanent water-supply. there were a few pools, however, containing remnants of the rain that had lately fallen. but that was not enough. to abandon the groves, in which they felt comparatively safe in presence of the foe, would have been reckless; so the queres remained during the whole day, while the tehuas kept guard over them, observing their movements from the cover of the timber on the mesa. as night set in, the hishtanyi chayan ordered a slow, noiseless retreat down the cañada toward the rio grande. tyope passively did what the shaman told him; he had no longer a will of his own. he who had always judged others from the standpoint of their usefulness to him as his tools, was now reduced mentally to be a blind instrument of the man of whom he expected to rid himself on this very campaign. all of tyope's authority was gone; the men did not reproach him, did not scorn; they simply ignored him, except when he spoke in the name and by direction of the hishtanyi chayan. the latter saw more and more the mental downfall of the war-chief, and took pity on him, making him his lieutenant. when morning dawned, the little troop halted on the ziro kauash. they had made a long detour, and now were in dread lest the tehuas had prepared an ambush near home. tyope himself was still further concerned. he who had boldly attempted to carry out the most daring schemes, was afraid of returning to his people, now that these schemes had failed. he feared, like a child, reproach and punishment. the spirit of the man was utterly crushed. when a war-party returns, it never enters the village directly, but halts at some distance and sends a messenger to inform the people of its approach. the queres halted on the ziro kauash, and some of them scoured the woods, but no trace of the enemy appeared. the dreaded ambush had not been laid; the tehuas had certainly returned content with victory and their trophies. a runner was sent to the rito, and the men waited and waited. even the hishtanyi chayan became startled at the long delay. tyope squatted at the foot of a tree; he was thinking of the reception that might be in reserve for him. everything manly and strong had left his heart; nothing of it remained but a languidly putrid core, whose former fermentation had produced the effervescence that took the shape of energy, shrewdness, and daring. at last toward evening a man approached the silent group. he came, accompanied by the runner, and every one recognized the features of kauaitshe, the delegate from the water clan. he went straight to tyope; and the latter looked at him timidly, almost tremblingly. kauaitshe's face looked sad and mournful, but not wrathful. he grasped the hand of tyope, breathed on it, lifted it upward with both his hands, and said in a tone of intense sorrow,-- "satyumishe, those above are not kind to us." a terrible pang flashed through tyope's heart, for he had experienced how little the shiuana liked him. kauaitshe continued in a low voice,--artless, but the more impressive for its natural sadness,-- "while you went to strike the tehuas with our men, the moshome dinne came upon us." a shriek of dismay, of terror, issued from every one present, tyope excepted. he only groaned, and sinking shrivelled, pressed down his chest against his knees, as if suffering intense physical pain. he recalled his intrigues with the young navajo. this last blow to the tribe was his work also. in a monotonous voice the messenger of evil tidings proceeded,-- "my hanutsh is no more. tanyi hanutsh is dispersed, scattered, fleeing through the timber. of mokatsh hanutsh only one girl has remained alive. of tyame a few women, but your wife, satyumishe, is dead; your child mitsha the moshome have carried away, or else she hides in the timber and starves. the great house is empty, and fire comes out from its roof. your people can have the field of tzitz hanutsh," he added with trembling voice; "we need it no longer. but your clan has land enough now, for many of the men of shyuamo have gone over to shipapu!" he dropped tyope's hand, wiped away the tears that were forcing themselves to his eyes, and stood in silence. not one of the bystanders moved; the hishtanyi chayan lifted his eyes to the sky, tyope stared vacantly. he seemed to stagger. the delegate from the water clan grasped his hand again, and said,-- "come and see how the shiuana have visited the tyuonyi." chapter xix. it is contrary to the custom of the indians for a war-party to enter their village at once upon returning. for at least one day the warriors must wait at some distance from the pueblo. they are provided with the necessaries of life, and afterward are conducted to the village in triumph. in the present case all these formalities were neglected, but not through spite or disapproval; the terrible visitation which the rito had suffered changed everything; the survivors of the queres were anxious to have their numbers increased by the returning warriors. mechanically tyope accompanied his guide. the warriors followed in sullen silence, the hishtanyi chayan alone holding his head erect. the visitation from above affected him least of all. no one asked about the details of the navajos' attack, but all feared the moment when their valley homes should come in sight. as they neared the brink of the gorge many lagged behind. tyope was filled with thoughts of the most dismal nature. he felt wretched, crushed, almost distracted! the news brought by kauaitshe weighed him down in a manner that allowed neither hope or quietude. his plans had become realized, but how? the loss of his wife he hardly felt, so much the more did he regret mitsha's disappearance. but far above all this loomed up the terrible consequences, less of the defeat than of the blow which the navajos, following the instructions he had once given nacaytzusle, had struck during his absence. he had done most toward bringing about the expedition to the puye; therefore he had led the flower of the tribe into perdition. during his absence and that of the majority of its defenders the navajos had executed the fatal surprise. he had often been reproached with his intimacy with the young dinne, and while the savage remained at the rito everybody knew that the boy was a favourite of his. what else could the caciques, the leading shamans, infer but that the savage had been able to select his time, and that he, tyope, had betrayed the tribe to the dinne? and the worst of it was, it was true! he had at one time suggested the plan and had abandoned it afterward as too dangerous. he had suggested it with the view of furthering his personal ends. now its execution took place when he least expected it, and when the very event which he had prepared for his benefit struck the most crushing blow he could ever have imagined possible for him to have suffered. had tyope returned from the campaign victorious, it might have been different; but now the shiuana bore down upon him with crushing power; there was no hope nor thought of his ever rising again. the best he could expect was to be set aside forever as a broken, useless unfortunate. but the koshare still remained, and they would not forsake him in the hour of need. the naua, if alive, would certainly not permit his utter ruin. the two conspirators had prevailed upon the hishtanyi so that only a few of the delight makers accompanied the war-party. of these, two or three had escaped. how had the majority fared,--that majority which remained at the rito for prudence's sake? tyope dared not ask questions; he went along mutely as if in a dream. the hishtanyi chayan stopped kauaitshe, and asked him,-- "have any of my brethren the yaya suffered?" tyope's heart throbbed, and he turned his face away, so fearful was he of the reply. "the shkuy chayan," replied kauaitshe, in his simple manner, "is dead. an arrow entered his eye." tyope shivered; misfortune crowded upon misfortune. he could no longer resist inquiring. panting, he asked,-- "is our father the naua still alive?" "he lives and mourns. after you were gone with the people, he retired to the place in the cliffs with the koshare; and when the moshome came, nearly all the men were up there." tyope's head was swimming. everything he had prepared for the destruction of others and the security of his own tools had come about as he had schemed, but the results had been fatal to him and his. the shiuana allowed him to apparently succeed in everything, but they reserved for themselves the final results. it was terrible; all was lost; he was forever undone. still if the koshare had been at their estufa, they were out of harm's way. "satyumishe," he asked, faltering, "have many of my brethren perished?" "nearly all," was the plain answer. "when the dinne came upon us, the koshare rushed out after bows and arrows; but the moshome met them before they could reach the houses, and killed many before they could get into the cave." the poor man had to cling to a tree for support; then he slipped down along its trunk to the ground. "i am very tired," he murmured. it was not fatigue, however; it was the ghastly tidings which were poured on his head, so slowly, so surely, with such deadly effect. kauaitshe looked at him with genuine pity. the hishtanyi said nothing; he was in his thoughts with those above, and hardly listened to the conversation. kauaitshe extended his hand to tyope. "we are not far from the brink," said he, kindly; "come, satyumishe, a few steps only, and you may rest, and i will tell you all,--how the attack came, and how hayoue saved the zaashtesh from being all driven into the woods. hayoue is a mighty warrior; he is wise and very strong. as soon as our mourning is over, the hotshanyi will make him maseua in place of our father topanashka. the shiuana have left us hayoue; had he gone with you not one of us would be alive." even that! hayoue! hayoue, whom tyope had left behind in order to deprive him of all opportunity to distinguish himself! hayoue had reaped laurels, whereas he had harvested only shame, disgrace, destruction. hayoue was a great warrior. he had averted a part at least of the disaster which tyope had secretly prepared for the tribe. the hand of those above weighed heavily upon him; all he cared for henceforth, all he could hope for, was not to suffer the rightful doom which he had intended for shotaye. that kauaitshe, the poor simple man whom he so disdainfully rebuked at the council, had been selected to communicate to tyope all this crushing news, the latter did not interpret as an intentional cruelty. the indian is not malicious. he will insult and exult over the vanquished foe in the heat of passion; but he will take the scalp and keep it very carefully, respect it, and to a certain extent the memory of the slain. but to sneer at and taunt a fallen adversary in the hour of sadness, and in the condition in which tyope was, is not the indian's way. that was not what made tyope suffer. what overpowered his faculties, darkened his mind, and deprived him of energy for all time to come, were the results that crowded upon him so wonderfully, so completely at variance with his own intentions. and yet they were strictly the consequences of what he had schemed and done. everything he had thought of and planned had taken place, but the results did not coincide with his expectations. those above alone could have directed the course of events; they were against his doings; he was a doomed man. * * * * * the reader will forgive a digression. we will leave tyope and his companions on the brink of the rito, and abandon them for a while to their sombre thoughts; nay, we will leave the rito even, and transport ourselves to our own day. i desire to relate a story, an indian folk-lore tale of modern origin, which is authentic in so far that it was told me by an indian friend years ago at the village of cochiti, where the descendants of those who once upon a time inhabited the caves on the rito de los frijoles now live. my object in rehearsing this tale is to explain something i have neglected; namely, the real conception underlying the custom of taking the scalp of an enemy. the indian friend of whom i am speaking, and whose home i inhabited for quite a while, came over to the little dingy room i was occupying one winter evening. the fire was burning in a chimney not much better than the one shotaye possessed at the tyuonyi. he squatted down on his folded blanket, rolled a cigarette, and looked at me wistfully. i felt that he was disposed for a long talk, and returned his glance with one of eager expectation. casting his eyes to the ground, he asked me,-- "you know that the navajos have done us much harm?" "yes, you and your brother shtiranyi have told me so." he curled his lip at the reference to his brother's knowledge, and said sneeringly,-- "shtiranyi is young; he does not know much." "still he told me a great deal about the wars you had with the moshome dinne." "did he ever tell you of the hard times the people of cochiti suffered three generations ago?" "never." "he knows nothing of them. he is too young. i,"--he assumed an air of solemn importance,--"i will tell you something; something true, something that you can believe; for the old men, those from a long time ago, tell it, and what they say is so. the mexicans never hear of it, and to the americans we don't tell such things, for they think they are too smart, and laugh at what we say." "is the story really true?" i inquired, for i saw that something interesting was coming. "as true as if i had seen it myself. but i was not born when it happened. cochiti was larger then, a big village, twice as big as it is to-day. but the navajos were very powerful. they attacked us in the daytime in the fields. they killed the men who went to gather firewood, and they stole our cattle. at night they would come to the zaashtesh and carry off the women and the girls. there lived at the time a young koitza who had recently married, and she liked her husband. one evening after dark this woman went to the corral. there the moshome seized her, closed her mouth with their hands, dragged her from the village, tied and gagged her, and placed her on a horse; then they rode off as fast as they could, far, far away to the northwest and the hogans of their people. the young woman cried bitterly, but it availed her nothing; she had to live with one of the navajos, had to cook for him and work his corn-patch like other women. soon the koitza saw that it was useless to weep, so she put on a contented look in the daytime, while at night she was thinking and scheming how she might escape from the enemy. women are sometimes wiser than we are ourselves. is it not so, sa ukinyi?" "certainly." "it was springtime when she was captured. she suffered summer to pass, worked well, and appeared satisfied. the moshome began to trust and even to like her. it began to turn cool; the time came when the piñons are ready for gathering, and the captive thought of flight. one morning she said to a young woman of the navajos, 'let us go and gather piñon!' both women went to work and prepared food for several days, then they went out into the timber far away until they came to a place where there were many piñon-trees. there they gathered nuts, and placed them on the blankets; and as noon-time came on, and it became warm, the young navajo woman grew sleepy. so the koitza from cochiti said, 'sister, lay your head on my lap, i will cleanse your hair.' as the other was lying thus and the queres woman cleansed her head, she fell asleep. thereupon the captive took a large stone, crushed her skull with it, and killed her. was not that very wise?" "indeed," i uttered, but thought to myself that the action was not very praiseworthy from our point of view. "then our koitza took a knife, scalped the dead, and concealed the scalp under her skirt. it was now toward evening. all at once the woman heard a voice calling to her, 'sister!' she was frightened, and looked about, but saw nobody. she lay down. again a voice spoke close to her, 'sister, stay here no longer, they are uneasy!' nothing was to be seen, and the woman began to feel afraid. for the third time the same voice said, 'do not fear, sister; it is i, the ahtzeta, which speaks to thee. go now, for the men are saddling their horses to look for us.' the captive gathered hastily as much food as she could carry with ease; and as the sun went down the scalp spoke again, 'it is time to go, for my people are on their way hither, and it is far to cochiti.' so she ran and ran all the night long, and always straight toward our pueblo. toward morning she felt tired, and the scalp spoke, 'lie down to rest, it is far yet to your people.' she slept, but soon woke again feeling fresh and bright. then the ahtzeta said to her, 'let us go now, for soon the dinne will be where you took me and where i became yours.' on she ran, eating piñons as she went. at noon the scalp was heard to say, 'my men have found the place, and are searching for your tracks. you must go faster.' when the sun set the ahtzeta spoke again, 'run, sister, they have found the trail and follow it on horseback.' thus she went all night long, and the nearer she came to cochiti the more the scalp urged her to quicken her speed, for the navajos were coming nearer and nearer. you know," asked he, "where the sand-hills are, a little this side of cuapa?" i assented; that whole track is nothing but sand and drift, but which particular hills he meant i could not of course imagine. still, the indian knows every foot of the country, and he supposed that i, having been over the trail two or three times, recollected every detail of it as well as he did himself. "you know also that there are junipers right there." such was indeed the case. not only there, but all over the country. "well, there, about two leagues from cochiti, the scalp spoke, 'sister, they are quite near; hide yourself.' the woman looked around, but she saw no other hiding-place except the junipers. you know them, they are to the left of the trail." i nodded of course. there are a great many to the left of the trail. "then the scalp told her, 'crawl into a rabbit-hole under the tree.' you know the hole, don't you?" i said yes to this query also. around cochiti there are perhaps hundreds of rabbit-burrows; and it might have been one of those, although after a full century a rabbit's hole is not supposed to be apparent. the narrator was satisfied, nevertheless, for i had assented. "it is well; but as the woman looked at that hole she was frightened and replied, 'it is too small.' 'creep into it,' ordered the scalp. 'i cannot even get my head into it,' objected the koitza from cochiti. 'creep in quick, they come!' the scalp cried. the woman tried, and the opening became larger and larger. first she found room for her head, afterward for her shoulders; lastly her whole body was inside. as soon as she was within, the hole closed again and appeared as small as before. was not that wonderful?" i thought it was strange indeed, exceedingly wonderful. i could not refrain from asking my friend,-- "but was it really so?" "so the old men are telling, those from many years ago. it must be true. therefore don't disturb me in my speech, and listen. the navajos came on. they saw that the tracks stopped. they jumped from their horses, and the woman heard them go about searching, complaining, howling, scolding. at last they mounted their horses again and rode off. when all was quiet the scalp spoke, 'sister, they have gone; get out now and let us return to your people.' with this the hole opened; the woman crept out and ran and ran as fast as she could. when she reached the cañada de la peralta, the scalp spoke for the last time, saying to her, 'sister, now you are safe; henceforth i shall speak no more.' and so it was. on the other side of the ravine stood her own husband. he recognized her at once. they went together to the houses, where she lived for many years." he paused and looked at me, scanning my face to see the impression made by his tale. then he continued,-- "you see now, sa uishe, how the scalp saved her to whom it belonged. therefore we take ahtzeta, for as long as the spirit is not at shipapu it follows him who has taken the scalp, and serves and helps him. and the strength, wisdom, and knowledge of him whose scalp has been taken, hereafter belong to the man who took it; they increase his power and make the tribe more powerful." * * * * * the appearance of the rito from above presented at first sight nothing startling. from the tall building thin films of smoke arose, but no flames were visible. the house of the corn clan seemed inhabited, for people stood on its roof. as the returning warriors grouped themselves on the brink to look down into the valley, those below stood still, gazing at them. then they broke out into a plaintive wail; the women tore their hair, shrieked, screamed, and wept. the men above gazed and listened in silence. very few men were seen in the vale. the tribe of the queres seemed divided into two parties, the women lamenting below, the men, like dark, blood-stained statues, standing high above them, posted on yellowish rocks among the shrubbery. kauaitshe told tyope to rest, and he willingly complied. his figure appeared less conspicuous when he sat down. around the two the others gathered, except the hishtanyi, who was slowly descending the slope alone, eager to hear the story of the people's misfortunes. kauaitshe began,-- "it was yesterday, and the sun had not yet come up." he heaved a deep sigh. "all the koshare were in the estufa over there," he pointed at the cliffs to his right; "the makatza and our koitza were grinding corn; many also had gone to the brook to wash away sadness and grief. most of them, mainly those of tanyi, huashpa, and our women, bathed higher up beyond the fields; some farther down. shotaye was not among them; nobody knows what has become of her." tyope twitched nervously. he knew where the woman had gone. "hayoue," the man from tzitz proceeded, "was the only one who carried weapons. he had gone out very early with okoya, the youth from tanyi who is his brother's child. they had started while it was yet night, following the tshinaya up to the top of the rocks. as soon as it became light they noticed tracks and heard sounds that told them that there were moshome about. they went around by the south, and as it began to dawn they stood there;" he pointed to a spot on the southern mesa directly opposite the big house and facing the latter. "that saved us," he cried; "if hayoue had not stood there to watch, we should all have died!" tyope could not help contrasting the watchfulness of hayoue with his own supercilious negligence. yes indeed, it was all over with him; he was good for nothing any more. "i was in the katityam," kauaitshe went on, "when i heard the yells of the savages in the corn below. they had concealed themselves there over night, and as soon as the people came forth from their homes unarmed, not thinking of any danger, they rushed upon them and into the big house. i grasped uishtyak and the club, and ran for the stream. there everybody was screaming; some were running this way, others fled that way, but none could get back to the cliffs, none into the houses, for the moshome stood between them and their homes. they fled toward the south into the kote as a mountain sheep runs from the panther. but as tyame shoots down upon a hind, so the enemies flew after them, scattering them in every direction. all this happened so quickly, brother, that i was not half way down when it was over, and a few of the dinne rushed up to kill me. they were going to the caves to slaughter the people. i ran back and hid myself, and as they came up i shot at one of them so that he died. the cuirana naua killed another; the others ran away. we took their ahtzeta and kept guard over the caves, but for what? there was nobody left of tzitz hanutsh except a few old women and ciay tihua, the little boy. go down we could not, for below was such a noise,--such fighting, struggling, shouting, and wailing! the moshome tore the firebrands from the hearths, set fire to the beams, dragged the cloth and the hides into the court-yard and burned them there. fire came out of the big house, and great was the smoke and black! in the smoke we could see how the shuatyam were dancing on the roofs, and how they threw the dead down upon the ground so that their bodies rattled and the blood spurted and spattered everywhere. satyumishe, it was sad, very sad; but i could not help, nor could the naua, for we were alone. still i have one scalp," he added with simple satisfaction. "hayoue has many, many! how many have you brought home?" tyope cast his eyes to the ground. "none," he breathed; he could not conceal his contrition and shame. kauaitshe made no remark. he was not malicious. "from the great house they ran into that of tyame hanutsh. there they killed your wife." "and mitsha, my daughter?" tyope asked at last. "mitsha was at the brook, and fled with the others. nacaytzusle, the fiend, was after her to catch her, but he caught her not. hayoue told us afterward that okoya tihua killed the savage just as he had overtaken the girl. okoya is strong and good; he will become a great warrior, like sa umo the maseua. that is, if he still live." at last a ray of light seemed to penetrate the darkness that shrouded tyope's heart. nacaytzusle was dead! the dangerous accomplice, the only one who might have told about tyope's attempted conspiracy with the navajos, was forever silenced. he felt relieved also to think that mitsha had not become a prey to the savage, and it pleased him to hear okoya praised. if the youth had still been at the rito he might have become a support for him. "where is okoya?" he anxiously inquired. "in the mountains or dead," was the reply. "when the women fled up to the mesa, hayoue and okoya ran to meet them. but the moshome were too many, and the two became separated. okoya killed the shuatyam, the navajo boy. he went close to him and struck him with his club till he died. so hayoue says. hayoue remained behind; he kept back the dinne and then came down through the enemy--how i do not know--and protected the katityam, helping the koshare. all the moshome who entered the house of the eagles--twelve of them--were killed inside; their scalps are with us. and when the others saw it they ran out of the big house; but hayoue and the men followed and killed nine ere they could hide on the kauash." "so you have taken many ahtzeta?" one of the bystanders asked. kauaitshe began to count, "eleven--two--twelve--nine; thirty-four," he concluded, adding, "without those that okoya may have if he be alive." an exclamation of admiration and a grunt of satisfaction sounded from the lips of those present. but they became silent and sad again at once, for they, the warriors, had only eight or nine all told. kauaitshe's pride and exultation could not last long. he bethought himself of the losses, and continued in a tone of sadness,-- "but we have lost many, many. nearly one hundred of our people have gone over to shipapu, and twice as many are now in the woods, hungry and forlorn, or the moshome have taken them with them. luckily, they are mostly women. hardly more than twenty of the men can have died, for it may be that okoya is still alive. of these, sixteen were koshare; and the shkuy chayan is no more." he cast a glance of sincere pity at tyope. the latter said nothing, and all the others stared in mournful silence. the lamentations below had gone on uninterruptedly. corpses might be seen lying on the roofs, others partly hanging down over the walls. two men were carrying a dead body toward the caves of the turquoise people. in the distance a group was seen dragging another corpse up the gorge. below the house of yakka hanutsh there stood a group of men, their faces turned toward the brink of the mesa. the nashtio of the water clan rose, and pointed at the group. "there stand hayoue, the shikama chayan, the three yaya, the hotshanyi, shaykatze, and uishtyaka; and see, the hishtanyi chayan is down on the tyuonyi already, and goes up to them. let us go now, and"--he turned to tyope--"you, brother, tell us what you have achieved and how you all have fared. we cannot receive you as it behooves us; there is too much mourning on the tyuonyi. the shiuana have punished us so that we cannot be merry and glad. therefore i have been sent to receive you, for the men are few in the vale and"--he looked around as if counting the bystanders--"of those that went out to avenge the death of our father not many have come back either." in dreary silence they began to move downward. not a shout, not a whoop, heralded their coming; not a scalp was waved on high in triumph. in dead silence those below watched the sombre forms as they descended slowly, clambering over rocks, rustling through bushes, and coming nearer and nearer. from the caves issued plaintive wails; from the big house moans and subdued crying ascended,--the lament over the dead on the rito. * * * * * more than a week has elapsed since the return of the discomfited war-party to their desolate and ravished homes. it is august, and the rains have fallen abundantly. what little was left of the growing crops, what the torrent has not destroyed and the navajos did not lay waste, looks promising. but this remainder is slight, and there is anxiety lest the surviving inhabitants may starve in the dreary winter. the formalities of mourning have therefore been performed hastily and superficially. the remaining koshare have retired into the round grotto, there to fast and to pray for the safe maturity of the scanty crops. but tyope is not among them. his accomplice, the naua, has forsaken him. he, too, has become convinced that everything is lost for them, and he has thrown away tyope like a blunt and useless tool. hereafter the naua attends strictly to his official duties, and to nothing beyond his duties. for the shkuy chayan is dead, the shikama chayan has no love for him, and the old hishtanyi, who has seen more of the real nature of events than any on the rito, went over to the cave of the old sinner and spake to him a few words. the "old sinner" comprehended; he has gone back to his duties and attends to them exclusively. afterward the chayan called upon the chief penitent, or hotshanyi, and spoke to him long and earnestly; after him to the shaykatze and the uishtyaka; lastly with all three yaya together. then the yaya went into retirement, all three in the same place. they are fasting, doing penance, mercilessly mortifying themselves, in order that those above may forgive the tribe and suffer it to prosper again. all this has taken place in silence and secret, and nothing has come to the surface. the only thing that has become public is a general council, not merely of the delegates of clans with the yaya, but of the tribe. hayoue assisted, with zashue his brother. tyope was present also, but he said nothing, and nobody requested him to speak. he was not outlawed; no punishment was dealt to him; he was simply suffered to remain on that lower level to which he had naturally dropped. the principal question agitating the council was the nomination of a maseua, or head war-chief. the caciques intimated that hayoue would be their choice, and all concurred in the selection. but hayoue positively declined, insisting that his clan had virtually ceased to exist on the rito, and that it was his duty to follow his people in their distress. zashue also spoke to the same effect. his wife say koitza and his children had disappeared, even to the little girl, whose brains were still clinging to the walls of the big house, against which the enemy had dashed her head. however much the people insisted, hayoue remained firm in his resolve to go after the fugitives and to save them if possible. most of the people thought them lost, dead, or captives; but both young men were of the opinion that there were too many of them, and that at least some must have escaped. it was consequently the duty of the two youngest survivors to trace them if possible. the hishtanyi chayan was the first to accede to hayoue's demands, but conditionally. he insisted that when their duties were fulfilled hayoue and his brother should return to the rito with the rescued. but hayoue refused to consent even to this. the grounds given by him were obvious, though hard to listen to. in case they found a few, he promised to return; but should there be many yet alive he was determined upon founding a new settlement. he reproached the council bitterly for having allowed the lack of arable soil to have been taken as a pretext for depriving his own small clan of its allotment in order to give it to a larger one. that small clan should not come back and again be in the way of the others. "tzitz hanutsh," said he in closing, alluding to his own performances, "has saved the tribe; it has done its duty. now we will go and see whether our brethren and sisters are still alive; and in case we find them, seek for another spot where there will be sufficient room for all." every one present did not understand these words; but the members of the council knew to what the young man was alluding, and they bowed their heads in shame. even the hishtanyi chayan felt the reproach, for he knew that it was partly his fault, since had he followed the hint dropped by topanashka, and his own first impressions, all might have taken a different turn. he did not therefore insist any longer, and did not even think it advisable to invoke the will of those above in aid of his personal desire. his silence determined the people of the rito, for they took it for granted that the higher powers approved of hayoue's resolution to leave. it may seem strange that the chayan did not insist upon consulting the shiuana first, for hayoue would have been compelled to abide by their final decision. here the question arises how far the indian shaman is sincere in his oracular utterances,--how much of his decisions is honest error, and how much of his official acts may be deception or mere jugglery. in most cases of importance the shaman is honest. he really believes that what he says is the echo from a higher world. this firm belief is the fruit of training; and the voices he hears, the sights he sees when alone with those above are the products of honest hallucination. his training and the long and painful discipline he undergoes in rising from degree of knowledge to degree of knowledge, the constant privations and bodily and mental tortures, prepare him for a dreamy state in which he becomes thoroughly convinced that he really is a medium. as such he speaks in council, and he is most thoroughly satisfied that what he says is the truth. of course there are among them some who are rogues, who profit by the credulity of others, and who even invent tricks in order to fasten their authority upon the people in an illegitimate manner. these tricks themselves are not performed in the majority of cases as conscious sleight of hand. they may have been such at their inception, but their origin has been forgotten by subsequent generations, and nothing has remained but the bare wonderful, inexplicable fact of their performance. thus they have become in course of time hallowed; and the shaman who causes lightning to flash through a dark room, or corn to grow and mature in the course of one day, honestly believes in the supernatural origin of the trick. such men are often very punctilious, and while they will go to the direst extremity in what they regard as their duties and privileges, will with equal scruple avoid going a single step beyond. imbued with an idea that they are the mouth-pieces of those above, they listen anxiously to everything that is striking and strange, and attribute to inspiration forcible arguments as well as their own speeches and actions. so it was with the hishtanyi chayan. the refusal of hayoue to accept an honourable charge struck him as being an expression of the will of the shiuana, against which it was his duty not to protest. when the young man brought forward such strong arguments he was still further confirmed in his belief, and bowed to the inevitable in respectful silence. at the close of the council the koshare retired to the estufa, the caciques followed their example, and the chayan came next. but before he withdrew into privacy, the great medicine-man had a long talk with hayoue, his object being to strengthen the tie which united the young man with the people of the rito, and to engage him not to forsake altogether the abode of the spirits of his tribe. hayoue made no definite promise beyond what he had already pledged himself to at the general meeting. hayoue and zashue had taken leave of the invisible ones as well as of the inhabitants of the tyuonyi, and ascended to the brink of the southern mesa above the rito. here they turned around to look back upon the home to which neither of them was any longer strongly attached. the sun was setting, and they wished to improve the night, for fear that navajos might still be prowling about on the mesas. at the bottom of the gorge there was little life, compared with the bustle that prevailed in former days. on the plateau the evening breeze fanned the trees; in the east, distant lightning played about sombre clouds. "the corn-plant is good," zashue remarked to his brother; "the zaashtesh will not starve this winter. we have called loudly to those above." "it is well," said the other in a tone of authority, which since his achievements he was wont to assume toward his elder brother; "when the koshare perform their duty they are precious to the people." "without the cuirana," the elder replied, "the sprouting corn cannot grow." zashue had conceived a very high opinion of hayoue, and his weaker mind gladly leaned upon the strong will of the youth. hayoue started; it was as if a sudden thought struck him. "look, see how good the shiuana are! we are leaving the tyuonyi; and behold, if we find our people there can be no lack of food wherever we dwell. i am cuirana, you are koshare. i pray and fast for the growing corn, you do the same for the ripening of the grain. it will be well." "if shyuote is alive he will help me." zashue uttered these words timidly. "okoya will help me;" hayoue spoke with great assurance. "in that case we shall be four already. how often have i told you, satyumishe, that okoya is good. he is a man; i saw it when he struck nacaytzusle, the young moshome." the elder brother said nothing. he acknowledged the wrong he had done his eldest child. in case say koitza, in case shyuote were still alive, it would be owing to that elder son of his. and his wife, say koitza, he longed for now as never before. for her sake he had left everything,--his home, his field. willingly he abandoned his whole past in order to find her. he regretted all that he had done in that past,--his suspicions, his neglect, his carelessness to her. the fearful visitations of the latter days had changed him completely. all these thoughts he gathered in one exclamation,-- "if we only find them!" "let us go and search," said hayoue, turning to go. his brother followed him into the woods. henceforth we shall have to follow the two adventurers, for a while at least. therefore we also must take leave of the rito de los frijoles. of its inhabitants nothing striking can hereafter be told. they lived and died in the seclusion of their valley gorge, and neither the tehuas nor the navajos molested them in the years following. tyope continued to vegetate, anxiously taking care to give no occasion for recalling his former conduct. the naua soon died. the subsequent fate of the tribe is faintly delineated by dim historical traditions, stating that they gradually emigrated from the rito in various bands, which little by little, in course of time, built the villages inhabited by the queres indians of to-day. long before the advent of the spaniards, in the sixteenth century of our era, the rito was deserted and forgotten. the big house, the houses of the eagles and of the corn clan, are now reduced to mere heaps of rubbish, overgrown by cactus and bunches of low grass. most of the cave-dwellings have crumbled also. but the rito always remains a beautiful spot, lovely in its solitude, picturesque and grand. about its ruins there hovers a charm which binds man to the place where untold centuries ago man lived, loved, suffered, and died as present generations live, suffer, and die in the course of human history. chapter xx. sunshine and showers! a dingy blue sky is traversed by white, fleecy clouds, long mares' tails, on whose border giant thunderclouds loom up, sometimes drifting majestically along the horizon, or crowding upward to spread, dissolve, and disappear in the zenith. it is the rainy season in new mexico, with its sporadic showers, its peculiar sunlight, moments of scorching heat, and blasts of cool winds, with thunder overhead. to the right and left rain falls in streaks, but without sultriness, and with no danger from violent wind-storms or cyclones. we are in the beginning of the month of september. it is warm, but not oppressive, and the spot from which we view the scenery around is high, open, and commands a wide extent of country. we stand on a barren plateau. lava-blocks are scattered about in confusion, while tall arborescent cacti rise between them like skeletons, and bunches of grass point upward here and there. north of us the mesa expands in monotonous risings and swellings to the foot of a tall, exceedingly graceful cone, whose slopes are dotted with bushes of cedar and juniper. beyond it are dark humps, denoting by their shape that they are extinct craters. in the distance, west of that beautiful cone, which to-day is called, and very appropriately, the tetilla, the sinuous profile of a mountain-chain just peeps over the bleak line formed by the mesa and its various corrugations. nestling within its bosom rests the rito de los frijoles. in the south, dense thunderclouds overhang massive peaks. only the base of the sierra de sandia, of the old placeres, and the numerous ranges beyond, is visible, for a heavy shower falls in that direction. in the east a plain sweeps into view, dotted by black specks looming up from a reddish soil. this plain rises gently to the eastward, and abuts against a tall mountain-range whose summits also are shrouded in massive clouds. we stand on the bleak and wide mesa that interposes itself between the town of santa fé and the valley of the rio grande. not a living object, with the exception of wasps and beetles, can be seen; everything appears dull and dead. the thunder roars in the distance. and yet there is life of a higher order. two ravens stalk about in an earnest, dignified manner. the birds look exceedingly and comically serious. their plumage glistens in the subdued light of the sun. they look out for themselves, and care nothing for the remainder of creation. so deeply are they imbued with a sentiment of their own exceptional position in the realm of nature, that they pay no attention to another phase of life that shows itself near by, though not conspicuously. over the surface of the mesa are seen here and there almost imperceptible elevations destitute of vegetation. in these slight swellings, apertures are visible. out of the latter the head of a small animal occasionally protrudes, disappears again, or rises displaying a pair of shovel-like front teeth. then a worm-like body pushes up from below, and a yellowish figure, half squirrel, half marmot, stands erect on the hillock, and utters a sharp, squealing bark. this barking is answered from a neighbouring protuberance. from each hillock one of these little animals crawls down; and meeting one another half-way, they stand up facing each other, scratch and bite for a moment, then separate and return to their respective cave-dwellings. other similar creatures wriggle about in the vicinity; the shrill barking sounds far and near. a colony of so-called prairie dogs dwells in the neighbourhood. to this exhibition of animal life the ravens pay no attention whatever. it is beneath their notice; their aims are of a higher order than those of beings who live upon roots and who burrow for their abode. they live on prey that is far above the simple products of animal industry. carrion is what they aspire to. therefore they aspire with a lofty mien, prying and peering in every direction for something fallen. they are not far from the eastern brink of the mesa, where the volcanic flow breaks off suddenly in short, abrupt palisades. who knows what their keen eyes may have espied along that brink? another actor appears upon the scene, a prairie wolf, or coyote; consequently a rival, a competitor of the ravens; for he is in the same business. but he belongs to a higher order; for while the ravens are scavengers, the coyote is a hunter as well. he would even prey upon the birds themselves. as he approaches, with tail drooping and ears erect, and stops to sniff the air and glance about slyly, the ravens hop off sidewise away from the dangerous neighbour. still they are loath to go, for the wolf may discover something the leavings of which they may perhaps enjoy. but the coyote lies down, with his head between his forepaws, and in this attitude pushes his body forward, almost imperceptibly. such motions are very suspicious; the scavengers flap their wings, rise into the air, and soar away to some more secure spot. the coyote, however, seems in no wise disappointed at the departure of the ravens. he pays no attention to their flight, but moves on toward the lava-blocks that indicate the rim of the plateau. there he has noticed something; an object that lies motionless like a corpse. it may be a corpse, and therefore something to prey upon. nearer the coyote glides. the object is long or elongated. its colour is lighter than that of the lava-blocks surrounding it, but its farther end is dark. now that end moves, and the head of an indian, a village indian of new mexico, looms up above the boulders. the coyote has seen enough, for the man is alive, and not carrion. away the beast trots, with drooping tail and ears. the indian, who has been lying there with his face turned to the east, rises to his knees and faces about. his features are those of a man on the threshold of mature age. we know this man! we have seen him before! and yet it cannot be, for how thin, how wan, how hollow the cheeks, how sunken the eyes! the face, notwithstanding the red paint, appears sallow. still it is an old acquaintance, although since we saw him last he has sadly changed. now he turns his face to the south, and we catch a glimpse of his profile. it is zashue tihua, the indian from the rito de los frijoles, husband of say koitza, and father to okoya and shyuote. what is he doing here? it is now more than three weeks since he and his brother hayoue took leave of the tyuonyi in order to search for their lost people. they went forth into that limited, yet for the indian immensely vast, world to-day called central new mexico. in a month a travelling indian may easily be hundreds of miles away if unimpeded in his march. but we find him here, barely a day's journey from the rito. a strong man cannot have spent all this time in going such a little distance. he must have wandered far, strayed back and forth, up and down, perhaps into the western mountains, where the navajos lurk,--the bad men who frightened his wife and children away from their homes, or who perhaps captured or killed them. or he may have gone to the south, where the black cloud is hanging, and where it thunders, and the rain-streaks hang like long black veils of mourning. he has perchance tramped down the rio grande valley, through sand, by groves of poplar-trees, and where the sand-storms howl and wail. now he comes back, unrequited for all his labour and sufferings, for those whom he sought are not with him! his gaze was not directed to the north when the wolf espied him, but to the east. he may be on the homeward stretch, but he has not given up all hope. his eyes look for those whom he has lost; he is loath to give up the search, loath to return alone to the home which the enemy has soiled with the lifeblood of his youngest child. he is changed in appearance, lean, and with hollow burning eyes he gazes at the clouds as if there he might find his missing wife and children. as he kneels and gazes, another indian rises from amidst the shaggy blocks of lava a short distance off, stands up, and then sits down upon a rock. he turns his head to the east. he too is gaunt and thin, his features are pale, and his eyes lie deep in their sockets. on his back hangs a shield; but it is soiled, beaten, and perforated. to his arm is fastened a war-club, and the quiver on his back is half-filled with newly made arrows. as this indian turns his face to the north we recognize him also. it is hayoue, hayoue as emaciated and careworn as his brother zashue. they are alone. neither has found anything yet. zashue rises to go where his brother is sitting. as the latter perceives him he points with his arm to the east. there at the farthest end of the plain, at the foot of the high cloud-veiled mountains, a long row of foot-hills recedes in an angle. to this angle hayoue is pointing. an untrained eye would have seen nothing but cedar-clad hills and the lower end of slopes dark and frowning, above which seething clouds occasionally disclose higher folds of mountains whose tops are shrouded in mist. but zashue has no untrained eye; he gazes and gazes; at last he turns around to his brother with an approving nod and says,-- "fire." "puyatye zaashtesh," hayoue replies; and each looks at the other inquiringly. where we might have seen but the usual dim haze veiling distant objects, they have discovered a bluish tint capping the hills like a pale streak. it denotes the presence of smoke, therefore fire. not a burning forest, for there is no high timber on that range of foot-hills, but smoke arising from a place where people are dwelling. the roaming mountain indians, the apaches or navajos, settle nowhere permanently. the smoke has not been produced by their straggling camp-fires; it indicates the location of a permanent village. those village indians that dwell east of the rio grande are tanos, and the queres call them puyatye. there must be a tano village in that corner far away where the bluish film hovers. hayoue is right, a puyatye zaashtesh stands where to-day lies the capital of new mexico,--the old spanish settlement of santa fé. the brothers cast their eyes to the ground; both seem to be in doubt, zashue is the first to speak. "do you suppose that our people might be at that zaashtesh?" hayoue shrugged his shoulders. "it may be, i don't know." "will it be safe for us to go to the puyatye?" the other inquired doubtfully. the younger sighs and answers,-- "they have never done wrong to us." "still they speak the tongue of the people of karo." "it is true, but they live nearer to us." "but they are tehuas too, like the people of the north, and--" hayoue interrupts him, saying,-- "our folk have gone to them as often as they wished buffalo-hides, and the puyatye have received them well, giving them what was right. why should they now be hard toward us?" "still if the tehuas have gone to see them, saying, 'the queres from the tyuonyi came to strike us like moshome over night; look and see that they do not hurt you also,' and now we come with shield, bow, and arrow, what can the puyatye think other than that we are moshome queres?" hayoue feels the weight of this observation; he casts his eye to the ground and remains silent. zashue continues,-- "it is true that the moshome dinne cannot have killed all our people. this we found out on the r[=a]tye," pointing to the sierra de san miguel; "ere i killed the old man to take ahtzeta from him, he lifted all of his fingers four times and pointed over here. do you not think, satyumishe, that he meant to tell me thereby that forty of our people escaped and fled to hanyi?" "i do; and that is the reason why i believe we shall find them in hashyuko,"--the eastern corner, the queres name for the place where santa fé stands,--replied the other, very positively. "behold, satyumishe, we have searched everywhere we could, have followed every trail we could follow. nearly all the tracks were those of our people, of that i am sure, and how far have we not gone after them? ten days at least we were in the mountains on the tracks of the moshome dinne. we fought them and took ahtzeta. at last we learned that many of our women and children had been taken by those shuatyam and that we never any more could obtain them, also that okoya was probably not still alive. then we went south and saw tracks,--small tracks of children, larger ones of women, and a few that were those of men. we went toward cuame until we could not see the tracks because it had rained, and the rain had washed them away. to go farther was useless, for whither should we go?" "there are other zaashtesh farther down the rio grande, so the naua told me," replied zashue; "but these dwell far, far away,"--he waved his hand to the south,--"where it is very warm and where there are a great many moshome." "those are too far off," hayoue said, shaking his head; "our people did not go so far without resting. we must have overtaken them, for we rested not." the elder brother nodded; he was fully conscious that they had never rested on the journey. he felt it now. "therefore, brother," hayoue went on, "i believe that those whom we look for are there," pointing to the east. "in the sierra del valle are only those whom the moshome have captured; the others must have turned back along the river, crossing it to go to the puyatye; for there are no moshome over here, and if the puyatye speak like the tehuas, their hearts are different and more like ours. i think we should go to the zaashtesh yonder, at the foot of the big kote where the snow is hanging. if we do not find them there, then i think we should go farther, as far as where the buffaloes are feeding. there are villages there, too, i have been told, and there our people will be. if we once know which of them are alive and free, we shall also know those who are among the moshome, and can see what to do for them." "it strikes me," zashue still objected, "that if the koitza and the little ones were on this side of the river we must have seen their tracks." "but it rains, brother," hayoue replied, looking up at the sky. "the shiuana send us rain every night and often during the day, and it washes away the footprints. besides, we have merely followed the river thus far, and our people may have turned inland. there is so much sand on the banks that the rain destroys all foot-marks." zashue looked up; a thought had struck him like a flash. "have you seen the ravine below here?" he pointed to the south. "how would it do for us to look there? the ravine comes from the river." "you are right," hayoue assented, rising and moving slowly on. the strong young man was tired, almost exhausted from endless roaming, searching, spying, and from hunger and thirst combined. zashue took a more southeasterly direction, so that both struck the brink of the ravine at some distance apart. from the brink they looked down into a deep cleft, at the bottom of which the little rio de santa fé winds its course toward the rio grande. this cleft is the gorge which to-day is called cañon de las bocas. south of it the plateaus continue with barren undulations and whitish hills. they rise gradually to the base of a sombre mountain cluster, the bulk of which was wrapped in clouds, as well as the huge mass of the sandia chain to its right. still farther to the right the rio grande valley opened. sand-whirls chased along that valley to meet a shower which was sending rain-streaks into it. a cloud had meanwhile gathered over the heads of the wanderers, thunder reverberated, and the raindrops began to fall. the men paid no attention; they gazed down at the little torrent beneath, at the groups of poplar-trees on its banks, and at the scattered patches of open ground along its course. their desire was to descend into the gorge to search for traces of those whom they longed for. the descent was impracticable from where they had stopped. a rim of vertical cliffs of lava and trap formed the upper border of the cleft. suddenly hayoue exclaimed,-- "umo, they are not down here, or we should see them from above. let us go farther, where there are no rocks, and where the stream enters the gorge. if our people have come through here we must find their tracks at the outlet." "it is well," replied zashue. the shower drizzled out; its main force was spent on the southern plateaus, and cool gusts of wind blew across to the north side. when the brothers had clambered down the rugged slope covered with scattered lava-blocks to the sandy nook where now stands the hamlet of the "ciéné-quilla," clouds had again lifted over hashyuko, and on the slope of the high sierra the bluish cloudlet swam clear and distinct. much water ran in the bed of the river at the mouth of the bocas, and there was no hope of finding any tracks there. the men staggered up and down, and at last zashue stood still, bent over, and appeared to examine something. then he called aloud,-- "come over here!" with this he raised something from the ground. hayoue went over to him, and both looked at the object carefully. it was a piece of cloth made of cotton dyed black, of the size of a hand, torn off but recently, and soiled by mud and moisture. hayoue nodded; the find pleased him. "that is from our women," said he. "the women from the puyatye," zashue said doubtingly, "wear skirts like our koitza." "it is so, but the women from hashyuko do not go so far from their homes now. nothing is ripe,--neither cactus, figs, nor yucca fruit. what should they come out here for? when do our women ever go so far from the zaashtesh?" "shotaye used to go farther," objected the elder. "shotaye," hayoue muttered, "shotaye was--you know what she was! there is none like her in the world. what she may be doing in case she is alive, nobody can tell." "i wish i knew her to be with say koitza now," zashue sighed. "shotaye is dead," his brother asserted. "but i believe that this rag is from our people, and you were right in coming hither. look!" pointing to the entrance of the bocas, "they came through there and from the west. even if we find no trace of them i still believe that they went to hashyuko and that we shall find them there. let us go ere it is too late!" the last words were uttered in such a positive tone that zashue yielded, and followed his brother, who since their discovery again moved with vigorous strides. since the last evening neither of them had eaten anything, and their meal then had been scanty enough. the discovery had infused new strength into their exhausted bodies, and the brothers walked on, side by side, as if they were well fed and thoroughly rested. zashue still remained in doubt; he would rather have made further researches. he knew from the talk of old men that the tanos inhabited villages farther south, and it was possible that the fugitives, afraid of the dispositions of the puyatye that lived closer to the tehuas, had avoided them in order to take refuge at a greater distance from the people of the puye. but above all, zashue felt strong misgivings in regard to the reception which he and his brother, both armed as they were, might find at hashyuko. under different circumstances he would have gone to the tanos without any fear, and would have entered the village as a guest. now, since the queres of the rito and the tehuas had come to blows, it was possible that the latter had informed their relatives in the southeast of what occurred and thus made them suspicious of the queres. he and his brother carried the implements of war, but they were not in war-paint. that looked very suspicious, and they might be taken for spies; and as soon as they should be noticed some of the tanos might lie in wait for them with evil intentions. if on the other hand hayoue was right, then all would be right. but he could not agree with his brother on that point. a certain instinct told him that the fugitives had wandered south instead of east. nevertheless he yielded willingly to the superior energy and determination of hayoue. zashue was a weak man, and glad to lean upon a stronger arm, a more determined will. hayoue on his part was fully convinced of the correctness of his views. he had no thought of danger. he reflected, and zashue had overlooked this important point, that, in case the tehuas notified the tanos of recent occurrences, they would not fail to boast of their signal triumph, and to represent the defeat of the queres as akin to complete destruction. therefore in what light could he and his brother appear to the people of hashyuko than as fugitives from a tribe well nigh exterminated? fugitives of that class are always, even by savages, received and treated as guests. finally, should it come to blows, hayoue was ready for them also, to give as well as take. the distance which separated the two men from their place of destination was about twelve english miles. the plain between the upper, or eastern mouth of the cañon of the bocas and the foot of the santa fé mountain-range rises gradually, and in even but extensive undulations. it is closed to the north by a broad sandy ridge, which skirts the northern bank of the little santa fé stream. that ridge extends from the east, where santa fé stands, to the volcanic mesa through which the cleft of the bocas meanders in the west; and the plain lies south of it, dipping in that direction as well as to the west also. several ravines with sloping borders run through it from east to west; the nearest one south of the santa fé river is called arroyo hondo. these gorges or channels are dry except in the rainy season, when torrents of water gush down them for a few hours after some exceedingly violent shower in the mountains. the vegetation of the plain consists mainly of bunch-grass, juniper, and tall, arborescent cacti. hayoue took the direction to the northeast, keeping between the santa fé creek on their left and the arroyo hondo on the right. as often happens during the afternoon, the sky had begun to clear; and as evening approached, the tall santa fé sierra shone out majestically, free from clouds, the top of "baldy" covered with snow. the high timber on the lower ridges appeared distinct, and the folds of the mountain-sides clothed in vivid green alternated with black yet luminous shadows. a cool wind blew from the south in gusts, and the wanderers hastened their steps lest night should overtake them ere they could reach the village, now distinguishable below the blue cloud of smoke as a reddish protuberance on a bleak hill. zashue stood still, and beckoned his brother to do the same and listen. from the direction they were going came faint cries; the brothers looked at each other. "there are puyatye over there," said hayoue. "ko!" assented zashue, then as if making a discovery he added, "they are hunting rabbits and hares." "you are right, surely they hunt rabbits," said hayoue, his eyes brightening at the suggestion. "what shall we do?" zashue asked. "we will go to them at once," said the other. "that is very good, very good for us indeed, for if they hunt rabbits all their yaya and nashtio will be there too." one of the broad swellings which traverse the santa fé plain lay between the young men and the place whence the sounds came; it concealed the hunters from their gaze, but the manner in which the cries seemed to shift proved that they were swiftly moving to and fro. zashue felt greatly relieved, for his explanation that the tanos might be on a general hunt for rabbits was probably true, and it was a very good sign. the rabbit-hunt is usually a prelude to solemn dances, therefore it was not likely that the tanos suspected danger or had any knowledge of events at the puye. the great rabbit-hunt, still practised by all the pueblos several times during each year, is a communal undertaking, a religious ceremony, in which not only the men take part, but the women and children also. the object is to obtain the skins which the chief penitents use for some sacramental purpose. it is also a feast and a day of rejoicing and merriment for the whole village. the hunt is under the direction of the principal war captain, and the leading dignitaries share the sport. long prayers around a fire which is started outside of the pueblo opens the performance. the game is hunted and killed with clubs, and a lively and sometimes amusing rivalry is displayed by both sexes in securing the rabbits, which often gives rise to very ludicrous scenes. sometimes the hunt is continued for several days in succession. when the brothers reached the crest of the undulation, they witnessed sights that to a stranger would have been nearly incomprehensible. men, women, and children were running back and forth in every direction, no longer chasing game, but playing, laughing, romping, with loud and boisterous talk. small groups were already going home loaded with game, others with empty hands, to the great amusement and merciless jeering of the successful hunters. among the former were men dressed in the costume of women, while with the lucky ones women in male attire paraded proudly. it was an animated picture spread over a wide expanse, but it was moving back to the village in the east; and when the indians from the rito stood still to observe, there remained in their immediate vicinity only a few men in female garb. beyond them stood a group of five or six persons, laughing and jesting. over the broad plain there rested a mild, subdued glow of pleasant twilight; the highest summits of the sierra glistened in fiery hues. hayoue stepped up boldly, his brother keeping alongside watchfully. he was ready, not to flee, but to hide, and use the bow in case of necessity. they were noticed by those standing nearest. the men in women's garb were busy breaking twigs and branches, or cutting them off with stone implements. at the sight of strangers, they suspended work and stared. hayoue laid aside his bow and quiver, and extended his right hand, calling out,-- "queres tyuonyi!" no answer came. zashue could not control his mirth at the sight of the men in such guise; he broke out in a ringing laugh, pointed at them, and shouted, "puyatye!" then to himself with the exclamation, "koshare!" the salutations called forth no reply. the tanos continued to stare. it was not merely astonishment which caused them to remain motionless; there was quite as much embarrassment on their part. for these men in women's wraps had had to assume the costumes as a punishment, because they had allowed women to outwit or out-hunt them in the joint pursuit of the same animal. whenever a man and a woman, during one of these ceremonial hunts, chase the same rabbit, and the woman succeeds in slaying it, then her male competitor must exchange his dress for that of the successful woman, who in turn proudly, amidst applause and jeerings, assumes the garb of the male. the man thereafter has to go on hunting until he kills a rabbit himself, and can by offering it to the woman reclaim his clothing. all are not lucky enough to succeed, and it happens sometimes that the hunt is over before their efforts are successful. such unfortunates are required to gather a load of firewood as big as they can carry, and bring it to the house of the woman holding their clothes in pledge. thereupon the dresses are exchanged, and the night passes in the usual childish amusements for the many, in religious rites for the religious functionaries. the men first seen by the brothers betrayed by their dress and occupation that they belonged to the unlucky ones. they saw at a glance that the new-comers were village indians; they also recognized from their behaviour that they came with friendly intentions. this increased their embarrassment, for they knew, or at least supposed, that the strangers would see at once the cause of their strange appearance. so great was their uneasiness, that one of them crouched behind a bush to hide. meanwhile all the tehuas, who had been standing some distance off, came running up, with the exception of one, who was seen going toward the pueblo at full speed. the others held their wooden clubs ready, in case of trouble. hayoue advanced toward them in his usual unconcerned way, and saluted them with-- "guatzena, puyatye!" zashue had remained behind, keeping an eye on the weapons which both of them had laid on the ground. the tanos whispered and whispered. they evidently guessed at the meaning of hayoue's words, for one of them stepped up, and replied with the usual compliment in tehua,-- "senggerehu." each grasped the other's hand. hayoue uttered "queres," and pointing to the west, "tyuonyi." to this speech the other replied by pointing at himself and at his comrades with the word "tano;" then at the village, which was still dimly visible in the twilight, "oga p' hoge."[ ] thereupon he made the gesture-sign for sleep, and breathed on hayoue's hand. the latter responded to the compliment and gave zashue a signal to come nearer. when zashue rejoined the group they all greeted the queres in the same manner, and the one who was still holding hayoue's hand began to pull him along, urging him to go to the village with them. the adventurers from the rito felt that they might be welcome. zashue even made an eccentric, clownish jump, exclaiming,-- "koshare raua! raua koshare!" boisterous laughter broke out. one of the tanos threw his arm around zashue's neck, shouting at the top of his voice,-- "hiuonde tema kosare!" he pressed him to his breast, whispering,-- "oga p' hoge pare!" no mistake was possible; the tano was a brother, a koshare like zashue, and delighted to meet another from the far-distant west. more and more lively the men became on both sides; clumsy attempts at explanation were made; words, signs, gestures passed between them, while walking briskly on; and all were merry and in good spirits. it was night. behind the gigantic wall of mountains in the east a whitish glare arose, the light of the rising moon. the group had reached the banks of the rio de santa fé, near where now stands the church of nuestra señora de guadalupe. before them lay a dusky wilderness, abutting against steep hills. on the highest of those, which overlooks the present town in the north, a terraced mound could be distinguished, and from its sides luminous points twinkled in ruddy light. the thumping of drums, shrill flutes, and an undefined noise rhythmic in its character, in which human voices and numerous rattles were confusedly mingled, issued from a quarter above which a glow arose like that of a fire burning within. that irregular pile was the pueblo of oga p' hoge; it stood where fort marcy was subsequently erected by the united states troops. the moon had risen and rested on the higher crests of the mountains. its light penetrated the basin in which now the town of santa fé extends, on both banks of the little stream and south of it. when to-day the moon thus stands over the heights, and looks down the turrets and cupolas of the capitol, hospitals and seminaries glisten in phosphorescent light, and the towers of the cathedral loom up solemnly, casting on the ground before it jet-black shadows. over elegant dwellings, over modest flat roofs of adobe houses, over military buildings, institutes for the education of those of all races and creeds, the moonlight rests peacefully. brilliant music sounds in the plaza from the heights; in the northwest a spark rushes down in serpentine windings nearer and nearer,--the approaching railway train! from the south a shrill whistle is heard,--another iron horse sweeping up with people and news from the outside world. shade-trees rustle in the evening breeze, and their leaves dance, alternately plunged in silvery brightness and transparent night. to-day the heights of fort marcy are deserted, bleak by daylight, pale and yet frowning when shines the moon. since the seventeenth century life has sprung up at its base. at the time when hayoue and zashue lived, life was above, and looked down upon a wilderness beneath. to-day the hills are wild. formerly juniper-bushes, cedar, and cactus alone peopled the banks of the river, growing along the rills and on the drift-heaps formed by the torrent. the group of men, with hayoue and zashue in their midst, halted on the south bank. this did not suit zashue; it struck him as rather unfriendly or at least as suspicious. their companions were evidently waiting for orders, ere they crossed the river. a man came splashing through the water and called out something, which the queres of course did not understand. at once all conversation ceased, and the tanos became silent and grave. the new-comer spoke first; he spoke rapidly and in a low voice, then grasped hayoue's hand to breathe on it, and held it fast. zashue's hands as well had been seized by two tanos. his bow and quiver had been removed from him under some friendly pretext. they were disarmed. then all moved on, forded the stream, and took a trail that led directly to the foot of the hill where stood the pueblo. all sounds of merriment above were hushed, nothing moved but the men and the night wind rustling through the shrubbery. at the foot of the high hill other indians came up; these were armed, and they followed the group. all this looked ominous. they were no longer treated as guests; they were prisoners! zashue was not so much surprised as hayoue, for he had always mistrusted. hayoue inwardly raved. he reproached himself for not having listened to his brother's warnings, for having allowed his rashness, his conceit, his over-confidence, to prevail to such an extent as to fall into a trap which he felt sure the tanos had artfully laid and cunningly sprung upon them. still all his indignation and rage were of no avail. even if he were able to free himself from the grasp of his guards, and to escape the arrow-shots that would be aimed at the fugitive, he saw no chance for him in the relentless chase that would follow. all advantages would be on the side of the tanos, who knew the country, whereas he was a total stranger. nothing was left him but to resign himself to his fate and to await the course of events. it was hard for the proud, self-glorious young warrior; it was not only hard but if he took into consideration his overbearing manner toward zashue, a punishment justly merited. hayoue hung his head, crestfallen and in bitter wrath. at last some one came down the steep hill, muttered a few words, and the ascent began. nobody turned back to glance at the moonlit expanse that was unfolding itself more and more beneath. a dismal yelping sounded from below, the voice of a coyote from the banks of the stream. the wolf had followed the returning hunters. he licked the blood trickling from the dead game and called his comrades. other voices answered in the neighbourhood; from various parts of the basin the barking died away in a mournful, dismal wail mingled with shrieks, sobs, and fiendish laughter. it rose from the depths, filling the air, re-echoing from the hills, and changing its modulations, a horrible chorus of moans and groans alternating with exclamations of hellish triumph. a shiver passed through both the prisoners; their entrance into oga p' hoge took place with dismal prognostications. the pueblo was built in the shape of a rectangle. the north and east sides of it formed a continuous structure; narrow alleys separated them from the south and the west sides, and between the two there was also an alley of entrance and exit. through the latter therefore, on the southwest corner, the tanos entered an open space like a large court-yard, surrounded by the terraced buildings composing the village. at the approach of the group, human forms had appeared on the flat roofs and peered down upon the prisoners with curious eyes. as soon as the captives entered the square, the number of spectators increased; they came out from the interior, from lower stories, down from the upper tier, men, women, and children. they descended into the square, and the whole population of the village, about four hundred souls, gathered around the strangers and their guard. all the able-bodied men were not among them. a dozen videttes were distributed on the flat roofs, and nearly fifty warriors, hastily armed and equipped, had scattered at some distance from the buildings along the hills throughout the basin, to intercept a possible flight, as well as to guard approaches in case the two prisoners should be merely advance scouts of a larger body of enemies. of all this hayoue and zashue knew nothing, of course; but they noticed that the throng about them was not friendly, that an ominous silence prevailed. hardly a whisper was heard; a few women only gesticulated wildly. the tanos dropped the hands of their captives, but they remained around them still. for a long while they were left to stand; nobody brought them food, nobody offered them water to allay their thirst. the whispering grew louder; it sounded like murmured threats. at last the hands of the strangers were again seized and they were led across the square to the northeastern corner. the throng opened in front of them as they advanced, closing in behind, and all following like children after a procession. some ran along the walls, eager to be near and on hand when the strangers came up. their curiosity was soon gratified, for the square was small. at the foot of one of the notched beams another halt was made. two of the guards climbed up and exchanged a few words with an indian sitting on the roof. then hayoue was signalled to follow. a tano came behind him; after him zashue, and then two armed men. the crowd had meanwhile closed up against the wall, pressing eye and ear against the air-holes, out of which the firelight shone. nobody attempted to climb the roof, but all remained below, a moving, wrangling crowd of people illuminated by the placid light of the moon. another delay occurred on the roof. the wanderers heard loud talking beneath their feet, and concluded that the council sat in a room below, and that they would be led before that august body. there was some consolation in this fact, for it showed at least that they would not be slaughtered at once. but how should they defend themselves? nobody understood their language, any more than they understood that of the tanos! the situation seemed desperate. hayoue, as well as zashue, felt helpless; but they had to submit to the inevitable. after all, death would put an end to everything; it is beautiful at shipapu,--there is constant dancing and singing; the girls are always young and the women never too old. hayoue's hand was again grasped by one of the guards, and he was motioned to descend into the apartment below. zashue had to follow. they found themselves in a long room, whose whitewashed walls reflected the light of a small fire burning on a rude hearth. close to the hearth sat a man whom the prisoners at once supposed to be the puyo, or governor. by his side sat another, a small figure, somewhat wrinkled. he wore nothing but a breech-clout of buckskin, for it was summer. several aged men were gathered in the neighbourhood of the fire. although none of them wore either ornaments or badges, it was easy to surmise that they were the principal shamans. along the wall sat, lounged, or squatted the clan delegates, so that all in all there were present about eighteen persons, including the prisoners. outside, the faces and eyes of listeners appeared from time to time through the air-holes. the man whom the two queres rightly took to be the civil chief, motioned them, adding, "sit down." they obeyed, and remained sitting with downcast looks. the councilmen glanced at them furtively from time to time. none of them spoke. at last a whisper was heard, and now a voice said in the queres dialect,-- "whither are you going?" hayoue started, and stared about in the room, looking for the man who in this foreign country spoke his own language. when he finally discovered that it was the small old man sitting by the side of the governor, he gaped at him with lips parted, and an expression akin to fright. he had acquired a dim knowledge of the fact that it might be possible for one man to know more than one language, but he had never met such a prodigy as yet. after the first surprise was over, he still stared at the speaker with inquisitive glances, eager to see whether it was possible to speak two dialects with one and the same tongue. zashue was less startled. he knew that there were people who had learned a speech different from the one to which they were born. therefore he replied to the query,-- "we are searching for our women, our daughters, and our children." "why do you look for them here? we have them not," said the old man. "because we have hunted for them everywhere else and have not found them." "are you alone?" continued his interlocutor. "i and my brother are alone," zashue asserted. "why did your koitza and makatza leave you?" "the moshome drove them off." "the moshome?" the inquisitor criticised his words. hayoue had recovered from his surprise. he interjected in a loud, blunt voice,-- "while the men went out to strike the tehuas, the moshome dinne came upon us. we were only a few, and the shuatyam laid waste our corn, and killed many women. many more, however, fled; we do not know whither. these we have gone out to find; we are looking for them this day here among you, but you have taken us captives. you have treated us, not as it is customary between the zaashtesh, but as the moshome are wont to do when strangers come to their hogans." he looked down again, angry. zashue endeavoured to give him a warning sign, but hayoue saw it not. the old man smiled. afterward he translated to the tanos what had been said. his communication excited considerable attention. at the close of his speech, one of the medicine-men replied in a few words. the interpreter turned again to the queres, asking,-- "why did the people of the tyuonyi come upon our brethren in the north by night, like shutzuna? the men from the puye had done them no harm." "no harm?" hayoue broke out. "did they not murder the best, the bravest, the wisest man, our father the maseua? was it not enough? if you do not call that a bad, a base deed, then you and all of you are as bad and as base as the tehuas." the old man's features remained placid. he replied in a quiet tone, but his manner was cool and measured,-- "i know that you believe that the tehuas killed your maseua. i know it well; for shotaye, who now is called aua p'ho quio, and who lives with cayamo in the homes at the puye, came to warn the tehuas that the queres were coming over against them. but it is not true. it was not our brethren from the north, it was the moshome dinne." he uttered the name with marked emphasis. "they killed the maseua of your tribe." we recognize in the interpreter the same old man who served the tehuas in their first interviews with shotaye. the tehuas had despatched him to the tanos, in order to inform the latter of their signal triumph, and to put them on their guard against the queres. it was a lucky hour for hayoue and zashue, especially for the former, when the old man reached the tanos. the two adventurers were thunderstruck. speechless, with heads bowed, they sat in utter amazement at what they were being told. everything was so completely new to them, and yet it explained so much, that they were unable to collect their minds at once. the tanos saw their confusion. what the interpreter told them of the replies of the prisoners had already created much interest, and now their embarrassed state attracted still greater attention. the interpreter, therefore, was prompted to further question them. "when the queres moved against the tehuas, were you along?" "no," zashue replied sullenly. "have many of your people returned from the north?" "enough to hold their own against all who speak your language," hayoue retorted. the old man blinked; he had put an imprudent question. after a short pause, he asked again,-- "why did you alone go out to seek for your people?" "because," hayoue indignantly retorted, "the others had to remain at home to protect the weak ones, in case the moshome tehua came for the leavings of the moshome dinne." he accompanied these already insulting words with looks of defiance, glancing around with eyes flashing, and lips scornfully curled. his wrath was raised to the highest pitch; he could not control himself. fortunately for him the tanos did not understand his words, and the interpreter was shrewd enough to see that the young man thought himself justly angry, and withheld his insulting speech from his listeners. he comprehended the position of the strangers, and understood what their feelings must be. he had no doubt in regard to their sincerity and truthfulness. an important point which he realized was the present weakened condition of the queres tribe. he turned to the meeting and spoke long and earnestly. his speech was followed with the closest attention, and zashue, who felt more composed than his younger brother, noticed that the words fell on ready ears. a short discussion followed, in which every one participated in turn; at last all seemed unanimous, and the interpreter, avoiding hayoue, who sat with eyes gleaming like a loaded electric battery ready to send off flying and burning sparks, turned to zashue with the query,-- "have you any trace of your people?" zashue related everything in a simple and truthful manner,--how they came to the determination to visit the village, with the intention in case there should be none of the fugitives here to turn southward and continue their search among the southern pueblos. every word he said was afterward translated to the council; the tuyo delivered a short address; and the interpreter spoke to the two young men in a solemn, dignified manner, as follows:-- "it is well! my brethren say that you are welcome. they also say that you should forgive them for having suspected you. the people on the tyuonyi wronged those at the puye, and that was not good! but now, since the hand of those above has stricken the queres, we will no longer be moshome, but brethren, and will forget what has come between us. are we not all one, we who wear the hair in sidelocks,--one from the beginning; and have we not all come forth at the same place? you are welcome!" the speaker paused, glancing at the governor. the latter rose, went over to zashue, took his hand, breathed on it, and lifted it upward. he did the same to hayoue; then he returned to his seat and gave a sign to the interpreter, who went on,-- "those whom you long for are not here. but it may be that as you say, brother,"--he directed these words to zashue--"they went to our people farther south. in a few days i will have to go thither, and will be your guide. meanwhile eat the food and drink the water offered you by those who speak a tongue different from yours, but whose hearts are like your heart, and who like you pray to those above. he who dwells up there is our father and your father; she who has her home on high is our mother and your mother. therefore the mothers and fathers of the tanos say to you through me that it is well that you should stay here. be welcome!" involuntarily zashue uttered a deeply felt "ho[=a]" of relief. hayoue nodded, and sighed as if breathing freer again. the great medicine-man arose, scattered sacred meal, and uttered a prayer to which all the others listened in deep silence. then he went to greet the strangers in the customary manner. one by one the others followed,--the second medicine-man, the other chief officials, finally the delegates of the clans. every one grasped their hands and went through the same ceremonies. the council was ended, and to every one's satisfaction. last came the old interpreter, and greeted them, saying,-- "i am chang doa, what you call mokatsh hanutsh, 'panther clan.' where do you belong?" "tzitz hanutsh," zashue quickly responded. the old man turned to one of the delegates. "father," he called to him in his language, "our sons belong to your people. will you take them with you, or shall they go to the summer cacique?" the other reflected a short while, then he replied,-- "the summer cacique is busy; let the brethren come with me. i will lead them to the homes of p'ho doa." news of the happy result of the council had already spread outside. when the prisoners of a few hours ago, now transformed into honoured guests, stepped down into the square, every one looked at them pleasantly. the throng dispersed, but many followed them into the houses of the water clan, where they were treated to the primitive food of those times. soon they retired to rest on simple couches, there to forget the hardships and dangers they had suffered during the day. outside, the deepest silence reigned. the pueblo on the steep hill and the desert plain below shone in the rays of the moon, peacefully, as though they too would slumber. from the thickets along the little stream arose a faint twitter; louder and louder it sounded, and rose heavenward in full, melodious strains, soaring on high through the stillness of the night; it was the mocking-birds' greeting to the hour of rest. footnotes: [footnote : "oga p' hoge" is the name given to santa fé by the tehuas of santa clara. the tehuas of san juan call it "cua p' hoge," the place or village of the shell beads, or of the shells (olivilla) from which they make the beads which they so highly prize. in the sixteenth century that pueblo was already deserted.] chapter xxi. autumn in new mexico, as well as in many other parts of the world, is the most beautiful time of the year. the rains are over, and vegetation is refreshed and has developed. yellow flowers cover the slopes of the higher ranges; the summits are crowned with glistening snow again; the days are pleasant and the nights calm, clear, and wonderfully cool. nature in autumn seems to display its greatest charms to allure mankind into placid submission to the approach of rigid winter. autumn has come, and the two adventurers of whose reception we have spoken in the last chapter are still guests, kindly treated and waiting for the guide to give the signal of departure for the south. a few days the old man had said,--in a few days he would himself go to the southern pueblos of his tribe. but upon the rabbit-hunts there followed ceremonial dances which lasted for days, and hayoue and zashue could not leave until they were over. then it required several days to rest and to perform certain rites, and zashue and hayoue could not leave on that account. furthermore, zashue being koshare, the koshare of the tanos held him back for certain performances of their own, and hayoue could not or would not start alone. afterward, hayoue being cuirana, the cuirana held something in store for him, and zashue did not care to start without his brother. and when all that was finished the old man was not ready; and so they are waiting and waiting, and autumn is here in all its beauty, and hayoue and zashue, zashue as well as hayoue, begin to chafe; but it is of no avail; they must wait. while they are thus waiting until it pleases their friend to start, we shall precede them to that south which is their objective point, in order to anticipate if possible the cravings of the two adventurous young men. they may overtake us there, perhaps when we least expect it. * * * * * about thirty miles south of santa fé, the southern rim of the so-called basin of galisteo is bounded by a low and shaggy ridge running from east to west, whose crest is formed of trap-dyke sharply though irregularly dentated. in spanish this ridge and another similar one which traverses the plain several miles north of it, running parallel to the former, is called very appropriately el creston, for if seen from a distance and edgewise it strikingly resembles the crest of an antique helmet. the plain of galisteo expands between _crestones_, and on the edges of it stand several villages of the tanos. of the galisteo basin a spanish report from the sixteenth century says: "there they have no stream; neither are there any running brooks nor any springs which the people could use." the mountain clusters of the real de dolores and sierra de san francisco, and beyond these the high sandia chain, divide the galisteo country from the valley of the rio grande in the west. to the south there extends a dreary plain as far as the salt marshes of the manzano; eastward spread the wooded slopes of the plateau; above the pecos border upon the basin. to the north the plain rises gradually, traversed only by the northern _creston_, until it merges into the plain of santa fé. on the southwestern corner of the galisteo basin a broad channel discharges its waters into it, passing between the san francisco range and the mountains of dolores. the channel is arid. mountain torrents rush through it only in the season of thunderstorms, and they have burrowed and ploughed through its surface, scarring it with deep furrows and shifting waterfalls. near the mouth of the pass and at no great distance from the plain, one of these arroyos has cut through an ancient village, exposing on both banks the lower walls and rooms of its buildings, visible on the surface only as irregular lines and quadrangles of rubbish. the village must have been quite large for an indian settlement, since seven rectangles with wing-like additions can still be traced. this village in ruins is called to-day the pueblo largo, and the name is not inappropriate. at the time of which we speak, the pueblo largo was inhabited, and in as high a state of prosperity as indian pueblos ever attain unto. it contained, as the ruins attest, nearly fifteen hundred people of the tanos tribe. its name was hishi. the name is well known to-day to the remnants of the tanos, for they have piously preserved the recollections of their former abodes. hishi is not on a beautiful site. it lies in a wide ditch rather than in a valley. no view opens from it, and sombre mountains loom up in close proximity both to the north and west. in the rear of the village, the soil rises gradually to a low series of ridges, from the top of which, at some distance from hishi, the eye ranges far off toward the plains and the basin of the salt lakes. these ridges are convenient posts of observation. scouts placed there can descry the approach of hostile apaches. the latter roam up and down the plains, following the immense herds of buffalo, and prey upon the village indians whenever the latter present any opportunity for a successful surprise. the buffalo himself not infrequently comes to graze within a short distance of hishi. south of the present ruins lies the buffalo spring. when the dark masses of this greatest of american quadrupeds are descried from the heights above the village, the tanos go out with bow and arrow; and woe to the straggling steer or calf that lags behind. like the wolf, the indian rarely attacked any but isolated animals. only when a communal hunt was organized, and a whole village sallied forth to make war upon the mighty king of the prairies,--only then, previous to the introduction of fire-arms, could the redman venture to assault even a small herd or the rear-guard of a numerous column. september is drawing to a close, and the autumnal sky is as cloudless and as pure over hishi as it is over most of the other portions of new mexico. but in the hollow where the village is situated the sun is scorching, as hishi lies much lower than the "corner in the east" and lower than the rito. the chaparro flowers, in dense masses of deep yellow, carpet the earth; and the dark pine forests on the mountain-slopes stare, while yellow streaks sweep up among the dusky timber. in the distance we catch a glimpse of the eastern slope of the sandia range glistening in the bright yellow hue of the flowers that cover miles of its slanting surface. on the ridges south of hishi human figures stand. they are scattered, watching and spying attentively. they are videttes,--outposts, placed to scan the plains and the slopes of the mountains, lest some enemy sneak up and pounce upon the defenceless village. for at the time of which we are speaking the tanos, or hishi, are not only defenceless, but singularly unsuspecting and heedless of danger. they would be at the mercy of an enemy, were it not for these guards and scouts, who watch and pry, straining every organ of perception that their people at home may be without care while singing, praying, and making merry. is not the dance now going on at the village danced, prayed, and sung for their benefit also? whenever these outposts turn toward their pueblo they see clouds of dust rising from it, hear loud rhythmic shouting, whoops and yells, beating of drums, and the shrill sounds of flutes. a haze seems to cover the tall and long terraced buildings quite distinct from the vertical columns of sand-whirls that drift over the plain of galisteo, in calm weather rising above the horizon like thin films of smoke. it is a great day at hishi. a dance is performed, songs are sung, and prayers and sacrifices are offered that shall be powerful with those above. the people make merry over the fruits of the soil that have now matured. they are grateful, and they wish to be precious to the higher powers in years to come. the great harvest dance is performed to-day. a long procession perambulates the long village. the koshare trot ahead. they are the same black and white goblins with whom we are already acquainted, but their bodies are decorated now with ripe fruit, with small squashes and ears of corn, all strung to cords of fibre or buckskin, and hung over their shoulders like wreaths. wild sunflowers adorn their heads. they are followed by the cuirana, whose bodies are daubed over with bluish clay. then the general public tramp along. the procession is divided into four sections, the faces of all being painted _ad libitum_. the first detachment is led by an old man whose snow-white hair supports a wreath of yellow blossoms. he is the so-called summer cacique. the winter cacique leads on the second group. behind each ear he wears a tall plume from the wings of the eagle, and around his neck are strung rows upon rows of sacred shell beads, turquoises, and gaudy pebbles. the third is preceded by the great shaman of the hunt. his dress is a tight-fitting suit of buckskin; long fringes depend from his sleeves, and the front and shoulders of his jacket are profusely embroidered with porcupine-quills. a small plumelet of eagle-down dances over his head. the last section is led by the highest shaman. his head is also decorated with yellow flowers, and a green and a yellow plume stand erect behind each ear. the war shaman is not to be seen; the spirits of strife have nothing to do with the feast of peace. the war captain and his assistants accompany the procession to keep order and clear the way. this long, long pageant winds on, meandering through the pueblo to the sound of drums, of flutes, and of monotonous chants; the white satyrs go ahead, then follow the blue ones, then come in single file the men, vigorously stamping, and behind each a woman, tripping lightly. every man is loaded with fruit of some kind, and carries corn and squashes also in each hand. every woman or girl bears on her head a basket of willows or yucca filled with corn-cakes, yucca preserve, and other delicacies, products of the vegetable kingdom. it is a procession of baskets filing through hishi, solemn and sober, and in the main extremely monotonous. at intervals the koshare break ranks to cut a few capers, but to-day the delight makers of the tehuas are remarkably decent, for they are those, par excellence, who say grace. since their labours have been rewarded, and the crops are now ripe, and the people have sufficient food, they are merry in the prospects of an easy winter, and there is no need of any artificial delight-making. the procession has passed through the entire village and returned to one of its main squares. the end of the pageant is still on the march when the koshare break ranks again and cluster in the centre of the square. from every side bystanders come up with fruits, scattering them over the ground where the delight makers are waiting; and when the soil is well covered with squash, corn, and other vegetables, the white satyrs begin to dance with the most serious faces, singing and lifting their hands to the skies. gradually the whole of the offering is crushed, and at last pounded into the earth by the feet of the dancing clowns. the earth has brought forth the necessaries of life to man; now man, in token of gratitude, returns a tribute to the earth. as soon as this part of the ceremony is over, there arises a great shout from all sides. ears of corn, gourds, cakes of corn meal, pieces of dried preserve, ripe fruits of the yucca, are thrown up into the air; the baskets are emptied, and bystanders run home to replenish them. whoever can catch anything proceeds to devour it at once. the whole tribe displays its gratitude by throwing heavenward the food which heaven has enabled it to raise. man intercepts and enjoys it after the will and the deed have satisfied the invisible powers on high. the usual mass of spectators are gathered on the roofs and along the walls of the houses. when the noisy distribution of offerings begins, many run to get their share. but it is not those who are most eager that are most considered; it seems that the bulk of the food thrown into the air is showering down upon a row of houses on whose terraces stands a group of men, women, and children who seem no part of the inhabitants of hishi, manifesting this not so much in dress as from their distant and timid deportment. all of them are very poorly clad, the children mostly naked; and yet here and there a girl among them wears a new hide, and some old woman a new white cotton wrap. their pieces of clothing appear like new mendings on old rags, or like a substantial shawl thrown over scanty vestments. the older members of this peculiar group look down upon the merry spectacle below with grave and melancholy eyes; the younger would fain be merry also, but sadness lurks in their smiles. the children alone yield fully to the excitement and happiness of the hour. as the gifts fall down from above the older ones do not attempt to seize them; the girls and younger women gather what they can and place them carefully in a heap. what the children do not succeed in devouring at once is taken away from them and placed with the rest. they are improving the opportunity to lay in stores, and the tanos lend them a willing hand. spectators below turn over to them what has fallen to their share, others place what they have secured with the little hoard the strangers are accumulating. for these people, so poorly clad and looking so needy, must be strangers in the village of hishi. strangers, yes; but strangers in need; and could there be any sacrifice, any offering, more agreeable to those on high than the feeding of people whom they allow to live by thrusting them on the charity of fellow-beings? these strangers are after all but children of the same spiritual parents from the upper world, and as such they are brothers, sisters, and relatives. that the strangers are village indians can easily be seen. it is proved by the cut of the hair, and by the rags which still protect their bodies from absolute nakedness. but the tongue they speak is different from that spoken by the people of hishi. to us, however, it is not new. we have heard that dialect before. it is the queres language, the language of the rito. the strangers are the lost ones whom hayoue and zashue have sought so anxiously and with so much suffering, and for the sake of whom they have exposed their lives a hundred times perhaps, in vain. zashue was right, the fugitives had turned south from the bocas; and had hayoue been less self-sufficient they would have found them ere now. still we miss among that little band of queres fugitives those with whom we have become more closely acquainted. [illustration: ruins of an ancient pueblo] in vain we look for say koitza, for mitsha, for okoya. can it be true, as hayoue surmised, that his bosom friend, zashue's eldest son, is dead? the throwing about of fruit has ceased; the dance is resumed, and new figures may appear. everybody hushes, and fastens his gaze on the performance. the dancers have formed a wide ring. men and women hold each other by the hands, and dance in a circle around the place which has been covered with objects of sacrifice. one after the other, the koshare, the cuirana, after them each one of the four sections, step within the circle, stamping down the fruits spread out there. two or three of the delight makers improve the occasion to cut some of their usual capers, and the spectators laugh to their heart's content. laughter is contagious, it captures even the melancholy group of queres; the old among them smile, the young chuckle, the children shout and yell from sheer delight. one boy in particular is very conspicuous from the intense interest he takes in everything the koshare are doing. he is about ten years of age. a dirty breech-clout constitutes his only vestment, but a necklace of multi-coloured pebbles adorns his neck; and as often as a koshare grimaces, or makes an extraordinary gesture, or displays his tongue to the public, this boy jumps up, screams and shouts, and screeches in delirious joy. his whole heart is with the koshare; he imitates their movements, improves on their gestures to such a degree that those around him smile, exchanging winks of approval as if saying, "he will be a good one." the head of a girl slowly rises through a hatchway; and as her face turns toward us, we recognize the soft, beaming eyes of mitsha koitza. the maiden looks thinner, her features sharper. she remains standing on the notched beam serving as a ladder, and calls out,-- "shyuote!" no reply is made to the call. the din and noise of the dance drown her voice, and all are so occupied by the sights that none pay any attention to her. the youngster who has been devoting all his time to the pranks of the delight makers jumps forward in his enthusiasm, and would have tumbled sheer over the low parapet encircling the roof had not one of the men standing near grasped his hair and pulled him back. it saved the boy's life, but the urchin is highly displeased at the informal manner in which he is restrained. he screams and struggles to free himself. again the voice of the maiden is heard; this time it is louder and the tone commanding. "shyuote!" "she is calling you, uak," the man says who has saved the brat. "i won't go," retorts our old friend shyuote, for he it is who attempts to play at koshare here. "shyuote, come to sanaya!" again calls the maiden. the mention of his mother creates a stir among the bystanders. they forget the dance and turn toward mitsha. shyuote still refuses to obey, but the others push him forcibly to the hatchway. several of the women approach mitsha, and one inquires of her in a subdued voice,-- "how goes it below?" the girl's eyes fill with tears. at last she whispers,-- "it goes--to shipapu." she turns around and disappears beneath, sobbing. shyuote is sent after her. the people stand and shake their heads. the news wanders from lip to lip, "she is dying." all the pleasure, every interest in the performance, has vanished. indifferent to the celebration, the queres hang their heads in sadness; yet no complaint is heard, not a tear glistens in those mournful eyes. she is only dying, not dead. but who is dying? the query cannot be answered up here. let us go down and follow mitsha. in the dingy room of an indian home, where light and air penetrate through a single diminutive air-hole, sit and crouch half a dozen people. they surround at some distance a human being whose head rests on a bundle of skins, the body on a buffalo-robe. the knees are drawn up, and cotton mantles cover the lower extremities. the chest, scantily covered with a ragged, dark-coloured wrap, heaves at long intervals; the extremities begin to stretch; the face is devoid of expression; the eyes are wide open, staring, glassy; the lips parted; and on each side of the mouth-corners ominous wrinkles begin to form. the sufferer is a woman, and as we look closer we recognize her as say koitza, the wife of zashue. he must hasten his steps if he wishes to find her upon earth, for she is dying! it is very still in the room. the prayers which the medicine-man of the tanos has been reciting are hushed, the little idols of lava with red-painted faces and eyes made of turquoises by means of which he hoped to conjure the sickness, lean against the wall useless. those whose duty it is cower about the dying woman, and look on speechless. how faint the breathings grow, how the chest rises and falls at longer intervals, weaker every time! they listen as the rattling in her throat becomes harder and slower. they dare not weep, for all is not over. say koitza is dying! not the sudden death she once prayed for when topanashka her father went over to shipapu; but still she dies a painless death,--she dies from exhaustion. what is going on in her mind while the fetters which tied her soul to the body are being dissolved? that body is henceforth powerless; it has no wants, no cravings. the soul becomes free. can it already glance beyond? not yet, for as long as earthly matter clings to him man cannot perceive the other world. flashes of light gleam through the mist in which he is plunged, through both physical weakness and the efforts of the soul to become free. the body struggles for preservation, the spirit for freedom from its henceforth useless shell. are mind and body merely one? does not death put an end to everything that we ever were and can be? does there remain after death anything beyond the memory of our former existence, preserved in the hearts of our fellow-beings? nobody has ever returned from beyond the grave to tell us how he felt, what he thought, while dying. but a dying person always casts rays of light over his surroundings, and the surroundings of dying say koitza are not without their lesson for us. what do we see? a man sits near the dying woman. he lifts up his hands and stares; it is the medicine-man, and he has done his utmost; he is powerless, his art useless. what he did was done in the conviction that spiritual influences, however grossly conceived and coarsely applied, could compel the soul to master the body's ailment, could prop up the sinking machinery and strengthen the motive power without regard to its decaying tools. to-day, provided the body is helped along with physical means, the soul would remain against its will, or against the will of what stands in closer relation to it originally than the form which it has animated here beneath. if mind and body were one, either method could be successful. neither is, when death steps in to proclaim their separation. by the side of the shaman a young man leans against the wall. he is well-built and lithe. his head is bent so low in grief that the dark hair streams over his face, concealing his features. the youth is mourning, mourning deeply. over what? over the body or its sufferings? no, he mourns because of an impending separation. from what? from the form of her whom he will miss? no, for that form will not leave this earth in substance. he mourns for something that goes beyond his grasp, and remains beyond it so long as he himself moves upon this earth. mitsha also is here. she has properly no right to be for she does not belong to the same clan as say; but she has remained, and nobody has objected to her presence. she has not craved permission, it has come by tacit consent. mitsha has felt that say was approaching the point when the soul breaks loose and flits to another realm, and she wishes to remain with her to the last. if that soul should drop like a shrivelled fruit, to decay and perish forever, nobody would bend to gaze fondly at it. but if it flutter upward, we follow it with our eyes as long as we can, unconsciously thinking, "how happy you are, free now; and how much i wish to be with you." the very grief caused by the separation, the longing, the clinging to him or to her whom we know to be leaving us, are signs that there is something beyond, something which we are loath to lose but sure to find again elsewhere, mitsha has known okoya's mother but little, but the fearful distress of the past two months has brought them together at last. now the girl weeps, but not loudly, at the thought of separation. if death be annihilation, tears are of no avail. but if death be a promise of life in another condition, then, child, well may you shed tears, for your grief is a token of hope. shyuote stands at the foot of the beam, gaping. his mother lies so still, she breathes so loudly. how well she must be sleeping! why did they call him down at all? it would have been much nicer upstairs where there are koshare to be seen. he knows well enough that sanaya is sick, but as long as she has such good rest she ought to feel well. a child is not afraid of a dying mother, and when she has breathed her last is convinced that she must be happy. to be well is compatible in the minds of children only with life. death therefore appears to them as a step into a better and more beautiful existence. children and fools tell the truth. the gleam of light which from dying say is cast on her unruly son is but the rosy hue of a hopeful twilight. the remaining occupants of the room stand with sad looks; they are all women but one, a middle-aged man. they do not feel the occasion except so far as there is a certain solemnity connected with it. silent and grave, they watch a process going on whose real nature they cannot understand except as a momentous and appalling change. change is only transformation, not annihilation. say koitza has been lying thus for several days. the end is near at hand, and yet hours may elapse ere she dies. so still it is in the apartment that nobody dares even move. rising and falling come the song and the noise of the dance from the outside, but they seem to halt at the little opening, as if an invisible medium would interpose itself, saying, "stay out, for within there ripens a fruit for another and a better world." mitsha glides over to the young man with the dark, streaming hair and touches his arm lightly. he looks up and at her. it is okoya,--okoya, whom we believed to be dead, but who stands here by the side of his dying mother. he also looks emaciated and wan. after all the dangers and misery of a protracted flight this hour has come upon him. the eyes of the two meet; their looks express neither tenderness nor passion, but a perfect understanding that betokens a union which even death cannot destroy. it is that simple, natural attachment which forms the basis of indian wedlock when the parties are congenial to each other. that the two are one can be plainly seen. as yet no outward sanction has been given to their union; but they are tacitly regarded as belonging to each other, and no opposition is offered to an intimacy which lacks but the bond of marriage. passion has little to do with that intimacy; the severe trials of the past have riveted them together on a higher plane. mitsha has made a sign to the young man. both steal from the chamber noiselessly and climb to the roof. he goes first and she follows, as is customary among indians. once up there the dance attracts okoya's attention for a moment. he has not seen anything of it as yet, for all day he has remained by his mother's side. shyuote improves the opportunity to slip out also. as he sees his brother and future sister-in-law go out, he follows. why should he stay down any longer? his mother is well. she sleeps soundly and breathes so loud! she certainly is improving, and up there he can see koshare. but he is careful not to let mitsha see him; her positive ways are distasteful, so he creeps in among the spectators where her eyes cannot follow and soon has lost sight of everything in contemplation of the koshare. the appearance of okoya and mitsha on the roof attracts no attention. as long as the death-wail is not sounded, none but those of her clan have a right to be with the dying. still one or other of the women casts an inquisitive glance at mitsha; a slight shake of her head is sufficient answer to them. the young pair go to one side; he sits down on the parapet of the roof and she beside him. their eyes follow the dance, but their thoughts are elsewhere. okoya whispers at last, "sanaya is dying." mitsha nods, and tears come to her eyes. here she is not afraid to weep. okoya continues,-- "i knew it would happen. yonder"--he points at the mountains--"i heard the owl, and i knew it meant what is now coming upon us." the girl shudders. she weeps no longer; dread scenes of the past are looming up before her mind. "in the kote," says she, "it was very bad. do you remember over on the other side of the great river on the mesa, from which one can see so very far, almost over where we are now?" "not as far as that," replied okoya, in a quiet tone, "but far enough. you are right, makatza; on the mesa we suffered much; there the moshome did us a great deal of harm. if it had not been for you we should not be here." "for me?" mitsha asked in surprise. "yes, you. you saved me, saved the yaya, saved shyuote from the fierce shuatyam! yes, surely," he continued as the girl shook her head incredulously. "do you remember, sa uishe, when one moshome was holding my hands while another struck at me with his club? you took a big stone and hit him so that he fell and i could kill the other. afterward you took the bow away from the dead moshome, and you did as much with it as i did with mine. yes, indeed, you are strong, but you are wise too, and good." he fastened his eyes on her with a deep, earnest look, and the girl turned away her face. she felt embarrassed. "we shall be happy when you have built your house and you dwell in it as my koitza," okoya whispered. mitsha cast her eyes to the ground, and a faint glow appeared on her bronzed cheeks. the young man was not misled by her manner, he knew well enough that she liked him to speak in this way. "sanaya goes to shipapu," said he, moving closer to her, "and i must have a koitza. you said you would be mine and i should be your husband. it was the night of the council on the tyuonyi. do you remember?" "i do, and so it will be," she said, raising her head. her large eyes beamed upon him with an expression of softness and deep joy. "but whither shall we go? here we are strangers; and the puyatye, although they are very good to us, speak a tongue we do not understand. shall we return to the tyuonyi and live with my mother and the hanutsh?" "are you sure that your mother is still alive? are you sure that there is a single one of our people alive?" okoya objected. again the eyes of mitsha grew moist; she turned her head away and okoya heard her sobs. well did he understand her grief; it was stirred for the fate of her parents. had he, had she, known all that had happened on the rito! a tremendous shout arose from the dancing crowd below. the distribution of gifts was beginning anew. again the majority of the missiles were directed toward the queres; a perfect shower of provisions, cooked and raw, pattered down upon the strangers. a large ear of corn tumbled into mitsha's lap, and she handed it to okoya, whispering,-- "the shiuana are good." "they are. they are good also to the yaya, for they take her away to shipapu, where there is no hunger as on the shore of the great stream." he sighed, and gazed to the west, where the san francisco mountains stood. beyond them, along the northern base of the sierra de sandia, in the sandy bottom of the rio grande, uninhabited at this time, they had suffered from hunger and heat. there misery had reached its climax. it is terrible even in our days to be compelled to flee from house and home in time of war into the cold, strange world. and yet nowadays one can flee to one's kind; and where there are human beings there are hearts. but in the days of old, and for indians, it was not only distressing, it was ghastly to be obliged to fly. nature alone stared them in the face, and nature has no heart, although it is said that we are one with her. the navajos had driven away the fugitives, had tracked and tormented them fearfully, and yet once relieved from the enemy's clutches and thrust upon nature alone, the wretched band regretted the days when the ruthless enemy swarmed about them. the moshome at least fed those whom they captured, and those whom they killed were happy forever. nature knows but law and force, and whoever depends upon her at a time when her laws will not tolerate the existence of man, falls a victim to the power of her forces. now all this was past. it rained gifts about them, and with a sad smile mitsha gathered them into a little pile. okoya looked on; he thought the girl was making provision for their future household. the distribution stopped, for the dancers were resting. they began to sit down along the walls of the houses to rest and to enjoy the needed recess, mitsha took some of the fruit on her arm, and said to okoya,-- "come, let us go down again." "what do you want to do with that?" asked he, designating her little burden. "i give it to the chayan for what the shiuana are doing for our mother." even in the state of most abject poverty, the indian shows gratitude to those above. the head of a man rises above the hatchway and signals the two young people gravely, sadly. they descend hastily; okoya remains standing in the middle of the room, and mitsha goes over to him as soon as she has deposited her burden. as nobody notices her she grasps his hand, and he presses it softly with his own. say koitza remains in the same position as before, but she lies more extended, and her chest heaves no longer. the bystanders are motionless like statues, expectant. a last rattle sounds from the throat of the woman; a deep heavy effort, and all is over. light froth issues from her lips. say koitza has breathed her last. it has become very quiet outside, as if men there had guessed at what was going on within. in the little apartment it is as still as the grave,--a stillness which speaks louder to the heart than the mightiest sound, and which is appropriately designated by the popular saying, "there is an angel flitting through the room." this stillness might have lasted long; but now the noise and uproar arise again outside, and with full power the sounds of delight and mirth break into the dingy cell like mighty waves. with the departure of life from the body, it is as if a barrier that forbade entrance to noise from the outer world had been drawn away, permitting the sounds of joy to come in triumphantly, now that the soul is free. they find an echo inside, a dismal echo of lamentations and tears. mitsha cannot weep boisterously like the rest, neither can okoya. the two lean toward each other sobbing; the girl has grasped his arm with both hands, her head rests on his shoulder, and she weeps. the lament below has been heard on the roof; it is a signal to rush down and join in it. soon the room is crowded with people; the women grasp their hair and pull it over their faces. dismal wailing fills the cell. among the others stands shyuote, who has been told that his mother is dead. he plants himself squarely with the rest, and howls at the top of his voice. in front of the house the dance continues, and the monotonous chant and the dull drumming ascend to the sky; alongside of it the death-wail. tanos also crowd into the room; the throng is so great that the last comers must stand on the beam. suddenly they are pushed aside; a tall young man rushes down and makes room, regardless of the weeping and howling crowd. up to okoya he forces his way; throws his left arm around him and mitsha; his right hand seizes the hand of the youth and presses it against his breast. it is hayoue, who has come from the north at last,--his heart guiding him to that friend whom he has so bravely, so unwearyingly sought. another indian rushes down after hayoue, his motions not less anxious, not less rapid and determined. he makes his way to the body and falls down upon his knees, staring with heaving chest but tearless eyes into the placid, emaciated face. it is zashue tihua. with a tension akin to despair he searches for lingering life in the features of that wife whom he formerly neglected and afterward suspected, whom he at last anxiously sought, and now finds asleep in death. conclusion. after twenty-one long and it may be tedious chapters, no apology is required for a short one in conclusion. i cannot take leave of the reader, however, without having made in his company a brief excursion through a portion of new mexico in the direction of the rito de los frijoles, though not quite so far. we start from santa fé, that "corner in the east" above which the tano village stood many centuries ago. we proceed to the rio grande valley, to the little settlement called peña blanca, and to the queres village, or pueblo of cochiti. there you will hear the language that was once spoken on the rito; you will see the indians with characteristic sidelocks, with collars of turquoises and shell beads, but in modern coats and trousers, in moccasins and in new england boots and shoes. still they are at heart nearly the same indians we found them in this story. i could introduce you to hayoue, to zashue, to okoya, and the rest. if we strike the time well, you may witness the koshare at their pranks, and in their full, very unprepossessing ceremonial toggery. at cochiti we take a guide, possibly hayoue, and proceed northward in the direction of the rito. for a number of hours we have to follow the base of the huge potreros, crossing narrow ravines, ascending steep but not long slopes, until at about noon we stand on the brink of a gorge so deep that it may be termed a chasm. we look down to a narrow bottom and groves of cottonwood trees. to the north, the chasm is walled in by towering rocks; the rio grande flows through one corner; and on its opposite bank arise cliffs of trap lava and basalt, black and threatening, while the rocks on the west side are bright red, yellow, and white. the trail to the rito goes down into this abyss and climbs up on the other side through clefts and along steep slopes. but we are not going to follow this trail. we turn to the left, and with the dizzy chasm of cañon del alamo to our right, proceed westward on one of the narrow tongues which, as the reader may remember, descend toward the rio grande from the high western mountains, and which are called in new mexico potreros. the one on which we are travelling, or rather the plateau, or mesa, that constitutes its surface, is called potrero de las vacas. for about two hours we wander through a thin forest, from time to time the trail approaches the brink of the rocky chasm of the cañon del alamo, near enough to have its echo return to us every word we may shout down into its depths. suddenly the timber grows sparse and we behold an open space on a gentle rise before us. it is a bare, bleak spot, perhaps a quarter of a mile long, and occupying the entire width of the mesa, which here is not much broader. beyond, the timber begins again, and in the centre of the opening we see the fairly preserved ruins of an abandoned indian pueblo. [illustration: a modern pueblo] there are still in places three stories visible. the walls are of evenly broken parallelopipeds of very friable pumice-stone, and the village forms the usual quadrangles. in the centre is a large square; and no fewer than six depressions indicate that the pueblos had at one time as many as six circular subterranean estufas. in the ruins of the dwellings over four hundred cells are still well defined, so that the population of this communal village must formerly have reached as high as one thousand souls. over and through the ruins are scattered the usual vestiges of primitive arts and industry,--pottery fragments and arrow-heads. seldom do we meet with a stone hammer, whereas grinding-slabs and grinders are frequent, though for the most part scattered and broken. the spot is well selected for an abode of sedentary indians. an extensive view opens toward the east, north, and south. we see in the east the mountains above santa fé, in the south the ranges at whose foot lie the ruins of hishi. in the north the high plateaus above the rito shut out a glimpse of the puye, but a whitish streak in that direction indicates the top line of the northern cliffs that overhang the rito de los frijoles. right and left of the village, not more than a hundred yards from each side, begin the rugged declivities of the sides of the potrero. if we want to go farther we can proceed to the west only, and there we soon get into timber again. a few steps within that timber, and we have before us a strange sight. a wall of rudely piled stone slabs planted upright, flags laid upon them crosswise, and smaller fragments piled against and between them, form a pentagonal enclosure which at first sight reminds us of a diminutive stonehenge. there is an entrance to it from the southeast,--an open corridor flanked by similar parapets. the enclosing wall is not more than three feet high, and we easily peep into the interior. inside there are two statues carved out of the living rock. although much disfigured to-day they still show a plain resemblance to the figures of two crouching panthers or pumas. they are life size; and the animals seem to lie there with their heads to the east, their tails extended along the ground. as we stand and gaze, our indian goes up to the statues and furtively anoints their heads with red ochre, muttering a prayer between his teeth. what may be the signification of this statuary? do you remember the great dance at the rito, and the painting on the wall of the estufa where the koshare naua sat and held communication with those above? do you recollect that among these paintings there was one of a panther and another of a bear? the relation of the bear and panther of the estufa to the picture of the sun-father is here that of the two stone panthers to the sun himself. their faces are turned to the east, whence rises the sun, in which dwells the father of all mankind, and the moon, which their mother inhabits. as in the estufa on the rito, so in the outside world, the pictures of stone express a prayer to the higher powers, and here daily the people of the village were wont to make offerings and say their prayers. we are therefore on sacred ground in this crumbling enclosure. but who knows that we are not on magic ground also? we might make an experiment; and though our indian guide is not one of the great shamans, he might help us in an attempt at innocent jugglery. let us suffer ourselves to be blindfolded, and then turn around three times from left to right while our friend recites some cabalistic formula, incomprehensible of course to us. one, two, three! the bandage is removed. what can we see? nothing strange at first. surrounding nature is the same as before. the same extensive view, the same snow-clad ranges in the far east, the same silent, frowning rocks, the same dark pines around us. but in the north, over the yellowish band that denotes the cliffs of the rito, we notice a slight bluish haze. a change has taken place in our immediate vicinity. the stone panthers and the stone enclosure have vanished, and the ground is bare, like all the ground in the neighbourhood. looking beyond we see that a transformation has also taken place on the spot where stood the ruin. the crumbling walls and heaps of rubbish are gone, and in their place newly built foundations are emerging from the ground; heaps of stone, partly broken, are scattered about; and where a moment ago we were the only living souls, now indians--village indians like our guide, only somewhat more primitive--move to and fro, busily engaged. some of them are breaking the stones into convenient sizes, for the friable pumice breaks in parallelopipeds without effort. the women are laying these in mortar made of the soil from the mesa, common adobe. we are witnessing the beginning of the construction of a small village. farther down, on the edge of the timber, smoke arises; there the builders of this new pueblo dwell in huts while their house of stone is growing to completion. it is the month of may, and only the nights are cool. these builders we easily recognize. they are the fugitives from the rito, the little band whom the tanos of hishi have kindly received and charitably supported until a few months since, when they allowed them to go and build a new home. they came hither led on by hayoue, who is now their maseua; for each tribe, however small, must have one. okoya is with him, and mitsha, now okoya's wife, comes up from the bottom with the water-urn on her head, as on the day when we first saw her on the rito de los frijoles. and now we have, though in a trance, seen the further fate of those whose sad career has filled the pages of this story. we may be blindfolded again, turned about right to left; and when the bandage is taken from our eyes the landscape is as before, silent and grand. the ruins are in position again; the panthers of stone with their mutilated heads lie within the enclosure; an eagle soars on high; and our indian points to it, smiles, and whispers,-- "look! see! the shiuana are good!" archeological expedition to arizona in by jesse walter fewkes contents page introductory note plan of the expedition ruins in verde valley classification of the ruins cavate dwellings montezuma well cliff houses of the red-rocks ruins near schürmann's ranch palatki honanki objects found at palatki and honanki conclusions regarding the verde valley ruins ruins in tusayan general features the middle mesa ruins shuñopovi mishoñinovi chukubi payüpki the east mesa ruins küchaptüvela and kisakobi küküchomo kachinba tukinobi jeditoh valley ruins awatobi characteristics of the ruin nomenclature of awatobi historical knowledge of awatobi legend of the destruction of awatobi evidences of fire in the destruction the ruins of the mission the kivas of awatobi old awatobi rooms of the western mound smaller awatobi mortuary remains shrines pottery stone implements bone objects miscellaneous objects ornaments in the form of birds and shells clay bell textile fabrics prayer-sticks--pigments objects showing spanish influence the ruins of sikyatki traditional knowledge of the pueblo nomenclature former inhabitants of sikyatki general features the acropolis modern gardens the cemeteries pottery characteristics--mortuary pottery coiled and indented ware smooth undecorated ware polished decorated ware paleography of the pottery general features human figures the human hand quadrupeds reptiles tadpoles butterflies or moths dragon-flies birds vegetal designs the sun geometric figures interpretation of the figures crosses terraced figures the crook the germinative symbol broken lines decorations on the exterior of food bowls pigments stone objects obsidian necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments tobacco pipes prayer-sticks marine shells and other objects perishable contents of mortuary food bowls footnotes appendix index illustrations plate page xci_a_. cavate dwellings--rio verde xci_b_. cavate dwellings--oak creek xcii. entrances to cavate ruins xciii. bowlder with pictographs near wood's ranch xciv. montezuma well xcv. cliff house, montezuma well xcvi. ruin on the brink of montezuma well xcvii. pictographs near cliff ranch, verde valley xcviii. the red-rocks; temple canyon xcix. palatki (ruin i) c. palatki (ruin i) ci. front wall of palatki (ruin ii) cii honanki (ruin ii) ciii. walls of honanki civ. approach to main part of honanki cv. map of the ruins of tusayan cvi. the ruins of küküchomo cvii. ground plan of awatobi cviii. ruins of san bernardino de awatobi cix. excavations in the western mound of awatobi cx. excavated room in the western mound of awatobi cxi. vase and mugs from the western mounds of awatobi cxii. paint pots, vase, and dipper from awatobi cxiii. pottery from intramural burial at awatobi cxiv. bone implements from awatobi and sikyatki cxv. sikyatki mounds from the kanelba trail cxvi. ground plan of sikyatki cxvii. excavated rooms on the acropolis of sikyatki cxviii. plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of sikyatki cxix. coiled and indented pottery from sikyatki cxx. saucers and slipper bowls from sikyatki cxxi. decorated pottery from sikyatki cxxii. decorated pottery from sikyatki cxxiii. decorated pottery from sikyatki cxxiv. decorated pottery from sikyatki cxxv. flat dippers and medicine box from sikyatki cxxvi. double-lobe vases from sikyatki cxxvii. unusual forms of vases from sikyatki cxxviii. medicine box and pigment pots from sikyatki cxxix. designs on food bowls from sikyatki cxxx. food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from sikyatki cxxxi. ornamented ladles from sikyatki cxxxii. food bowls with figures of reptiles from sikyatki cxxxiii. bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, etc., from sikyatki cxxxiv. food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, from sikyatki cxxxv. vases with figures of butterflies from sikyatki cxxxvi. vases with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki cxxxvii. vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, etc., from sikyatki cxxxviii. food bowls with figures of birds from sikyatki cxxxix. food bowls with figures of birds from sikyatki cxl. figures of birds from sikyatki cxli. food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki cxlii. vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from sikyatki cxliii. vase with figures of birds from sikyatki cxliv. vase with figures of birds from sikyatki cxlv. vases with figures of birds from sikyatki cxlvi. bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from sikyatki cxlvii. food bowls with figures of birds from sikyatki cxlviii. food bowls with symbols of feathers from sikyatki cxlix. food bowls with symbols of feathers from sikyatki cl. figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki cli. figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki clii. food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from sikyatki cliii. food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki cliv. food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki clv. food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki clvi. food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki clvii. figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki clviii. food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols from sikyatki clix. cross and related designs from sikyatki clx. cross and other symbols from sikyatki clxi. star, sun, and related symbols from sikyatki clxii. geometric ornamentation from sikyatki clxiii. food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki clxiv. food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki clxv. food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki clxvi. linear figures on food bowls from sikyatki clxvii. geometric ornamentation from awatobi clxviii. geometric ornamentation from awatobi clxix. arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from sikyatki clxx. corn grinder from sikyatki clxxi. stone implements from palatki, awatobi, and sikyatki clxxii. paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from sikyatki clxxiii. pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from awatobi and sikyatki clxxiv. pahos or prayer-sticks from sikyatki clxxv. pahos or prayer-sticks from sikyatki figure . plan of cavate dwelling on rio verde . casa montezuma on beaver creek . ground plan of palatki (ruins i and ii) . ground plan of honanki . the main ruin of honanki . structure of wall of honanki . stone implement from honanki . tinder tube from honanki . küküchomo . defensive wall on the east mesa . ground plan of san bernardino de awatobi . structure of house wall of awatobi . alosaka shrine at awatobi . shrine at awatobi . shrine at awatobi . shrine at awatobi . clay bell from awatobi . the acropolis of sikyatki . war god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl) . mountain sheep . mountain lion . plumed serpent . unknown reptile . unknown reptile . unknown reptile . outline of plate cxxxv, _b_ . butterfly design on upper surface of plate cxxxv, _b_ . man-eagle . pendent feather ornaments on a vase . upper surface of vase with bird decoration . kwataka eating an animal . decoration on the bottom of plate cxlvi, _f_ . oblique parallel line decoration . parallel lines fused at one point . parallel lines with zigzag arrangement . parallel lines connected by middle bar . parallel lines of different width; serrate margin . parallel lines of different width; median serrate . parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate . parallel lines and triangles . line with alternate triangles . single line with alternate spurs . single line with hourglass figures . single line with triangles . single line with alternate triangles and ovals . triangles and quadrilaterals . triangle with spurs . rectangle with single line . double triangle; multiple lines . double triangle; terraced edges . single line; closed fret . single line; open fret . single line; broken fret . single line; parts displaced . open fret; attachment displaced . simple rectangular design . rectangular s-form . rectangular s-form with crooks . rectangular s-form with triangles . rectangular s-form with terraced triangles . s-form with interdigitating spurs . square with rectangles and parallel lines . rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers . crook, feathers, and parallel lines . crooks and feathers . rectangle, triangles, and feathers . terraced crook, triangle, and feathers . double key . triangular terrace . crook, serrate end . key pattern; rectangle and triangles . rectangle and crook . crook and tail-feathers . rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs . w-pattern; terminal crooks . w-pattern; terminal rectangles . w-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks . w-pattern; terminal spurs . w-pattern; bird form . w-pattern; median triangle . double triangle; two breath feathers . double triangle; median trapezoid . double triangle; median rectangle . double compound triangle; median rectangle . double triangle; median triangle . double compound triangle . double rectangle; median rectangle . double rectangle; median triangle . double triangle with crooks . w-shape figure; single line with feathers . compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers . double triangle . double triangle and feathers . twin triangles . triangle with terraced appendages . mosaic pattern . rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines . continuous crooks . rectangular terrace pattern . terrace pattern with parallel lines . terrace pattern . triangular pattern with feathers . s-pattern . triangular and terrace figures . crook, terrace, and parallel lines . triangles, squares, and terraces . bifurcated rectangular design . lines of life and triangles . infolded triangles . human hand . animal paw, limb, and triangle . kaolin disk . mortuary prayer-stick archeological expedition to arizona in by jesse walter fewkes introductory note about the close of may, , i was invited to make a collection of objects for the national museum, illustrating the archeology of the southwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to the so-called cliff houses. i was specially urged to make as large a collection as possible, and the choice of locality was generously left to my discretion. leaving washington on the th of may, i obtained a collection and returned with it to that city on the th of september, having spent three months in the field. the material brought back by the expedition was catalogued under entries, numbering somewhat over a thousand specimens. the majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuary pottery of excellent character, fully of which are decorated. i was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. mr f. w. hodge, of the bureau of american ethnology, joined me at sikyatki, and remained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close of august. much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to his advice and aid. he was constantly at the excavations, and the majority of the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. it is with the greatest pleasure that i am permitted to express my appreciation of his assistance in my archeological investigations at sikyatki. mr g. p. winship, now librarian of the john carter brown library at providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, and remained with us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding an enthusiastic student to our number. mr james s. judd was a volunteer assistant while we were at sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, especially in the management of our camp. i need only to refer to the beautiful drawings which accompany this memoir to show how much i am indebted to mrs hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkable pottery uncovered from the tusayan sands. my party included mr s. goddard, of prescott, arizona, who served as cook and driver, and mr erwin baer, of the same city, as photographer. the manual work at the ruins was done by a number of young indians from the east mesa, who very properly were employed on the moki reservation. an all too prevalent and often unjust criticism that indians will not work if paid for their labor, was not voiced by any of our party. they gave many a weary hour's labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to make the collection as large as possible. on my return to washington i was invited to prepare a preliminary account of my work in the field, which the secretary of the smithsonian institution did me the honor to publish in his report for . this report was of a very general character, and from necessity limited in pages; consequently it presented only the more salient features of my explorations. the following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion of the results of my summer's work. the memoir is much more extended than i had expected to make it when i accepted the invitation to collect archeological objects for the museum, and betrays, i fear, imperfections due to the limited time spent in the field. the main object of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majority of which, now on exhibition in the national museum, tell their own story regarding its success. i am under deep obligations to the officers of the smithsonian institution, the national museum, and the bureau of american ethnology for many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to mr s. p. langley, secretary of the smithsonian institution, for the opportunity to study the ancient ruins of tusayan. nothing had a greater influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial work and undertake this, than my profound respect for the late dr g. brown goode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan and undertake it. jesse walter fewkes. _washington, may, ._ plan of the expedition it seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in , that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblos of arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and past experience induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northern and northeastern parts of the territory.[ ] the ruins of ancient habitations in these regions had been partially, and, i believe, unsatisfactorily explored, especially those in a limited area called tusayan, now inhabited by the moki or hopi indians. these agricultural people claim to be descendants of those who once lived in the now deserted villages of that province. i had some knowledge of the ethnology of the hopi, derived from several summers' field work among them, and i believed this information could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solve certain archeological questions which presented themselves.[ ] i desired, among other things, to obtain new information on the former extension, in one direction, of the ancestral abodes of certain clans of the sedentary people of tusayan which are now limited to six pueblos in the northeastern part of the territory. in carrying out this general plan i made an examination of cliff dwellings and other ruins in verde valley, and undertook an exploration of two old pueblos near the hopi villages. the reason which determined my choice of the former as a field for investigation was a wish to obtain archeological data bearing on certain tusayan traditions. it is claimed by the traditionists of walpi, especially those of the patki[ ] or water-house phratry, that their ancestors came from a land far to the south of tusayan, to which they give the name palatkwabi. the situation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable conjecture, but it was thought that an archeological examination of the country at or near the headwaters of the rio verde and its tributaries might shed light on this tradition. it is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the tusayan people migrated from the south, nor do i believe that those who came from that direction necessarily passed through verde valley. some, no doubt, came from tonto basin, but i believe it can be shown that a continuous line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extend along this river from its junction with salt river to well-established prehistoric dwelling places of the hopi people. similar lines may likewise be traced along other northern tributaries of the salt or the gila, which may be found to indicate early migration stages. the ruins of verde valley were discovered in by antoine leroux, a celebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described by whipple, ewbank, and turner in the following year: the river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and regular fortifications; which, he [leroux] says, appeared to have been the work of civilized men, but had not been occupied for centuries. they were built upon the most fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias and of cultivation. the walls were of solid masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and yet remaining ten or fifteen feet in height. the buildings were of two stories, with small apertures or loopholes for defence when besieged.... in other respects, however, leroux says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the moquinos.[ ] a fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both the aboriginal peoples of gila valley and the modern tusayan indians, recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with the people of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect the sedentary people of tusayan with those who formerly inhabited the great pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta between gila and salt rivers. that archeology might give valuable information on this question had long been my conviction, and was the main influence which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages. an examination of a map of arizona will show that one of the pathways or feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in any connection between the pueblos of the gila and those of northern arizona would naturally be along rio verde valley. its tributaries rise at the foot of san francisco mountains, and the main river empties into the salt, traversing from north to south a comparatively fertile valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence of semisedentary bands in their migrations. here was a natural highway leading from the gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages in the north. the study of the archeology of verde valley had gone far enough to show that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many and populous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to another are riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. northward from that famous crater-like depression in the verde region, the so-called montezuma well on beaver creek, one of the affluents of the rio verde, little archeological exploration had been attempted. there was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous series of ruins from tusayan as far south as the gila. ruined towns had been reported as existing not far southward from san francisco mountains,[ ] and from there by easy stages the abodes of a former race had been detected at intervals all the way to the tusayan pueblos. at either end the chain of ruins between the tusayan towns and the gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. all conditions imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, the region between the verde and the tusayan series, ending near the present town of flagstaff, arizona; but southward from that town the country was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of the archeologist had not trodden. remains of human habitations had, however, been reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague and unsatisfactory. so far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, and there were other significant facts looking the same way. the color of the red cliffs fulfilled the tusayan tradition of palatkwabi, or their former home in the far south. led by all these considerations, before i took to the field i had long been convinced that this must have been one of the homes of certain hopi clans, and when the occasion presented itself i determined to follow the northward extension of the ancient people of the verde into these rugged rocks. by my discoveries in this region of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size in ancient times i have supplied the missing links in the chain of ancient dwellings extending from the great towns of the gila to the ruins west of the modern tusayan towns. if this line of ruins, continuous from gila valley to tusayan and beyond, be taken in connection with legends ascribing casa grande to the hopi and those of certain tusayan clans which tell of the homes of their ancestors in the south, a plausible explanation is offered for the many similarities between two apparently widely different peoples, and the theory of a kinship between southern and northern sedentary tribes of arizona does not seem as unlikely as it might otherwise appear. the reader will notice that i accept without question the belief that the so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but a specially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of habitation was determined by its environment. we are considering a people who sometimes built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the plains, but often in both places at the same epoch. moreover, as long ago pointed out by other students, the existing pueblo indians are descendants of a people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of the tusayan clans have inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. by intermarriage with nomadic races and from other causes the character of pueblo consanguinity is no doubt somewhat different from that of their ancient kin, but the character of the culture, as shown by a comparison of cliff-house and modern objects, has not greatly changed. while recognizing the kinship of the pueblos and the cliff villagers, this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group of modern pueblos to the exclusion of others. of all modern differentiations of this ancient substratum of culture of which cliff villages are one adaptive expression, the tusayan indians are the nearest of all existing people of the southwest[ ] to the ancient people of arizona. the more southerly ruins of tusayan, which i have been able satisfactorily to identify and to designate by a hopi name, are those called homolobi, situated not far from winslow, arizona, near where the railroad crosses the little colorado. these ruins are claimed by the hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were halting places in the migration of certain clans from the south. they were examined by mr cosmos mindeleff, of the bureau of american ethnology, in ,[ ] but no report on them has yet been published. while, however, the homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly to which i have been able to affix a hopi name, others still more to the southward are claimed by certain of their traditions.[ ] the hopi likewise regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, now in ruins, near san francisco mountains. in a report on his exploration of zuñi and little colorado rivers in , captain l. sitgreaves called attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was not far from the "cascades" of the latter river. after ascending the plateau, which he found covered with volcanic detritus, he discovered that "all the prominent points" were "occupied by the ruins of stone houses, which were in some instances three stories in height. they are evidently," he says, "the remains of a large town, as they occurred at intervals for an extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground was thickly strewn with fragments of pottery in all directions." in a portion of colonel james stevenson's expedition, under f. d. bickford, examined the cliff houses in walnut canyon, and in major j. w. powell and colonel stevenson found scattered ruins north of san francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, each "built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava." these explorers likewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same region made of sandstone and limestone. at about miles north of the mountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cinders and basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo built around a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained or rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface.[ ] twelve miles eastward from san francisco mountains they found another cinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in a coherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred and fifty are said to have been excavated. they mention the existence on the summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcanic cinders, with a carefully leveled floor. the former inhabitants of these rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from the volcanic formation. eighteen miles farther eastward was another ruined village built about the crater of a volcanic cone. several villages were discovered in this locality and many natural caves which had been utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls of volcanic rocks and cinders. these cavate rooms were arranged tier above tier in a very irregular way. at this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found--cliff villages, cave dwellings, and pueblos. eight miles southeastward from flagstaff, in oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred rooms was discovered. it was concluded that all these ruins were abandoned at a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or four centuries ago, and the havasupai indians of cataract canyon were regarded as descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. the situation of some of these ruins and the published descriptions would indicate that some of them were similar to those described and figured by sitgreaves,[ ] to which reference has already been made. in two amateur explorers, george campbell and everett howell, of flagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles from that place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnel excavation. the whole region in the immediate neighborhood of san francisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated in ancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some of these ruins to ancestors of the hopi indians. there are several ruins due south of tusayan which have not been investigated, but which would furnish important contributions to a study of hopi migrations. near saint johns, arizona, likewise, there are ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the cibolan series; and south of holbrook, which lies about due south of walpi, there are ruins, the pottery from which i have examined and found to be of the black-and-white ware typical of the cliff people. perhaps, however, no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than the magnificent pueblo grande or kintiel, about miles north of navaho springs. this large ruin, lying between the cibolan and tusayan groups, has been referred to both of these provinces, and would, if properly excavated, shed much light on the archeology of the two provinces.[ ] kinnazinde lies not far from kintiel. the ruins reported from tonto basin, of which little is known, may later be found to be connected with early migrations of those hopi clans which claim southern origin. from what i can judge by the present appearance of ruins just north of the mogollon mountains, in a direct line between tonto basin and the present tusayan towns, there is nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quite likely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of the sixteenth century. while it is commonly agreed that the province of "totonteac," which figures extensively in certain early spanish narratives, was the same as tusayan, the linguistic similarity of the word to "tonto" has been suggested by others. in the troublesome years between and the hopi, decimated by disease and harried by nomads, sent delegates to prescott asking to be removed to tonto basin, and it is not improbable that in making this reasonable request they simply wished to return to a place which they associated with their ancestors, who had been driven out by the apache. totonteac[ ] is ordinarily thought to be the same as tusayan, but it may have included some of the southern pueblos now in ruins west of zuñi. having determined that the line of verde ruins was continued into the red-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared with those nearer tusayan. this necessitated reexamination of many ruins in verde valley, which was my aim during the most of june. i followed this valley from the cavate dwellings near squaw mountain past the great ruin in the neighborhood of old camp verde, the unique montezuma well, to the base of the red-rocks. throughout this region i saw, as had been expected, no change in the character of the ruins great enough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoples racially different. stopped from further advance by a barrier of rugged cliffs, i turned westward along their base until i found similar ruins, which were named palatki and honanki. having satisfied myself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancient people were as great here as at any point in the verde valley and that their culture was similar, i continued the work with an examination of the ruins north of the red-rocks, where there is substantial evidence that these were likewise of the same general character. the last two months of the summer, july and august, , were devoted to explorations of two tusayan ruins, called awatobi and sikyatki. in this work, apparently unconnected with that already outlined, i still had in mind the light to be shed on the problem of tusayan origin. the question which presented itself was: how are these ruins related to the modern pueblos? awatobi was a historic ruin, destroyed in , and therefore somewhat influenced by the spaniards. many of the survivors became amalgamated with pueblos still inhabited. its kinship with the surviving villagers was clear. sikyatki, however, was overthrown in prehistoric times, and at its destruction part of its people went to awatobi. its culture was prehistoric. the discovery of what these two ruins teach, by bringing prehistoric tusayan culture down to the present time and comparing them with the ruins of verde valley and southern arizona, is of great archeological interest. while engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most of it, i received mr cosmos mindeleff's valuable article on the verde ruins,[ ] in which special attention is given to the cavate lodges and villages of this interesting valley. this contribution anticipates many of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, and renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner i had planned. i shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, paying special attention to the cliff houses of verde valley, situated in the red-rock country. this variety of dwelling was overlooked in both mearns' and mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that it seems to be confined to the region of the valley characterized by the red-rock formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. the close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the region north of tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, i believe, by mr mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between the verde ruins and those farther north, especially in tusayan. ruins in verde valley classification of the ruins the ruined habitations in the valley of the rio verde may be considered under three divisions or types, differing in form, but essentially the same in character. in adopting this classification, which is by no means restricted to this single valley, i do not claim originality, but follow that used by the best writers on this subject. my limitation of the types and general definitions may, however, be found to differ somewhat from those of my predecessors. the three groups of ruins in our southwest are the following: i--pueblos, or independent habitations. ii--cliff houses } iii--cavate dwellings } dependent habitations. in the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitations which are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. they may be situated in valleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. they are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular in shape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or as temporary outlooks. their main feature is freedom, on all sides except the foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place. the second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, but with some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which the highest courses of their walls do not join. generally erected in caves, their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. this kind of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary in structural material; but, so far as i know, they are not, for obvious reasons, made of adobe alone. the third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings or lodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginal dwelling where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, forming caves, where natural rock is a support or more often serves as the wall itself of the dwelling. the entrance may be partially closed by masonry, the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered with clay; but never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top of the cave. naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither of these types can be confounded with the first group, which affords us no difficulty in identification. all these kinds of dwellings were made by people of the same culture, the character of the habitation depending on geological environment. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xci^_a_ cavate dwellings--rio verde] in verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings exist together, and were, i believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a people of the same culture. these types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in the relationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or less difficult of construction than the others. cliff houses display no less skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, called pueblos. the cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation which shows considerable workmanship, and are far from caves like those inhabited by "cave men." these dwellings were laboriously excavated with rude implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walled recesses, and the like. it is hardly proper to regard them, as less difficult to construct than pueblos or cliff houses. cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single or multiple, single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodytic dwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. the same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in all three instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of the inhabitants was identical. i shall consider only two of the three types of dwellings in verde valley, namely, the second and third groups. it has, i think, been conclusively shown by mr cosmos mindeleff, so far as types of the first group of ruins on the verde are concerned, that they practically do not differ from the modern tusayan pueblos. the remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of no less important character. notwithstanding mindeleff's excellent descriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, i have thought it well to bring into prominence certain features which seem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was high in its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, and was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. for this demonstration i have chosen one of the most striking clusters in verde valley. cavate dwellings the most accessible cavate dwellings in verde valley (plate xci _a_) are situated on the left bank of the river, about eight miles southward from camp verde and three miles from the mouth of clear creek. the general characteristics of this group have been well described by mr mindeleff in the thirteenth annual report of the bureau, so that i need but refer to a few additional observations made on these interesting habitations.[ ] these cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of these prehistoric dwellings in this part of arizona. although verde valley has many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruins is uncultivated. the nearest habitation, however, is not far away, and it is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known are they to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. it did not take long to learn that any investigations which i might attempt there had been anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of the rooms had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, while it was also evident that some careful excavations had been made. there is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientific work than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus far been accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. the cemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavate dwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging from experience gained at other ruins, that when they are found and carefully investigated much light will be thrown on the character of ancient cave life. the entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite squaw mountain are visible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holes in the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of the rio verde. owing to their proximity to the river, from which the precipice in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we were unable to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of the river, where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering the river and stretching back to the distant cliffs. we pitched our camp on a bluff, about feet above the river, in full sight of the cave entrances, near a small stone inclosure which bears quite a close resemblance to a tusayan shrine. aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we camped, for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even walls of former houses. at present, however, this once highly cultivated field lies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save the scanty grass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses. at the time of my visit the water of rio verde at this point was confined to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, but the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during the rainy season the water filled the interval between the base of the cliffs in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs which form the right bank. in visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of the camp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level over fallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. the water in places was shallow and the current only moderately rapid. considering the fact that it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and that the line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, our camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in our summer's explorations. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xci^_b_ cavate dwellings--oak creek] the section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northern series of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side of a blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. adjacent to this series of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, there are two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous caves, in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. at several points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, large rectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruins are, however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble those ordinarily found in a similar position throughout this region and elsewhere in arizona and new mexico. from their proximity to the caves it would seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on the summits of the mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited by one people; but better evidence that such is true is drawn from the character of the architecture and the nature of the art remains common to both. let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite our camp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of the first of the two side caverns--a row of caves the entrances to which are shown in the accompanying illustration (plate xcii). i have lettered these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, _a_ to _l_, beginning with the opening on the left. the rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and almost white in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just below the line of entrances to the cavate chambers. although, as a general thing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the caves at points inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be effected by mounting the heaps of small stones forming the débris, which has fallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and by following a ledge which connects the line of entrances. the easiest approach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at the lower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along in front of the caves about feet above the bed of the stream. roughly speaking, this ledge is about feet below the summit of the cliff. it was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probable that when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was even more difficult than at present. judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of the verde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. these caverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessible position furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, or an advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on the opposite side of the stream. the soft rock of which the mesa is formed is easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks of tools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out by hand. fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts; and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instances were the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shape present. the last room at the southern end, near the promontory at the right of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resembling those of true cliff houses and pueblos in the red-rock country farther northward, as will be shown in subsequent pages. this group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the cavern type of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical position and in archeological remains, with other types in verde valley, that we are justified in referring them to one and the same people. the number of these troglodytic dwelling places on the verde is very large; indeed the mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed with subterranean habitations. confined as a general thing to the softer strata of rock, which from its character was readily excavated, they lie side by side at the same general level, and are entered from a projecting ledge, formed by the top of the talus which follows the level of their entrances. [illustration: fig. --plan of cavate dwelling on rio verde] this ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most points no approach is possible, and in their impregnable position the inhabitants could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcii entrances to cavate ruins] whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlarged would seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caves without evidences of habitations were observed. these, however, are as a rule small, and wherever available the larger caverns have been appropriated and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the pecking on the walls. the enlargement of these caverns, however, would not be a difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked. entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a dark chamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoining rooms. broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the most complicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets or cists. the ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and the chambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly regard them as once inhabited. in these dimly lighted rooms the walls were blackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of the largest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. as a type of one of the more complicated i have chosen that figured to illustrate the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (figure ). many are smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type is characteristic of all. a main room (_a_, figure ), or that first entered from outside, is roughly rectangular in shape, feet long by feet wide, and about feet high. the floor, however, was covered with very dry débris which had blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from the roof. that part of the floor which was exposed shows that it was roughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock. on three sides of this room there is a step feet high, to platforms, three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. these platforms are , , and feet inches wide, respectively, and of the same length as the corresponding sides of the central room. it would appear that these platforms are characteristic architectural features of these habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms of the cliff houses of the red-rocks, while nordenskiöld has described a kindred feature in the kivas of the mesa verde ruins. a somewhat similar elevation of the floor in modern tusayan kivas forms what may be called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as one descends, and the same feature is common to many older hopi dwellings.[ ] beginning with the lateral platforms (_b_, figure ) we first note, as we step upon it at _c_, about midway of its length, a small circular depression in the floor of the central room extending slightly beneath the platform, as indicated by the dotted line. it is possible that this niche was a receptacle for important household objects, although it may have been a fireplace. in a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out of the rock, was found, but its walls (_a_, figure ) were badly broken down by some former explorer. the floor of this recess lies below that of the platform, while the cist itself (_d_) reminds one of the closed or walled structures, so commonly found in the verde, attached to the side of the cliff. on the lateral wall of this chamber, at about the height of the head, a row of small holes had been drilled into the solid wall. these holes (_d_, _d_, _d_) are almost too small for the insertion of roof beams, and were probably made for pegs on which to rest a beam for hanging blankets and other textile fabrics when not in use. the roof of the cave was the natural rock, and showed over its whole surface marks of a pecking implement. the left chamber is feet inches broad, and from one corner, opposite the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, feet in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateral room. between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the open air, the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, which allows the light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. a recess, the floor of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is feet broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. the floor and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which in several places is smooth and well made. in comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with that described, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement of rooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, to squared chambers with lateral rooms. the room _i_,[ ] for instance, is rectangular, feet long by feet wide, with an entrance the same width as that of the room itself. in room _iii_, however, the external opening is very small, and there is a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. there is likewise in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. in _iv_ there is a raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, and the doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to the open air. room _iv_ is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which is littered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. it has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holes where household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerly kept. this room is instructive, in that the entrance is partially closed by two walls of masonry, which do not join. the stones are laid in adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. these unjoined walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side by stone masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls of cliff houses. here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to the masonry of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that the excavators of the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar to those who built the cliff houses of verde valley. room _viii_ is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamber behind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partially fills a larger opening. the doorway through this masonry is small below, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of the doorways in tusayan of today. continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavate rooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory and enter a small canyon,[ ] which is perforated on each side with numerous other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the same general character as the type described. here, likewise, are small external openings which evidently communicated with subterranean chambers, but many of them are so elevated that access to them from the floor of the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. a marked feature of the whole series is the existence here and there of small, often inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to the side of the rocky cliff like swallows' nests. all of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plundered before my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact and would repay examination and study. similar walled-up cists are likewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of the red-rock country, hence are not confined to the verde system of ruins. cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to exist in the canyons of upper salado, gala, and zuñi rivers, and we may with reason suspect that the distribution[ ] of cavate dwellings is as wide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being a soft tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people with stone implements. in none of the different regions in which they exist is there any probability that these caves were made by people different in culture from pueblo or cliff dwellers. they are much more likely to have been permanent than temporary habitations of the same culture stock of indians who availed themselves of rock shelters wherever the nature of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls. that the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is an important suggestion, but one might question whether they were conveniently placed for that purpose. so far as overlooking the opposite plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancient times) is concerned, the position of some of them may be regarded good for that purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hill or mesa above, where well-marked ruins still exist. the position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to reach any cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. when the tusayan indian today moves to his _kisi_ or summer brush house shelter he practically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive away crows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to go to their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings i have described were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. that these cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but i incline to a belief that this does not tell the whole story if we limit them to such use. it is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewise an asylum for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a very welcome retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. following the analogy of a hopi custom of building temporary booths near their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants of verde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfields during summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesa tops in winter? all available evidence would indicate that the cavate dwellings were permanent habitations.[ ] there are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavate dwellings. the walls of these were massive, but they are now very much broken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the masonry that i regard them of considerable antiquity. they do not differ from other similar ruins, so common elsewhere in new mexico and arizona, and are identical with others in the verde region. i visited several of these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor added any new data to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. the pottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins of the little colorado and gila. the dwellings which i have mentioned above are said[ ] to be duplicated at many other points in the watershed of the verde, and many undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. i do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesa above or the plains below them, much less as productions of people of different stages of culture, for everything about them suggests contemporaneous occupancy. from what little i saw of the village sites on the verde i believe that mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins represent a comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. the character of the cliff houses of the red-rocks shows no very great antiquity of occupancy. while it is not possible to give any approximate date when they were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that they are not more than two centuries old. there is, however, no reference to them in the early spanish history of the southwest. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xciii bowlder with pictographs near wood's ranch] few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the cavate dwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preserve for any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a short distance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and less rapidly eroded. a half-buried bowlder (plate xciii) near wood's ranch was found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzag attachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rain clouds, and similar figures. these pictographs occur on a black, superficial layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpais layer, which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. there is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictography exist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration with interesting data. the verde pictographs can not be distinguished, so far as designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in colorado, utah, new mexico, and arizona. an instructive pictograph, different from any which i have elsewhere seen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far from hance's ranch, near the road from camp verde to the cavate dwellings. the bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to the left of the road, near the river. it consists of a rectangular network of lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, all pecked in the surface. this dædalus of lines arises from grooves, which originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, near which is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. the whole pictograph is - / feet square, and legible in all its parts. the intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has been suggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditches in the plain below. it might have been intended as a chart of the neighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopt either of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of the mountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionally be regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. among the tusayan indians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivated fields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimes placed there for the same purpose. in the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, of which there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rock etchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of an ancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which they occur. montezuma well one of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in verde valley is known as montezuma well, and it is remarkable how little attention has been paid to it by archeologists.[ ] dr mearns, in his article on the ancient dwellings of verde valley, does not mention the well, and mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by dr hoffman in . these ruins are worthy of more study than i was able to give them, for like many other travelers i remained but a short time in the neighborhood. it is possible, however, that some of my hurried observations at this point may be worthy of record. montezuma well (plate xciv) is an irregular, circular depression, closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as dr hoffman well points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. as one approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a low elevation, and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupies the whole interior of the hill. the exact dimensions i did not accurately determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation is estimated at about feet; its depth possibly feet. on the eastern side this depression is separated from beaver creek by a precipitous wall which can not be scaled from that side. at the time of my visit there was considerable water in the "well," which was reported to be very deep, but did not cover the whole bottom. it is possible to descend to the water at one point on the eastern side, where a trail leads to the water's edge. there appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim of the well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passage into beaver creek. at the time of my visit this outflow was very considerable, and in the rainy season it must be much greater. the well is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springs rather than by surface drainage. the geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkable crater-like form to montezuma well was correctly recognized by dr hoffman[ ] and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. there is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, and the surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. not far from navaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called jacob's well, but which was dry when visited by me. this may later be found to have been formed in a similar way. at several places in arizona there are formations of like geological character. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xciv montezuma well] the walls of montezuma well are so nearly perpendicular that descent to the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail which follows the detritus to a cave on one side. in this cave, the roof of which is not much higher than the water level, there are fragments of masonry, as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected in it. i have regarded this cave rather as a place of religious rites than of former habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancient priests when praying for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the deposit of prayer offerings to rain or water gods. several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in the sides of the cliffs. one of the best of these is diametrically opposite the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of the depression. while this house was entered with little difficulty, there were others which i did not venture to visit. the accompanying illustration (plate xcv) gives an idea of the general appearance of one of these cliff houses of montezuma well. it is built under an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with masonry on three sides. the openings are shown, one of which overlooks the spring; the other is an entrance at one side. the face of masonry on the front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast the mud has been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. the side wall, which has been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite smooth in places. the number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and their capacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. there are, however, ruins of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well. one of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration (plate xcvi), is situated on the neck of land separating the well from the valley of beaver creek. this pueblo was rectangular in form, of considerable size, built of stones, and although at present almost demolished, shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. fragments of ancient pottery would seem to indicate that the people who once inhabited this pueblo were in no respect different from other sedentary occupants of verde valley. from their housetops they had a wide view over the creek on one side and the spring on the other, defending, by the site of their village, the one trail by which descent to the well was possible. the remarkable geological character of montezuma well, and the spring within it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore of any people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood after emigrating to more arid lands. about a month after my visit to this remarkable spring i described the place to some of the old priests at walpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. these priests seemed to have legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they said the great plumed snake had one of his numerous houses. they reminded me of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the snake arose from a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, they had heard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. the hopi have personal knowledge of montezuma well, for many of their number have visited verde valley, and they claim the ruins there as the homes of their ancestors. it would not be strange, therefore, if this marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of palülükoñ, their mythic plumed serpent. practically little is known of the pictography of this part of the verde valley people, although it has an important bearing on the distribution of the cliff dwellers of the southwest. there is evidence of at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinct peoples. one of these was of the apache mohave; the other, the agriculturists who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. those of the latter are almost identical with the work of the pueblo peoples in the cliff dweller stage, from southern utah and colorado to the mexican boundary. it is not a difficult task to distinguish the pictography of these two peoples, wherever found. the pictographs of the latter are generally pecked into the rock with a sharpened implement, probably of stone, while those of the former are usually scratched or painted on the surface of the rocks. their main differences, however, are found in the character of the designs and the objects represented. this difference can be described only by considering individual rock drawings, but the practiced eye may readily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. the pictographs which are pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than those which are drawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those widely spread in the pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made painted pictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time has long ago obliterated them. the pictured rocks (plate xcvii) near cliff's ranch, on beaver creek, four miles from montezuma well, have a great variety of objects depicted upon them. these rocks, which rise from the left bank of the creek opposite cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rock pictures, figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. the rock surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totem signatures have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thus rendering them very conspicuous. among these pictographs many familiar forms are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, bears' and badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, spirals, and meanders. among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the form of the figure , above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a human figure so common in southwestern rock etchings. a square figure with interior parallel squares extending to the center is also found, as elsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcv cliff house, montezuma well] cliff houses of the red-rocks after the road from old camp verde to flagstaff passes a deserted cabin at beaver head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais to the top of the mogollones. if, instead of ascending this hill, one turns to the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, which is full of rough lava blocks, and in june, when i traveled its course, was without water, he soon finds himself penetrating a rugged country with bright-red cliffs on his right (plate xcviii). continuing through great parks and plains he finally descends to the well-wooded valley of oak creek, an affluent of rio verde. here he finds evidences of aboriginal occupancy on all sides--ruins of buildings, fortified hilltops, pictographs, and irrigating ditches--testifying that there was at one time a considerable population in this valley. the fields of the ancient inhabitants have now given place to many excellent ranches, one of the most flourishing of which is not far from a lofty butte of red rock called the court-house, which from its great size is a conspicuous object for miles around. in many of these canyons there are evidences of a former population, but the country is as yet almost unexplored; there are many difficult places to pass, yet once near the base of the rocks a way can be picked from the mouth of one canyon to another. it does not take long to discover that this now uninhabited region contains, like that along the verde and its tributaries, many ancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a single canyon leading into these red cliffs in which evidences of former human habitations are not found in the form of ruins. there is little doubt that these unfrequented canyons have many and extensive cliff houses, the existence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. the sandstone of which they are composed is much eroded into caves with overhanging roofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished from cavate dwellings like those we have described. they are the only described ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented in the valley of the verde.[ ] in our excursion into the red-rock country we were obliged to make our own wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged canyons visited by us. it was necessary to carry our drinking water with us from oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited the time available in our reconnoissance. there was, however, in the pool near the ruins of honanki enough water for our horses, and at the time we were there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. i was told that later in the season both forage and water are abundant, so that these prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successful archeological investigations may not be successfully conducted in this part of the verde region. the limited population of this portion of the country rendered it difficult to get laborers at the time i made my reconnoissance, so that it would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruins in this region to take with him workmen from the settled portions of the valley. ruins near schÜrmann's ranch the valley of oak creek, near court-house butte, especially in the vicinity of schürmann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, mounds indicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. there is undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructed elaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of oak creek were diverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. there are several fortified hills in this locality. one of the best of these defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near schürmann's house. the top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any but the southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered with scattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of houses nowhere rising more than two feet. the summit is perhaps feet above the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitations extends over an area feet in length, practically occupying the whole of the summit. although fragments of pottery are scarce, and other evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house walls give every evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the rooms are filled with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age. descending from this ruin-capped mesa, i noticed on the first terrace the remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which a cedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. although the walls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout or circular tower formerly situated at this point. many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but little more is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white men. the majority of them were defensive works, built by the house dwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerable population or long occupancy. although many of those on the hilltops differ somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, i think there is little doubt that both were built by the same people.[ ] there are likewise many caves in this region, which seem to have been camping places, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewn with charred mescal, evidences, probably, of apache occupancy. this whole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribe within the last few decades, which may account for the modern appearance of many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcvi ruin on the brink of montezuma well] there are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that great pinnacle of red rock, called the court-house, not far from schürmann's ranch.[ ] some of these are apache productions, and the neighboring caves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit and half-burnt logs would seem to show. this whole land was a stronghold of the apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, many of the indians being killed or removed by authority of the government. from the geological character of the red-rocks i was led to suspect that cavate dwellings were not to be expected. the stone is hard and not readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aborigines of the region were supplied. but the remarkable erosion shown in this rock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, with overreaching roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. my hurried examination confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellings of this kind, so similar to the type best illustrated in mancos canyon of southern colorado. there were several smoke-blackened caves without walls of masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showing apache occupancy. no cavate dwellings were found in the section of the red-rocks visited by our party. the two largest of the red-rock cliff houses to which i shall refer were named honanki or bear-house and palatki or red-house. the former of these, as i learned from the names scribbled on its walls, had previously been visited by white men, but so far as i know it has never been mentioned in archeological literature. my attention was called to it by mr schürmann, at whose hospitable ranch i outfitted for my reconnoissance into the red-rock country. the smaller ruin, palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it is possible that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visited the neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that the ruin had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like honanki, was unknown to the archeologist. the two ruins, honanki and palatki, are not the only ones in the lone canyon where we encamped. following the canyon a short distance from its entrance, there was found to open into it from the left a tributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are very precipitous. perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows of fortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. it was impossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered up the side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they to our approach. these "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are ill adapted as points of observation on account of the configuration of the canyon. their masonry, as examined at a distance with a field glass, resembles that of palatki and honanki. i was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliff houses of the red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, and those of the san juan and its tributaries in northern new mexico. while it is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from verde valley, i find them nowhere described, and our lack of information about them, so far as they are concerned, may have justified nordenskiöld's belief that "the basin of the colorado actually contains almost all the cliff dwellings of the united states." as the gila flows into the colorado near its mouth, the red-rock ruins may in a sense be included in the colorado basin, but there are many and beautiful cliff houses higher up near the sources of the gila and its tributary, the salt. in calling attention to the characteristic cliff dwellings of the red-rocks i am making known a new region of ruins closely related to those of canyon de tségi, or chelly, the san juan and its tributaries. although the cliff houses of verde valley had been known for many years, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, anyone who examines casa montezuma, on beaver creek, and compares it with honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. the one feature common to honanki and the "cliff palace" of mancos canyon is the great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that form, we miss in casa montezuma (figure ).[ ] [illustration: fig. --casa montezuma on beaver creek] we made two camps in the red-rock country, one at the mouth of a wild canyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the cellar of an american house was visible. this camp was fully six miles from schürmann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest scenery that i had ever witnessed. the accompanying view (plate xcviii) was taken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint idea of the magnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. the colors of the rocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, rising from to , feet sheer on all sides. these rocks had weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, greek temples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needles into the sky. the scenery compares very favorably with that of the garden of the gods, and is much more extended. this place, i have no doubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and i regard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of my summer's field work. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcvii pictographs near cliff ranch, verde valley] on the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliff houses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almost invisible. to reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, but we were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences of apache camps. their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, but no sign of masonry was detected. we moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great cliff resembling the parthenon, i called temple canyon), following the base of the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful but not so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and cottonwood. in this lonely place lloyd had lived over a winter, watching his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. we adopted his name for this camp and called it lloyd canyon. there was no water in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, from which we watered our horses. on the first evening at this camp we sighted a bear, which gave the name honanki, "bear-house," to the adjacent ruined dwellings. the enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at lloyd's corral hid honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leading directly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood we remained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, not far from the abandoned corral. our studies of honanki led to the discovery of palatki (figure ), which we investigated on our return to temple canyon. i will, therefore, begin my description of the red-rock cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to the visit which i made, had never been studied by archeologists. palatki there are two neighboring ruins which i shall include in my consideration of palatki, and these for convenience may be known as ruin i and ruin ii, the former situated a little eastward from the latter. they are but a short distance apart, and are in the same box canyon. ruin i (plate xcix) is the better preserved, and is a fine type of the compact form of cliff dwellings in the red-rock country. this ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from the cliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as one penetrates the canyon. it is built to the side of a perpendicular wall of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, sheltering the walls from rain or eroding influences. from the dry character of the earth on the floors i suspect that for years not a drop of water has penetrated the inclosures, although they are now roofless. a highly characteristic feature of ruin i is the repetition of rounded or bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, and arranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosures behind them. by this arrangement the size of the rooms was increased and possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. this departure from a straight wall implies a degree of architectural skill, which, while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of the red-rocks, is rarely found in southern cliff houses. the total length of the front wall of the ruin, including the part which has fallen, is approximately feet, and the altitude of the highest wall is not far from feet. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of palatki (ruins i and ii)] from the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest part there is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. at several points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, which contribute to the height of the wall itself. the masonry is made up of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in red clay, both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of the ruin. the building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, and show well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. in several places there still remains a superficial plastering, which almost conceals the masonry. the blocks of stone in the lower courses are generally more massive than those higher up; this feature, however, whether considered as occurring here or in the cliff houses of mesa verde, as pointed out by nordenskiöld, seems to me not to indicate different builders, but is due simply to convenience. there appears to be no regularity in the courses of component blocks of stone, and when necessity compelled, as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serve as a foundation, thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in the crevices. the walls are vertical, but the corners are sometimes far from perpendicular. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcviii the red rocks; temple canyon] the interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures by partitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the face of the cliff. this i have lettered, beginning at the extreme right inclosure with _a_. the inclosure has bounding walls, built on a bowlder somewhat more than six feet high. it has no external passageway, and probably the entrance was from the roof. this inclosure communicates by a doorway directly with the adjoining chamber, _b_. the corner of this room, or the angle made by the lateral with the front walls, is rounded, a constant feature in well-built cliff houses. no windows exist, and the upper edge of both front and lateral walls is but slightly broken. the front wall of inclosure _b_ bulges into bow-shape form, and was evidently at least two stories high. this wall is a finely laid section of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lower courses, upon which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. it is probable, from the large amount of débris in the neighborhood, that formerly there were rows of single-story rooms in front of what are now the standing walls, but the character of their architecture is difficult to determine with certainty. their foundations, although partially covered, are not wholly concealed. the front wall of inclosure _b_ is pierced by three openings, the largest of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, and is situated in the middle of the curved wall. a wooden lintel, which had been well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place above this passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low opening which has the appearance of having been once a doorway. above this entrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, which originally may have been the points of support of floor beams. formerly, likewise, there was a large square opening above the middle passageway, but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in place the wooden beam which once supported the wall above. the upper edge of the front wall of inclosure _b_ is level, and is but little broken except in two places, where there are notches, one above each of the square holes already mentioned. it is probable that these depressions were intended for the ends of the beams which once supported a combined roof and floor. on the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure _b_, many feet above the top of the standing front walls, there are several pictographs of apache origin. the height of these above the level of the former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a third story, for the hands which drew them must have been at least feet above the present top of the standing wall. the front of _c_ is curved like that of inclosure _b_, and is much broken near the foundations, where there is a passageway. there is a small hole on each side of a middle line, as in _b_, situated at about the same level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. within the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures _b_ and _c_. the size of room _d_ is much less than that of _b_ or _c_, but, with the exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. the part which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, unconnected with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wall of inclosure _c_. it is about feet in height, and possibly its altitude appears greater than it really is from the fact that its foundations rest upon a bowlder nearly six feet high (plate cx). the foundations of rooms _e_ and _f_ (plate c) are built on a lower level than those of _b_ and _c_ or _d_, and their front walls, which are really low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve as foundations. the indications are that both these inclosures were originally one story in height, forming a wing to the central section of the ruin, which had an additional tier of rooms. there is an entrance to _f_ at the extreme left, and the whole room was lower than the floor of the lower stories of _b_, _c_, and _d_. the most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above ruin i of palatki, is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. this pictograph is situated directly above the first room on the right, _a_, and was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that at present it is far above the reach of a person standing on any of the walls. from its general character i am led to believe that it was made by the apache and not by the builders of the pueblo. there were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls of palatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of my belief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. while it can not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverers of this interesting building, there is no doubt that i was the first to describe it and to call attention to its highly characteristic architectural plan. the walls of palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboring honanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form palatki is much smaller. each of these components probably housed not more than a few families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated in honanki. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. xcix palatki (ruin i)] the second palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and from the elements than have those of ruin i. the arrangement of the rooms is somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern ruin, to which it undoubtedly formerly belonged. ruin ii lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms a perfect arch above the walls. it is situated a few hundred feet to the west, and is easily approached by following the fallen débris at the foot of a perpendicular cliff. the front walls have all fallen, exposing the rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shown in the accompanying illustration (plate ci). there are evidences that this row of rooms was but a single story in height, while those behind it have indications of three stories. ruin ii is more hidden by the trees and by its obscure position in a cavern than the former, but the masonry in both is of the same general character. on approaching ruin ii from ruin i there is first observed a well-made though rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of roof and flooring can readily be traced (plate ci). in front of this upright wall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnected sections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides of the talus among the bushes. it was observed that this wall is broken by an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called _a_, and two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. these holes were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floor of a second chamber, the line of which still remains on the upright wall. the small square orifice directly above the entrance is a peephole. in examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that its masonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt at regularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neither dressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical. at one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparently inserted in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined it will be found that an opening below it had been filled in after the wall was erected. it is evident, from its position relatively to the line indicating the roof, that this opening was originally a passageway from one room to another. passing back of the standing wall an inclosure (room _a_) is entered, one side of which is the rock of the cliff, while the other three bounding walls are built of masonry, feet high. this inclosure was formerly divided into an upper and a lower room by a partition, which served as the roof of the lower and the floor of the upper chambers. two beams stretched across this inclosure about six feet above the débris of the present floor, and the openings in the walls, where these beams formerly rested, are readily observed. in the same way the beam-holes of the upper story may also be easily seen on the top of the wall. between the rear wall of this inclosure and the perpendicular cliff there was a recess which appears to have been a dark chamber, probably designed for use as a storage room or granary. the configuration of the cliff, which forms the major part of the inclosing wall of this chamber, imparts to it an irregular or roughly triangular form. the entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, and the floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the débris of fallen walls. on both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finished walls, with traces of beams on the level of former floors. some of these bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in places they rise feet. marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of the beams have been wrenched from their places, as a result of which the walls have been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down. there are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visits by white men. midway between honanki and the second palatki ruin a small ancient house of the same character as the latter was discovered. this ruin is very much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, but six well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readily made out. no overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. the adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment of plastering is traceable within or without. this evidence of the great weathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative of greater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, but rather of exposure to the action of the elements. not only are the walls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from the absence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has suffered greatly from the same denudation. there are no fragments of pottery about it, and small objects indicating former habitation are also wanting. a cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and its present great size shows considerable age. if any pictographs formerly existed in the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. there is likewise no evidence that the apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if they had, their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced all evidence of their presence. honanki the largest ruin visited in the red-rock country was called, following hopi etymology, honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not because it was so called by the hopi, but following the rule elsewhere suggested. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. c palatki (ruin i)] this ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from lloyd's canyon, which presented the only available camping place in its neighborhood. at the time of my visit there was but scanty water in the canyon and that not potable except for stock. we carried with us all the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged to retrace our steps to oak creek. there are groves of trees in the canyon and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant water supply. a corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but with these exceptions there were no evidences of previous occupancy by white men. we had hardly pitched our camp before tracks of large game were noticed, and before we left we sighted a bear which had come down to the water to drink, but which beat a hasty retreat at our approach. as previously stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated to me by mr schürmann. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of honanki] the honanki ruin (figure ) extends along the base of the cliff for a considerable distance, and may for convenience of description be divided into two sections, which, although generally similar, differ somewhat in structural features. the former is lineal in its arrangement, and consists of a fringe of houses extending along the base of the cliff at a somewhat lower level than the other. the walls of this section were for the greater part broken, and at no place could anything more than the foundation of the front wall be detected, although fragments of masonry strewed the sides of the declivity near its base. the house walls which remain are well-built parallel spurs constructed at right angles to the cliff, which served as the rear of all the chambers. at the extreme right end of this row of rooms, situated deep in a large cavern with overhanging roof, portions of a rear wall of masonry are well preserved, and the lateral walls of one or two chambers in this portion of the ruin are still intact. straggling along from that point, following the contour of the base of the cliff under which it lies, there extends a long row of rooms, all destitute of a front wall. the first division (plate cii), beginning with the most easterly of the series, is quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. at this point the builders, in order to obtain a good rear wall to their rooms, constructed a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. at right angles to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there are remnants of a lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to the ground. the standing wall of _z_ is not continuous with that of the next room, _y_, and apparently was simply the rear of a large room with the remains of a lateral wall at right angles to it. the other walls of this chamber had tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown with bushes which conceal the fragments. this building is set back deeply in the cave, and is isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, although at the level which may have been its roof there runs a kind of gallery formed by a ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, which formerly connected the roof with the rest of the pueblo. this ledge was a means of intercommunication, and a continuation of the same ledge, in rooms _s_, _t_, and _u_, supported the rafters of these chambers. at _u_ there are evidences of two stories or two tiers of rooms, but those in front have fallen to the ground. the standing wall at _u_ is about five feet high, connected with the face of the cliff by masonry. the space between it and the cliff was not large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as a storage place. in front of the standing wall of room _u_ there was another chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff. the highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambers at honanki is that designated _p_, at a point where the ruin reached an elevation of feet. here we have good evidence of rooms of two stories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of a floor, at the usual levels above the ground. in fact, it is probable that the whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, the front walls having fallen along the entire length. from the last room on the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses which leads to the main ruin of honanki, no ground plans were detected at the base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered débris are strewn over the whole interval. the eastern part of the main ruin of honanki, however, lies but a short distance west of that described, and consists of many similar chambers, arranged side by side. these are lettered in the diagram _h_ to _u_, beginning with _h_, which is irregularly circular in form, and ends with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruin from lloyd canyon. this range of houses is situated on a lower foundation and at a lower level than that of the main quarter of honanki, and a trail runs along so close to the rooms that the whole series is easily visited without much climbing. no woodwork remains in any of these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places either by natural agencies or through vandalism. beginning with _h_, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter of honanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. the walls are in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of which formed the greater part of the front wall. this circular room was found to be full of fallen débris, and could not be examined without considerable excavation. if it were a kiva, which i very much doubt, it is an exception among the verde valley ruins, where no true kiva has yet been detected.[ ] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. ci front wall of palatki (ruin ii)] following _h_ there is an inclosure which originally may have been a habitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, but it is so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine its interior. on one side the wall, which is at right angles to the face of the cliff, is feet high, and the front wall follows the surface of a huge bowlder which serves as its foundation. room _i_ is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, on top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of the front wall. a spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face of the cliff, indicating all that remains of the former division between rooms _i_ and _j_. an offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of a wall feet high, formerly inclosed one side of a room. in the rear of chamber _j_ there are found two receptacles or spaces left between the rear wall and the face of the cliff, while the remaining wall, which is feet high, is a good specimen of pueblo masonry. the two side walls of room _k_ are well preserved, but the chamber resembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. in this room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of a rear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. this room has also a small cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certain sealed cavities in the cavate dwellings. the two side walls of _m_ and _n_ are respectively eight and ten feet high. there is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room _o_, one of which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. room _p_ has a remnant of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff. room _r_ (plate ciii) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateral walls feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, through which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, occupying the space between it and the cliff. it is braced by connecting walls at right angles to the face of the solid rock. at _s_, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and one of the side walls is fully feet high. the points of insertion of the flooring are well shown, about feet from the ground, proving that the ruin at this point was at least two stories high. two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room _u_. on the cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consisting of short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably of apache origin. this room closes the second series, along the whole length of which, in front of the lateral walls which mark different chambers, there are, at intervals, piles of débris, which enabled an approximate determination of the situation of the former front wall, fragments of the foundations of which are traceable in situ in several places. the hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshly with this portion of honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remains in its walls. this destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, could not have been due to white men, but probably to the apache, or possibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortly after the abandonment of the settlement. from the second section of honanki we pass to the third and best-preserved portion of the ruins (figure ), indicated in the diagram from _a_ to _g_. to this section i have referred as the "main ruin," for it was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancient cliff dwelling. it is better preserved than the remainder of honanki, and is the only part in which all four walls of the chambers still remain erect. built at a higher level than the series of rooms already considered, it must have towered above them, and possibly served as a place of retreat when danger beset the more exposed quarters of the village. [illustration: fig. --the main ruin of honanki] approaching the main ruin of honanki (plate civ) from the east, or the parts already described, one passes between the buttress on which the front wall of the rounded room _h_ is built and a fragment of masonry on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail is very steep. on the right there towers above the visitor a well-preserved wall of masonry, the front of room _a_, and he soon passes abreast of the main portion of the ruin of honanki. this section is built in a huge cavern, the overhanging roof of which, is formed by natural rock, arching far above the tops of the highest walls of the pueblo and suggesting the surroundings of the "cliff palace" of mesa verde, so well described by the late baron g. nordenskiöld in his valuable monograph on the ruins of that section of southern colorado. the main ruin of honanki is one of the largest and best preserved architectural monuments of the former people of verde valley that has yet been described. although somewhat resembling its rival, the well-known "casa montezuma" of beaver creek, its architecture is dissimilar on account of the difference in the form of the cavern in which it is built and the geological character of the surrounding cliffs. other verde ruins may have accommodated more people, when inhabited, but none of its type south of canyon de chelly have yet been described which excel it in size and condition of preservation. i soon found that our party were not the first whites who had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on its walls attested; but so far as i know it had not previously been visited by archeologists. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cii honanki (ruin ii)] in the main portion of honanki we found that the two ends of the crescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rocky elevations, with foundations considerably higher than those of the rooms in the middle portion of the ruins. the line of the front wall is, therefore, not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (figure ), conforming to the rear of the cavern in which the houses are situated. about midway in the curve of the front walls two walls indicative of former rooms extend at an angle of about ° to the main front wall. all the component rooms of the main part of honanki can be entered, some by external passageways, others by doorways communicating with adjacent chambers. none of the inclosures have roofs or upper floors, although indications of the former existence of both these structural features may readily be seen in several places. although wooden beams are invariably wanting, fragments of these still project from the walls, almost always showing on their free ends, inside the rooms, the effect of fire. i succeeded in adding to the collection a portion of one of these beams, the extremity of which had been battered off, evidently with a stone implement. in the alkaline dust which covered the floor several similar specimens were seen. the stones which form the masonry of the wall (figure ) were not, as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which they may still be obtained anywhere under the cliff. all the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves so many purposes among the pueblos. the walls of the rooms were plastered with a thick layer of the same material. the rear wall of each room is the natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and has a very smooth surface. the great natural archway which covers the whole pueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, save on the front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. the hand of man, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and many of the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before the central portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were the component stones held together by the adobe that even after their fall sections of masonry still remain intact. [illustration: fig. --structure of wall of honanki] there are seven walled inclosures in the main part of honanki, and as each of these was formerly at least two stories high there is substantial evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in this part of the ruin. there can be little doubt that there were other rooms along the front of the central portion, and the fallen walls show them to have been of large size. it would likewise appear that the middle part was higher than the two wings, which would increase the number of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely be said that this part of honanki alone contained not far from twenty rooms. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. ciii walls of honanki] the recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in the middle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rock which were utilized by the builders in the construction of the foundations, the line of the front wall following the inequalities of the ground. it thus results that rooms _g_, _a_, _b_, and a part of _c_, rise from a foundation about breast high, or a little higher than the base of rooms _d_, _e_, and _f_. the front wall of _a_ has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, which is continued under _b_ and a part of _c_. the corner or angle of this wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, a considerable section of its masonry being intact. near the foundation and following the inequalities of the rock surface the beginning of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at this point is seen. a small embrasure, high above the base of the front wall, on the side by which one approaches the ruin from the east, and two smaller openings on the same level, looking out over the valley, suggest a floor and lookouts. the large square orifice in the middle of the face of the wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; the opening is large enough for use as a door or passageway. the upper edge of the front wall is somewhat irregular, but a notch in it above the square opening is conspicuous. the rear wall of room _a_ was the face of the cliff, formed of solid rock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from former fires. as, however, there is evidence that since its destruction or abandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a camping place by the apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribe this discoloration of the walls by soot. on the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber _b_, which is considerably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearly indicated by notches in the wall. the beam which was formed there had been torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood by nomadic visitors. the open passageway, measured externally, is about feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is broken, and about feet below the upper edge of the wall. room _b_ is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, communicating with _a_ and _c_ by passages which are enlarged by breakage in the walls. a small hole in the front wall, about feet from the floor, opens externally to the air. the walls are, in general, about feet thick, and are composed of flat red stones laid in clay of the same color. the cliff forms the rear wall of the chamber. the clay at certain places in the walls, especially near the insertions of the beams and about the window openings, appears to have been mixed with a black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture. room _c_ is the first of a series of chambers, with external passageways, but its walls are very much broken down, and the openings thereby enlarged. the front wall is almost straight and in one place stands feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. in one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences of fire, some of which may be ascribed to apache occupants, was detected. a wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, was seen projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences of a floor at this level. large beams apparently extended from the front wall to the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in the cliff, and over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and at right angles to the beams. these in turn supported either flat stones or a layer of mud or clay. the method of construction of one of these roofs is typical of a tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural forms are adhered to and best preserved. the entrance to room _d_ is very much enlarged by the disintegration of the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference in level of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance of those connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line of masonry, still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures _c_ and _d_. room _e_ communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked _f_, and there is a small window in the same partition. this room had a raised banquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement of the floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite squaw mountain which i have described. this platform is raised about three feet above the remainder of the floor of _f_, and, like it, is strewn with large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhanging roof. in the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is a rectangular box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set on edge, suggesting the grinding bins of the pueblos. room _f_ communicates with _g_ by a passageway which has a stone lintel. the holes in the walls, in which beams were once inserted, are seen in several places at different levels above the floor. the ends of several beams, one extremity of which is invariably charred, were found set in the masonry, and others were dug from the débris in the floor. as a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, the shape of room _f_ is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on two sides. there are six large beam holes in the walls, and the position of the first floor is well shown on the face of the partition, separating _f_ from _g_. the passageway from one of these rooms to the other is slightly arched. room _g_ is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicates with _f_ by a small opening, through which it is very difficult to crawl. its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the front face of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by its foundation on an elevated rock like that of _a_, _b_, and _c_. there is a small, square, external opening which may have served as the position of a former beam or log. the upper level of the front wall is more or less broken down in places, and formerly may have been much higher. beyond _g_ a spur of masonry is built at right angles to the cliff, inclosing a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin which could not be entered. possibly in former times it was accessible by means of a ladder from the roof, whence communication with other portions of the structure was also had. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. civ approach to main part of honanki] a short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of honanki, almost covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a large ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of various animals. it is probable that excavation in this quarter would reveal many interesting objects. in the cliffs above this ash heap, far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been disturbed. this structure is similar to those near the cavate dwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buried mortuary objects of interesting character. i did not disturb this inclosure, inasmuch as i had no ladders or ropes with which to approach it. it is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the tendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. in a pueblo like hano, on the first or east mesa of tusayan, for instance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as storage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into ruin as to be uninhabitable. if a pueblo is very much concentrated the population varies at different seasons of the year. in summer it is sparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. while palatki and honanki together had rooms sufficient to house people, i doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded . this estimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villages were contemporaneously inhabited. the evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both permanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons of the year. the pictographs on the face of the cliff above honanki are for the greater part due to the former apache occupants of the rooms, and are situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. they are, as a rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red rock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. the figure of a circle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as rays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. many spiral figures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in several places. another strange design, resembling some kind of insect, is very conspicuous. a circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is undoubtedly of apache origin. there is at one point a row of small pits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some kind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was found not far away. this latter method of recording accounts is commonly used at the present time in tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and one of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of apache killed by the hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the trail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of hano on the east mesa. the names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliff indicate that americans had visited honanki before me. the majority of the paleoglyphs at both palatki and honanki are of apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would naturally be expected. in some instances their colors are as fresh as if made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn after the building was deserted by its original occupants. the positions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn before the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how lately the ruin preserved its ancient form. in their sheltered position there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographs should not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of the figures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive. one of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. this is shared by both indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or katcinas. inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are more difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system of pictography. the majority of ancient pictographs in the red-rock country, like those i have considered in other parts of verde valley, are identical with picture writings now made in tusayan, and are recognized and interpreted without hesitation by the hopi indians. in their legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors are recounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that their ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in their wanderings. the patki people say that you will find on the rocks of palatkwabi, the "red land of the south" from which they came, totems of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. if we find these markings in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, and the hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, there seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some of the hopi clans once came from this region.[ ] one of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is a figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on cliff-dweller pottery from the verde valley region to the ruins of the san juan and its tributaries. this figure has the form of two concentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. as this design assumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few forms which it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that of their descendants, the pueblos. the so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the cliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like awatobi and sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with other varieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive. one of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a greek fret, in which there is a break in the component square figures or where the line is noncontinuous. in the simplest form, which appears prominently on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true black-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities of which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. this is a symbol which the participants in the dance called the húmiskatcina still paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on shields and various religious paraphernalia. a study of any large collection of decorated pueblo ware, ancient or modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of which i shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is considered. a design so distinctive and so widespread as this must certainly have a symbolic interpretation. the concentric spirals with a broken line, the hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is interesting to find in the beautiful plates of chavero's _antigüedades mexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient aztec capital was indicated by the nahuatl indians with similar symbols. objects found at palatki and honanki the isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtaining workmen, combined with the brief visit which i was able to make to them, rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancient handiwork. the few excavations which were made were limited almost wholly to honanki, and from their success i can readily predict a rich harvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virgin field. we naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, and i will say limited our work to these places. every chamber was more or less filled with débris--fragments of overturned walls, detached rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, dust, and animal excreta. in those places where digging was possible we found the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next to impossible to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the air became so impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especially where the inclosing walls prevented ventilation. notwithstanding this obstacle, however, we removed the accumulated débris down to the floor in one or two chambers, and examined with care the various objects of aboriginal origin which were revealed. in studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has not always been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes camped in them subsequently to their abandonment by the original builders. as a consequence of this temporary habitation objects owned by unrelated indians have frequently been confused with those of the cliff-dwellers proper. we found evidences that both honanki and palatki had been occupied by apache mohave people for longer or shorter periods of time, and some of the specimens were probably left there by these inhabitants. the ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, is sufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics from the verde ruins. had we discovered the cemeteries, for which we zealously searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited as mortuary offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware of which they were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that of the fragments. no pottery distinctively different from that which has already been reported from the verde valley ruins was found, and the majority resembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff houses of the san juan, in northern new mexico and southern utah, that they may be regarded as practically identical. the following varieties of pottery were found at honanki: i. coiled ware. ii. indented ware. iii. smooth ware. iv. smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures. v. smooth red ware, with black decoration. by far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. the majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, corrugated or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hard substance, the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. the inside of these jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance the potter used the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. the paste of which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, with argillaceous grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and is still hard and durable. when taken in connection with its tenuity, these features show a highly developed potter's technique. a single fragment is ornamented with an s-shape coil of clay fastened to the corrugations in much the same way as in similar ware from the ruins near the colorado chiquito. the fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been made originally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer as well as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. as a rule, however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry of form. fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippers are classed under this variety. as a rule they are badly or unevenly fired, although evidently submitted to great heat. there was seldom an effort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt at pictorial ornamentation was made. the fragments represented in classes iv and v were made of a much finer clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. the ornamentation on the few fragments which were found is composed of geometric patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruins of verde valley. a fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions of a red bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked up near the ruin. most of the fragments, however, belong to the first classes--the coiled and indented wares. there was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildings were acquainted with metals. the ends of the beams had been hacked off evidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of the houses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metal implement was used in fashioning them. we found, however, several stone tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stone working. these include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at the other, and girt by a single groove. the variety of stone from which the ax was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. there were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. a third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool for breaking other stones or for grinding pigments. [illustration: fig. --stone implement from honanki] perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found was uncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the western part of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. it consists of a wooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with a sharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the wood with pitch or asphaltum. the stone of this implement would hardly bear rough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. the edge is tolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in skinning animals. judging from the form of the handle, the implement is better suited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose which has occurred to me (figure ). the inhabitants of the two ruins of the red-rocks used obsidian arrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regarded fragments of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one or two other purposes. the stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of the rooms. one of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must have been brought from a considerable distance, since none of that material occurs in the neighborhood. the existence of these grinding stones implies the use of maize as food, and this evidence was much strengthened by the finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charred fragments at several points below the surface of the débris in the chambers of honanki. one of these grinding stones was found set in the floor of one of the rooms in the same way that similar metates may be seen in walpi today. of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a few fragments. leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, needles, and similar objects. in general character the implements of this kind which were found are almost identical in form with the bone implements from awatobi and sikyatki, which are later figured and described. although the bone implements unearthed were not numerous, we were well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancient fireboard, identical with those now used at tusayan in the ceremony of kindling "new fire," and probably universally used for that purpose in former times. the only shell was a fragment of a bracelet made from a _pectunculus_, a pacific coast mollusk highly esteemed in ancient times among prehistoric pueblos. the majority of the wooden objects found showed marks of fire, which were especially evident on the ends of the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls. [illustration: fig. --tinder tube from honanki] a considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork and woven vegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and ashes of the red-rock cliff houses, and while there is some difficulty here as elsewhere, in deciding whether certain specimens belonged to the original builders or to later temporary occupants, there is little doubt that most of them were the property of the latter. there were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of the rubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence and from their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the apache, seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants of the rooms. there were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in knots which must probably be regarded as of identical origin. the _yucca baccata_ affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the present time, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose among the ancients. several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on the soles, were found buried at the floor level. these are all of the same kind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. the mode of attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing over the toes. hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported from the red-rock ruins of verde valley. these sandals belonged to the original occupants of the cliff houses. fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the red-rocks, and at times this fiber was combined with yucca. some of the specimens of cotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, although stained dark or almost black. specimens of netting are also common, and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured in ancient times by the hopi and still worn by certain personators in their sacred dances, were taken from the western room of honanki. there were also many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely twisted bands, resembling head bands for carrying burdens. a reed (figure ) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiber was unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end of the cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box. several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies of the cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them being beads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a _pectunculus_. one or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discovered in a rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin. conclusions regarding the verde valley ruins the ruins of the verde region closely resemble those of tusayan, and seem to support the claim of the hopi that some of their ancestors formerly lived in that region. this is true more especially of the villages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses nor cavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabited tusayan pueblos. the objects taken from the ruins are similar to those found universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we can not say more than that they probably indicate the same substratum of culture as that from which modern pueblo life with its many modifications has sprung. the symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found in the verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of the colorado chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors of these were hopi or zuñi. i believe it will be found that they were both, or that when the villages along the colorado chiquito[ ] were abandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of tusayan and others migrated farther up the river to the zuñi villages. two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our southwest: those of the upper tributaries of the colorado in the north and the cliff houses of the affluents of the salt and the gila in the south. the watershed of the rio grande is, so far as is known, destitute of this kind of aboriginal dwellings. between the two centers of distribution lie the pueblos of the little colorado and its tributaries, the home of the ancestors of the hopi and the zuñi. the many resemblances between the cliff houses of the north and those of the south indicate that the stage of culture of both was uniform, and probably the same conditions of environment led both peoples to build similar dwellings. all those likenesses which can be found between the modern zuñi and the hopi to the former cliff peoples of the san juan region in the north, apply equally to those of the upper salado and the gila and their tributaries to the south; and so far as arguments of a northern origin of either, built on architectural or technological resemblances, are concerned, they are not conclusive, since they are also applicable to the cliff peoples of the south. the one important difference between the northern and the southern tier of cliff houses is the occurrence of the circular kiva, which has never been reported south of the divide between the little colorado and the gila-salado drainage. if a kiva was a feature in southern cliff houses, which i doubt, it appears to have been a rectangular chamber similar to a dwelling room. the circular kiva exists in neither the modern hopi nor the zuñi pueblos, and it has not been found in adjacent tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations were profoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange that such a radical change in the form of this room resulted. the arguments advanced that one of the two component stocks of the zuñi, and that the aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the san juan, are not conclusive, although i have no doubt that the zuñi may have received increment from that direction. cushing has, i believe, furnished good evidence that some of the ancestors of the zuñi population came from the south and southwest; and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the little colorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities of ancient zuñi and the colorado chiquito ruins. part of the patki people of the hopi went to zuñi and part to tusayan, from the same abandoned pueblo, and the descendants of this family in walpi still recognize this ancient kinship; but i do not know, and so far as can be seen there is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the pueblos in zuñi valley and those on the lower colorado. the approximate date of the immigration of the patki people to tusayan is as yet a matter of conjecture. it may have been in prehistoric times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history of the people. it seems well substantiated, however, that when this water-house people joined the other hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos and were to all intents a pueblo people. if this hypothesis be a correct one, the snake, horn, and bear peoples, whom the southern colonists found in tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that of the people from the south. whence that culture came must be determined by studies of the component clans of the hopi before the arrival of the patki people.[ ] the origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to nordenskiöld (p. ), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "there must be some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says, "for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. we know how obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their religious ideas. then what is more natural than the retention, for the room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? this assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of analogy to the method employed by certain nomadic indians in the erection of their huts." this theory of the origin of the round form of dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, advanced by nordenskiöld in , has much in its favor, but the rectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of these sacred rooms in the tusayan region, is still unexplained. from castañeda's narrative of the coronado expedition it appears that in the middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had both square and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged to the men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of the women. the apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in the southern cliff houses and in tusayan may be due to several causes. local conditions, including the character of the building sites on the hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage was so far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancients held their rites had not been preserved. moreover, some of the most ancient and secret observances at walpi, as the flute ceremony, are not performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary living rooms. as in all the other ruins of verde valley, circular kivas are absent in the red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted the attention of several observers, is, i believe, very significant. although as yet our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper gila and salado and their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, and generalization on that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionally that no circular kivas have yet been found in any ruins of the gila-salado watershed. this form of kiva, however, is an essential feature of the cliff dwellings of rio colorado, especially of those along its affluents in southern colorado and northern new mexico. roughly speaking, then, the circular kiva is characteristic of the ruins of this region and of certain others in the valley of the rio grande, where they still survive in inhabited pueblos. circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in the southwest, and it is an interesting fact that the geographic distribution of ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way the same as that of circular kivas. there are, of course, many exceptions, but so far as i know these can readily be explained. no ruins of circular dwellings occur in the gila-salado drainage area, where likewise no circular kivas have been observed. moreover, the circular form of dwelling and kiva is distinctively characteristic of prehistoric peoples east of tusayan, and the few instances of their occurrence on its eastern border can readily be explained as extra-hopi. the explanation of these circular kivas advanced by nordenskiöld and the mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations of nomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, the geographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of the absence of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples of the upper colorado and rio grande watersheds southward into the drainage area of the gila-salado. had the migration been in that direction it may readily be believed that the round kiva and the circular form of dwelling would have been brought with it. the round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of the original homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturist by conquest and marriage. the presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which round kivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nor does it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radical change in architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. it would indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structure devoted to religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. the rectangular kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; the round kiva is not a development from it, but an introduction from an alien people. it never penetrated southward of the colorado and upper rio grande drainage areas because the element which introduced it in the north was never strong enough to influence the house builders of the gila-salado and tributary valleys. ruins in tusayan general features no region of our southwest presents more instructive antiquities than the ancient province of tusayan, more widely known as the moki reservation. in the more limited use of the term, tusayan is applied to the immediate surroundings of the hopi pueblos, to which "province" it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. in a broader sense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by the component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors. the general character and distribution of tusayan ruins (plate xvi) has been ably presented by mr victor mindeleff in a previous report.[ ] while this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it considers most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three mesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the hopi are situated. it is not my purpose here to consider all tusayan ruins, even if i were able to do so, but to supplement with additional data the observations already published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. broadly speaking, i have attempted archeological excavations in order to obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in tusayan. it may be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins thus far discovered in the tusayan region as preliminary to more systematic descriptions of the two which i have chosen for special description. the legends of the surviving hopi contain constant references to former habitations of different clans in the country round about their present villages. these clans, which by consolidation make up the present population of the hopi pueblos, are said to have originally entered tusayan from regions as far eastward as the rio grande, and from the southern country included within the drainage of the gila, the salt, and their affluents. other increments are reputed to have come from the northward and the westward, so that the people we now find in tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from several directions, some of them having migrated from considerable distances. natives of other regions have settled among the ancient hopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the hopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country. these legends of former movements of the tribal clans of tusayan are supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know from this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between the people of tusayan and almost every large pueblo of new mexico and arizona. some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting places in hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine conflicts. there is documentary evidence that in the years following the great rebellion of the pueblo tribes in , which were characterized by catastrophes of all kinds among the rio grande villagers, many tanoan people fled to tusayan to escape from their troubles. according to niel, , tanoan refugees, under frasquillo, loaded with booty which they had looted from the churches, went to oraibi by way of zuñi, and there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. how much reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but there is no doubt that many tanoan people joined the hopi about this time, and among them were the asa people, the ancestors of the present inhabitants of hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of payüpki. the ease with which two franciscan fathers, in , persuaded of these to return to the rio grande, implies that they were not very hostile to christianity, and it is possible that one reason they sought tusayan in the years after the spaniards were expelled may have been their friendship for the church party. with the exception of oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblos of tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of the eighteenth century. the villages have shifted their positions but retained their names. at the time of the advent of tobar, in , there was but one of the present three villages of east mesa. this was walpi, and at the period referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the present town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. two well-defined ruins, called kisakobi and küchaptüvela, are now pointed out as the sites of old walpi. of these küchaptüvela is regarded as the older. judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. from their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became necessary. from küchaptüvela the ancient walpians moved to a point higher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built kisakobi, where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. there is evidence that a spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place is sometimes called nüshaki, a corruption of "missa-ki," mass-house. from this place the original nucleus of walpians moved to the present site about the close of the seventeenth century. later the original population was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the asa, had lived in the cliff-houses of tségi, or canyon de chelly, as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century. this, however, is not the place to trace the composition of the different modern villages. sichomovi was a colony from walpi, founded about , and hano was built not earlier than . the former was settled by the badger people, later joined by a group of tanoan clans called the asa, from the rio grande, who were invited to tusayan to aid the hopi in resisting the invasions of northern nomads. by the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province of tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos now inhabited. no village has been deserted since that time, nor has any new site been occupied. in order that the reader may have an idea of the tusayan pueblos at the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description by morfi in is introduced:[ ] _morfi's account of the tusayan pueblos_ quarenta y seis leguas al poniente de zuñi, con alguna inclinacion al n. o. están los tres primeros pueblos de la provincia de moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de - / leguas ( recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó peñoles que corren linea recta de oriente á poniente. _tanos_[ ] en la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho de su eminencia están situados tres de los quales el primero es el de tanos (alli dicen tegüas), cuyas moradores tienen idioma particular y distinto del moquino. es pueblo regular con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. tendrá familias. el segundo[ ] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondrá de mas familias que se retiraron aqui de: _gualpi_ gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta familias. estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar. _mosasnabi_[ ] al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia está la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un ( v.) arenal, que ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. en el septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á gualpi hay dos anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. en la cima del primero está situado el pueblo de mosasnabi compuesto de familias poco mas ó menos. _xipaolabi_[ ] en la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo llamado xipaolabi, que tendrá solo familias: está casi arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado: _xongopabi_[ ] xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas familias. estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los primeros y mucho ganado menor. _oraybe_ dos y media leguas al poniente de esta mesa, está la tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman oraybe. es como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. tiene once quarteles ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con calles á cordel yá ( r.) todos vientos, y puede llegar su poblacion á familias. tienen buena caballada, mucho ganado menor y algun vacuno. aunque no gozan sino una pequeña fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una milla al norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves. the distribution of the population of tusayan in the seven pueblos mentioned above remained practically the same during the century between and . summer settlements for farming purposes were inhabited by the oraibi for brief periods. between the years and a beginning of a new distribution of hopi families began, when one or two of the less timid erected houses near coyote spring, at the east mesa. the tewa, represented by polaka and jakwaina, took the lead in this movement. from to the present time a large number of walpi, sichomovi, and hano families have built houses in the foothills of the east mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." a large schoolhouse has been erected at sun spring and a considerable number of east mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. in this shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted and the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. the indications are that in a few years the population of the east mesa will be settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the ancient communal pueblo. this movement is shared to a less extent by the middle mesa and oraibi people. on my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in , there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos; but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the springs in the foothills. i mention these facts as a matter of record of progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the new conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. i believe that if this exodus of hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain continues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, there are children now living in walpi who will some day see it uninhabited. this disintegration of the hopi phratries, by which families are separated from one another, is, i believe, a return to the prehistoric distribution of the clans, and as walpi grew into a pueblo by a union of kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. it is thus not impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as sikyatki, deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited for new modes of life. the settlement near coyote spring, for instance, is not far from the old site of a former home of the tanoan families, who went to tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the people who inhabit these new houses are all tanoan descendants of the original contingent. in order to become familiar with the general character of tusayan ruins, i made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the following list, from which i selected awatobi and sikyatki as places for a more exhaustive exploration. this list is followed by a brief mention of those which i believe would offer fair opportunities for a continuation of the work inaugurated. the ruins near oraibi were not examined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less important, but because i was unable to undertake a study of them in the limited time at my disposal. there are also many ruins in tusayan, north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, and would well repay extended investigation. some of these, as the ruins at the sacred spring called kishuba, are of the utmost traditional importance. i. _middle mesa ruins_--( ) old shuñopovi; ( ) old mishoñinovi; ( ) shitaumû; ( ) chukubi; ( ) payüpki. ii. _east mesa ruins_--( ) kisakobi; ( ) küchaptüvela; ( ) küküchomo; ( ) tukinobi; ( ) kachinba; ( ) sikyatki. iii. _ruins in keam's canyon_. iv. _jeditoh valley ruins_--( ) bat-house; ( ) jeditoh, kawaika; ( ) horn-house; ( ) awatobi; smaller awatobi. this method of classification is purely geographical, and is adopted simply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy of mention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. the inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on the eastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hills which border the adjacent plains on the west. this uniformity is thought to have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site for warmth and for other reasons. the pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found to be best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupy those sites, or, as in the case of the jeditoh series, the pueblo at that point was the last abandoned. the reason for this is thought to be an attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, which implies inroads of hostile peoples. for the same reason, likewise, the tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa tops when these invasions began. early settlers near east mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sites for their pueblos. this would imply that they feared no invasion, and legendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected before the hostile ute, apache, and navaho appeared. the early settlements on middle mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea of inaccessibility. all the jeditoh villages, however, were on the mesa tops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view to protection, since they were not convenient to the farms. for many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the now ruined jeditoh villages were later arrivals in tusayan than those of east and middle mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from the eastward, while those of middle mesa arrived from the south. the first colonists of all, however, appear to have been the east mesa clans, the bear and snake families. if this conjecture be true, we may believe that the oldest pueblos in tusayan were probably the house groups of the snake clan of east mesa, for whom their traditionists claim a northern origin. the middle mesa ruins shuÑopovi the site of old shuñopovi (plate cv) at the advent of the first spaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of the mesa on which the present village stands. the site of the old pueblo is easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and their overturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragments of the finest pottery. the old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of the present town and near the spring, which is still used. on the highest point of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massive walls of the old spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, now used as a sheep corral. the cemeteries are near by, close to the outer walls, and among a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of the old houses. the pottery,[ ] as shown by the fragments, is of the finest old tusayan ware, cream and red being the predominating colors, while fragments of coiled and black-and-white ware are likewise common. mishoÑinovi the ruins of old mishoñinovi lie west of the present pueblo in the foothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point and adjacent to a spring. in strolling over the site of the old town i have noted its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds which indicate that the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-color ware for which tusayan has always been famous. the site offers unusual opportunities for archeological studies, but excavation there is not practicable on account of the opposition of the chiefs. old mishoñinovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probably inhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. it was probably on this site that the early spanish explorers found the largest pueblo of the middle mesa. the ruin of shitaimovi, in the foothills near mishoñinovi, mentioned by mindeleff, was not visited by our party. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology. seventeenth annual report pl. cv. sketch map of the mesa country occupied by the hopi indians] chukubi the ruin of chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. it is situated on one of the eastward projecting spurs of middle mesa, midway between payüpki and shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base of the mesa. chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surrounded by rooms, two deep. there are many indications of outlying chambers, some of which are arranged in rows. the house walls are almost wholly demolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than those of the neighboring ruin of payüpki. the evidence now obtainable indicates that it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of occupancy. it is said to have been settled by the patuñ or squash people, whose original home was far to the south, on little colorado river. a fair ground plan is given by mindeleff in his memoir on pueblo architecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of this pueblo have ever been made. payÜpki one of the best-preserved ruins on middle mesa is called payüpki by the hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of the migration of peoples from the rio grande, which followed the troublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. in the reconquest of new mexico by the spaniards we can hardly say that tusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominally subjugated after the great rebellion, but with the exception of repeated expeditions, which were often repulsed, the hopi were practically independent and were so regarded. no adequate punishment was inflicted on the inhabitants of walpi for the destruction of the town of awatobi, and although there were a few military expeditious to tusayan no effort at subjugation was seriously made. tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from the rio grande fled there for refuge. some of these refugees appear to have founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated with existing villages. payüpki seems to have been founded about this period, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is not mentioned in connection with ancient migrations. in holguin is said to have attacked the "tanos" village between walpi and oraibi and forced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon by the tano and driven back to zuñi. it would hardly seem possible that the pueblo mentioned could have been hano, for this village does not lie between oraibi and walpi and could not have been surrounded in the way indicated in the account. payüpki, however, not only lay on the trail between walpi and oraibi--about midway, as the chronicler states--but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it could easily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos. the hopi legends definitely assert that the payüpki people came from the "great river," the rio grande, and spoke a language allied to that of the people of hano. they were probably apostates, who came from the east about , but did not seem to agree well with the people of the middle mesa, and about returned to the river and were domiciled in sandia, where their descendants still live. the name payüpki is applied by the hopi to the pueblo of sandia as well as to the ruin on the middle mesa. the general appearance of the ruin of payüpki indicates that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned at a comparatively recent date. the general plan is not that common to ancient tusayan ruins, but more like that of hano and sichomovi, which were erected about the time payüpki was built. many fragments of a kind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to tusayan, but which resembles the rio grande ware, were found on the mounds, and the walls are better preserved than those of the ancient tusayan ruins. a notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which in abundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the site of payüpki. all these evidences substantiate the hopi legend that the tanoan inhabitants of the village of middle mesa, above the trail from walpi to oraibi, made but a short stay in tusayan.[ ] there is good documentary evidence that sandia was settled by tanoan people from tusayan. morfi in so states,[ ] and in a copy of the acts of possession of the pueblo grants of we find still further proof of the settlement of "moquinos" in sandia.[ ] when otermin returned to new mexico in his attempted reconquest, in , he reached isleta on december , and on the th dominguez encamped in sight of sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. the discord following this event drove the few surviving families of the tiwa on their old range to tusayan, for they were set upon by keres and jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the spaniards. possibly these families formed the nucleus of payüpki. it was about this time, also, if we can believe niel's story, that , tanos went to tusayan. it would thus appear that the hopi payüpki was settled in the decade - . the east mesa ruins kÜchaptÜvela and kisakobi the two ruins of küchaptüvela and kisakobi mark the sites of walpi during the period of spanish exploration and occupancy between and . the former was the older. in all probability the latter had a mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellion in , having been founded about fifty years previously. the former or more ancient[ ] pueblo was situated on the first or lowest terrace of east mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northern and western sides. the name küchaptüvela signifies "ash-hill terrace," and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as walpi, "place-of-the-gap," referring to the gap or notch (_wala_) in the mesa east of hano. old walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shade of the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that the site was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesa above it, and easily approached on three sides. the walpi which was contemporary with sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for at that time the hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. later, however, apache, ute, and navaho began to raid their fields, and the spaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to work like slaves. a more protected site was necessary, and late in the seventeenth century the walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, which formed the nucleus of the present town. the standing walls of old walpi are buried in the débris, but the plans of the rooms may readily be traced. comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of débris in the neighborhood, would seem to have been occupied during several generations. the pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient tusayan ware, like that of sikyatki and shuñopovi. extended excavations would reveal, i am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable light on the obscure history of walpi and its early population. after moving from old walpi it seems that the people first built houses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westward from the western limits of the summit of east mesa. the whole top of that part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the former existence of a large pueblo. here, no doubt, if we can trust tradition, the mission of walpi was built, and i have found in the débris fragments of pottery similar to that used in mexico, and very different from ancient or modern pueblo ware. but even kisakobi[ ] was not a safe site for the walpians to choose for their village, so after they destroyed the mission and killed the priest they moved up to their present site and abandoned both of their former villages. it is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found to be no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that the stairway trails were made as late as the beginning of the present century. in those early days there was a ladder near where the stairway trail is now situated, and some of the older men of walpi have pointed out to me where this ladder formerly stood. the present plan of walpi shows marked differences from that made twenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail and the wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now fallen into ruin, were inhabited when i first visited walpi in . the buildings between the snake kiva and the nacab kiva are rapidly becoming unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon be deserted. as many walpi families are building new houses on the plain, it needs no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present site of walpi will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly by the end of our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted--one more ruin added to the multitudes in the southwest. the site of old walpi, at küchaptüvela, is the scene of an interesting rite in the new-fire ceremony at walpi, for not far from it is a shrine dedicated to a supernatural being called tüwapoñtumsi, "earth-altar-woman." this shrine, or house, as it is called, is about feet from the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consists of four flat slabs set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands a log of fossil wood. the ceremonials at old walpi in the new-fire rites are described in my account[ ] of this observance, and from their nature i suspect that the essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at this shrine. the circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals of the rites which took place in former times at old walpi. the ruin was spoken of in the ceremony as the _sipapüni_, the abode of the dead who had become _katcinas_, to whom the prayers said in the circuits were addressed. kÜkÜchomo the two conical mounds on the mesa above sikyatki are often referred to that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and from other considerations i am led to connect them with other phratries of tusayan. from limited excavations made in these mounds in , i was led to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those east of tusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly vantage points, occupied for defense. plate cvi illustrates their general appearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown in figure . at the place where the mesa narrows between these mounds and the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of the mesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. this wall appears to have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now in ruins, as shown in figure . [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cvi the ruins of kÜkÜchomo] [illustration: fig. --küküchomo] the legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of küküchomo are conflicting. the late a. m. stephen stated that tradition ascribes them to the coyote and pikya (corn) peoples, with whom the denizens of sikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle there to protect them from the walpians. he regarded them as the last arrivals of the water-house phratry, while the coyote people came from the north at nearly the same time. from his account it would appear that the twin mounds, küküchomo, were abandoned before the destruction of sikyatki. the coyote people were, i believe, akin to the kokop or firewood phratry, and as the pueblo of sikyatki was settled by the latter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villages were friendly and naturally combined against the snake pueblo of walpi. i believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of the patki people settled in küküchomo, and the size of the town as indicated by the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more than one clan. still, as there are two küküchomo ruins, there may have been a different family in each of the two house clusters. [illustration: fig. --defensive wall on the east mesa] it has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds of küküchomo were erected, the people of sikyatki were greatly harassed by the young slingers and archers of walpi, who would come across to the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. anyone, however, who contemplates the great distance from sikyatki to the edge of the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the walpi bowmen to inflict much harm in that way. moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces a kind of warfare which is not mentioned in other tusayan legends, although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practiced among pueblos of other stocks in early historic times.[ ] we may suppose, however, that the survivors of both küküchomo and sikyatki sought refuge in awatobi after the prehistoric destruction of their pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from the east, and naturally went to that village, the founders of which migrated from the same direction. kachinba the small ruin at kachinba, the halting place of the kachina people, seems to have escaped the attention of students of tusayan archeology. it lies about six miles from sikyatki, about east of walpi, and is approached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa upon which küküchomo is situated. the ruin is located on a small foothill and has a few standing walls. it was evidently diminutive in size and only temporarily inhabited. the best wall found at this ruin lies at the base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. this spring is now filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great size in former times. tukinobi there are evidences that the large hill on top of east mesa, not far from the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerable size, but i have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. near this ruin is the "eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitations of eagle eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediate vicinity of which is another shrine near which tracks are cut in the rock, and which were evidently considered by the indian who pointed them out to me as having been made by some bird.[ ] it is probably from these footprints, which are elsewhere numerous, that the two ruins called küküchomo ("footprints mound") takes its name. jeditoh valley ruins as one enters antelope valley, following the holbrook road, he finds himself in what was formerly a densely populated region of tusayan. this valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and the plain was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. the former inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high up on the mesa which separates jeditoh valley from keam's canyon. all of these pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few navaho and hopi families cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields. the majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of antelope valley resemble awatobi, which is later described in detail. it is interesting to note that in the abandonment of villages the same law appears to have prevailed here as in the other tusayan mesas, for in the shrinkage of the hopi people they concentrated more and more to the points of the mesas. thus, at east mesa, sikyatki, kachinba, and küküchomo were destroyed, while walpi remained. at middle mesa, chukubi and payüpki became ruins, and in antelope valley awatobi was the last of the jeditoh series to fall. there has thus been a gradual tendency to drift from readily accessible locations to the most impregnable sites, which indicates how severely the hopi must have been harassed by their foes. it is significant that some of the oldest pueblos were originally built in the most exposed positions, and it may rightly be conjectured that the pressure on the villagers came long after these sites were chosen. the ancient or original hopi had a sense of security when they built their first houses, and they, therefore, did not find it necessary to seek the protection of cliffs. many of them lived in the valley of the colorado chiquito, others at kishuba. as time went on, however, they were forced, as were their kindred in other pueblos, to move to inaccessible mesas guarded by vertical cliffs. of the several ruins of antelope valley, that on the mesa above jeditoh or antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. stephen calls this ruin mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house is given by mindeleff. the spring called kawaika, situated near the former village of the same name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents of antelope valley. from this neighborhood there was excavated a few years ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, which was purchased by mrs mary hemenway, of boston, and is now in the peabody museum at cambridge. these objects have never been adequately described, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, with a brief reference thereto, was published by james mooney[ ] a few years ago. among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models of houses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, and rectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. there are specimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collection which, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, was apparently votive in character. the ruins called by stephen "horn-house" and "bat-house," as well as the smaller ruin between them, have been described by mindeleff, who has likewise published plans of the first two. from their general appearance i should judge they were not occupied for so long a time as awatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. if all these jeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the rio grande, it is possible that those around jeditoh spring were the first founded and that awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand the relative age of the ruins of this part of tusayan can not be determined. there are many ruins situated on the periphery of tusayan which are connected traditionally with the hopi, but are not here mentioned. of these, the so-called "fire-house" is said to have been the home of the ancestors of sikyatki, and kintiel of certain zuñi people akin to the hopi. both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architectural features from characteristic prehistoric tusayan ruins, for they are circular in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of the pueblo area. with these exceptions there are no circular ruins within the area over which the hopi lay claim, and it is probable that the accolents of kintiel were more zuñi than hopi in kinship. many ruins north of oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farming village of moenkopi are attributed to the hopi by their traditionists. the ruins about kishyuba, connected with the kachina people, also belong to tusayan. these and many others doubtless offer most important contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoric migrations of this most interesting people. among the many tusayan ruins which offer good facilities for archeological work, the two which i chose for that purpose are awatobi and sikyatki. my reasons for this choice may briefly be stated. awatobi is a historic pueblo of the hopi, which was more or less under spanish influence between the years and . when properly investigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a good picture of tusayan life before the beginning of the modifications which appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. while i expected to find evidences of spanish occupancy, i also sought facts bearing on the character of tusayan life in the seventeenth century. sikyatki, however, showed us the character of tusayan life in the fifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of this section of the southwest. here we expected to find hopi culture unmodified by spanish influence. the three pueblos of sikyatki, awatobi, and walpi, when properly studied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in three centuries--in sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in awatobi, pueblo life as slightly modified by the spaniards, and in walpi, those changes resulting from the advent of americans superadded. while special attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly to the last-mentioned pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other two villages is of great value in showing how the modern life developed and what part of it is due to foreign influence. a knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of tusayan as it exists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of the ancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind the evolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which have been exerted on it. many, possibly the majority, of modern customs at walpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, of ancient date, have become extinct. as much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects from sikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the spaniards, it is well to present the evidence on which this assertion is based. ( ) hopi legends all declare that sikyatki was destroyed before the spaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came to tusayan. ( ) sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentary account of tusayan, although the other villages are named and are readily identifiable with existing pueblos. ( ) no fragment of glass, metal, or other object indicative of the contact of european civilization was found anywhere in the ruin. if we add to the above the general appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of the débris which has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we have the main facts on which i have relied to support my belief that sikyatki is a prehistoric ruin. awatobi characteristics of the ruin no tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of the character of hopi village life in the seventeenth century than that known as awatobi (plate cvii).[ ] it is peculiarly interesting as connecting the prehistoric culture of sikyatki and modern tusayan life, with which we have become well acquainted through recent research. awatobi was one of the largest tusayan pueblos in the middle of the sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of the seventeenth. it was therefore a historic pueblo. it had a mission, notices of which occur in historical documents of the period. from its preponderance in size, no less than from its position, we may suspect that it held relatively the same leadership among the other antelope valley ruins that walpi does today to sichomovi and hano. the present condition of the ruins of awatobi is in no respect peculiar or different from that of the remains of prehistoric structures, except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa top commanding a wide outlook over a valley. on its east it is hemmed in by extensive sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, receding from the village all the way from a few hundred yards to a quarter of a mile. on the south the ruins overlook the plain, and the sands on the west separate it from a canyon in which there are several springs, some cornfields, and one or two modern hopi houses. there is no water in the valley which stretches away from the mesa on which awatobi is situated, and the foothills are only sparingly clothed with desert vegetation. the mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of _sibibi_ (_rhus trilobata_), and are a favorite resort of hopi women for the berries of this highly prized shrub. there is a solitary tree midway between the sand dunes west of the village and the western mounds, near which we found it convenient to camp. the only inhabitants of the awatobi mesa are a navaho family, who have appropriated, for the shade it affords, a dwarf cedar east of the old mission walls. no land is cultivated, save that in the canyons above mentioned, west of the sand hills; some fair harvests are, however, still gathered from antelope valley by the navaho, especially in the section higher up, near jeditoh spring. the ruin may be approached from the road between holbrook and keam's canyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. this road, however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through the difficult sand hills. as keam's canyon is the only place in this region at which to provision an expedition, it is usual to approach awatobi from that side, the road turning to the right shortly after one ascends the steep hill out of the canyon near keam's trading post. my archeological work at awatobi began on july , , and was continued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defection of my hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration of the _niman_ or "farewell" _katcina_,[ ] a july festival in which many of them participated. the ruin is conveniently situated for the best archeological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not far from keam's canyon, the base of supplies. the soil covering the rooms, however, is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such as pottery, were often broken before their removal from the matrix. a considerable quantity of débris had to be removed before the floors were reached, and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty was encountered in successful excavations. with a corps of trained workmen much better results than those we obtained might have been expected, and the experience which the indians subsequently had at sikyatki would have made my excavations at awatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, more remunerative. while my archeological work at certain points in these interesting mounds of awatobi was more or less superficial, it was in other places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to the culture of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo. i found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sand dunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. this fear they afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completely outgrew, although the cemeteries at sikyatki were quite thoroughly excavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer's exploration. the sand hills west of sikyatki are often swept by violent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, and mortuary pottery is frequently exposed. this has always been a favorite place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl has been carried by the indians from this cemetery to the trading store, for the natives do not seem to object to selling a vase or other object which they find on the surface, but rarely dig in the ground for the purpose of obtaining specimens. nomenclature of awatobi the name awatobi is evidently derived from _awata_, a bow (referring to the bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and _obi_, "high place of." a derivation from _owa_, rock, has also been suggested, but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, and is not accepted by the hopi themselves. while the different pueblos of tusayan were not specially mentioned until forty years after they were first visited, the name awatobi is readily recognized in the account of espejo in , where it is called aguato,[ ] which appears as zaguato and ahuato in hakluyt.[ ] in the time of oñate ( ) the same name is written aguatuybá.[ ] vetancurt,[ ] about , mentions the pueblo under the names aguatobi and ahuatobi, and in , or twelve years after the great rebellion, vargas visited "san bernardo de aguatuvi," ten leagues from zuñi. the name appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenth century, several years after its destruction. in more modern times various older spellings have been adopted or new ones introduced. among these may be mentioned: aguatuvÍ. buschmann, neu-mexico, , . aguatuya. bandelier in journal of american ethnology and archæology, iii, , (misquoting oñate). aguitobi. bandelier in archæological institute papers, am. series, iii, pt. , , . ahuatu. bandelier, ibid., , . ahuatuyba. bandelier, ibid., . ah-wat-tenna. bourke, snake dance of the moquis of arizona, , (so called by a tusayan indian). aquatasi. walch, charte america, . aquatubi. davis, spanish conquest of new mexico, , . atabi-hogandi. bourke, op. cit., , (navaho name). aua-tu-ui. bandelier in archæological institute papers, op. cit., iv, pt. , , . a-wa-te-u. cushing in atlantic monthly, , september, . awatÚbi. bourke, op. cit., , . Á wat u i. cushing in fourth report bureau of ethnology, , (or aguatóbi). zagnato. brackenridge, early spanish discoveries, , (misprint of hakluyt's zaguato). zaguate. prince, new mexico, , (misquoting hakluyt). zuguato. hinton, handbook to arizona, , (misquoting hakluyt). the navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is talla-hogan, ordinarily translated "singing-house," and generally interpreted to refer to the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. it is probable, however, that kivas were used as chambers where songs were sung in ceremonials prior to the introduction of christianity. therefore why awatobi should preeminently be designated as the "singing-house" is not quite apparent. the name of the mission, san bernardino,[ ] or san bernardo, refers to its patron saint, and was first applied by porras in honor of the natal day of this saint, on which day, in , he and his companions arrived in tusayan. historical knowledge of awatobi the identification of tusayan with the present country of the hopi depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation of cibola. i have regarded as conclusive bandelier's argument that cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the zuñi in the sixteenth century.[ ] regarding this as proven, tusayan corresponds with the hopi villages, of which awatobi was one of the largest. it lies in the same direction and about the same distance from zuñi as stated in castañeda's narrative. the fact that cardenas passed through tusayan when he went from cibola to the grand canyon in is in perfect harmony with the identification of the hopi villages with tusayan, and zuñi with cibola. tobar, in tusayan, heard of the great river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of coronado at cibola the general dispatched cardenas to investigate the truth of the report. cardenas naturally went to tusayan where tobar had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to the grand canyon. had the general been in any hopi town at the time he sent tobar, and later cardenas, it is quite impossible to find any cluster of ruins which we can identify as tusayan in the direction indicated. there can be no doubt that tusayan was the modern hopi country, and with this in mind the question as to which hopi pueblo was the one first visited by tobar is worthy of investigation. in order to shed what light is possible on this question, i have examined the account by castañeda, the letter of coronado to mendoza, and the description in the "relacion del suceso," but find it difficult to determine that point definitely. in hakluyt's translation of coronado's letter, it is stated that the houses of the "cities" which tobar was sent to examine were "of earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "tucano." as this letter was written before coronado had received word from tobar concerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite information concerning the new province. capt. juan jaramillo's account speaks of "tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, and states that the houses are terraced. in the "relacion del suceso" we likewise find the province called "tuzan" (tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the villages to cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants cultivated cotton. castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which i have relied in my identification of awatobi as the first hopi pueblo seen by the spaniards. it seems that don pedro de tobar was dispatched by coronado to explore a province called tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leagues from cibola. he had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or two foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by friar juan de padilla. they arrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves under the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of the indians in their houses. the natives, however, discovered them at daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed with wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. the chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized that the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. during a parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal, and an indian struck his horse on the bridle. this opened hostilities, in which the hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life. the vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth, cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises--and finding a good camping place near their pueblo, tobar established headquarters and received homage from all the province. they allowed the spaniards to enter their villages and traded with them.[ ] espejo's reference to awatobi in leaves no doubt that the pueblo was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not definitely say that it was not built between and , the indications are that it was not. hopi traditions assert that it was in existence when the spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists whom i have consulted are definite that the survivors of sikyatki went to awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. it would not appear, however, that awatobi was founded prior to sikyatki, nor is it stated that the refugees from sikyatki built awatobi, which is within the bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded that the sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first spaniards. there can, i think, be no doubt that the hopi pueblo first entered by pedro de tobar, in , was awatobi, and that the first conflict of spanish soldiers and hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took place on the well-known zuñi trail in antelope valley, not far from jeditoh or antelope spring. this pueblo is the nearest village to cibola (zuñi), from which tobar came, and as he took the zuñi trail he would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos on the rim of this valley were inhabited. it is interesting to consider a few lines from castañeda, describing the event of that episode, to see how closely the site of awatobi conforms to the narrative. in castañeda's account of tobar's visit we find that the latter with his command entered tusayan so secretly that their presence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed a cultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, they approached the village near enough to hear the voices of the indians without being discovered. moreover, the indians, the narrative says, had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which implies that they lived on a mesa top. awatobi was situated on a mesa, and the cultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. the habit of retiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to within a few years. tobar arrived at the edge of antelope valley after dark (otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivated fields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base of the mesa. the soldiers from that point could readily hear the voices of the villagers above them. even at the base of the lofty east mesa i have often heard the walpi people talking, while the words of the town crier are intelligible far out on the plain. from the configuration of the valley it would not, however, have been easier for awatobians to have seen the approaching spaniards than for the walpians; still it was possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to walpi in the same way. if, however, the first pueblo approached was walpi, and tobar followed the zuñi trail, i think he would have been discovered by the awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivated fields early in the evening. it would be incredible to believe that he wandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to awatobi, the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach of day before entering the pueblo. at sunrise the inhabitants, early stirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriors went down the mesa to meet them. they had already heard from cibola of the strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devour enemies. it may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against tusayan was unknown to the hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe that such was the fact. the warriors descended to the plain, and their chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that the way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, and punishment should be meted out to him. this custom is still preserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, in the new-fire rites[ ] in november and in the flute observance in july.[ ] the priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line of meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now they insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. the awatobi warriors probably warned tobar and his comrades not to advance, but the symbolic barrier was not understood by them. the spaniards were not there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was to engage in a quarrel with the indians. urged on by the priest, juan de padilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth," they charged the indians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. the immediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was that an indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holy father, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "why are we here?" which was interpreted as a sign for the assault. it must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of walpi was the first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would have been easier for tobar if the village referred to was walpi then situated on the ash-hill terrace, with the east mesa between it and the zuñi trail. to offset this probability, however, is the fact that the zuñi trail now runs through awatobi, or in full view of it and there is hardly a possibility that tobar left that trail to avoid awatobi. he would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of his way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo. the effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have discouraged the awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. they fled, but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when tobar called off his men. thus was the entry of the spaniards into tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. shortly afterward tobar entered the village and received the complete submission of the people. the names of the tusayan pueblos visited by tobar in this first entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have come down to us. forty years later, however, the spaniards returned and found the friendly feeling of awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. when espejo approached the town in , over the same zuñi trail, the multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize (sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. this was symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is still kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.[ ] the people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave espejo "hand towels with tassels" at the corners. these were probably dance kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the hopi made of cotton. the pueblo, called "aguato" in the account of that visit, was without doubt awatobi. the name aguatuybá, mentioned by oñate, is also doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by mr hodge, "through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name aguatuybá is inadvertently given by oñate among his list of hopi chiefs, while esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." in oñate's list we recognize oraibi in "naybi," and shuñopovi in "xumupamí" and "comupaví," the most westerly town of the middle mesa. "cuanrabi" and "esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos. espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention awatobi as "aguato," which is metamorphosed in hakluyt into "zaguato or "ahuzto,"[ ] although evidently oñate's "aguatuybá" was intended as a name of a pueblo. i have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the erection of the mission building of san bernardino at awatobi, but the name is mentioned as early as . in that year three friars went to tusayan and began active efforts to convert the hopi.[ ] it is recorded[ ] that padre porras, with andres gutierrez, cristoval de la concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in tusayan, "dia del glorioso san bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquel pueblo)," which leaves no doubt why the mission at awatobi was so named. although an apostate indian had spread the report, previously to the advent of these priests in tusayan, that the spaniards were coming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and devour[ ] their children, the zealous missionaries in converted many of the chiefs and baptized their children. the cacique, don augustin, who appears to have been baptized at awatobi, apparently lived in walpi or at the middle mesa, and returning to his pueblo, prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in the villages of the other mesas. but the missionary labors of porras came to an untimely end. it is written that by he had made great progress in converting the hopi, but in that year, probably at awatobi, he was poisoned. of the fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not broken up to the great rebellion in . figueroa, who was massacred at awatobi in that year, went to tusayan in with aug. sta. marie. between the death of porras and the arrival of figueroa there was an interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of porras or espeleta, who went to tusayan in , took charge of the spiritual welfare of the hopi. espeleta and aug. sta. marie were killed in at san francisco de oraibi and walpi, respectively, and josé trujillo probably lost his life at old shuñopovi at the same time. as there is no good reason to suppose that awatobi, one of the most populous tusayan pueblos, was neglected by the spanish missionaries after the death of porras in , and as it was the first pueblo encountered on the trail from zuñi, doubtless san bernardino was one of the earliest missions erected in tusayan. from until , the period of independence resulting from the great pueblo revolt, there was no priest in tusayan, nor, indeed, in all new mexico. possibly the mission was repaired between and , but it is probable that it was built as early as the time porras lived in awatobi. it is explicitly stated that in the destruction of awatobi in no missionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in that year padre garaycoechea made it a visit. the disputes between the jesuits and franciscans to obtain the hopi field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally falls in another chapter of spanish-tusayan history. aside from sporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have resulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. true, many apostates were induced to return to their old homes on the rio grande and some of the hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making plausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were hostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the fathers again live in this isolated province. in awatobi was visited by don diego de vargas, the reconquerer of new mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to terms the pueblos of awatobi, walpi, mishoñinovi, and shuñopovi.[ ] he found, however, that awatobi was "fortified," and the entrance so narrow that but one man could enter at a time. the description leads us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end, and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen. the plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north of the walls of the mission. there would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing at awatobi before , for vetancurt, writing about the year named, states that in the uprising it was burned.[ ] at the time of the visit of garaycoechea, in the spring of , he found that the mission had been rebuilt. in this connection it is instructive, as bearing on the probable cause of the destruction of awatobi, to find that while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission rehabilitated, the other tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the friends of the priest in awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit the other villages. this warning was no doubt well advised, and the tragic fate which befell awatobi before the close of the year shows that the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possibly garaycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified the hatred of the other pueblos. at the time of garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, persons. this rite was particularly obnoxious[ ] to the hopi, as indeed to the other pueblo indians, notwithstanding they performed practically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret societies. the awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed this rite of the christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more conservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. these and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of the destruction of awatobi was the reception of christianity by its inhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. the conservative party, led by tapolo, opened the gate of the town to the warriors of walpi and mishoñinovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thus effectually rooting out the new faith from tusayan, for after that time it never again obtained a foothold. the visit of padre juan garaycoechea to tusayan was at the invitation of espeleta, chief of oraibi, but he went no farther than awatobi, where he baptized the hopi. he then returned to the "governor," and arrived at zuñi in june. according to bancroft (p. ), "in the 'moqui noticias' ms., , it is stated that the other moquis, angry that aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, leaving the place for many years deserted." although i have not been able to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so closely with hopi tradition that i believe it is practically true, although bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation i have made from his account with the words, "i think this must be an error." espeleta, the oraibi chief, and companions were in santa fé in october, , and proposed a peace in which the hopi asked for religious toleration, which governor cubero refused. as a final appeal he desired that the fathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit one pueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected. espeleta returned to oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an unsuccessful attempt was made to destroy awatobi, followed, as recounted in the legend, by a union with walpi and mishoñinovi, by which the liberal-minded villagers of the antelope mesa were overthrown. documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strict accord regarding the cause of the destruction. the meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows that the destruction of awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter of . in may of that year we have the account of the visiting padre, and in the summer when espeleta was at santa fé, the pueblo was flourishing. the month of november would have been a favorable one for the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. the legend relates that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _naacnaiya_,[ ] which now takes place in november. for many years after its destruction the name of awatobi was still retained on maps including the tusayan province, and there exist several published references to the place as if still inhabited; but these appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site subsequently to . it is never referred to in writings of the eighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site attracted no attention. the ruins remained unidentified until about , when the late captain j. g. bourke published his book on the "snake dance of the moquis," in which he showed that the ruin called by the navaho tally-hogan was the old awatobi which played such a prominent part in early tusayan history. the ruin was described and figured a few years later by mr victor mindeleff in his valuable memoir on cibola and tusayan architecture. bourke's reference is very brief and mindeleff's plan deficient, as it includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or western mounds, which are the most characteristic. in i published the first complete ground-plan of the ruins of awatobi, including both eastern and western sections. as mindeleff's plan is defective, his characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is consequently faulty. he says: "the plan suggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth or southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left open or protected by a low wall." while the eastern portion undoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western or main section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plate cvii). this portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and was of pyramidal form. the eastern section was probably of later construction, and the mission was originally built outside the main pueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extended along the northern side opposite the church. as it was customary in tusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in awatobi were probably extramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but the majority of the people lived in the western section. the architecture of the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked spanish influence, which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cvii ground plan of awatobi] legend of the destruction of awatobi the legend of the overthrow of awatobi is preserved in detail among the living villagers of tusayan, and like all stories which have been transmitted for several generations exist in several variants, differing in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. in the absence of contemporary documentary history, which some time may possibly be brought to light, the legends are the only available data regarding an event of great importance in the modern history of tusayan. i have obtained the legends from supela, shimo,[ ] masiumptiwa, and saliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the last mentioned. the others dilated more on the atrocities which were committed on the bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the tortures endured before they were killed. all show traces of modification, incorporation, and modern invention. _destruction of awatobi as related by saliko_[ ] "the chiefs wiki and shimo, and others, have told you their stories, and surely their ancestors were living here at walpi when awatobi was occupied. it was a large village, and many people lived there, and the village chief was called tapolo, but he was not at peace with his people, and there were quarreling and trouble. owing to this conflict only a little rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were still gathered. the awatobi men were bad (_powako_, sorcerers). sometimes they went in small bands among the fields of the other villagers and cudgeled any solitary worker they found. if they overtook any woman they ravished her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the game, after beating and sometimes killing the hunters. there was considerable trouble in awatobi, and tapolo sent to the oraibi chief asking him to bring his people and kill the evil awatobians. the oraibi came and fought with them, and many were killed on both sides, but the oraibi were not strong enough to enter the village, and were compelled to withdraw. on his way back the oraibi chief stopped at walpi and talked with the chiefs there. said he, 'i can not tell why tapolo wants the oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and have not succeeded very well. even if we did succeed, what benefit would come to us who live too far away to occupy the land? you walpi people live close to them and have suffered most at their hands; it is for you to try.' while they were talking tapolo had also come, and it was then decided that other chiefs of all the villages should convene at walpi to consult. couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had arrived tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers (christians), and hence should all be destroyed. "it was then arranged that in four days large bands from all the other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at a spring not far from awatobi. a long while before this, when the spaniards lived there, they had built a wall on the side of the village that needed protection, and in this wall was a great, strong door. tapolo proposed that the assailants should come before dawn, and he would be at this door ready to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his village. during the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, the various bands assembled at the deep gulch spring, and every man carried, besides his weapons, a cedar-bark torch and a bundle of greasewood. just before dawn they moved silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly to the east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened as they approached. in one of the courts was a large kiva, and in it were a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. the assailants at once made for the kiva, and plucking up the ladder, they stood around the hatchway, shooting arrows down among the entrapped occupants. in the numerous cooking pits fire had been maintained through the night for the preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and from these they lighted their torches. great numbers of these and the bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were cast down the hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the house terraces were also thrown into the kiva. the red peppers for which awatobi was famous were hanging in thick clusters along the fronts of the houses, and these they crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the kiva to further torment their burning occupants. after this, all who were capable of moving were compelled to travel or drag themselves until they came to the sand-hills of mishoñinovi, and there the final disposition of the prisoners was made. "my maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (_mamzrau moñwi_), and saved her at the place of massacre called maski, and now he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate the woman of walpi in the rites of the _mamzrau_. she complied, and thus the observance of the ceremonial called the mamzráuti came to walpi. i can not tell how it came to the other villages. this mamzrau-moñwi had no children, and hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and her _tiponi_ (badge of office) came to me. some of the other awatobi women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as were willing to teach their songs were spared and went to different villages. the oraibi chief saved a man who knew how to cause peaches to grow, and that is why oraibi has such an abundance of peaches now. the mishoñinovi chief saved a prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, small-ear corn grow, and that is why it is more abundant there than elsewhere. all the women who knew song prayers and were willing to teach them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but were divided among the villages, most of them going to mishoñinovi. the remainder of the prisoners, men and women, were again tortured and dismembered and left to die on the sand hills, and there their bones are, and that is the reason the place is called _maschomo_ (death-mound). this is the story of awatobi told by my old people." all variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, that awatobi was destroyed by the other tusayan pueblos, and that mishoñinovi, walpi, and probably oraibi and shuñopovi participated in the deed. a grievance that would unite the other villagers against awatobi must have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere dispute about water or lands. the more i study the real cause, hidden in the term _powako_, "wizard" or "sorcerer," the more i am convinced that the progress christianity was making in awatobi, after the reconquest of the pueblos in , explains the hostility of the other villagers. the party favoring the catholic fathers in awatobi was increasing, and the other tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. they foresaw that it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, associated in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided on the tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of which their natures were capable. they greatly feared the return of the spanish soldiers, as the epoch of spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universal detestation. moreover, after the reconquest of the rio grande pueblos, many apostates fled to tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred against the priests. walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers a few years later. among these arrivals were tanoan warriors and their families, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants of hano. it was no doubt hoped that the destruction of awatobi would effectually root out the growing christian influence, which it in fact did; and for fifty years afterward tusayan successfully resisted all efforts to convert it. franciscans from the east and jesuits from the gila in the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeeded in rebuilding the missions in this isolated province, which was generally regarded as independent. from the scanty data i have been able to collect from historical and legendary sources, it seems probable that awatobi was always more affected by the padres than were the other tusayan pueblos. this was the village which was said to have been "converted" by padre porras, whose work, after his death by poison in , was no doubt continued by his associates and successors. about , as we learn from documentary accounts, the population of awatobi was ,[ ] and it was probably not much smaller in , the time of its destruction. evidences of fire in the destruction wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of awatobi, we could not penetrate far below the surface without encountering unmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. the effect of the fire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. hardly a single object was removed from this part of awatobi that had not been charred. many of the beams were completely burned; others were charred only on their surfaces. the rooms were filled with ashes and scoriæ, while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat. perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of awatobi was seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been less intense. in many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently were used as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is today under many of the living rooms at walpi, a fact which tends to show that there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before its destruction. the ears of corn in these store-rooms were simply charred, but so well preserved that entire ears of maize were collected in great numbers. it may here be mentioned that upon one of the stacks of corn i found during my excavations for the hemenway expedition in , a rusty iron knife-blade, showing that the owner of the room was acquainted with objects of spanish manufacture. this blade is now deposited with the hemenway collection in the peabody museum at cambridge. the ruins of the mission the mission church of san bernardino de awatobi was erected very early in the history of the spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are the only ones now standing above the surface. this building was constructed by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at walpi and shuñopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. the mission at oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we must qualify mindeleff's statement[ ] that "at tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the villages on the mesa summits.... these summits have been extensively occupied only in comparatively recent time, although one or more churches may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the valley below." at the time of the spanish invasion three of the hopi villages stood on the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they now stand, and the other two, awatobi and oraibi, occupied the same sites as today, on the summits of the mesas. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cviii ruins of san bernardino de awatobi] i believe that at the time of the spanish discovery of tusayan by pedro de tobar in , there were only five tusayan towns--walpi, awatobi, shuñopovi, mishoñinovi, and oraibi. later, awatobi was destroyed, and shortly after walpi, the only east mesa town, together with mishoñinovi and shuñopovi, on the middle mesa, were moved to the elevated sites they now occupy. oraibi, therefore, is probably the only tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupies practically the same site that it did in . in their excavations for the foundations of new houses the present inhabitants of oraibi often find, as i am informed by mr h. r. voth, the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient tusayan ware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of sikyatki and awatobi. the mission building at awatobi, known in the church history of new mexico and arizona as san bernardo or san bernardino, was reputed to be the largest in tusayan, and its walls are still the best preserved of any mission structure in that province. this, however, does not imply that the church structures of tusayan are well preserved, for the mission buildings at walpi have wholly disappeared, while at oraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. of the shuñopovi mission of san bernabe there are no standing walls save at one end, which are now used as a sheep corral. the mission of san bernardino de awatobi was built on the southern side of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, and its walls are the only ones of awatobi now standing above ground. from the situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part of awatobi--the western mounds--i believe that san bernardino mission was, when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper--a custom almost universally followed in erecting pueblo mission churches--necessary in this instance, since from the compactness of the village there was no other available site. the same was true of the missions of oraibi and shuñopovi, and probably of old walpi. as time passed additional buildings were erected near it, this eastward extension altering the original plan of the town, but in no way affecting the configuration of the older portion. from its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission walls must have presented an imposing appearance from the plain below, rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, making a conspicuous structure for miles across antelope valley, from which its crumbling walls are still visible (plate cviii). when compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the walls of the mission may be designated massive, and excavation at their foundations was very difficult on account of the great amount of débris which had fallen about them. with the limited force of laborers at my command the excavations could not be conducted with a great degree of thoroughness. in the middle of what i supposed to have been the main church there was much sand, evidently drift, and in it i sank a trench feet below the surface without reaching anything which i considered a floor. we found in excavations at the foundation of the church walls fragments of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, a copper bell pivot, and fragments of spanish pottery. from the character of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of the former existence of spanish influence, and the method of construction of the mission walls and the addition constructed of adobe containing chopped straw, substantiate this conclusion. supposing, from the architecture and orientation of other new mexican missions, that the altar was at the western end, opposite the entrance to the church, i sank a trench along the foundation of the wall on that side, but encountered such a mass of fallen stone at that point that i found it impossible to make much progress, and the fact that the floor was more than feet below the surface of the central depression led me to abandon, as impossible with my little band of native excavators, the laying bare of the floor of the church. [illustration: fig. --ground plan of san bernardino de awatobi] the ground plan (figure ) of the mission resembles that of the zuñi church, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the rio grande pueblos. the tall buttresses, which rise or feet above the trail up the mesa on the southern corner, are, i believe, remnants of towers which formerly supported a balcony. during a previous visit to tusayan i obtained fragments[ ] of the ancient bell, which are now on exhibition in the hemenway section of the peabody museum at cambridge. the stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefully fitted, the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid in adobe. there was apparently a gallery over the entrance to the building overlooking many smaller buildings, which evidently were the quarters of the resident priest. the construction of the walls was apparently a laborious task, as many of the stones are large and must have been brought a considerable distance. these stones were laid in adobe, and apparently were plastered without and within, although little evidence of the former plastering may now be seen. at the northwestern corner, however, there still remain well-made adobe walls, the clay having been intermixed with straw. from the general appearance of these walls i regard them as of late construction, probably long after the destruction of the mission. an examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it was oriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latter direction. compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seem to be an exceptional position. in my excavations i naturally sought the probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess for the altar. it is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that an entrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and the axis of the building is north and south. the theory that the door was at the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatal objections to this conclusion. if, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, the high walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would then recall the façades of other missions. the rooms east of the largest inclosure, by this interpretation, would be outbuildings--residence rooms for the padres--one side of which forms the eastern walls of the church edifice. the form of the awatobi church, as indicated by the walls still standing, is very similar to that of zuñi, notwithstanding the orientation appears to be somewhat different. excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at either the northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since the walls are so poorly preserved in both these directions. it was, moreover, very difficult to make a satisfactory examination of the foundations of the walls at any point on account of the fallen stories, which encumbered the floor at their bases. from the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long before the mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied houses extended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a level space or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonial chambers or kivas. the southern side of this open space was the site of the mission, but was then unoccupied. this open space recalls the large court at walpi, where the snake dance occurs, but it was considerably broader, one side being formed by the structures which rose from the edge of the mesa. in course of time, however, the mission buildings were erected on this site, and a wall connecting the ridge of houses on the north and the outhouses of the mission was made, thus inclosing the court on all four sides. it was into this inclosure, through a gateway, the buttresses of which still remain, that the assailants passed on that eventful night when awatobi was destroyed. there is good evidence that a massacre of awatobians occurred in the southeastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of the mission. if so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates sought refuge in the outbuildings of the church. suspecting that such was the case, i excavated a considerable space of ground at these places and found many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. the earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placed there or left where the dead fell. these bodies were not buried with pious care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or other indication of burial objects. many of the skulls were broken, some pierced with sharp implements. while it is true that possibly this may have been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, a christian burial place, as at zuñi, the evidence from the appearance of the bodies points to a different conclusion. according to the legends, the hostiles entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway; their anger led them especially against those of the inhabitants who were regarded as _powako_ or sorcerers, and their first acts of violence would naturally have been toward those who sought refuge in the buildings adjacent the church. near this hated "singing-house" the slaughter began, soon extending to the kivas and the whole of the eastern section of the village. there was no evidence of murderous deeds in the rooms of the western section of the old pueblo, and the legends agree in relating that most of the men were in kivas, not far from the mission, when the village was overthrown. there is no legendary evidence that there were any spanish priests in the mission at the time of its destruction, and there is no record extant of any spaniards losing their lives at awatobi at the time of its destruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according to bandelier,[ ] was recorded. the traditional clans which inhabited awatobi were the awata (bow), honani (badger), piba (tobacco), and buli (butterfly). the bow people appear to have been the most important of these, since their name was applied to the village. their totemic signatures, in pictographic form, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under awatobi, and in the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on which was an incised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that the owner was a member of the bow phratry. saliko, the chief of the woman's society known as the mamzrautû, insists that this priesthood was strong in the fated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries was brought to walpi by one of the women who was saved. it is claimed by the folklorists of the tataukyamû, a priesthood which, controls the new-fire ceremonies at walpi, and is prominent in the soyaluña, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the piba or tobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to walpi, and there are many obscurely known resemblances between the mamzrauti and the wüwütcimti celebrations in walpi which appear to support that claim. the piba phratry is likewise said to have come to walpi comparatively late in the history of the village, which fact points the same way. undoubtedly awatobi received additions to its population from the south when the pueblos on the little colorado were abandoned, and there are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largest numbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of the country.[ ] the kivas of awatobi a pueblo of the size of awatobi, with so many evidences of long occupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or kivas, but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. i have already called attention to evidences that if they existed they were probably to be looked for in the open court east of the western mounds and in the space north of the mission. in all the inhabited tusayan pueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters and are surrounded by courts or dance plazas. no open spaces existed in the main or western mounds of awatobi, and there was no place there for kivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having such structures built among the dwellings, as at zuñi. a tradition has survived that awatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of rectangular shape, and that they were situated in open courts. this would indicate that the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may have been the sites of these chambers. the old priests whom i have consulted in regard to the probable positions of awatobi kivas have invariably pointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the eastern section of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in i proved to my satisfaction that these directions were correct. there is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in the ancient performance of the tusayan ritual, and there are still performed many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others which occur in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. thus, the flute ceremony, one of the most complicated in tusayan, is not, and according to legends never was, performed in a kiva. on the contrary, the secret rites of the flute society are performed in the ancestral flute chamber or home of the oldest woman of the flute clan. originally, i believe, the same was true in the case of other ceremonials, and that the kiva was of comparatively recent introduction into tusayan.[ ] speaking of the sacred rooms of awatobi, mindeleff says: "no traces of kivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed," but stephen is quoted in a legend that "the people of walpi had partly cleaned out one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial plume-sticks, but the navaho carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens." it is true that while from a superficial examination of the awatobi mounds the position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavation brings their walls to light. it is likewise quite probable that the legend reported by stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people at walpi may have used old shrines in awatobi, after its destruction, as the priests of mishoñinovi do at the present time; but i very much doubt if the navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from these fanes. it is hardly characteristic of these people to barter such objects among one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear to have made their way into the numerous collections of traders known to me. there is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavations that the room centrally placed in the court north of the mission contained a shrine in its floor on the night awatobi fell. in , while removing the soil from a depression about the middle of the eastern court of awatobi, about feet north of the northern wall of the mission, i laid bare a room by feet, in which were found a skull and many other human bones which, from their disposition, had not been buried with care. the discovery of these skeletons accorded with the hopi traditions that this was one of the rooms in which the men of awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, and the inclosure where many died. i was deterred from further excavation at that place by the horror of my workmen at the desecration of the chamber. in , however, i determined to continue my earlier excavations and to trace the course of the walls of adjacent rooms. the results obtained in this work led to a new phase of the question, which sheds more light on the character of the rooms in the middle of the eastern court of awatobi. instead of a single room at this point, there are three rectangular chambers side by side, all of about the same size (plate cviii). in the center of the floor of the middle room, feet below the surface, i came upon a cist or stone shrine. as the workmen approached the floor they encountered a stone slab, horizontally placed in the pavement of the room. this slab was removed, and below it was another flat stone which was perforated by a rectangular hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. this second slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of which were formed of stone slabs about - / feet square. on the inner faces of the upright slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. these symbols were of terrace form, in different colors outlined with black lines. one of the stones bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a third white. the color of the fourth was not determinable, but evidently, from its position relatively to the others, was once green. this arrangement corresponds with the present ceremonial assignment of colors to the cardinal points, or at least the north and south, as at the present time, were yellow and red, respectively, and presumably the white and green were on the east and west sides of the cist. the colors are still fairly bright and may be seen in the restoration of this shrine now in the national museum. there was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were found fragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayed that, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. there were likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, a yellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. all these facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrine in the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva. the position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court is interesting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of the modern hopi pueblos. shrines occupy the same relative position in sichomovi, hano, shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacred prayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. at walpi, in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt in which offerings are often placed, as i have elsewhere described in treating of certain ceremonies. this shrine is not visible, for a slab of stone which is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, and is securely luted in place with adobe. there are similar subterranean prayer crypts in other tusayan villages. they represent the traditional opening, or _sipapu_, through which, in pueblo cosmogony, races crawled to the surface of the earth from an underworld. in awatobi also there is a similar shrine, for the deposit of prayer-offerings, almost in the middle of a plaza bounded on three sides by the mission, the spur of many-storied houses, and the wall with a gateway, while the remaining side was formed by the great communal houses of the western part of the pueblo. while we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs of stone which formed this awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me how closely it resembled the _pahoki_ used by the _katcinas_, and when, a month later, i witnessed the _nimán-katcina_ ceremony at walpi, and accompanied the chief, intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks in that shrine,[ ] i was again impressed by the similarity of the two, one in a ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in the performance of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrow of the great pueblo of antelope mesa. old awatobi the western mounds of awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that they cover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact form that the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modern walpi. they indicate that awatobi was of pyramidal form, was symmetrical, three or four stories high,[ ] without a central plaza, but probably penetrated by narrow courts or passages. no great ceremonial dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, since there was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it must have occurred outside the village, probably in the open space to the east, near where the ruined walls of the mission now stand. from the nature of the western mounds i found it advantageous to begin the work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, and to penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formation which forms its foundation. in this way all the débris could advantageously be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. we began to open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making converging trenches at intervals, working toward their center. we found that these trenches followed continuous walls connected by cross partitions, forming rooms, and that these were continued as far as we penetrated. the evidence is good that these rooms are followed by others which extend into the deepest part of the mound. we likewise excavated at intervals over the whole surface of the western area of awatobi, and wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminished in altitude on the northern side, were found. from these excavations i concluded that if any part of the western mound was higher than the remainder, it was on the southern side just above the edge of the mesa, and from that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude to the north, in which direction it was continued for some distance in low, single-story rooms. rooms of the western mound the older or western portion of awatobi is thus believed to be made up of a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerable height from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes more gradually to the north and west. on account of this steep declivity we were able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of the rooms, one above the other (figure ). by beginning excavations on the rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls were encountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. from the edge of the cliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, which were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, one back of another. the deeper we penetrated the mound the higher the walls were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along the whole southern side of the elevation (plate cix). if, as i suspect, these parallel walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatest elevation of the former buildings must have been four stories. it would likewise seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, with the highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story walls at the edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved in walpi. the loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was feet high, but as that was measured over feet below the apex of the mound, it would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall feet high in the center of the mound. even counting feet as the height of each story we would have four stories above the foundation, and this, i believe, was the height of the old pueblo. but probably the wall did not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where it could not have been more than one or two stories high. there is no evidence of the former existence of an inclosed court of any considerable size between the buildings and the cliff, although a passage probably skirted the brink of the precipice, and house ladders may have been placed on that side for ready access to upper rooms. by a series of platforms or terraces, which were in fact the roofs of the houses, one mounted to the upper stories which formed the apex of the pueblo. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cix excavations in the western mound of awatobi] [illustration: fig. --structure of house wall of awatobi] on the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over the surface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtless the remains of single-story structures. this leads me to suspect that when awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, and not on the solid rock surface of the mesa. the configuration, then, shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to the north, but rose more abruptly from the south and west. there are low extramural mounds to the north, showing that on this side the dwellings were composed of straggling chambers. the general character of the rooms on the level slope at the western side of old awatobi is shown in the accompanying illustration (plate cx). the peculiarity of these rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers of the southern declivity of the ruin. extending the excavations four feet below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solid earth, and there were no signs of walls beneath it. this was without doubt a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. the surrounding surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoining walls of rooms may readily be traced near by. the room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and without passageways into adjoining chambers. the northern, eastern, and western walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in the floor of these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevated settle at the southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of the main wall to a small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the object of which is unknown to me. all walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flat stones set in adobe. the singular inclosure at the southern corner could not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of soot upon its walls. i incline to the belief that it may have served as a closet, or possibly as a granary. its arrangement is not unlike that in certain modern rooms at walpi. an examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds of awatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed into shape, which was, as a rule, cubical. in this respect they differ from the larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in this masonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall. the differences between the masonry of the mission and that of the room in which we found a chief buried were very marked. in the former, elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were universal, while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses and neatly fitted together. the partitions likewise are narrower, being not more than inches thick. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cx excavated room in the western mound of awatobi] smaller awatobi about an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of awatobi there is a small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, and in which individual houses are easy to trace. like its larger neighbor, it stands on the very edge of the mesa. none of its walls rise above the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerably elevated and readily distinguished for some distance. the pueblo was built in the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding a plaza. there was an opening or entrance on the southern side, near which is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. a trail now passes directly through the ruin and down the mesa side to jeditoh valley, probably the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended the cliff. the hopi indians employed by me in excavating awatobi had no name for this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before i pointed it out to them. for want of a better interpretation i have regarded it as a colony of old awatobi, possibly of later construction. excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, although fragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at awatobi and sikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older or best epoch[ ] of tusayan ceramics. mortuary remains although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the great houses of the gila-salado drainage buried some of their dead within their dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuary practice was observed in ancient zuñi-cibola, up to the time of my excavations this form of burial had never been found in tusayan. i am now able to record that the same custom was practiced at awatobi. excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western mounds led to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeleton of an old man, apparently a priest. the body was laid on the floor, at full length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had been placed, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of his priestly office. eight small objects of pottery were found on his left side (plate cxii, _a_, _b_, _d_, _e_). among these was a symmetrical vase of beautiful red ware (plate cxi, _a_) richly decorated with geometric patterns, and four globular paint pots, each full of pigment of characteristic color. these paint pots were of black-and-white ware, and contained, respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, green copper carbonate, and micaceous hematite (plate cxiii, _a_, _d_, _e_) such as is now called _yayala_ and used by the snake priests in the decoration of their faces. there were also many arrowpoints in an earthen colander, and a ladle was luted over the mouth of the red vase. my native excavators pronounced this the grave of a warrior priest. the passageways into this chamber of death had all been closed, and there were no other mortuary objects in the room. this was the only instance of intramural interment which i discovered in the excavations at awatobi, but a human bone was found on the floor of another chamber. so far as known the awatobi people buried most of their dead outside the town, either in the foothills at the base of the mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes. the work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa was desultory, as i found no single place where many interments had been made. several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by kópeli, the snake chief. i was not with him when he found the grave, but he called me to see it soon after its discovery. we took from this excavation a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of the bottom of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. deposited in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, several fragments of green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures of dragon-flies in black. in addition to a single complete prayer-stick there were fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. one of these was declared by kópeli to be a chief's paho. the grave in which these objects were found was situated about halfway down the side of the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the western division of the pueblo. here and there along the base of all the foothills south of awatobi are evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, and vases were unearthed (plate cxiii, _b_, _c_). the soil is covered with fragments of pottery, and in places, where the water has washed through them, exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was found that the fragments of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to a depth of fifty feet below the surface. there was evidence, however, that this soil had been transported more or less by rain water, which often courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents. human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission near the trail, at the foot of the mesa. in a single grave, a foot below the surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containing six vessels, all broken. the cemetery northwest of awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy to excavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects of pottery taken from it. this burial place yielded many bowls (plates clxvii, clxviii) and jars, as well as several interesting pahos similar to those from sikyatki, which i shall later describe but which have never before been reported from awatobi. it was found that one of these prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and as the skeleton was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, the prayer-stick may thus have been held at the time of burial. our success in finding places of interment on all sides of sikyatki, irrespective of direction, leads me to suspect that further investigation of the sand-dunes north of awatobi will reveal graves at that point. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxi vase and mugs from the western mounds of awatobi] i have already called attention to the great abundance of charred corn found in the rooms north of the mission. renewed work in this quarter revealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, sometimes filling the entire side of a room. evidently, as i have elsewhere shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burned with all their contents. the corn was not removed from the granaries, as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. when an indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found at awatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is an instructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in the western or most ancient section of awatobi. shrines although awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the shrines of the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are even now frequented by some of the mishoñinovi priests. in one of these ancient depositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within a few years ago. this shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders on the side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, and is formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusual size. a rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened to the east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which have now fallen in. the present appearance of this shrine is shown in the accompanying illustration (figure ). in former times two wooden idols, called the _alosaka_, were kept in this crypt, in much the same manner as the dawn maid is now sealed up by the walpians, when not used in the new-fire ceremony, as i have described in my account of _naacnaiya_.[ ] mr thomas v. keam, not knowing that the awatobi idols were still used in the mishoñinovi ritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known a large number of priests begged him to return them, saying that they were still used in religious exercises. with that consideration which he has always shown to the indians, mr keam allowed the priests to take the images of _alosaka_. the figurines were this time carried to mishoñinovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trail over which they carried them. the two idols[ ] have not been seen by white people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hidden crypt near the mishoñinovi village. there is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smaller awatobi, which bears evidence of antiquity (figure ). it consisted, in , of a circle of small stones in which were two large water-worn stones and a fragment of petrified wood. there was no evidence that it had lately been used. [illustration: fig. --alosaka shrine at awatobi] on the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of the cliff, there was also a simple shrine (figure ). judging from its general appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxii paint pots, bowl, and dipper from awatobi] at the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, there is a shrine (figure ), the earth of which contained hundreds of prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had been placed there only a few days before my visit. this shrine, i was told, is still used by the mishoñinovi priests in their sacred observances. among other forms of prayer offerings there were many small wooden cylinders with radiating sticks connected with yarn, the symbolic prayer offering for squashes.[ ] in former times antelope valley was the garden spot of tusayan, and from what we know of the antiquity of the cultivation of squashes in the southwest, there is little doubt that they were cultivated by the awatobians, and that similar offerings were made by the ancient farmers for a good crop of these vegetables. [illustration: fig. --shrine at awatobi] [illustration: fig. --shrine at awatobi] pottery the mounds of awatobi are entirely covered with fragments of pottery of all the various kinds and colors known to ancient tusayan. there were found coiled and indented ware, coarse undecorated vessels, fine yellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red decorations. there is no special kind of pottery peculiar to awatobi, but it shares with the other tusayan ruins all types, save a few fragments of black glazed ware, which occur elsewhere. [illustration: fig. --shrine at awatobi] it is highly probable that the few specimens of black-and-white ware found in this ruin were not manufactured in the village, and the red ware probably came from settlements to the south, on the little colorado. these colors are in part due to the character of the paste which was used, and the clay most often selected by awatobi potters made a fine yellow vessel. the material from which most of the vessels were manufactured came, no doubt, from a bank near the ruin, where there is good evidence that it was formerly quarried. three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roof drains, were found. the use of these objects, possibly indicated by their resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. their capacity would not be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fell on the housetops of awatobi, and they can hardly be identified as spouts of large bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk with smooth edges. in want of a satisfactory explanation i have provisionally regarded them as water spouts, but whether they are from ancient vessels or from the roofs of houses i am in much doubt.[ ] one of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the ruins is that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin or saucer. the rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, the intervals between which are not greater than the diameter of the perforations. several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims have been taken from other ruins of jeditoh valley and mesa, the holes being regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. near a sacred spring called kawaika,[ ] not far from jeditoh, near awatobi, a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rims were excavated by mr t. v. keam, and later passed into the collections of the hemenway expedition, now installed at cambridge. they are of all kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginal perforations varying greatly. as they were found in large numbers near a spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food or sacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. the handle of a mug (plate cxi, _f_) from awatobi, so closely resembles the handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses of san juan valley that it should be specially mentioned. there is in the handle of this mug a t-shape opening quite similar in form to the peculiar doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. the mug is made of the finest white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometric patterns. so close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-house pottery that the two may be regarded as identical. moreover, it is not impossible that the object may have been brought to tusayan from tségi canyon, in the cliff-houses of which hopi clans[ ] lived while awatobi was in its prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of . the few fragments of tségi canyon pottery known to me have strong resemblances to ancient hopi ware, although the black-and-white variety predominates. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxiii pottery from intramural burial at awatobi] the collection of pottery from awatobi is, comparatively speaking, small, but it shows many interesting forms. awatobi pottery may be classed under the same groups as other old tusayan ceramics, but most of the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, and red varieties. it resembles that of sikyatki, but bears little likeness to modern ware in texture or symbolism. one is impressed by the close resemblance between the awatobi pottery and that from the ruins of the little colorado and zuñi,[ ] which no doubt is explained, in part, by the identity in the constituents of the potter's clay near awatobi with that in more southerly regions. evidences of spanish influence may be traced on certain objects of pottery from awatobi, especially on those obtained from the eastern mounds of the ruin. in most essentials, however, the awatobi ware resembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristically tusayan. the differentiation in modern cibolan and tusayan symbolism is much greater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, a fact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, of culture in ancient times. with this thought in mind, it would be highly instructive to study the ancient ruins of the rio grande region, as unfortunately no large collections of archeological objects from that part of the southwest have been made.[ ] the majority of the bowls from awatobi are decorated in geometric patterns and a few have animal or human figures. the symbols, as well as the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those of sikyatki. fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at awatobi, but so far as recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from the latter ruin. in order that the character of the geometric designs on awatobi pottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced to illustrate their modifications in connection with my discussion of the geometric forms figured on sikyatki ware. the figures on these bowls (plates clxvi, clxvii), with one or two exceptions, need no special description in addition to what is said of sikyatki geometric designs, which they closely resemble. the cross-shape figure (plate clxvi, _b_) may profitably be studied in connection with the account of the modification of sikyatki sun symbols. evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were found on one or two fragments of fine pottery from awatobi, but no decoration of this kind was observed on the sikyatki vessels. the red ware is the same as that found in ancient cibola, while one or two fragments of glossy black recall the type common to modern santa clara. two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the other red with black-and-white decoration, were found at awatobi. large masses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found in the corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. some of these masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. the former variety was used in making the finest tusayan ceramics; the latter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels of ruder finish. several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, were found on the surface of the mounds of awatobi, and one was taken from a sikyatki grave. the use of these objects is unknown to me. among the fragments of dippers from awatobi are several with perforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, as that of a cross. these colanders were rare at sikyatki, but i find nothing in them to betray spanish influence.[ ] handled dippers or mugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of our southwest that i can not accept the dictum that the mug form was not prehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the tusayan indians were familiar with mugs when the spaniards came among them. the handles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid or hollow, simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of an animal. the upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. no ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clown priest, so common on modern ladles, was found either at awatobi or sikyatki. rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, especially of ladles, were common. these are regarded as votive offerings, from the fact that they were found usually in the graves of children, and were apparently used as playthings before they were buried. a common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of short parallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transverse zones. this form of decoration of ladle handles i have observed on similar vessels from the casas grandes of chihuahua, and it reappears on pottery in all the ruins i have studied between mexico and tusayan. in the exhibit of the mexican government at madrid in - a fine collection of ancient pottery from oaxaca was shown, and i have drawings of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on the handle that are found on pueblo ware from the gila-salado, the cibola, and the tusayan regions. the only fragment of pottery from awatobi or sikyatki with designs which could be identified with any modern picture of a _katcina_ was found, as might be expected, in the former ruin. this small fragment is instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the _katcina_ cult in tusayan before ; but the rarity of the figures of these supernatural beings is very suggestive. the fragment in question is of ancient ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and is apparently a part of the neck of a vase. the figure represents wupamo, the great-cloud _katcina_, and is marked like the doll of the same as it appears in the _powamû_ or february celebration at walpi.[ ] the associates of the _katcinas_ are the so-called "mud-heads" or clowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the pueblo area. in tusayan villages they are called the tcukuwympkia, and are variously personated. as they belong especially to the _katcina_ cult, which is naturally supposed to have been in vogue at awatobi, i was greatly interested in the finding of a fragment representing a grotesque head which reminded me of a glutton of the division of the tcukuwympkia called tcuckutû. while there may be some doubt of the validity of my identification, yet, taken in connection with the fragment of a vase with the face of wupamo, i think there is no doubt that the _katcina_ cult was practiced at awatobi. stone implements comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, and spearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the mounds are finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. there were many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used in tusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. these stones were tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used as a warclub. many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of the specimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. by far the largest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the opposite end. a single highly polished specimen (plate clxxi, _f_) resembles a type very common in the gila salado ruins. arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, being frequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. three or four specimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanic glass were picked up on the surface of the mounds. metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in several houses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly sought by the indian women who visited our camp. these specimens differ in no respect from similar mealing stones still used at walpi and other modern tusayan pueblos. many were made of very coarse stone[ ] for use in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of finer texture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding mano or muller held in the hand in grinding meal. the modern hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks of stone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholds by which they are carried from place to place. two of these stones, about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber which i have supposed to be the awatobi kiva. in modern tusayan these seats are commonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in number that we can hardly regard them as common. they are often used to support the uprights of altars when they are erected, and i have seen priests grind pigments in the depressions. incidentally, it may be said that i have never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; nor do they have boxes to sit upon. during the droning of the tedious songs they have nothing under them except a folded blanket or sheepskin. excavations in the awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallow mortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparable in finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration (plate clxxii, _a_). this object is made of a hard stone in the form of a perfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. the depression is shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment upon its surface. in almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, beautifully made mullers and metates were exhumed. these were ordinarily in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, as if by constant use. in one grave there was found a metate reversed over a skeleton, probably that of a woman--although the bones were so disintegrated that the determination of the sex of the individual was impossible. several of these metates were taken by indian women, who prized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros and carried them ten miles to walpi, where they are now applied to the same purpose for which they were used over two centuries ago. on the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan of the ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where the awatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in the manner practiced by the modern villagers of tusayan. these depressions are especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between the eastern and western sections of the ruin.[ ] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxiv bone implements from awatobi and sikyatki] bone objects a large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered at awatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from sikyatki. it is worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common in houses than in graves; and since the awatobi excavations were conducted mostly in living rooms, while those at sikyatki were largely in the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo far outnumber those from the latter. the collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubes made of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. the two animals which contributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and the rabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones of the antelope or deer. several of these specimens were blackened by fire, and one was stained with green pigment. there was also evidence of an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, while one was bound with string. bones of animals which had served for food were very common in all the excavations at awatobi, especially near the floors of the houses. with the exception of a number of large bones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range of the eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected. plate cxiv gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked bone which were obtained. figure _a_ shows an awl, for the handle of which one of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end being very sharp; _b_ and _c_ are similar objects, but slighter, and more carefully worked; _d_ is a flattened bone implement perforated with two holes, and may have been used as a needle. there are similar implements in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. other forms of bone awls are shown in _e_, _f_, _g_, and _j_. there are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. one of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cut longitudinally, convex on the side represented in plate cxiv, _h_, and concave on the opposite side. when found this bone fragment was tied to a second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seen in the figure), thus forming a short tube. the use of this object is not known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by the indians whom i consulted in relation to it. this does not apply, however, to the object illustrated in plate cxiv, _i_, which was declared by several hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used in ceremonials connected with medicine making. the manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird's call has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, and i will therefore quote the description of its use in the _nimankatcina_ at walpi.[ ] then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at the termination of which intiwa's associate took the bird whistle (_tatükpi_) and blew three times into the liquid, making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird whistle. this was repeated four times, accompanied by song and rattle. he first inserted the bone whistle on the north side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. the monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and intiwa sprinkled corn pollen on the ears of corn in the water, and upon the line of pahos. the object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which are associated with planting and harvesting. the whistle figures in many rites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine or charm liquid. miscellaneous objects ornaments in the form of birds and shells in the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds at awatobi, were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, often painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to that of the thumb nail (plate clxxiii, _j-m_). on the convex surface of these objects parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at the valves for suspension. i have never found them suspended from the neck of a skeleton, although their general appearance indicates that they were used as ornaments. similarly made clay images of birds (plate clxxiii, _g_, _h_, _i_) with extended wings were also found, and of these there are several different forms in the collection. a small perforated knob at the breast served for attachment. in the absence of any better explanation of these objects, i have regarded them as gorgets, or pendants, for personal decoration. in the awatobi collections there are several small disks made apparently of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. these are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape--in one case with a perforation near the rim. turquois and shell beads were found in considerable numbers in the excavations at awatobi, but, as they are similar to those from sikyatki, i have reserved a discussion of them for following pages. a few fragments of shell armlets and wristlets were also exhumed. these were made generally of the pacific coast _pectunculus_, so common in the ruins of the little colorado.[ ] clay bell copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of the modern tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot races metal bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied about the waists of the runners. small copper hawk bells,[ ] found in southern arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with those used by the ancient nahuatl people. so far as the study of the antiquities of the ruins of tusayan immediately about the inhabited towns has gone, we have no record of the finding of copper bells of any great age. it was, therefore, with considerable interest that i exhumed from one of the rooms of the westernmost or oldest section of awatobi a clay bell (figure ) made in exact imitation of one of the copper bells that have been reported from several southern ruins (plate clxxiii, _a_). while it may be said that it would be more decisive evidence of the prehistoric character of this object if awatobi had not been under spanish influence for over a century, still, from the position where it was dug up and its resemblance to metal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there seems to be little reason to question its age. as with the imitation of marine shells in clay, it is probable that in this bell we have a facsimile of a metal bell with which the ancient tusayan people were undoubtedly familiar.[ ] [illustration: fig. --clay bell from awatobi (natural size)] textile fabrics in the very earliest accounts which we have of tusayan the hopi are said to raise cotton and to weave it into mantles. these mantles, or "towels" as they were styled by espejo, were, according to castañeda, ornamented with embroidery, and had tassels at the corners. in early times garments were made of the fiber of the maguey, and of feathers and rabbit skins. fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by friar marcos de niza, and he was told that the inhabitants of totonteac obtained the material from which they were made from animals as large as the greyhounds which the father had with him. the historical references which can be mentioned to prove that the tusayan people, when they were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, and need not be quoted here. that the people of awatobi made cotton fabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by early visitors that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and some of the presents made to the first spanish explorers were of native cotton. the archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in the western mounds of the village. these fragments were of cotton and agave fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of some unknown animal. no signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, and from the perishable nature of the material of which they were made it would be strange if any traces had been discovered. at sikyatki a small textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of the burial vases, but no feather garments or even fragments of the same were unearthed at awatobi. a woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the same material were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the eastern section, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yard long, made of human hair. it was suggested to me by one of the hopi that this string was part of the coiffure of an awatobi maid, and that it was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, as is still the hopi custom. the whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at awatobi was small, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditions of burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in the dry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, made at a contemporary period, has been taken. prayer-sticks--pigments among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancient tusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. these were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, as shown in the accompanying illustrations (plates clxxiv, clxxv). as i shall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account of sikyatki, where a much larger number were found, i will simply mention a few of the more striking varieties from awatobi. one of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, painted green, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. as this insect is a symbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony with the hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained. pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one end were common, but generally were poorly preserved. the prayer-sticks from the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the eastern section crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they were apparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. on several of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string and feathers that were formerly attached are still readily seen. it is probable that the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which the green pahos were so colored, contributed to the preservation of the wood of which they had been manufactured. the only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, and green, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of a stone implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. all the pigments used by the modern tusayan indians were found in the intramural burial already described. my hopi workmen urged me to give them small fragments of these paints, regarding them efficacious in their ceremonials. objects showing spanish influence we would naturally expect to find many objects of caucasian origin in the ruins of a pueblo which had been under spanish influence for a century. i have already spoken of certain architectural features in the eastern part of awatobi which may be traced to the influence of the spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were several different kinds which show the same thing. the old iron knife-blade already mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storage chamber in the northern row of houses was not the only metallic object found. not far from the mission there were unearthed many corroded iron nails, a small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, and a fragment of what appeared to be a portion of a bell. there were several pieces of glass, the surfaces of which had become ground by the sand which had beaten upon them during the years in which they had been exposed. there was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, which was undoubtedly of spanish or mexican make, and sherds of white china similar to that sold today by the traders. these latter specimens were, as a rule, found on the surface of the ground. it will therefore appear that the archeology of awatobi supports the documentary evidence that the pueblo was under spanish influence for some time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects were taken on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that this section of the town was the part directly under spanish influences. nothing of spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the western mounds, but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspect that this section of awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously with that in the vicinity of the mission. the ruins of sikyatki traditional knowledge of the pueblo very vague ideas are current regarding the character of hopi culture prior to tobar's visit to tusayan in , and with the exception of the most meager information nothing concerning it has come down to us from early historical references in the sixteenth century. it is therefore interesting to record all possible information in regard to these people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be done mainly through archeology. although there are many tusayan ruins which we have every reason to believe are older than the time of coronado, no archeologist has gathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric tusayan culture which they will undoubtedly yield. large and beautiful collections of pottery ascribed to tusayan ruins have shown the excellent artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, indicating that in the ceramic art they were far in advance of their descendants. but these collections have failed to teach, the lesson they might have taught, from the fact that data concerning the objects composing them are so indefinite. very little care had been taken to label these collections accurately or to collect any specimens but those which were strikingly beautiful or commercially valuable. it was therefore with the hope of giving a more precise and comprehensive character to our knowledge of tusayan antiquities that i wished to excavate one of the ruins of this province which was undoubtedly prehistoric. conditions were favorable for success at the mounds called by the indians sikyatki.[ ] these ruins are situated near the modern tusayan pueblos of east mesa, from which i could hire workmen, and not far from keam's canyon, which could be made a base of supplies. the existing legends bearing on these ruins, although obscure, are sufficiently definite for all practical purposes. i find no mention of sikyatki in early historical documents, nor can the name be even remotely identified with any which has been given to a tusayan pueblo. my knowledge of the mounds which mark the site of this ancient village dates back to , when i visited them with one of the old men of walpi, who then and there narrated the legend of its destruction by the walpians previously to the advent of the spaniards. i was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, and prepared a rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, but from lack of means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation of the ruin. comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of sikyatki has been published, although its existence had been known for several years previously to my visit. in his brief account mr victor mindeleff[ ] speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about yards apart," the summits of which are covered with house walls. he also found portions of walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. the name, sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which the walls were built. he found some of the rooms were constructed of small stones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. the largest chamber was stated to be - / by - / feet, and it was considered that many of the houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls."[ ] mr mindeleff identified the former inhabitants with the ancestors of the kokop people, and mentioned the more important details of their legend concerning the destruction of the village. we can rely on the statement that sikyatki was inhabited by the kokop or firewood people of tusayan, who were so named because they obtained fire from wood by the use of drills. these people are represented today at walpi by katci, whose totem is a picture of masauwû, the god of fire. it is said that the home of the firewood people before they built sikyatki was at tebuñki, or fire-house, a round ruin northeastward from keam's canyon. they were late arrivals in tusayan, coming at least after the flute people, and probably before the honani or badger people, who brought, i believe, the _katcina_ cult. although we can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at sikyatki, it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was found with a figure of a _katcina_ mask, although these figures occur on modern bowls. the original home of the kokop people is not known, but indefinite legends ascribe their origin to rio grande valley. they are reputed to have had kindred in antelope valley and at the fire-house, above alluded to, near eighteen-mile spring. the ruin of fire-house, one of the pueblos where the kokop people are reputed to have lived before they built sikyatki, is situated on the periphery of tusayan. it is built of massive stones and differs from all other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. the round type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical mounds on the mesa above sikyatki, which was connected in some way with the inhabitants who formerly lived at its base. the reason the kokop people left fire-house is not certain, but it is said that they came in conflict with bear clans who were entering the province from the east. certain it is that if the kokop people once inhabited fire-house they must have been joined by other clans when they lived at sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate a village much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesa northeast of keam's canyon. the general ground plan of the ruin indicates an inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, suggesting the eastern type of pueblo architecture. the traditional knowledge of the destruction of sikyatki is very limited among the present hopi, but the best folklorists all claim that it was destroyed by warriors from walpi and possibly from middle mesa. awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while hano and sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place. the cause of the destruction of sikyatki is not clearly known, and probably was hardly commensurate with the result. its proximity to walpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or the ownership of the scanty water supply. the people who lived there were intruders and belonged to clans not represented in walpi, which in all probability kept hostility alive. the early tusayan peoples did not readily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when sorely oppressed by common enemies. there is current in walpi a romantic story connected with the overthrow of sikyatki. it is said that a son of a prominent chief, disguised as a _katcina_, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and as she received it he cut her throat with a stone knife. he is said to have escaped to the mesa top and to have made his way along its edge to his own town, taunting his pursuers. it is also related that the walpians fell upon the village of sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, but it is much more likely that there was ill feeling between the two villages for other reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or the control of the water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. the inhabitants of the two pueblos came into tusayan from different directions, and as they may have spoken different languages and thus have failed to understand each other, they may have been mutually regarded as interlopers. petty quarrels no doubt ripened into altercations, which probably led to bloodshed. the forays of the apache from the south and the ute from the north, which began at a later period, should naturally have led to a defensive alliance; but in those early days confederation was not dreamed of and the feeling between the two pueblos culminated in the destruction of sikyatki. this was apparently the result of a quarrel between two pueblos of east mesa, or at least there is no intimation that the other pueblos took prominent part in it. it is said that after the destruction some of those who escaped fled to oraibi, which would imply that the walpi and oraibi peoples, even at that early date, were not on very friendly terms. if, however, the statement that oraibi was then a distinct pueblo be true, it in a way affords a suggestion of the approximate age[ ] of this village. there was apparently a more or less intimate connection between the inhabitants of old sikyatki and those of awatobi, but whether or not it indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from the former i have not been able definitely to make out. all my informants agree that on the destruction of sikyatki some of its people fled to awatobi, but no one has yet stated that the kokop people were represented in the latter pueblo. the distinctive clans of the pueblo of antelope mesa are not mentioned as living in sikyatki, and yet the two pueblos are said to have been kindred. the indications are that the inhabitants of both came from the east--possibly were intruders, which may have been the cause of the hostility entertained by both toward the walpians. the problem is too complex to be solved with our present limited knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems not to afford very satisfactory evidence one way or the other. we may never know whether the sikyatki refugees founded awatobi or simply fled to that pueblo for protection. there appears to be no good evidence that sikyatki was destroyed by fire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. the larger beams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently having been appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos. there is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the people took place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it differs considerably from awatobi. there is little doubt that many sikyatki women were appropriated by the walpians, and in support of this it is stated that the kokop people of the present walpi are the descendants of the people of that clan who dwelt at sikyatki. this conclusion is further substantiated by the statements of one of the oldest members of the kokop phratry who frequently visited me while the excavations were in progress. the destruction of sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtless occurred before the spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. the aged hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and the excavations did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. if we add to the negative testimony that sikyatki is not mentioned in any of the early writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or spanish glazed pottery has been taken from it, we appear to have substantial proof of its prehistoric character. in the early times when sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, walpi was still a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below the present town that bears its name. two ruins are pointed out as the sites of old walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and a second more to the westward. the former is called at present the ash-heap house or pueblo, the latter kisakobi. it is said that the people whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly town moved from there to kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for it was too much in the shadow of the mesa. its general appearance would indicate it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on the mesa. it was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge of the terrace. the refuse from the settlement was thrown over the edge of the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. this débris contains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to that from sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. no walls of the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, for most of the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo on other sites. kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and bears every appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. its site may readily be seen from the road to keam's canyon, on the terrace-like prolongation of the mesa. some of the walls are still erect, and the house visible for a great distance is part of the old pueblo. this, i believe, was the site of walpi at the time the spaniards visited tusayan, and i have found here a fragment of pottery which i believe is of spanish origin. the ancient pueblo crowned the ridge of the terrace which narrows here to or feet, so that ancient walpi was an elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and no rectangular court. i should judge, however, that the pueblo was not inhabited for a great period, but was moved to its present site after a few generations of occupancy. the ash-hill village was inhabited contemporaneously with sikyatki, but kisakobi was of later construction. neither sichomovi nor hano was in existence when sikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, at the time of its abandonment. in morfi spoke of sichomovi as a pueblo recently founded, with but fifteen families. hano, although older, was certainly not established before .[ ] the assertions of all hopi traditionists that sikyatki is a prehistoric ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the same way, are most important facts in considering the weight of deductions in regard to the character of prehistoric tusayan culture. although we have no means of knowing how long a period has elapsed since the occupancy and abandonment of sikyatki, we are reasonably sure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in character and antedate the inception of european influence. it is certain, however, that the sikyatki people lived long enough in that pueblo to develop a ceramic art essentially peculiar to tusayan. nomenclature the commonly accepted definition of sikyatki is "yellow house" (_sikya_, yellow; _ki_, house). one of the most reliable chiefs of walpi, however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in the locality were more or less parallel, and that there might be a relationship between the parallel valleys and the name. the application of the term "yellow" would not seem to be very appropriate so far as it is distinctive of the general color of the pueblo. the neighboring spring, however, contains water which after standing some time has a yellowish tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblos from the color of the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of the spring, which was one of the most potent factors in the determination of the site of a village. although the name may also refer to a cardinal point, a method of nomenclature followed in some regions of the southwest, if such were the case in regard to sikyatki it would be exceptional in tusayan. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxv sikyatki mounds from the kanelba trail] former inhabitants of sikyatki the origin of the pueblo settlement at sikyatki is doubtful, but as i have shown in my enumeration of the clans of walpi, the kokop (firewood) and the isauûh (coyote) phratries which lived there are supposed to have come into tusayan from the far east or the valley of the rio grande. the former phratry is not regarded as one of the earliest arrivals in tusayan, for when its members arrived at walpi they found living there the flute, snake, and water-house phratries. it is highly probable that the firewood, or as they are sometimes called the fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known as fire-house, and as the form of this ruin is exceptional in tusayan, and highly characteristic of the region east of this province, there is archeological evidence of the eastern origin of the fire people. perhaps the most intelligent folklorist of the kokop people was nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago--unfortunately before i had been able to record all the traditions which he knew concerning his ancestors. at the present day katci, his successor[ ] in these sacerdotal duties in the antelope-snake mysteries, claims that his people formerly occupied sikyatki, and indeed the contiguous fields are still cultivated by members of that phratry. it is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population of sikyatki when in its prime, but i do not believe that it was more than ;[ ] probably inhabitants would be a closer estimate if we judge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of walpi at the present time. on the basis of population given, the evidences from the size of the sikyatki cemeteries would not point to an occupancy of the village for several centuries, although, of course, the strict confines of these burial places may not have been determined by our excavations. the comparatively great depth at which some of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean great antiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncover the soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which an object is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium for estimating the antiquity of buried remains. general features the ruin of sikyatki (plates cxv, cxvi) lies about three miles east of the recent settlement of tanoan families at isba or coyote spring, near the beginning of the trail to hano. its site is in full view from the road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to keam's canyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidal elevations called küküchomo, which are visible for a much greater distance. when seen from this road the mounds of sikyatki are observed to be elevated at least feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, but at the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, so gradual is the southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. the ruin is situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the base of the mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is a stretch of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. at this point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow from the gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a trickling stream by means of which an enterprising native, named tcino, irrigates a small garden of melons and onions. on all sides of the ruin there are barren stretches of sand relieved in some places by stunted trees and scanty vegetation similar to that of the adjacent plains. the soil in the plaza of the ruin is cultivated, yielding a fair crop of squashes, but is useless for corn or beans. here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relieving what would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. one of these stony outcrops forms what i have called the "acropolis" of sikyatki, which will presently be described. on the eastern side the drifting sand has so filled in around the elevation on which the ruin stands that the ascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the rim of the mesa, affording access to the summit that otherwise would necessitate difficult climbing. along the ridge of this great drift there runs a trail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on the other side, called kanelba.[ ] the highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rocky eminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among the members of my party as the "acropolis." as one approaches the ruin from a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, and a visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point of a ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of like geologic character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear. the spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained their water supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, nearer the latter. the water is yellow in color, especially after it has remained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. it trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a pool from which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peach trees. it is said that when sikyatki was in its prime this spring was larger than at present, and i am sure that a little labor spent in digging out the accumulation of sand would make the water more wholesome and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of a considerable population. the nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation camp at sikyatki was kanelba, or sheep spring, one of the best sources of water supply in tusayan. the word kanelba, containing a spanish element, must have replaced a hopi name, for it is hardly to be supposed that this spring was not known before sheep were brought into the country. there is a legend that formerly the site of this spring was dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his _tiponi_, or chieftain's badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from the ground; at present however the water rushes from a hole as large as the arm in the face of the rock, as well as from several minor openings. it is situated on the opposite side of the mesa from sikyatki, a couple of miles northeastward from the ruin. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxvi ground plan of sikyatki] half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite sikyatki, there is a large reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. the splash of the water, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in this arid region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. there are many evidences that this spring was a popular one in former times. as it is approached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of the surroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows of stones. these gardens have today greatly diminished in size, as compared with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which is occupied by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, although there is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a much larger tract of land than the gardens now cover.[ ] judging from their size, many of the peach trees are very old, although they still bear their annual crop of fruit. everything indicates, as the legends relate, that these kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheep corrals, were long ago abandoned. the terraces south of the kanelba peach grove resemble the lower terraces of wipo. about rods farther south, along the foot of the mesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a cluster of house remains. the whole of this terrace is of a type which shows greater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries of the fields are still marked with rows of stones. the adjacent foothills contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites of ancient pottery kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the top of the mesa above kanelba. all indications seem to point to the ancient occupancy of the region about kanelba by many more farmers than today. possibly the inhabitants of sikyatki, which is only two or three miles away, frequented this place and cultivated these ancient gardens. kanelba is regarded as a sacred spring by several hopi religious societies of east mesa. the snake priests of walpi always celebrate a feast there on the day of the snake hunt to the east in odd years,[ ] while in the alternate years it is visited by the flute men. the present appearance of sikyatki (plate cxv) is very desolate, and when visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. no walls were standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were very indistinct. all we saw at that time was a series of mounds, irregularly rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here and there faint traces of walls. prominent above all these mounds, however, was the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, rising abruptly from the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from the west and sloping more gradually to the south. this rocky elevation, which we styled the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses. on the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during the summer season, had been constructed of materials from the old walls, and was inhabited by an indian named lelo and his family during our excavations. he is the recognized owner of the farm land about sikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the ruins. jakwaina, an enterprising tewan who lives not far from isba, the spring near the trail to hano, has also erected a modern house near the sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of our stay. probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times have so many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time at this desolate place. the disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of sikyatki (plate cxvi) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court in which are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. the highest range of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part of the ancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a large number of walled chambers in several series were traced. the surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows of stones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds of gourds are cultivated. in the sands north of the ruin there are many peach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. these are owned by tcino,[ ] and of course were planted long after the destruction of the pueblo. in order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction of sikyatki, i consulted nasyuñweve, the former head of the kokop people, and while the results were not very satisfactory, i learned that the land about sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. nasyuñweve,[ ] katci, and other prominent kokop people occupy and cultivate the land about sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors who once inhabited the place. two routes were taken to approach sikyatki--one directly across the sandy plain from the entrance to keam's canyon, following for some distance the road to east mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at coyote spring. the trail to the pueblos of east mesa ascends the cliff just above sikyatki spring, and joins that to kanelba or sheep spring, not far from küküchomo, the twin mounds. by keeping along the first terrace a well-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, joins the old wagon road to _wala_, the "gap" of east mesa, at a higher level than the cluster of tewan houses at isba. in going and returning from their homes our hopi workmen preferred the trail along the mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top from the ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome. we prosecuted our excavations at sikyatki for a few days over three weeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the east of the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to kanelba passes the ruin. the place was advantageously near the cemeteries, and not too far from water. for purposes other than cooking and drinking the sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply being brought from kanelba by means of a burro. i employed indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, efficient helpers. the zeal which they manifested at the beginning of the work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the close of the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm by prizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. they at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as a desecration of the dead, but several of their number overcame their scruples, even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. the snake chief, kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not to dig in the graves. respecting his feelings, i allotted him the special task of excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed with much care, showing great interest in the results. at the close of our daily work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the indian workmen, as conciliatory sacrifices to masauwûh, the dread god of death, to offset any malign influence which might result from our desecration of his domain. a superstitious feeling that this god was not congenial to the work which was going on, seemed always to haunt the minds of the laborers, and once or twice i was admonished by old men, visitors from walpi, not to persist in my excavations. the excavators, at times, paused in their work and called my attention to strange voices echoing from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half in earnest, to masauwûh. the indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found in their digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, i have good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs were turned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes. the accompanying plan of sikyatki (plate cxvi) shows that it was a rectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. it is evident that the ancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the eastern portion was the highest. in this respect it resembled awatobi, but apparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosed plaza. in the same way it was unlike walpi or the ancient and modern pueblos of middle mesa and oraibi. in fact, there is no tusayan ruin which resembles it in ground plan, except payüpki, a tanoan town of much later construction. the typical tusayan form of architecture is the pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. the ground plan of sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region and in those towns of tusayan which were built by emigrants from the rio grande region. sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking antelope valley are of this type. in studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on east mesa, the fact is noted that both sichomovi and hano differ architecturally from walpi. the forms of the former smaller pueblos are primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situated the kiva; walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a small plaza at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather than in an open space between the highest house clusters. sichomovi is considered by the hopi as like zuñi, and is sometimes called by the hano people, sionimone, "zuñi court," because to the tewan mind it resembles zuñi; but the term is never applied to walpi.[ ] the distinction thus recognized is, i believe, architecturally valid. the inclosed court or plaza in tusayan is an intrusion from the east, and as eastern colonists built both hano and sichomovi, they preserved the form to which they were accustomed. the sikyatki builders drew their architectural inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosed court in the ruins of that village. the two most considerable house clusters of sikyatki are at each end of a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the other sides. the western rows of houses face the plain, and were of one story, with a gateway at one point. the opposite row was more elevated, no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confines of the ruin. no kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought to be found in the mass of houses at the southern end. i thought we had found circular rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did not demonstrate their existence. as there is no reason to suspect the existence of circular kivas in ancient tusayan, it would be difficult to decide whether or not any one of the large rectangular rooms was used for ceremonial purposes, for it is an interesting fact that some of the oldest secret rites in the hopi villages occur, not in kivas, but in ordinary dwelling rooms in the village. it has yet to be shown that there were special kivas in prehistoric tusayan. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxvii excavated rooms on the acropolis of sikyatki] the longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatest elevation is approximately feet. rocks outcrop only at one place, the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, and fragments of pottery. the mounds are not devoid of vegetation, for sagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely over their surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, and except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. as previously stated, sikyatki is situated about or feet above the plain, and when approached from keam's canyon appears to be about halfway up the mesa height. on several adjacent elevations evidences of former fires, or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has not to go far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. here and there are considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out by sitgreaves in his report on the exploration of the little colorado, looks like frost exuding from the ground in early spring. the acropolis during the limited time devoted to the excavation of sikyatki it was impossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering any considerable number of rooms. the excavations at different points over such a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have been more or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited section carefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. while, therefore, the majority of the indian workmen were kept employed at the cemeteries, kopeli, the snake chief, a man in whom i have great confidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at the highest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis (figure ). although his work in these chambers did not yield such rich results as the others, so far as the number of objects was concerned, he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to their floors, and unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. a brief description of these excavations will show the nature of the work at that point. the acropolis, or highest point of sikyatki, is a prominent rocky elevation at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. on the side toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but the ascent is more gradual from the other sides. the surface of this elevation, on which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally was as destitute of soil as the plaza of walpi. this surface supported a double series of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rocky projection. from the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying the old plaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from the surface in many places (plate cxviii). when the excavations on the acropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms were detected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. the surface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences of former occupancy. on leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it was found that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis was occupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show every evidence of having been living rooms. the walls were constructed of squared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacent chambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. the average height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, as indicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, was about feet. [illustration: fig. --the acropolis of sikyatki] the accompanying illustration (plate cxviii) shows a ground plan of nine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered _a_ to _l_. a description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of a typical room of sikyatki. room _a_ is rectangular in shape, feet inches by feet inches, and is feet inches deep. it has two depressions in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is a small niche in the side wall above them. some good specimens of mural plastering, much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. room _a_ has no passageway into room _b_, but it opens into the adjoining room _c_ by an opening in the wall feet inches wide, with a threshold inches high. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxviii plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of sikyatki (dimensions in feet and inches)] the shape of room _b_ is more irregular. it is feet inch long by feet inches wide, and the floor is feet inches below the surface. in one corner there is a raised triangular platform feet inches above the floor. a large cooking pot, blackened with soot, was found in one corner of this room, and near it was a circular depression in the floor inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace. room _c_ is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only one with two passageways into adjoining chambers. remains of wooden beams in a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms _c_ and _b_, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor were there any ashes except in the supposed fireplace. room _d_ is larger than those already mentioned, being feet inches by feet, and connects with room _c_ by means of a passageway. rooms _e_ and _f_ communicate with each other by an opening inches wide. we found the floors of these rooms feet below the surface. the length of room _e_ is feet. room _f_ is feet inches long and of the same width as _e_. the three chambers _g_, _h_, and _i_ are each feet inches wide, but of varying width. room _g_ is feet inches, _h_ is feet inches, and _i_, the smallest of all, only a foot wide. these three rooms have no intercommunication. the evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by soot on the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as old fireplaces, is most important. in one or two places i broke off a fragment of the plastering and found it to be composed of many strata of alternating black and adobe color, indicating successive plasterings of the room. apparently when the surface wall became blackened by smoke it was renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe in the manner followed in renovating the kiva walls today.[ ] an examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis will show that, while small, they are about the average size of the chambers in most other southwestern ruins. they are, however, much smaller than the rooms of the modern pueblo of walpi or those of the cliff ruins in the red-rock region, elsewhere described. evidently the roof was or feet higher than the top of the present walls, and the absence of external passageways would seem to indicate that entrance was through the roof. the narrow chamber, _i_, is no smaller than some of those which were excavated at awatobi, but unless it was a storage bin or dark closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is not known to me. the mural plastering was especially well done in rooms _g_ and _h_, a section thereof showing many successive thin strata of soot and clay, implying long occupancy. no chimneys were found, the smoke, as is the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtless finding an exit through the hatchway in the roof. modern gardens the whole surface of the ancient plaza of sikyatki is occupied by rectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. these are of modern construction and are cultivated by an enterprising hopi who, as previously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of the western mounds from the stones of the old ruin. these gardens are planted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming the outlines serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants from drifting sand. the plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in , when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivation than in .[ ] there is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between the northern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through which sometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. these trees belong to an inhabitant of sichomovi named tcino, who, it is claimed, is a descendant of the ancient sikyatkians. the trees were of course planted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by the kokop phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratral organization of the ancient pueblo.[ ] the spring shows no evidence of having been walled up, but apparently has been filled in by drifting sand since the time that it formed the sole water supply of the neighboring pueblo. it still preserves the yellow color mentioned in traditions of the place. the cemeteries by far the largest number of objects found at sikyatki were gathered from the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary in character. it would seem that the people buried their dead a short distance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. the first of these cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the peach trees below the spring, and from its relative position from the pueblo has been designated the northern cemetery. the cemetery proper lies on the edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by the finding of the long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the soil. the position of individual graves was indicated usually by small, oblong piles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it was deemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of the dune. as a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous and elaborate were the objects revealed. most of the skeletons were in a poor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had we the proper means at our disposal to care for them. no evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at awatobi or sikyatki, nor have i yet detected any reference to this custom among the modern hopi indians. they have, however, a strange concept of the purification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, although i have always regarded it as due to the teaching of christian missionaries, may be aboriginal in character. this account of the judgment of the dead is as follows: there are two roads from the grave to the below. one of these is a straight way connected with the path of the sun into the underworld. there is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passing from fires to a lake or ocean (_patübha_). at the fork of the road sits tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chief looks it over and, if satisfied, he says "_Üm-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai_," "you are very good; go on." then the breath-body passes along the straight way to the far west, to the early _sipapû_, the underworld from which it came, the home of müiyinwû. another breath-body comes to the fork in the road, and the chief says, "you are bad," and he conducts it along the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, where sits a second chief, tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-body into the fire, and after a time it emerges purified, for it was not wholly bad. the chief says, "you are good now," and carries it back to the first chief, who accepts the breath-body and sends it along the straight road to the west. if, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, or not sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pit and cast into it. if it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in the opinion of the judge, it is immediately transformed into a _ho-ho-ya-üh_, or prayer-beetle. all the beetles we now see in the valleys or among the mesas were once evil hopi. if, on coming out of the second fire pit, the breath-body is still considered bad by the chief, he takes it to the third fire, and, if there be no evil in it when it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed into an ant, but if unpurified by these three fires--that is, if the chief still finds evil left in the breath-body--he takes it to a fourth fire and again casts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the only residue being soot on the side of the pit. i have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief among the hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have been brought to tusayan by missionaries or others. the details of the purification of the evil soul are characteristic. the western cemetery of sikyatki is situated among the hillocks covered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by a hopi and his family. from the nature of the soil the excavation of this cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects were more numerous. repeated attempts to make the indians work in a systematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil and partly from other reasons. although the lower we went the more numerous and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the indians soon tired of deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within two or three feet of the surface. at many places we found graves under and between the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery. the southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on that side and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from the southern row of houses. two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of most of the excavations in that direction. the mortuary objects from this cemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from the other burial places. all attempts to discover a cemetery on the eastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin was brought to the camp by an indian who claimed he had dug it out of the deep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. another bowl was found in the sand drift near the trail over the mesa to kanelba, but careful investigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuary vessels east of the ruin.[ ] the method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not so scientific as i had wished, but it was the only practicable one to be followed with native workmen. having found the location of the graves by means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen were aligned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, removing all the earth as they advanced. it was with great difficulty that the indians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficient depth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught not to burrow. in their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they worked very well so long as objects were found, but became at once discouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went off prospecting in other places when our backs were turned. a shout that anyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for the others to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, and watch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. this we always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste the indians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discovered it, and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls were thus badly damaged by them. it is therefore not too much to say that most of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impacted sand by mr hodge or myself. no rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the pottery would occur, and often the first indication of its presence was the stroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. having once found a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the former presence of human remains, the probability that burial objects were near by was almost a certainty, although in several instances even these signs failed. a considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when the soil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. so many were entire, however, that i do not believe any considerable number were purposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes made in them to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility. no evidences of cremation--no charred bones of man or animal in or near the mortuary vessels--were found. from the character of the objects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor were apparently buried side by side in the same soil. absolutely no evidence of spanish influence was encountered in all the excavations at sikyatki--no trace of metal, glass, or other object of caucasian manufacture such as i have mentioned as having been taken from the ruins of awatobi--thus confirming the native tradition that the catastrophe of sikyatki antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, when the first spaniards entered the country. it is remarkable that in sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry or cloth, the fame of which among the pueblo indians was known to coronado before he left mexico. that the people of sikyatki wore cotton kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buried with the dead, had long since decayed. specimens of strings and ropes of yucca, which were comparatively abundant at awatobi, were not found at sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were not used, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to the mortuary pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, may still be readily seen. the insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by the numerous objects found at sikyatki is very instructive, and while it shows the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a still more important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of which may always remain in doubt. this is particularly true of the decoration on many specimens of the large collection of highly ornamented pottery found in the sikyatki cemeteries. if we consider the typical designs on modern hopi pottery and compare them with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from awatobi and sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they are, and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are than the modern. nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are derived from the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all their essential characters. pottery characteristics--mortuary pottery the pottery exhumed from the burial places of sikyatki falls in the divisions known as-- i--coiled and indented ware. ii--smooth undecorated ware. iii--polished decorated ware. _a_. yellow. _b_. red. _c_. black-and-white. by far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from this locality belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. this is the characteristic pottery of tusayan, although coiled and indented ware is well represented in the collection. the few pieces of red ware are different from that found in the ruins of the little colorado, while the black-and-white pottery closely resembles the archaic ware of northern cliff houses. although the sikyatki pottery bears resemblance to that of awatobi, it can be distinguished from it without difficulty. the paste of both is of the finest character and was most carefully prepared. some of the ancient specimens are much superior to those at present made, and are acknowledged by the finest potters of east mesa to be beyond their power of ceramic production. the coloration is generally in red, brown, yellow, and black. decorative treatment by spattering is common in the food basins, and this was no doubt performed, chinese fashion, by means of the mouth. the same method is still employed by the hopi priests in painting their masks. the sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication in decorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practically different symbols. the decoration of the food basins is mainly on the interior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of some kind on the outside, near the rim. the ladles, likewise, are ornamented on their interior, and their handles also are generally decorated. when the specimens were removed from the graves their colors, as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time of their burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since their deposit in the national museum. the best examples of ceramic art from the graves of sikyatki, in texture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to any pottery made by ancient or modern indians north of mexico. indeed, in these respects the old tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparison even with central american ware. it is far superior to the rude pottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better than that of the great villages of the gila and salado. among the hopi themselves the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remaining potters confess. these objects can hardly be looked upon as products of a savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race which has developed in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, to a high stage of barbarism. while, as a whole, we can hardly regard the modern hopi as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, certainly the entire pueblo culture in the southwest, judged by the character of their pottery manufacture, has greatly deteriorated since the middle of the sixteenth century. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxix coiled and indented pottery from sikyatki] coiled and indented ware the rudest type of pottery from sikyatki has been classed as coiled and indented ware. it is coarse in texture, not polished, and usually not decorated. although the outer surface of the pottery of this class is rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical than that of the finer vessels. the objects belonging to this group are mostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of this type. as a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some of the specimens are light-brown in color. the former variety were undoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containing water or food. in the accompanying illustration (plate cxix, _a_) is shown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming an equatorial zone about the vessel. all traces of the coil of clay with which the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. the vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if made with a pointed stone, bone, or stick. in another form of coarse pottery (plate cxix, _b_) the rim merges into two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. traces of the original coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel. another illustration (plate cxix, _c_) shows an amphora or jar with diametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side of the bowl. the surface of this rude jar is rough and without decoration, but the form is regular and symmetrical. in another amphora (plate cxix, _d_) the opposite handles appear below the neck of the vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable. the jar shown in plate cxix, _e_, has two ear-like extensions or projections from the neck of the jar, which are perforated for suspension. this vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, which surrounds it just above its equator. this is a fair example of ornamented rough ware. several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the grains of which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasin shape. these are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicating their former use as cooking pots. by adopting this form the ancients were practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, the coals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cooked much more advantageously than in the vase-like forms. the variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. the blind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustrated in plate cxx, _a_, and sometimes pointed as in figures _b_ and _c_ of the same plate. one of the specimens of this type has a handle on the rim and another has a flaring lip. slipper-form vessels are always of coarse ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, they are more readily heated than polished utensils. they are not decorated for equally obvious reasons. smooth undecorated ware there are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and sizes, a type of which is shown in plate cxx, _d_. these include food bowls, saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. these utensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the character of the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficial polish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels with painted designs. several very good spoons of half-gourd shape were found, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. the first attempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering of the surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encircling bands. in one instance (plate cxx, _d_) a blackening of the surface by exposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in the santa clara ware, was noted. polished decorated ware by far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery from sikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or less complicated designs. of these there are at least three different groups, based on the color of the ware. most of the vessels are light yellow or of cream color; the next group in point of color is the red ware, the few remaining specimens being white with black decorations in geometric patterns. these types naturally fall into divisions consisting of vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, and spoons. in the group called vases (plates cxxi, cxxii) many varieties are found; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction; others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and a recurved lip. it is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destitute of handles, and that their decoration is always confined to the equatorial and upper sections about the opening. in the specimens of this group which were found at sikyatki there is no basal rim and no depression on the pole opposite the opening. no decoration is found on the interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside of the lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. the opening is always circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel is occasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of use after having been thus broken. in one or two instances the equatorial constriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in other cases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible (plate cxxvi, _a, b_). the size varies from a simple globular vessel not larger than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. many show marks of previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxx saucers and slipper bowls from sikyatki] one of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen of very thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension (plate cxxxii). this form, although rare at sikyatki, is represented by several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar to the cliff-house pottery. from its scarcity in tusayan i am inclined to believe that this and related specimens were not made of clay found in the immediate vicinity of sikyatki, but that the vessels were brought to the ancient pueblo from distant places. as at least some of the cliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with and long after the destruction of sikyatki, i do not hesitate to say that the potters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type of pottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-white ware its distinctive colors. by far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated pottery from sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes in which food was placed on the floor before the members of a family at their meals. as the mortuary offerings were intended as food for the deceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should far outnumber any and all the others. in no instance do the food bowls exhibit marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had not been used in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of the same. the beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for the artistic taste of the sikyatki women, and a feast in which they were used must have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes were concerned. when filled with food, however, much of the decoration of the bowls must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode of ornamentation adopted by modern tusayan potters; but there is no doubt that when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectually exhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves. the forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully rounded below, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to stand to prevent rocking. their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes have a slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority are perfectly circular, oblong variations are not wanting. many of the bowls are of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases; several are double, with rounded or flat base. the surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and when exteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side just below the rim, which is often ornamented with double or triple parallel lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. most of the bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the inner surface or on the base where they rested on the floor in former feasts. these mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of the chest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended to accompany, and a single specimen was found inverted over the head of the deceased. the number of vessels in each grave was not constant, and as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other graves only one or two were found. in one instance a nest of six of these basins, one inside another, was exhumed. while many of these mortuary offerings were broken and others chipped, there were still a large number as perfect as when made. some of the bowls had been mended before burial, as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearly indicate. fragments of various vessels, which evidently had been broken before they were thrown into the graves, were common. there is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowls found in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; and persons of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as a rule, more honored than some of their kindred in the character and number of pottery objects deposited with their remains. there were also a number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind. in one or two interments two or more small jars were found placed inside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, like turquois, beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with the dead. the bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticks and other objects, which will later be described. one of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim of one of these food bowls is shown in plate cxx, _e_, which illustrates a variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle or support for the thumb in lifting the vessel. the utility of this projection in handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. this form of vessel is very rare, it being the only one of its kind in the collection. a considerable number of cups were found at sikyatki; these vary in size and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shape variety, always with a single handle (plate cxxv). many of these resemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in which the sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline at an angle to the flattened base. the handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instance adorned with a figure in relief. the rims of these dippers are never flaring, either inward or outward. as a rule they are decorated on the exterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. the handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, but sometimes the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensil and attached at the tip. these handles are usually flat, but sometimes they are round, and often are decorated. traces of imitations of the braiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen.[ ] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxi decorated pottery from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxii decorated pottery from sikyatki] small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbers in sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them except in the forms of their handles. many of these utensils were much worn by use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, and in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken and the end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. from the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippers they were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smaller mortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones. the ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on the interior as well as on the exterior. their handles vary in size and shape, are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. in certain specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurved tip, and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. a groove in the upper surface of one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bend of the tip is a unique feature of another specimen. the sikyatki potters, like their modern descendants,[ ] sometimes ornamented the tip of a single handle with the head of an animal and painted the upper surface of the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, terraces, and frets. several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been used in much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, were found. some of these have the shape of a half gourd--a natural object which no doubt furnished the pattern. these spoons, as a rule, were not decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines may be detected. in the innovations of modern times pewter spoons serve the same purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. more often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll of paper-bread or _piki_ served the same purpose, being dipped into the stew and then eaten with the fingers. possibly the sikyatkian drank from the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done in walpi today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a clay substitute.[ ] several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware were found in the sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, others being without them (plate cxxv). they are ornamented on the exterior and on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to the longer side of the rectangular vessel. not a single bowl was found with a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls of tusayan at the present time.[ ] in addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the most typical of which is figured in plate cxii, _c_. in these objects the wings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on the sides, and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunately were broken off. toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramic specimens occurred in several graves. these are often very roughly made, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. the finding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, and one or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate that sometimes such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. a clay object resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with a zigzag decoration is unique in the collections from sikyatki, although in the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenware tube, possibly a part of a flute. in order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects in single graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will be given. in a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were found: , ladle; , paint grinder; , paint slab; , arrowpoints; , fragments of a marine shell (_pectunculus_); , pipe, with fragments of a second pipe, and , red paint (sesquioxide of iron). in the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in plate cxxviii, _a_, a ladle containing food was also unearthed. the bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated with fragments of another bowl and four ladles. another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots and a broken metate. in a grave feet below the surface in the western cemetery we found: , decorated food vessel; , black shoe-shape cooking pot resting in a food bowl and containing a small rude ladle; , coarse undecorated basin. a typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: , small decorated bowl containing polishing stones; , miniature cooking pot blackened by soot; , two small food bowls. in modern hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead are not buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil and stones which covers the remains. from the position of the mortuary pottery as regards the skeletons in the sikyatki interments, it is probable that this custom is of modern origin. whether in former times food bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the grave i am not able to say. the number of food bowls in ancient graves exceeds those placed on modern burials. the sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, possibly matting. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxiii decorated pottery from sikyatki] paleography of the pottery general features the pottery from sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be interpreted with good results. one of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be had from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative of current beliefs and practices when it was made. the ancient inhabitants of sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the more cultured people of central america, they had no codices; but they have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture writings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their former culture. the decipherment of these symbols is in part made possible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when interpreted rightly they open a view of ancient tusayan myths, and in some cases of prehistoric practices.[ ] students of pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a considerable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and practices. this is believed to be the right method of determining their aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our knowledge of their customs and beliefs. it is reasonable to suppose that what is now practiced in pueblo ritual contains more or less of what has survived from prehistoric times, but from taos to tusayan there is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology and ritual due to european contact. modern pueblo life resembles the ancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly measured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or less inexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. the vein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in an interpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep natural limitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture every concept which we find current among the modern survivors. to show how much the paleography of tusayan has changed since sikyatki was destroyed, i need only say that most of the characteristic figures of deities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are not found on the sikyatki ware. perhaps the most common figures on modern food bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the corn-maid, _calako-mana_, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is not found on the bowls from sikyatki. a knowledge of the cult of the corn-maid possibly came into tusayan, through foreign influences, after the fall of sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picture decoration of modern tusayan pottery, made within a league of sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a modification of the culture of the hopi in historic times, and implies how deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as facsimiles of ancient culture. the main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear these decorations are food bowls and water vases. many mythic concepts are depicted, among which may be mentioned the plumed snake, various birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. plants or leaves are seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes used. the feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and it may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized. an examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the villages of east mesa shows that the mythologic personages most commonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the corn or germ goddesses.[ ] these assume a number of forms, yet all are reducible to one type, although known by very different names, as hewüqti, "old woman," kokle, and the like. figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not occur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern tusayan pottery which i have studied, and as these figures are well represented in the decorations on sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose their use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the corn-maids.[ ] this fact, like so many others drawn from a study of the tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the corn-maids is more vigorous today than it was when sikyatki was in its prime. many pictures of masks on modern tusayan bowls are identified as _tacab_ or navaho _katcinas_.[ ] their symbolism is well characterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. none of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient tusayan ceramics. taken in connection with facts adduced by hodge indicative of a recent advent of this vigorous athapascan tribe into tusayan, it would seem that the use of the _tacab katcina_ pictures was of recent date, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery of the age of that found in sikyatki. in the decoration of ancient pottery i find no trace of figures of the clown-priests, or _tcukuwympkiya_, who are so prominent in modern tusayan _katcina_ celebrations. these personages, especially the tatcukti, often called by a corruption of the zuñi name kóyimse (kóyomäshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at the extremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery. many handles of ladles made at hano in late times are modeled in the form of the paiakyamu,[ ] a glutton priesthood peculiar to that tanoan pueblo. from the data at hand we may legitimately conclude that the conception of the clown-priest is modern in tusayan, so far as the ornamentation of pottery is concerned. the large collections of so-called modern hopi pottery in our museums is modified tanoan ware, made in tusayan. most of the component specimens were made by hano potters, who painted upon them figures of _katcinas_, a cult which they and their kindred introduced. several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing or while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the graves. this repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. in one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the bowl before burial. this hole had been covered inside with a rounded disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. it was not observed that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed" before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. it is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been thrown into the grave without regard to care. the majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the present hopi priests whom i have been able to consult, although they are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. the only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern tusayan indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. this method i have attempted to follow so far as possible. there is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the sikyatki pottery and that of the awatobi ware than there is between the ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of walpi, and the same likewise may be said of the other tusayan ruins so far as known. it is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of old walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied in . there are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at old walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern burial places and shrines still used. moreover, it is probable--indeed, quite certain--that most of the portable objects were carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when the latter was founded; but the old cemeteries of walpi contain many ancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute a most interesting chapter to the history of modern tusayan decorative art. one of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique vessels, is shown in plate cxxvi, _b_. this was not exhumed from sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that ruin. while the ware is very old, i do not believe it is ancient, and it is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe simulated by more modern potters. the sole way in which modern imitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar crackled or crazed surface which the former always has. this is due, i believe, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction or expansion of the slip employed. all modern imitations are covered with a white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristic unknown to ancient ware. the most expert modern potter at east mesa is nampéo, a tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly copies old decorations, and imitates the sikyatki ware almost perfectly. she knows where the sikyatki potters obtained their clay, and uses it in her work. almost any hopi who has a bowl to sell will say that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in accepting such claims. an examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to shows a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery decoration. this has led me to place this large vessel among the old ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of the best examples found at sikyatki. i believe this vessel was exhumed from a ruin of more modern date than sikyatki. the woman who sold it to me has farming interests near awatobi, which leads me to conjecture that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that ruin. she admitted that it had been in the possession of her family for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it attributed its origin to sikyatki. human figures very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and these are confined to the interior of food basins (plate cxxix).[ ] they are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with much less detail than are the figures of animals. from their character i am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery was a late development in tusayan art, and postdates the use of animal figures on their earthenware. there are, however, a few decorations in which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting although meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient tusayan art and custom. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxiv decorated pottery from sikyatki] as is well known, the hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, one over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils falling on the breast. the whorl is arranged on a u-shape stick called a _gñela_; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash seeds. the curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. the habit of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. when on betrothal a hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the last time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the pueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body smeared with dirt. if her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes the wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the fashion common to matrons. the symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is said to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the potential power of fructification. there is legendary and other evidence that this custom is very ancient among the tusayan indians, and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. in the personification of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, called _katcinas_, the female performers are termed _katcina-manas_ (katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in the characteristic coiffure of maidens. in the personification of the corn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images,[ ] pictures, and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by the maidens is common, as i have elsewhere shown in the descriptions of the ceremonials known as the flute, _lalakonti_, _mamzrauti_, _palülükoñti_, and others. the same symbol is found in images used as dolls of calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the same corn-maid. from the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubt of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been brought down, through their ritual, to the present day. this style of hair dressing was mentioned by the early spanish explorers, and is represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the pictures on certain food-basins from sikyatki leaves no doubt on this point.[ ] plate cxxix, _b_, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. on either side the hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls worn by the present hopi maidens. it must be borne in mind, however, that similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, and certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. the face is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to the turquois mosaics worn by hopi women at the present day. although there is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, set with mosaic, among the ancient people--and traditions point the same way--this figure of the head of a woman from sikyatki leaves no doubt of the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo. however indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to the coiffure of the ancient sikyatki women, plate cxxix, _a_, affords still more conclusive evidence. this picture represents a woman of remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in sand on an altar in the _lalakonti_ ceremony,[ ] i have no hesitation in ascribing to the corn-maid. the head has the two whorls of hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the goddess of germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the same figure. the peculiar form is employed to represent the outstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in mayan codices.[ ] on each lower corner representations of feathered strings, called in the modern ritual _nakwákwoci_,[ ] are appended. the figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines are possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of the germ goddess on the _lalakonti_ altar. in her left hand (which, among the hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects are always carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of which she is the deity. the many coincidences between this figure and that used in the ceremonials of the september moon, called lalakonti, would seem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent the same mythic being. there is, however, another aspect of this question which is of interest. in modern times there is a survival among the hopi of the custom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient methods represented by the specimen under consideration. a large majority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure of calako-mana, the corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still retaining the essential symbolism figured in the sikyatki bowl.[ ] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxv flat dippers and medicine box from sikyatki] while one of the two figures shown in plate cxxix, _e_, is valuable as affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of the ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat different kind. two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the basin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the character of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian conception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is articulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. upon the head is a single feather;[ ] the two eyes are represented on one side of the head, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. the figure is represented as standing before that of the woman. with these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of her particular family or priesthood. supposing the reptilian figure to be a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the snake-hero and the corn-mist-maid[ ] whom he brought from a mythic land to dwell with his people. the peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the food basin illustrated in plate cxxix, _c_, which represent a man and a woman. although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the _kwaca_ or dark-blue blanket for which tusayan is still famous, and that this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from the woman's left hip. while the figure of the man is likewise indistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature of the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt.[ ] among the numerous deities of the modern hopi olympus there is one called kokopeli,[ ] often represented in wooden dolls and clay images. from the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never figured in works on tusayan images. the figure in plate cxxix, _d_, bears a resemblance to kokopeli. it represents a man with arms raised in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern ceremonials. as many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood. the three human figures on the food basin illustrated in plate cxxix, _f_, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious and revolting practice almost extinct in tusayan. as an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the pueblo and the navaho indians, it was customary for certain priests to insert sticks into the esophagus. these sticks are still used to some extent and may be obtained by the collector. the ceremony of stick-swallowing has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult a deceptive method is often adopted. in tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically abandoned at the east mesa, but i have been informed by reliable persons that it has not wholly been given up at oraibi. the illustration above referred to indicates its former existence in sikyatki. the middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the stick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an unknown object. the principal performer is held by a third figure, an attendant, who stands behind him. this instructive pictograph thus illustrates the antiquity of this custom in tusayan, and would seem to indicate that it was once a part of the pueblo ritual.[ ] it is possible that the navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it from the pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate this beyond question. regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, i have been reminded by dr walter hough of the performers who carry the wad of cornstalks in the antelope dance. in this interpretation we have the "carrier," "hugger," and possibly an antelope priest with the unknown object in his hand. this interpretation appears more likely to be a correct one than that which i have suggested; and yet kopeli, the snake chief, declares that the snake family was not represented at sikyatki. possibly a dance similar to the antelope performance on the eighth day of the snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a sikyatki grave is yet to be explained. one of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern tusayan olympus is the cultus-hero called püükoñhoya, the little war god. hopi mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing monsters and aiding the people in many ways. he is reputed to have been one of twins, children of the sun and a maid by parthenogenetic conception. his adventures are told with many variants and he reappears with many aliases. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxvi double-lobe vases from sikyatki] the symbolism of püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallel marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and arrows. images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if human beings. a fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying illustration (figure ), shows enough of the head of a personage to indicate that püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek the two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holds a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. all of these features are in harmony with the identification of the figure with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truth of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of great antiquity in tusayan. [illustration: fig. --war god shooting an animal. (fragment of food bowl.)] in this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two figures on a food bowl collected by mr h. r. voth from a ruin near oraibi. it represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a crescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand a staff. the woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which i have found in ruins near tusayan, and a belt like those still worn by pueblo indians. this smaller figure likewise has a crescent on its face and three strange appendages on each side of the head. another food basin in mr voth's collection is also instructive, and is different in its decoration from any which i have found. the character of the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. if, however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back to the time of its manufacture the existence of the _katcina_ cult in tusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when sikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered. the three figures represent hahaiwüqti, hewüqti, and natacka exactly as these supernatural beings are now personated at walpi in the _powamû_, as described and figured in a former memoir.[ ] it is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found is not known. the human hand excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by the ancient hopi for representation in the decoration of their pottery. among the present tusayan indians the human hand is rarely used, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls who have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and there is a _katcina_ mask which has a hand painted in white on the face. as in the case of the decoration of all similar sacred paraphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the _katcina_ with the imprint of the hand on its mask. the following tale, collected by the late a. m. stephen, from whose manuscript i quote, is interesting in this connection: "the figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. these are vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of the calako. the calako is a trinity of two women and a man from whom the hopi obtained the first corn, and of whom the following legend is told: "in the early days, before houses were built, the earth was devastated by a whirlwind. there was then neither springs nor streams, although water was so near the surface that it could be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. the people had but little food, however, and they besought masauwûh to help them, but he could not. "there came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had two sisters who were the wives of calako, and it might be well to petition them. so they prepared an altar, every man making a _paho_, and these were set in the ground so as to encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were known. "masauwûh's brother came and told them that when calako came to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, on which calako might stand, and they set it between the two pahos placed for his wives. "then the people got their rattles and stood around the altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this strange god. they stood there for a long while, for they were afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. presently a sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole through the center. the people were frightened and ran away, all save the young lad who had sung the invocation. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxvii unusual forms of vases from sikyatki] "the lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca and willow. the flagellation, he told them, had been administered by calako, who told him that he must endure this laceration before he could look upon the beings he had invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals could calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the calako altar. the lad could not describe calako, but said that his two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all manner of fine garments. they wore great headdresses of clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the hopi to plant for food. there were white, red, yellow, blue, black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled corn, and a seeded grass (_kwapi_). "the lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the hole in the rock, and from its interior calako conversed with him and gave him instructions. in accordance with these he gathered all the hopi youths and brought them to the rock, that calako might select certain of them to be his priests. the first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock. only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. "the selected youths then moved within the altar and underwent the test of flagellation. calako lashed them with yucca and willow. those who made no outcry were told to remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten days, when calako would return and instruct them concerning the rites to be performed when they sought his aid. "calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five grains of each of the different kinds of corn. the hopi women had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the foot of the rock, and in these calako's wives placed the seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other vegetables which the hopi have since possessed. "calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on the rock disappeared within it. "some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in the altar, the great plumed snake appeared to them and said that calako could not return unless one of them was brave enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and give them to him. they were all afraid, but the oldest man of the hopi took them down and was deputed to return and represent calako. "shortly afterward masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with his two brothers masqueraded as calako and his wives. this led the hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath of muiyinwûh, who withered all their grain and corn. "one of the hopi finally discovered that the supposed calako carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been willow; then they knew that it was masauwûh who had been misleading them. "the boy hero one day found masauwûh asleep, and so regained possession of the mask. muiyinwûh then withdrew his punishments and sent palülükoñ (the plumed snake) to tell the hopi that calako would never return to them, but that the boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number of novices to be initiated."[ ] several food basins from sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon them, and in one of these both hands are represented. on the most perfect of these hand figures (plate cxxxvii, _c_) a wristlet is well represented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it an unusual form. from between the index and second finger there arises a triangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one side to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the arm. the whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and its appendage, is decorated with spattering,[ ] and on the outside there is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. this external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two terraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols. one of the most interesting representations of the human hand (figure ) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. the four fingers and the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique feature in such decorations. from between the index finger and the next, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage comparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. the palm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which recall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer sticks, as i have described in a memoir on the snake dance. in place of the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones being continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure. quadrupeds figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on which appear some of the mammalia with which the hopi are familiar. most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question as to their identification. one of the most instructive of these figures is shown in plate cxxx, _a_, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature known as the giant elk. the head bears two branched horns, drawn without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel marks similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the walls of one of the kivas at walpi. the hoofs are bifid, and from a short stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a triangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. its meaning is unknown to me. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxviii medicine box and pigment pots from sikyatki] there can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in this figure one of the numerous horned _cervidæ_ with which the ancient hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. it may be mentioned, however, that the horn people are reputed to have been early arrivals in tusayan, and it is not improbable that representatives of the horn clans lived in sikyatki previous to its overthrow. two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appear on the interior of the food bowl shown in plate cxxx, _b_. these are interesting from the method in which they were drawn. they are not outlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of the bowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a dense spattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the human hand. i am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally refer them to the rabbit. they have no distinctive symbolism, however, and are destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the rabbit clan now invariably place on their totemic signatures. [illustration: fig. --mountain sheep] the animal design on the bowl illustrated in plate cxxx, _c_, probably represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a feathered appendage from the head. behind it is the ordinary symbol of the dragon-fly. several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs. the interior of the food bowl shown in plate cxxx, _d_, as well as the inner sides of the two ladles represented in plate cxxxi, _b_, _d_, are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. the body is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, with claws, is represented. it is worthy of mention that so many of these animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a single pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like those of the bear and badger. the appendages to the head in this figure remind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which this may be identical. [illustration: fig. --mountain lion] in another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars as well. this figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing feathers. the single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle shown in plate cxxxi, _b_, is believed to represent the same conception, or the moon; and in this connection the very close phonetic resemblance between the hopi name for moon[ ] and that for the mammal may be mentioned. in the decoration last described the same crescentic figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxix designs on food bowls from sikyatki] an enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia includes the beautiful food bowl shown in plate cxxx, _e_, which is made of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. this design (reproduced in figure ) represents probably some ruminant, as the mountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to clans said to have resided at sikyatki. the hoofs are characteristic, and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. there is a close similarity between the design below this animal and that of the exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls. among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient food bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in plate cxxx, _f_, which has been identified as the mountain lion. while this identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. the claws of the forelegs (figure ) are evidently those of one of the carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the most prominent in tusayan. the anterior part of the body is spotted; the posterior and the hind legs are black. the snout bears little resemblance to that of the puma. the entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, is decorated by spattering. within this spattered area there are highly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting figure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a ceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. the seven patches in black might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of which appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. in the intervals between three of these there are branched bodies representing plants or bushes. reptiles snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient potters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how closely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still current in tusayan. of all reptilian monsters the worship of which forms a prominent element in hopi ritual, that of the great plumed snake is perhaps the most important. effigies of this monster exist in all the larger hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great rites--the _soyaluña_ in december and the _palülükonti_ in march, as i have already described. the symbolic markings and appendages of the plumed snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern representations of this mystic being. while several pictographs of snakes are found on sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance in which these modern markings appear; consequently there is considerable doubt in regard to the identification of many of the sikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives. [illustration: fig. --plumed serpent] in questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the plumed serpent cult in tusayan, i have found that they declare that this cultus was brought into tusayan from a mythic land in the south, called palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it were introduced by the patki or water-house people. from good evidence, i suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively late in tusayan history, and it is possible that sikyatki was destroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which i have been able to gather no one ascribes to sikyatki any clan belonging to the phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. i believe we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the kokop or firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of the symbolic markings of the snakes represented on sikyatki ceramics. figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, occur in sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the markings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. one of the most striking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in plate cxxxii, _a_. it represents a serpent with curved body, the tail being connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. the body (figure ) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is covered with a crosshatching of black lines. the head bears two triangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. the position of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head is represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative studies, for it was often the custom of ancient tusayan potters, like other primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the head. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxx food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from sikyatki] the zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still associated. while striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper jaws represent fangs. it is highly probable that conceptions not greatly unlike those which cluster about the great plumed serpent were associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid of some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism. while from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl illustrated in plate cxxxii, _b_, it is not possible to discover whether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the body and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the figure last considered, it appears probable that this pictograph likewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. like the previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. there is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and provided with teeth,[ ] as in the case of certain reptiles. the similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last described would lead me to regard the figure shown in plate cxxxii, _c_, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more elaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is well represented. i have shown in the discussion of a former figure how the decorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented them both on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one is visible, and we see in this picture (figure ) a somewhat similar tendency, which is very common in modern tusayan figures of animals. the breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway down the length of the body. in modern pictography a representation of the heart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in fact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes through which the breath passes. in the sikyatki pottery, however, i find only this one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internal organs is made. the tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly conventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling feathers, while on the back are other appendages which might be compared with wings. both of these we might expect, considering the association of bird and serpent in the hopi conception of the plumed snake. exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which the hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist. [illustration: fig. --unknown reptile] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxi ornamented ladles from sikyatki] [illustration: fig. --unknown reptile] a similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in plate cxxxii, _d_, in which design, however, there are important modifications, the most striking of which are: ( ) the animal (figure ) has both fore and hind legs represented; ( ) the head is round; ( ) the mouth is provided with teeth; and ( ) there are four instead of two feather appendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be tempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of these organs. their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the existence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this reptile, with which both ancient and modern hopi are very familiar. on a fragment of a vessel found at awatobi there is depicted the head of a reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an almost perfect reproduction. there is a like figure, also from sikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by dr miller, of prescott, the year following my work there. the most elaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient tusayan pottery is shown in plate cxxxii, _e_, in which the symbolism is complicated and the details carefully worked out. a few of these symbols i am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. there is no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head (figure ), for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which the markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, are prominent. the extension of the snout is without homologue elsewhere in hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highly conventionalized. on the body semicircular rain cloud symbols and markings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds are distinguishable. the feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, but of a form quite unusual in structure. it is interesting to note the similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to the band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in plate cxxxvii, _c_. in attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced in plate cxxxiv, _a_, there is little to guide me, and the nearest i can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some kind. highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, there is practically nothing on which to base the absolute identification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the body and the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes drawn. the two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these were placed is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. all else is incomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisional and largely speculative. [illustration: fig. --unknown reptile] i wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the coloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from sikyatki. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxii food bowls with figures of reptiles from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxiii bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, etc. from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxiv food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower from sikyatki] among the fragments of pottery found in the sikyatki graves there was one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown considerable light on ancient pictography. this fragment has depicted upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a reptilian animal. we find on that part of the body which is represented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modern pictures of the great plumed serpent. on the back there were apparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shown above the head. the head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and there are three reptilian like toes. whether this represents a reptile or a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already been recorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groups sometimes is in ancient pictography. it would almost appear as if the profound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds and reptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of the rudiments of the knowledge of morphology. tadpoles among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as symbols. among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. the figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in tusayan at the present time. in none of these is anything more than a globular head and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored black. the tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from sikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in plate cxxxiii, _a_. the design represents a number of these aquatic animals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of the bowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocks representing rain clouds. these blocks are separated from the tadpole figures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel lines recalling the symbol of falling rain. one of the most beautiful forms of ladles from sikyatki is figured in plate cxxxiii, _b_, a specimen in which the art of decoration by spattering is effectively displayed. the interior of the bowl of this dipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which two tadpoles are represented. the handle is pointed at the end and is decorated. this specimen is considered one of the best from sikyatki. the rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in plate cxxxii, _f_, would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. but in the evolution of the tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis after the legs develop. in modern pictures[ ] of the frog with which i am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or ventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have seen, a lateral view is always adopted. as the sole picture found on ancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be of value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather than as a true reptile. butterflies or moths one of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. it is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets woven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the margin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. this symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when a line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. this double triangle is not only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on the dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in the alhambra and other moorish buildings. this custom of decorating the walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upper edge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown in nordenskiöld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of mesa verde. while an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of the butterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from sikyatki show a much more realistic figure. in plate cxxxiv, _f_, is shown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennæ, and in _d_ of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a flower, is given. as an associate with summer, the butterfly is regarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one of the ancient hopi clans regarded it as their totem. perhaps the most striking, and i may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of the butterfly is the so-called _hokona_ or butterfly virgin slab used in the antelope ceremonies of the snake dance at walpi, where it is associated with the tadpole water symbol. [illustration: fig. --outline of plate cxxxv, _b_] the most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on the vase reproduced in plate cxxxv, _b_. from the number of these pictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six world-quarters--north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. the vase has a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are represented as flying toward the orifice. these insect figures closely resemble one another, and are divided into two groups readily distinguished by the symbolism of the heads. three have each a cross with a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has a dotted head without the cross. these two kinds alternate with each other, and the former probably indicate females, since the same symbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the antelope altar in the snake dance are used to designate the female.[ ] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxv vases with figures of butterflies from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxvi vases with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] two antennæ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. the zones above and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through which is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under rim. [illustration: fig. --butterfly design on upper surface of plate cxxxv, _b_] the rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this elaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each other. the rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three vertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on the left. the remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but they are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase. the elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and frets. the wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, and its interpretation very baffling. this vase may well be considered the most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from sikyatki. there are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in plate cxxxi, _a_, in which the modifications of wings and body have proceeded still further, and the only features which refer them to insects are the jointed antennæ. the passage from this highly conventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. there are still others where the head, with attached appendages, arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of one side. this gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which is found, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. in such designs there is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be represented by a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars. the design reproduced in plate cxxxiv, _d_, represents a moth or butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. it is evidently similar to that figured in _a_ of the same plate, and has representations of antennæ and extended proboscis, the latter organ placed as if extracting honey from the flower. the conventional flower is likewise shown in _e_ of this plate. the two crescentic designs in plate cxxxv, _a_, are regarded as butterflies. the jar illustrated in plate cxlv, _b_, is ornamented with highly conventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from the sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the equatorial surface. the most striking figure, which is likewise found on the base of the paint saucer shown in plate cxlvi, _f_, is a diamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner (figure ). the pictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, which are difficult to classify, and i have therefore provisionally associated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly and the triangle. the form of this vessel closely approaches that of the graceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the vessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears no marks of soot.[ ] dragon-flies among the most constant designs used in the decoration of sikyatki pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. these decorations consist of a line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. like the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of corn in early times. it is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on several ancient vessels (plates cxl, _b_; clxiii, _a_), where it always has the same simple linear form, with few essential modifications. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxvii vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, etc. from sikyatki] the symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the square box represented in plate cxxviii, _a_. this box, which was probably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in ceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautiful specimens from the sikyatki cemeteries. it is elaborately decorated on the four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in colors which retain their original brilliancy. the interior is not decorated. the four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, or with the heads turned to the right. this position indicates a ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the tusayan people, although common in navaho ceremonies. in the sand picture of the snake society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a border surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as crawling about the picture from right to left. this sequence is prescribed in tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated by me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the left hand. the circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or sunwise. several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and others without them, were obtained in the excavations at sikyatki. the variations in their forms may be seen in plates cxxviii, _a, c,_ and cxxv, _f_. these are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. in many tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them without handles, are still used,[ ] but a more common and evidently more modern variety are round and have handles. the rim of these modern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced elevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the outer surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs. one of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown in plate cxx, _f_. the exterior of this vessel is decorated with four rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. the curved line below represents a rainbow. the terrace form of rain-cloud symbol is very ancient in tusayan and antedates the well-known semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the patki people. it is still preserved in the form of tablets[ ] worn on the head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars and religious paraphernalia. birds the bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the decoration of ancient tusayan pottery, and the former design was probably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the art passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used exclusively. a somewhat similar predominance is found in the part which the bird and the feather play in the modern hopi ceremonial system. as one of the oldest elements in the decoration of tusayan ceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highly conventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has been lost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study of hopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from the realistic to the more conventionalized. the large series of food bowls from sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it may incidentally be said that by this study i have been able to interpret the meaning of certain decorations on sikyatki bowls of which the best hopi traditionalists are ignorant.[ ] in order to show the method of reasoning in this case i have taken a series illustrating the general form of an unknown bird. there can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basin shown in plate cxxxvii, _a_, represents a bird, and analogy would indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. it has a round head (figure ), to which is attached a headdress, which we shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. on each side of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. the details of these wings are very carefully and, i may add, prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag is important. the tail is composed of three large feathers, which project beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body. the technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors very beautiful. although this bowl was quite badly broken when exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by mr henry walther that no part of the symbolism is lost. while it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and while this identification is confirmed by hopi testimony, it is far from a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients could have been familiar. it is highly conventionalized and idealized with significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxviii food bowls with figures of birds from sikyatki] bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form (plate cxxxviii, _a_), in which we can trace the same parts without difficulty. on a round head is placed a feathered headdress. the different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even in details in the two figures. there are, for instance, two terminal wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are represented with slight modifications. [illustration: fig. --man-eagle] the body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. it is continued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved lines, and in the other a simple crook. there are three tail-feathers in each figure. i believe there can be no doubt that both these designs represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was intended in each instance. the step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird to the next (plate cxlvii, _a_) is even greater than in the former. the head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings likewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles without appendages. the tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathers are indicated. the conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and again in ancient tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an examination of the various birds shown in the plates. in many instances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and nothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same form, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their meaning has not changed. in passing to the figure of the bird shown in plate cxxxviii, _b_, we find features homologous with those already considered, but also detect considerable modification. the head is elongated, tipped with three parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of the preceding figure. the outstretched wings have a crescentic form, on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines arising from them. this is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it represents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be so interpreted wherever found. the figure of the body of the bird depicted is simple, and the tail is continued into three tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalized bird figures. the most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the club-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of the wings and the breast. these are spatulate in form, with a terraced terminal marking. they, like other appendages, represent feathers, but that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breath feather.[ ] this feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and is tied to certain prayer offerings. its ancient symbolism is very clearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that of either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different ceremonial use at the present time. for convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped in a single series. plate cxxxviii, _d_, represents a figure of a bird showing great relative modification of organs when compared with those previously discussed. the head is very much broadened, but the semicircular markings, which occur also on the heads of previously described bird figures, are well drawn. the wings are mere curved appendages, destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and have knobs at their bases. the body is rectangular; the tail-feathers are numerous, with well-marked symbolism. perhaps the most striking appendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of the body itself, which, although represented in other pictures of birds, nowhere reach such relatively large size. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxxxix food bowls with figures of birds from sikyatki] the figure of a bird shown in plate cxxxviii, _c_, is similar in many respects to that last described. the semicircular markings on the head of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of rain-clouds. the wings are curved projections, without any suggestion of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. the tail-feathers show nothing exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular extensions, as in figures of birds already described. the representation of the bird in plate cxxxviii, _e_, has a triangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, between which the tail-feathers are situated. the body is covered with terraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. on each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, possibly the sunflower or an aster. in the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on the food bowl shown in plate cxxxviii, _f_, the head is very much enlarged. it bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above triangles of the same meaning. the wings are represented as diminutive appendages, each consisting of two feathers. the body has a triangular extension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively short rectangular feathers. the figure itself could hardly be identified as a representation of a bird were it not for the correspondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedly those of birds or flying animals. a more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in plate cxl, _b_. the head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which appear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are simply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band which encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the posterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, the feathers of which are not differentiated. on each side of the body, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the wings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears. the figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate cxxxix, _c_, may also be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. the two pointed objects on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular appendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs which have already been described. above the triangles is a rectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant feature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near the rim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. the cross, so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replaced by the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. the resemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearly evident after a little study. the decoration on the food basin presented in plate cxxxix, _a_, is interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into conventional forms. in this figure those parts which are identified as homologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food bowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at their bases. the wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the body, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. the smaller spurs near the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of the latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being indicated by three triangles. there is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings. the reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is accomplished in the design shown in plate cxxxix, _b_. at intervals along this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each group, representing stars, as will later be shown. the semicircular head has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. the posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail still bears the markings representing three tail-feathers. the association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. we shall see its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly conventionalized bird figures. in the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl shown in plate cxxxix, _c_, we have almost a return to geometric figures in a conventional representation of a bird. in this case the semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically across the interior of the bowl. on one side of it there are many crosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a bird. the posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued to a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent feathers in the tail. the rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge and inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the heads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which have been described. this gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further in the figure represented in plate cxxxix, _d_, where the posterior end of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three feathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the rectangular body. in fact, it can hardly be seen how a more conventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in _e_ of the same plate this reduction still greater. here the tail is represented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by two dentate appendages, and the body itself by a square. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxl figures of birds from sikyatki] in plate cxl, _c_, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where two birds, instead of one, are represented. in both these instances it would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, had lost its former significance. it must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of moths or butterflies. if, for instance, they are compared with the figures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in plate cxxxv, _b_, we note especially this resemblance. while, therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that these highly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, i think, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly is generally intended. there are several modifications of these highly conventionalized figures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting of which is figured in plate cxxxix, _f_. in this representation the two posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into graceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. the figure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a broad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. in addition to this highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two crosses which represent stars. in this decoration all resemblance to a bird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts that one is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaborate pictures of mythic birds. when questioned in regard to the meaning of this symbol, the best informed hopi priests had no suggestion to offer. in all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. in that which decorates the vessel shown in plate cxl, _a_, we find a new modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. between them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while the triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings and tail. there is no indication of a head. the modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last mentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the wings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an interpretation of a strange figure shown in plate cxli, _a_. this picture i regard as a representation of a bird, and i do so for the following resemblances to figures already studied. the head of the bird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud symbol. such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, where it occupies the position of the head. on either side of what might be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curved appendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in the pictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations of wings. these extensions at the posterior end of the body are readily comparable with prolongations in that part on which we have already commented. the tail, although different from that in figures of birds thus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. the two circles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additions which are treated in following pages.[ ] from the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which i have outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the star-shape figure shown in plate clxvii, _b_, may be referred to the same group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a representation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the interior of the bowl. examining one of these we readily detect the two tail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on each side. the lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond with the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and represent highly conventionalized wings. the middle of this compound figure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row of the same emblems, equidistant from one another. it would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately associated. the figure represented in plate cxxxiii, _c_, is a symbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparable with the other bird pictographs already described. one may easily detect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and the three tail-feathers. as in the picture last considered, we see the two circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side of the mythic bird represented. similar circular figures are likewise found in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture. in the food bowl illustrated in plate cxli, _b_, we find the two circles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning of which is not clear. the only suggestion which i have in regard to the significance of this object is that it is an example of substitution--the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird represented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. this interpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted only with limitations. i have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick or paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is an instance of the substitution[ ] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a direct survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity addressed. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxli food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlii vases, bowls, and ladle, with figures of feathers, from sikyatki] the studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two pictures on the food bowl represented in plate clii, while the realistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we can rightly identify this also as a bird. in the larger figure the wings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more or less decorative nature. the posterior part of the body is formed of two triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the tail is composed of three large pointed feathers. the head bears the terraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds. it is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the character of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus was intended. the same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with a bird design, which will later be considered. from an examination of the various figures of birds on the sikyatki pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers and the so-called breath or body feathers. there is therefore no hesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these symbols, in interpreting them as feathers. such a bowl is that shown in plate cxli, _c_, in which we find a curved line to which are appended three breast feathers. this curved band from which they hang may take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in plate cxli, _d_. in the design on the bowl figured in plate cxli, _e_, tail-feathers hang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design in which the cross is represented. it has been suggested that this represents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the pueblo and the navaho indians. the design appearing on the small food bowl represented in plate cxli, _f_, is no doubt connected in some way with that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages to the ring and feathers is remote. it is one of those conventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with the scanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical. figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of ancient sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be seen by an examination of the plates. in modern tusayan ceremonials the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in worship; it is essential in the structure of the _tiponi_ or badge of the chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or altar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads of participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always appended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles. in the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs is used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is kept in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string with attached feathers is tied. such a vase is the so-called _patne_ which has been described in a memoir on the snake ceremonies at walpi.[ ] the artistic tendency of the ancient people of sikyatki apparently exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar small vases. plate cxlii, _a_, shows one of these vessels, decorated with an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the equator. (see also figure .) on the vases shown in plate cxlii, _b_, _c_, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on opposite sides of the rim or orifice. one of these groups has eight, the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining quadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated with bird figures. the upper surface of the vase (figure ) shows a similar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalized into triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs which suggest rain-clouds. this vase (plate cxliii, _a_, _b_) is also striking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. the zone of decoration of this vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikingly complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs. [illustration: fig. --pendent feather ornaments on a vase.] in a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl represented in plate cxxxix, _a_, _b_, i have shown ample reason for regarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. on the upper surface of the vase (plate cxliv, _a_, _b_) are four similar designs, representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. the wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute of appendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with the trunk. each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the anterior end of the body. as is the case with the figures on the food basins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. a broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud symbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral sections between them. this vase, although broken, is one of the most beautiful and instructive in the rich collection of sikyatki ceramics. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxliii vase with figures of birds from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxliv vase with figures of birds from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlv vases with figures of birds from sikyatki] [illustration: fig. --upper surface of vase with bird decoration] i have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable generic identification. there is no doubt, however, that they represent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which figured conspicuously in the ancient hopi olympus. the modern legends of tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which play important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. there is, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a pictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that i have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern tusayan folklore. this fragment is shown in figure . [illustration: fig. --kwataka eating an animal] according to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged being called kwataka, or man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. he was ultimately slain by their war god, the legends of which have elsewhere been published. there is a pictograph of this monster near walpi,[ ] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, have been drawn for me by the priests. these agree so closely with the pictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from sikyatki, that i regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same personage. the head is round and bears two feathers, while the star emblem appears in the eye. the wing and the stump of a tail are well represented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be those of this monster. he holds in his grasp some animal form which he is represented as eating. across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint arrowheads. it is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are practically the same as those used by nahuatl people for obsidian arrow- or spearpoints. in hopi lore kwataka wore a garment of arrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and his wings are said to have been composed of feathers of the same material. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlvi bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlvii food bowls with figures of birds, from sikyatki] from the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism there can be little doubt that the ancient sikyatki artists intended to represent this monster, of which the modern hopi rarely speak, and then only in awe. probably several other bird figures likewise represent kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so closely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the tusayan villages. the home of kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and consequently figures of him are commonly associated with star and cloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not exceptional to find figures of gaming implements[ ] in certain elaborate figures of this monster. by far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from sikyatki, and, i believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the united states, is that figured in plate cxlvi, _d_. this remarkable object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this pueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly conventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is difficult to determine the different parts. the four appendages to the left represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the remaining parts are not comprehensible. the delicacy of the detailed crosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it was drawn freehand and without pattern. the coloring is bright and the surface glossy. the curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag diagonals. the signification of the figure in the upper part of the bowl is unknown. while this vessel is unique in the character of its decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in design. competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this specimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found it difficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. the specimen itself, now on exhibition in the national museum, gives a better idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. this specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same condition as when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth to clean the traces of food from its inner surface. all the pottery found in the same grave is of the finest character, and although no two specimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point to the same maker. this fact has been noticed in several instances, although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and most rudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and most elaborately decorated ware. the ladle illustrated in plate cxlii, _e_, is one of the most beautiful in the collection. it is decorated with a picture of an unknown animal with a single feather on the head. the eyes are double and the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal stands. while the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and the animal recalls a bird, i am in doubt as to its true identification. the star emblems on the handle of the ladle are in harmony with known pictures of birds. the feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in plate cxxxi, _f_, is of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly comprehensible. the representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, feathers, and falling rain. the medially placed design, with four parallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather design, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believed to represent birds. the design on the food bowl depicted in plate cxxxi, _e_, is obscure, but in it feather and star symbols predominate. on the inside of the ladle shown in plate cxxxi, _c_, there is a rectangular design with a conventionalized bird at each angle. the reduction of the figure of a bird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs very constantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains save a crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. examples of this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in plate cxlv, _a_, is an example. [illustration: fig. --decoration on the bottom of plate cxlvi, _f_] there are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design has become so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize the intention of the decorator. plate cxlvii, _f_, shows one of these in which the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird form evident. the wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers which form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. in _b_ of the same plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly modified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified in the design last described. the beautiful design shown in plate cxlvi, _e_, represents a large breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed. the interior of the saucer illustrated in plate clxvi, _f_, is decorated with feather symbols and four triangles. the remaining figures of this plate have already been considered. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlviii food bowls with symbols of feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cxlix food bowls with symbols of feathers from sikyatki] the figures on the vessel shown in plate clxvii are so arranged that there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of birds. there appears no necessity of discussing figures _a_ and _b_ of the plate in this interpretation. in figure _c_ the center of the design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the tail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. i am by no means sure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the opposite pole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can not be regarded as a forced one. figure _d_ shows the three tail-feathers, lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with the usual decorations of the body and head of a bird. the design shown in figure _f_ suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with those previously studied and illustrated. there is no question of the homologues of tail, head, and wings. the meridional band across the bowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship to the head and tail of the bird identical. this design is interpreted as that of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. the crescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in many bird figures and may represent a beak. many food bowls from sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which the feather is predominant. many of these are shown in plates cxlviii to clvii, inclusive, and in studying them i have found it very difficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers are easy to find in many of them. while my attempt at decipherment is not regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the important place which the feather plays in tusayan ceramic decoration. plate cxlviii, _a_, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in outline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to introduce it in connection with those in which the feather is more prominent. figure _b_ of the same plate represents a spiral figure with a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at the outer extremity. on this design there is likewise a figure of the dragon-fly and several unknown emblems. figure _c_ has at one extremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the head of a bird shown in plate cxxxviii, _a_. figure _d_ has no conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminates with a triangle. its signification is unknown to me. for several reasons the design in _e_ reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied by three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection with bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. this end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear by later comparative studies. the bird form is masked in _f_, but the feather designs are prominent. this bowl is exceptional in having an encircling band broken at two points, one of the components of which is red, the other black. feather designs are conspicuous in plate cxlix, _a_, _b_, in the former of which curved incised lines are successfully used. in _c_, however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as an aid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. the symbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. figure _d_ has no feather symbols, but _e_ may later be reduced to a circle with feathers. the only symbols in the design shown in _f_ which are at all recognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intended to represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles. when the design in plate cl, _a_, is compared with the beautiful bowl shown in plate cxlvi, _d_, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is found. it is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the four bands (_a_) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the body and the curved appendage a part of the head. from a similarity to modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle at the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. an examination of _b_ leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the spiral represents a bird's head. two eyes are represented therein, and from it feathers are appended. the parallel marks on the body are suggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the plumed snake painted on the kilts of the snake priests of walpi. the star emblems are constant accompaniments of bird designs. figure _c_ has, in addition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a flower. the design shown in _d_ is so exceptional that it is here represented with the circular forms. it will be seen that there are well-marked feathers in its composition. figure _f_ is made up of several bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in a complicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted in the light of what has already been recorded. the significance of the spiral in the design on plate cli, _a_, is unknown. it is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears to have avian relationship. figure _b_ of the same plate is a square terraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars are depicted. as in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite semicircle. there is a remote likeness between this figure and that of the head of the bird shown in plate cxlv, _d_. plate cli, _c_, is a compound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right angles to a median band. the triangular figure associated with them is sometimes found in symbols of the sun. figure _d_ is undoubtedly a bird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird figures shown in plate cxxxviii, _a-f_. there are two tail-feathers, two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced designs. the cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which is finely spattered with pigment. this trifid cross represents a game played by the hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of pottery. as representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds i am led to interpret the figure (plate clvii, _c_) as that of a bird, which it somewhat resembles. the two designs shown in plate cli, _e_, _f_, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so worn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible to determine their meaning by comparative methods. both of these figures show the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yet considered. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cl figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cli figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] in plate clii, _a_, is shown a compound figure of doubtful significance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and spirals, which, in _c_, are more compactly joined together, and accompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. the curved figure shown in _b_ represents three feathers; a large one on each side, inclosing a medially smaller member. in _d_ is shown the spiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terraced figures. figure _f_ of this plate is decorated with a design which bears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendages resembling bracts of a sunflower. a somewhat similar design is painted on the side of the helmets of some _katcina_ dancers, where the bracts or petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding to the six directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. in the decoration on the ancient sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral bracts, one of which is speckled. the six groups of stamens(?) are represented between the triangular bracts. the designs shown in plates cliii to clv, inclusive, still preserve the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly conventionalized or differentiated. in the first of these plates (figure _b_) is represented a bird form with triangular head with four feathers arranged in fan shape. these feathers are different from any which i have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and are thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons. the body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly complicated manner. from a bar connecting the spiral with the encircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. figure _a_ of the same plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and a graceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. in this instance these structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. the relation of these structures to feathers would appear highly speculative, but they have been so interpreted for the following reason: if we compare them with the appendages represented in the design on the vase shown in cxliii, _b_, we find them the same in number, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on this vase are directly comparable with the figures in plate cxliii, _b_, in the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shown in the discussion of this figure. consequently, although the triangles on the pendant in plate cliii, _a_, appear at first glance to have no relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their true interpretation. the reduction of the wing feather to a simple triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in plate cxlvi, _a_. in the two figures forming plate cliv are found simple bird symbols and feather designs very much conventionalized. the same is true of the two figures given in plate clv. the vessels illustrated in plate clvi, _a_, _b_, are decorated with designs of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the modification of the feather into long triangular forms. on the outer surface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral direction, or with the center of the bowl on the left. the design of figure _c_ shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathers and with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. the triangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as at present designated in tusayan altar paraphernalia. as with other bird figures, there is a representation in red of the triple star. figure _d_ is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form of a bird which was found at sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a handle. the vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is intensified by the designs on its surface. the bird's head is turned to the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. the signification of the designs on _e_ and _f_ is unknown to me. figures _e_ and _f_ of plate clvi are avian decorations, reduced in the case of the former to geometric forms. the triangular figure is a marked feature in the latter design. the designs represented in plate clvii are aberrant bird forms. of these _a_ and _b_ are the simplest and _c_ one of the most complicated. figure _d_ is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with a common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. figure _e_ shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangular feathers, extended. there is some doubt about the identification of _f_ as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, and breath feathers are represented in it. of the last mentioned there are three, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities. vegetal designs inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, it is remarkable that the ancient hopi seem to have used plants and their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. elsewhere, especially among modern pueblos, this is not the case, and while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs on modern tusayan ware, they are often employed. it would appear that the corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially as corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we fail to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clii food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cliii food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] in a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or sunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in plate cxxxiv, _e_, we have a similar design. this figure evidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and eaten in ancient times. the plant apparently is represented as growing from the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely circular form. the totem of the earth today among the hopi is a circle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case the horizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which is accompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. the petals are represented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. from the kinship of the ancient accolents of sikyatki with the flute people, it is to be expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers would appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in the ritual of this society which has survived to modern times. the sun sun worship plays a most important part in modern tusayan ritual, and the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken for any other. it is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery and ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. the face of the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, and a double triangle for the mouth. this symbol, however, is not always used as that of the sun, for in the oraibi _powalawû_ there is an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a four-pointed star. the former of these sun symbols is not found on sikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the latter. this occurs on the bowl illustrated in plate clxi, _c_. the main design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and surrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. while the identification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highly suggestive. the existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figure on the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sun pictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded in this identification. in the design shown in plate clviii, _a_, one of the elaborate ancient sun figures is represented. as in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the blanket of the maid (plate cxxix, _a_). the design on the disk is different from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my interpretation. i have used the distribution of the feathers on the four quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might be wished. the triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a tail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this conclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vessels shown in plate cxxxviii. it would appear that there is even more probability that the picture on the bowl illustrated in plate clviii, _b_, is a sun symbol. it represents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the periphery in four groups. this recalls the sun emblems used in tusayan at the present time, although the face of the sun is not represented on this specimen. there is a still closer approximation to the modern symbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from sikyatki. in plate clviii, _c_, the sun's disk is represented with the four clusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four birds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. the design on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol found in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the sun in modern hopi symbolism. one of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which i think can be identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen illustrated in plate cxxxiv, _b_. the reasons which have led me to this identification may briefly be stated as follows: among the many supernaturals with which modern hopi mythology is replete is one called calako-taka, or the male calako. in legends he is the husband of the two corn-maids of like name. the ceremonials connected with this being occur in sichomovi in july, when four giant personifications enter the village as have been described in a former memoir. the heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers. two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, are depicted on the altars of the _katcinas_ at walpi and mishoñinovi, where they represent the sun. a chief personifying the same supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge of the _katcinas_. the figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars mentioned. the head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, apparently of feathers, between them. the eyes and mouth are represented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. the meaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to calako-taka[ ] symbolism are noteworthy and important. the figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate cxxxiv, _c_, is likewise regarded as a sun emblem. the disk is represented by a ring in the center, to which feathers are appended. the triangle, which is still a sun symbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. this band is decorated with highly conventionalized feathers. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. cliv food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clv food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clvi food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] it may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful. the three designs shown in plate clviii, _c_, _d_, _e_, evidently belong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly legitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can be demonstrated. the modern tusayan indians declare that the equal-arm cross is a symbol of the "heart of the sky" god, which, from my studies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, i have good reason to identify with the lightning. geometric figures interpretation of the figures most of the pottery from sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designs and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown. two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these designs. to one school everything is symbolic of something or some religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save as decorations. i find the middle path the more conservative, and while regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized symbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had no thought of symbolism. i have ventured an explanation of a few of the former. terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in pueblo ceramic decorations. these designs bear so close a likeness to the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred to this category. their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such a nature as to impart very different patterns. thus terraced figures placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for symbols. rectangular patterns (plates clxii-clxv) are more ancient in the evolution of designs on tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they have been superseded. while there are many specimens of sikyatki pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear ornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority placed in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. in older pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is even less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns were secondary rather than primary decorative forms. by far the largest element in ancient tusayan pottery decoration must be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, others purely decorative (plate clxvi). in the evolution of design i am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and i find it the most constant in the oldest ware. rectangular figures are regarded as older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter in evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a wavy line surrounding the latter, as in plate clix, _c_, _d_, where there is a suggestion (_d_) of a sun emblem. crosses a large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate crosses, stars, and like patterns. simple crosses with arms of equal length appear on the vessels shown in plate clix, _c_, _d_. there are many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various bowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky deities. plate clx, _a_, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of three arms of which bird figures are attached. in this design there are likewise two sunflower symbols. the modified cross figure in _b_ of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but fails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure _c_ may be so interpreted, no swastica was found at sikyatki or awatobi. plate clx, _d_, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified into triangles. on the opening of the great ceremony called _powamû_ or "bean-planting," which occurs in february in the modern tusayan villages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun which is called _powalawû_. the object of this rite is the fructification of all seeds known to the hopi. the sand picture of the sun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with the design on the food bowl illustrated in plate clxi, _c_; consequently it is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and the occurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modern altar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, adds weight to this conclusion. the twin triangles outside the main figure are identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. these same twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right angles in plate clxi, _d_, but from their resemblance to figure _b_ they possibly have a different meaning. the most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a relationship between the two. plate clxi, _f_, represents four bundles of feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. these feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them are occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated extremities recalling conventionalized birds. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clvii figures of birds and feathers from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clviii food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols from sikyatki] a large number of crosses are represented in plate clxii, _d_, in which the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. a spiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen shown in plate clxi, _a_. parallel lines with similar spots appear on the vessel illustrated in plate clxii, _e_, and a network of the same is shown in _f_ of the same plate. plate clxvii, _b_, represents a compound star. while simple swasticas are not found on any of the sikyatki pottery, modified and compound forms are well represented. there are several specimens of figures of the maltese cross, and one closely approximating the saint andrew's cross. it is scarcely necessary to say that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do not necessarily indicate the influence of semitic or aryan races, for i have already shown[ ] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in use among the pueblos when coronado first visited them. terraced figures among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient tusayan pottery none excel in variety or number those which i place in the above group. they form the major part of all decoration, and there is hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be detected. in a typical form they appear as stepped designs, rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangular designs with steps represented along their sides. while it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with similar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia--altars, mask-tablets, and the like. decorative modifications of this figure were no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where the essential meaning has been much obscured or lost. the crook among the forms of geometric designs on ancient tusayan pottery there are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously modified, is the essential type. this figure is so constant that it must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. the crook plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on many tusayan altars. around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the public snake dance these are carried by participants called the antelopes. a crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and several feathers are attached is borne by _katcinas_ or masked participants in certain rain dances. it is held in the hand by a personage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certain religious societies. many other instances might be mentioned in which this crozier-like object is carried by important personages. while it is not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is a badge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents the standing of the bearer. there are, likewise, prayer offerings in the form of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature curved sticks attached to them. some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of war. there is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as the sticks referred to above. the majority of the figures of this shape elude interpretation. many of them have probably no definite meaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration. in some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an ancient weapon, allied to a bow. the germinative symbol the ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral extensions at the base (plate cxlix, _e_), occurs among the figures on this ancient pottery. in its simplest form, a median line with a triangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. when this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and curved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol,[ ] also used as an emblem of fertility. the triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity--the female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. the geometric designs on the ancient sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate both these forms. broken lines in examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is usually limited to one point in all the specimens. various explanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have been suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most widely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the whole pueblo area, including the salado and gila basins. while in the specimens from sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures in the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other forms of geometric figures. in the more complex figures we find the most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple forms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. a brief consideration of these modifications may aid toward an understanding of the character of certain geometric ornamental motives. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clix cross and related designs from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clx cross and other symbols from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxi star, sun, and related symbols from sikyatki] if any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it is found that they do not join at the center of the figure. the same is true when these spirals become frets. there is always a break in the network which they form. this break is comparable with the hiatus on encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. in a simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patterns with the ends overlapping. this simple ornament, called the friendship sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of _katcinas_, and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of the participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with inner surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in opposite directions and the wrists at opposite points. if the points be extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended spirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is less conspicuous although always present. the same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they may have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a variety of forms to the interval between them.[ ] in order to trace out these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual case, but i think that is unnecessary. in other words, the broken line appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs extend about the periphery of a utensil. decorations on the exterior of food bowls the decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. generally they reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the interior of the bowl upon which they occur. usually these external decorations are found only on one side, and in that respect they differ from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them appears. the characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are symbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or stepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and human or animal figures are unknown in this position in sikyatki pottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of marked simplicity. it is apparent that i can best discuss the variety of geometric designs by considering these external decorations of food vessels at length. from the fact that they are limited to one side, the design is less complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as the more typical forms. it is rarely that two of these designs are found to be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication a classification of them is difficult. each potter seems to have decorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, using simple designs but combining them in original ways. hence the great variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whose handiwork was buried with her. as, however, the art of the potter degenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, so that modern tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety in ornamentation and no originality in design. every potter uses the same figures. [illustration: fig. --oblique parallel line decoration] [illustration: fig. --parallel lines fused at one point] [illustration: fig. --parallel lines with zigzag arrangement] the simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a band encircling it. this line may be complete or it may be broken at one point. the next more complicated geometric decoration is a double or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the specimens from sikyatki. the breaking up of this multiple band into parallel bars is shown in figure . these bars generally have a quadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the illustration, inclined at an angle. they are often found on the lips of the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. the parallel lines shown in figure are seven in number, and do not encircle the bowl. they are joined by a broad connecting band near one extremity. the number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly suggestive. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxii geometric ornamentation from sikyatki] four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in figure , but they are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal figures placed with alternating sides parallel. this interesting pattern is found only on one vessel. the use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on the outside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for they occur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. they likewise occur on ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse and longitudinal clusters. [illustration: fig. --parallel lines connected by middle bar.] the combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, forming the letter h, is an ornamental design frequently occurring on the finest hopi ware. figure shows such an h form, which is ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl. [illustration: fig. --parallel lines of different width; serrate margin] the interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be very much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, or otherwise modified. such a deviation is seen in figure , which has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the other with serrate margin and hook-like appendages. [illustration: fig. --parallel lines of different width; median serrate] [illustration: fig. --parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate] in figure eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each other in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which separates them. the remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as black bands on a white ground. it will be noticed that an attempt was made to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure by the introduction of a white line in zigzag form. a similar result was accomplished in the design shown in figure by rectangles and dots. [illustration: fig. --parallel lines and triangles] the modification of the multiple bands in figure has produced a very different decorative form. this design is composed of five bands, the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly arranged. in figure there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. this is the most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used. [illustration: fig. --line with alternate triangles] we have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion and other changes in simple parallel lines. they may be confined to one side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround the whole vessel. ordinarily, however, they are confined to one side of the bowls from sikyatki. [illustration: fig. --single line with alternate spurs] [illustration: fig. --single line with hourglass figures] returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in figure , broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at their right angles. this modification is carried still further in figure , where the triangles on each side of the single line are prolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance from each other. in figure there is shown still another arrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forming hourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passing through their points of junction. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxiii food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki] [illustration: fig. --single line with triangles] [illustration: fig. --single line with alternate triangles and ovals] [illustration: fig. --triangles and quadrilaterals] [illustration: fig. --triangle with spurs] in figure the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a single triangle replaces the pair. these are connected by the line surrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. in figure there is a similar design, except that alternating with each triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure , there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. the dots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel lines of varying width. the triangles and ovals last considered are arranged symmetrically in relation to a simple band. by a reduction in the intervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and the line disappears. i have found no specimen of design illustrating the simplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in figure is a new combination comparable with it. the simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of complication in figure , where a connecting line is absent, and two triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are separated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines placed obliquely to the axis of the design. the central part is composed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two opposite sides, is minutely dentate. the median band is very broad and is relieved by two wavy white lines. the axis of the design on each side is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle in the middle of each triangle. this complicated design is the highest development reached by the use of simple triangles. in figure , however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which no element other than the rectangle is employed. in the chaste decoration seen in figure the use of the rectangle is shown combined with the triangle on a simple encircling band. this design is reducible to that shown in figure , but is simpler, yet not less effective. in figure there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is used in combination with parallel and oblique bands. this form, while one of the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. the triangle predominates in figure , but the details are worked out in rectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in all pueblo decorations. rectangular figures are more commonly used than the triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, and their many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze. [illustration: fig. --rectangle with single line] [illustration: fig. --double triangle; multiple lines] [illustration: fig. --double triangle; terraced edges] [illustration: fig. --single line; closed fret] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxiv food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki] [illustration: fig. --single line; open fret] [illustration: fig. --single line; broken fret] [illustration: fig. --single line; parts displaced] in figure , starting with the simple encircling band, it is found divided into alternating rectangles. the line is continuous, and hence one side of each rectangle is not complete. both this design and its modification in figure consist of an unbroken line of equal breadth throughout. in the latter figure, however, the openings in the sides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. the forms are strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. figure introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when joined are always arranged at right angles. [illustration: fig. --open fret; attachment displaced] [illustration: fig. --simple rectangular design] possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next to a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in figure , a type in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior decorations of pueblo ware. one of these is shown in figure , where the figure about the vessel is continuous. an analysis of the elements in figure shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but that in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there are two marginal lines uniting the series. each of the inner parallel lines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right angles to it. the marginal lines are unbroken through the length of the figure. like the last, this motive also may be regarded as developed from a single line. [illustration: fig. --rectangular reversed s-form] [illustration: fig. --rectangular s-form with crooks] figures and are even simpler than the design shown in figure , with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular forms and destitute of all others. they are of s-form, and differ more especially in the character of their appendages. [illustration: fig. --rectangular s-form with triangles] [illustration: fig. --rectangular s-form with terraced triangles] while the same rectangular idea predominates in figure , it is worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral designs. this fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified among rectangular forms. a combination of rectangular and triangular geometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown in figure , which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms already mentioned. the triangles appear to be subordinated to the rectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides with terraced forms. it may be said that there are but two elements involved, the rectangle and the triangle. [illustration: fig. --s-form with interdigitating spurs] the decoration in figure consists of rectangular and triangular figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines in white. these lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line of life" which many of these figures illustrate. [illustration: fig. --square with rectangles and parallel lines] [illustration: fig. --rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers] the distinctive feature of figure is the square, with rectangular designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at intermediate corners. these designs have a distant resemblance to figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their symbolic meaning. [illustration: fig. --crook, feathers, and parallel lines] figure shows a complicated design, introducing at least two elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. one of these is a curved crook etched on a black ground. in no other exterior decoration have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it is worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in straight lines. the circular figures with three parallel lines extending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, that i have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. i believe they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain birds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds with those generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of birds. with this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the two projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this figure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in plate cxli, _e_. on the supposition that a bird figure was intended in this design, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations of the body and the association with stars made of three blocks in several bird figures, as already described. it is instructive also to note the fact that the figure of a maid represented in plate cxxix, _a_, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hanging to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. it is still customary in hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments of those who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible that such was also the custom at sikyatki. if so, it affords additional evidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers. [illustration: fig. --crooks and feathers] [illustration: fig. --rectangle, triangles, and feathers] [illustration: fig. --terraced crook, triangle, and feathers] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxv food bowls with geometric ornamentation from sikyatki] in figure a number of these parallel lines are represented, and the general character of the design is rectangular. in figure is shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead of parallel. another modification is shown in figure in which the triangle predominates, and figure evidently represents one-half of a similar device with modifications. [illustration: fig. --double key] [illustration: fig. --triangular terrace] one of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown in figures - . this is a very common design on the interior of food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol. [illustration: fig. --crook, serrate end] of all patterns on ancient tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house pottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of design admits of a like interpretation. the evolution of this pattern from plaited basketry has been ably discussed by holmes and nordenskiöld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. the terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are highly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration which have persisted from very early times. whatever the origin of the stepped figure in pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of the highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable series of progressive steps." [illustration: fig. --key pattern; rectangle and triangles] [illustration: fig. --rectangle and crook] for some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the exterior of food bowls from tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or linear in their character. many can be reduced to simple or multiple lines. others were suggested by plaited ware. [illustration: fig. --crook and tail feathers] in figure is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square depression at the opposite extremity. in figure is an equally simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the middle. these forms are common decorative elements on the exterior of jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which are reducible to these types. the simplest form of the key pattern is shown in figure , and in figure there is a second modification of the same design a little more complicated. this becomes somewhat changed in figure , not only by the modifications of the two extremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure. [illustration: fig. --rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs] [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; terminal crooks] [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; terminal rectangles] the design in figure is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. the five bodies on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with conventionalized star emblems. the series of designs in the upper left-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found on the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have elsewhere been interpreted as feathers. on the hypothesis that these two parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the analogue of the head of a bird. thus the designs on the equator of the vase (plate cxlv, _a_), which are birds, have the same crook for the head, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with the two in figure . the five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand end of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of the design, for the following reason: these bodies are often found accompanying figures of conventionalized birds (plates cxliv, cliv, and others). they are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, which are all but universally present in combinations with birds and feathers (plates cxliv, _a_, _b_; cliv, _a_), from the fact that in a line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by a design of similar character. the arms of the cross are represented; their intersection is left in white. the interpretation of figure as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with the same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, figures which appear with crosses. thus the three arms of plate clx, _a_, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to their extremities. in the cross figure shown in plate clviii, _d_, we find four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. these highly conventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the tail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery objects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in plates cxxvi, _a_, and clx, _e_. figure may be compared with figure . [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.] [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; terminal spurs] numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the exterior of many food bowls. these are variations of a pattern the simplest form of which is shown in figure . resolving this figure into two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is bilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. each side consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the rim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other member. in figure there is a greater development of this pattern by an elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a square spiral. there are also dentations on a section of the edge of the lines. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxvi linear figures on food bowls from sikyatki] in figure there is a still further development of the same design and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. the square spirals are replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a w-shape figure. [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; bird form] in figure the same design is again somewhat changed by modification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side with a row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines surrounding the lower part of the design. [illustration: fig. --w-pattern; median triangle] in figure the same w shape design is preserved, but the space in the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. when this figure is compared with the design on plate cxlvi, _a_, resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. the star emblem is also present in the design. the median figure in that design which i have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in figure by a triangular ornament. the two wings are not symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. it, however, will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a vertical line in the figure last mentioned. the right-hand upper side is continued into five pointed projections, which fail on the left-hand side. there is likewise a difference in the arrangement of the terraced figures in the two parts. the sides of the median triangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and the quadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross. [illustration: fig. --double triangle; two breath feathers] [illustration: fig. --double triangle; median trapezoid] the decoration in figure consists of two triangles side by side, each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. one side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang two breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a round dot with four radiating, straight lines. the triangles recall the butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head. [illustration: fig. --double triangle; median rectangle] [illustration: fig. --double compound triangle; median rectangle] in figure there is a still more aberrant form of the w-shape design. the wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with three parallel lines. the median portion, or that in the reentrant angle of the w, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle predominates with notched edges. figure shows the same design with the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. in figure there are still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis remains. the ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. the simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on its lower angles. [illustration: fig. --double triangle; median triangle] [illustration: fig. --double compound triangle] figure shows a design in which the extended triangles are even more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their inner edge. the median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle. [illustration: fig. --double rectangle; median rectangle] figure shows the same design with modification in the position of the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides. [illustration: fig. --double rectangle; median triangle] [illustration: fig. --double triangle with crooks] somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the last three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in figures and . the resemblances are so close that i need not refer to them in detail. the w form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to a bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. the median design in figure consists of a rectangle and two triangles so arranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. in figure the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag lines. [illustration: fig. --w-shape figure; single line with feathers] in the design represented in figure there are two triangular figures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they are symmetrical. each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with alternating black and white rectangles. at either extremity of this line there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines. [illustration: fig. --compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers] a somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in figure , showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them. [illustration: fig. --double triangle] figure bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the lower half of the design is concerned. the upper part is not symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. triangles, frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines which terminate in round dots with parallel lines. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxvii geometric ornamentation from awatobi] [illustration: fig. --double triangle and feathers] the design in figure is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. the same general form is exhibited in figure , with the introduction of two pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. from the general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, they have been interpreted as feathers. they closely resemble the tail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as will be seen in several of the illustrations. [illustration: fig. --twin triangles] [illustration: fig. --triangle with terraced appendages] [illustration: fig. --mosaic pattern] figure is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest angles. the regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space at the fusion. at each of the acute angles of the two triangles there are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the exterior of food bowls. although no new elements appear in figure , with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, the arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel with the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. the motive in figure is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and while exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature is introduced. the specimen represented in figure has as its decorative elements, rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which may be added star and crosshatch motives. it is therefore the most complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been considered. there is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about a central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs. [illustration: fig. --rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines] the use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient pueblo ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. this style of decoration is only sparingly used on sikyatki ware. the crosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and reminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times in the square ear pendants of hopi women. figure is one of the few designs having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending from them. these figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with falling rain represented by the parallel lines. figure is a perfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, and parallel lines. it may be compared with that shown in figure in order to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become by the absence of symmetrical relationship. it has been shown in some of the previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird's head, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. possibly the same interpretation may be given to these designs in the following figures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight to this hypothesis. [illustration: fig. --continuous crooks] [illustration: fig. --rectangular terrace pattern] an indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is shown in figure . this highly decorative motive may be varied indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified in that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so changed on the exterior of food bowls. there are a number of forms which i am unable to classify with the foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. all possible changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental ornamental motives already considered. the tendency to step or terrace patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in figure . in figure there is a different arrangement of the same terrace pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different length at the ends of a rectangular figure. a variation in the depth of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. this style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented in figures and , in the body of which a crescentic figure in the black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. the two appendages to the right of figure are interpreted as feathers, although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these designs. the terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in this figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and triangular designs. [illustration: fig. --terrace pattern with parallel lines] [illustration: fig. --terrace pattern] [illustration: fig. --triangular pattern with feathers] in the specimens represented in figures and marginal dentations are used. i have called the design referred to an s-form, which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. the oblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the letter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles. [illustration: fig. --s-pattern] [illustration: fig. --triangular and terrace figures] so far as decorative elements are concerned the design in figure can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them in combination. the motive in figure is not unlike the ornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of the terraced figures. in figure there are two designs separated by an inclined break the edge of which is dentate. this figure is introduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles of varying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines of life." one of the simplest combinations of triangular and rectangular figures is shown in figure , proving how effectually the original design may be obscured by concentration. [illustration: fig. --crook, terrace, and parallel lines] [illustration: fig. --triangles, squares, and terraces] in the foregoing descriptions i have endeavored to demonstrate that, notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types used are very limited in number. the geometrical forms are rarely curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so constantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or older) pueblos than sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations of specimens found in the ruins of the latter village. every student of ancient and modern pueblo pottery has been impressed by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and the meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. it would, i believe, be going too far to say that these step designs always represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced by such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms could result. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxviii geometric ornamentation from awatobi] [illustration: fig. --bifurcated rectangular design] [illustration: fig. --lines of life and triangles] [illustration: fig. --infolded triangles] the material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ably discussed by holmes, nordenskiöld, and others. when the sikyatki potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reached a high development, and figures both simple and complicated were used contemporaneously. while, therefore, we can so arrange them as to make a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thus forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is no proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. the great number of terraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seem to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and i see no reason why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. we must, however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed for evidence bearing on this point. the sikyatki artists had advanced beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these that it is impossible to determine the primitive form. as i have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. it is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. it is the only part of the human limbs thus used. figure shows the hand with marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. from between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls that spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food bowl shown in plate cxxxvii. [illustration: fig. --human hand] the limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it is combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in figure . [illustration: fig. --animal paw, limb, and triangle] pigments the ancient sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and carbonates, of different colors, used as paints. it thus appears evident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as in modern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priests regard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficacious in coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to give them fragments for that purpose. the green color, which was the most common, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which pahos are painted for ceremonial use today. several shallow, saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of iron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment called _cuta_, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. the inner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments which they had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find several small paint pots deposited in a single grave. the white used was an impure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had been cut into definite shape as if for a special purpose. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxix arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from sikyatki] one of these disks or circular plates (figure ) was found on the head of a skeleton. the rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are concave, with a perforation in the middle. other forms of this worked kaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less decorated on the outer surface, as shown in plate clxxii, _e_. another, shown in _f_, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other fragments of irregular shapes were found. a pigment made of micaceous hematite was found in one of the sikyatki paint jars. this material is still used as coloring matter by the tusayan indians, by whom it is called _yayala_, and is highly prized by the members of the warrior societies. [illustration: fig. --kaolin disk (natural size)] stone objects almost every grave at sikyatki contained stone objects which were found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood of the skeletons. some of these implements are pecked or chipped, others are smooth--pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or other form. many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, used by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. others were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, as elsewhere described. there were still other stones which, from their resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. among the unusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. as i have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, a quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicine bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun in certain rites called _powalawû_; the crystal is also used in divining, and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern tusayan priests. a botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in the so-called antelope rock[ ] at walpi, around which the snake dancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one side a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and upon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed. one or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites apparently from the grand canyon of the colorado or from some other locality where water is or has been abundant. the loose shaly deposit which underlies the tusayan mesas contains many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former years and deposited in the national museum. among these the most beautiful are small cephalopods called by the hopi, _koaitcoko_. among the many sacred objects in the _tiponi_ baskets of the lalakonti society, as described in my account[ ] of the unwrapping of that fetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was preserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly venerated. as a natural object with a definite form it is regarded as a fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and pronounced bad by the uninitiated. the occurrence of this fossil in one of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows that it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants of sikyatki. but the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[ ] is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. there was in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of sandstone (plate clxxii, _b_, _c_), in which legs, ears, tail, and eyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment with which it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on other parts of the body. this fetish is very similar to the one found at awatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the hopi at the present time. it was customary to bury in sikyatki graves plates or fragments of selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, while others are in plain sheets (plate clxix, _c_). among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were found in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic limestone as the so-called _tcamahia_ (plate clxxi, _g_) which occur on the antelope altar in the snake ceremonies. the exceptional character of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the finely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxx corn grinder from sikyatki] there were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as if used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stones with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar purpose (plate clxxi, _b_, _c_). a few stone axes and hatchets were also taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other collection. many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect peculiar. they are made of many different kinds of stone, but those of obsidian are the most numerous. they were generally found in numbers, sometimes in bowls. evidently they had not been attached to shafts when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. arrowheads sewed into a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it is probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached decayed during its long burial in the earth. spearpoints of much coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found in the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the ancient, like the modern hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument. among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of sikyatki there was one the use of which has long puzzled me. this is a rough stone, not worked save in an equatorial groove. the object is too heavy to have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the question. it has been suggested that this and similar but larger grooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticated animal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the only explanation i can suggest. both of these creatures, and (if we may trust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, were domesticated by the ancient pueblo people, but i have found no survival of tethering in use today. eagles, however, are tied by the legs and not confined in corrals as at zuñi, while sheep are kept in stone inclosures. it is probable that this latter custom came with the introduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which the sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathers of which play an important part in their sacred observances. certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to another (plate clxix, _a_, _b_.) these are generally called arrowshaft polishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or prayer-sticks. several of these polishers were taken from sikyatki graves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerable care must have been used in their manufacture. a specimen from awatobi is decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one of dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. a number of metates and mullers were found in the graves at sikyatki. one of the best of the latter is shown in plate clxx. these stones are of different degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine sandstone to very coarse lava. the specimen figured has depressions on the sides to facilitate handling.[ ] perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. these slabs may be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from those that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem of the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected with ancestor worship. one of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a way as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace is drawn in black pigment. these figures are symbols of rain-clouds, and the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows: the dead, according to current tusayan thought, become rain-cloud gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send the rains. hence, the religious society to which the deceased belonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in the mortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or prayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment they address the breath body of the dead as a _katcina_, or rain god. these _katcinas_, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to the villages and receive prayers for rain. in strict accord with this conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on the slab of rock in the graves of the dead at sikyatki. it proves to me that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the dead have power to bring needed rain, were recognized in sikyatki when the pueblo was in its prime. one of these slabs is perforated by a small hole, an important fact, but one for which i have only a fanciful explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. elsewhere i have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, which will be considered in a report of my excavations in . obsidian many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the surface of the majority of ancient ruins in tusayan, and the quantity of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early habitations. this material must have been highly prized for knives, arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in natural forms. the fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the graves of the sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. i know of no natural deposit of obsidian near sikyatki or in the province of tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxxi stone implements from palatki, awatobi, and sikyatki] necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments the sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other ornaments as when living. the materials most highly prized for necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, some of which were finely made. these necklaces did not differ from those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties of the genus _pectunculus_. the turquois beads are often as finely cut as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only serious trouble which i had with my native workmen, as they undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. some of these turquois beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are well formed. many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. on the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. there were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained. necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a small saucer like vessel (plate cxx, _d_) was filled with beads of this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as a votive offering. for gorgets the sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite (plate clxxii, _d_) and plates of selenite. it was likewise customary to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the débris within the rooms. the three forms imitating birds shown in plate clxxiii, _g_, _h_, _i_, are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as shown in the figure between them. the forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are shown in plate clxxiii, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they are often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a single or double perforation for suspension. the shell imitated is probably the young _pectunculus_, a pacific-coast mollusk, with which the ancient hopi were familiar. tobacco pipes i have elsewhere mentioned that every modern tusayan ceremony opens and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were highly prized by the ancient sikyatkians. the form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as i have studied ancient pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[ ] to determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the ritual, i will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of the ceremonies about the altar of the antelope priesthood, at the time of the snake dance at walpi:[ ] "the songs then ceased, and wí-ki sent ká-tci to bring him a light. ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all sat silently awaiting wí-ki's preparation for the great _Ó-mow-ûh_ smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the antelope priests in these ceremonials. "the _wu-kó-tco-ño_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. it is five inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. the pipe is made of some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was not ornamented. the bowl had previously been filled with leaves carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. in the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe. "wí-ki took the live ember from ká-tci and placed it in the large opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. he then knelt down and placed the pipe between the two _tí-po-nis_, so that the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the ears. every one remained silent, and wí-ki blew several dense clouds of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture was concealed. the smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation. "at the san juan pueblo, near santa fé, where i stopped on my way to tusayan, i purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce twigs were tied. wí-ki received some fragments of these with gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in the great _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe. the scent of the mixture was very fragrant, and filled the room, like incense. the production of this great smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the rain, ended the first series of eight songs. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxxii paint grinder, fetish, kaolin disks, and lignite from sikyatki] "immediately after this event, há-ha-we filled one of the small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. he passed the pipe to wí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and exchanging the customary terms of relationship. wí-ki then blew dense clouds of smoke over the two _tí-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to kó-pe-li, the snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and wí-ki passed his to na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the pipe to kwá-a, who in turn passed it to ká-tci, by whom it was given to há-ha-we. ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. meanwhile ká-kap-ti had handed his pipe to há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. há-ha-we, as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid them on the floor by the side of the fireplace." the form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient pueblo pipes, several of which were found at sikyatki. one of these, much smaller than the _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe, was made of lava, and bore evidence of use before burial. it is evident, however, that these straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. the most interesting pipes found at sikyatki were more elongated than that above mentioned and were made of clay. their forms are shown in plate clxxiii, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. one of these (_b_) is very smooth, almost glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which is perforated with a small hole. the cavity at the opposite end is large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence of former use. the whole median region of the exterior is formed by a collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. in some of the modern ceremonials, as that of the bear-puma dramatization in the snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. the markings on the collar would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small fabric wrapped about it. the two pipes shown, in plate clxxiii, _b_, _f_, are tubular in shape,[ ] highly polished, and on one of them (_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of _b_, and probably made with the same intent. the fragment of a pipe shown in plate clxxiii, _d_, is interesting in the same connection. the end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with crosshatching. the pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface. it is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the _wu-kó-tco-ño_ of the snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. it is customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in the hand. this may be a possible explanation[ ] of the scratches on the sides of the ancient tube pipes from sikyatki. prayer-sticks one of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of the modern pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or "water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods (figure ). these pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. they are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier. [illustration: fig. --mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)] in modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the initiated. among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings either to the god of death, or to other deities, to whom they may be presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. this use of pahos is of ancient origin in tusayan, as shown by the excavations at sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to which the deceased had belonged. this pre-spanish custom in tusayan was discovered in my excavations at awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as compared with the almost perfect pahos from sikyatki. these pahos are of many forms;[ ] some of them are of considerable size, and the majority are of distinctive forms (plates clxxiv-clxxv). there are also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be determined. when it is considered that these wooden objects with their neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character of the work is very remarkable. they show, in several instances, the imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. they are painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were manufactured. as at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of pine. the forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two kinds. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxxiii pipes, bell, and clay birds and shells from awatobi and sikyatki] one of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now made by the flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival of the ancient form may be accepted. as adding weight to this theory it may be mentioned that traditionally the flute people claim to be the ancient people of tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that province, with the ancient inhabitants of sikyatki. there is likewise a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which i can not yet demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal societies represented in cliff houses and in sikyatki, manufactured ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. plate clxxiv, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles the prayer offering of the modern flute society. the two rods were found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. the stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the mouth. this member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was the male. there are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. both components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks of this fraternity. the pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewise ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in length. they represent female sticks of double flute pahos. the length of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. the unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in the palm of the hand. the length of the ancient sikyatki pahos, ascribed to the flute society, follows the same rule. plate clxxiv, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in the description above, but are of greater diameter. they are unlike any modern paho except in this particular. in _g_ is depicted a still larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the continuation of the flattened facet. specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which i can not identify. they are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of small size. figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resembles prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of mesa verde and san juan valley of northern new mexico. numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of which are shown in plate clxxv, _o_, _s_. the paho shown in figure _d_ is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. it is barely possible that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. figure _t_ differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank. the best preserved of all the pahos from the sikyatki graves are represented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the same mortuary bowl. they are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions in the two figures. their general form may be seen at a glance. the lower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and the part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. this is likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it is also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with that shown in _c_. a similar terraced extremity survives in the corn paho carried by the so-called flute girls in the biennial celebrations of the flute ceremonies in the modern tusayan pueblos. i refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by tylor,[ ] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in the deity receiving benefit. this may be called the abnegation theory, and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived from the original gift theory." while it is probably true that the hopi barters his paho with the idea of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of sacrifice, abnegation. it is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the whole. on this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? while it is difficult to answer this question, i think a plausible suggestion can be made. it is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that which the hopi most prize, corn or its meal. [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxxiv pahos or prayer-sticks from sikyatki] [illustration: bureau of american ethnology seventeenth annual report pl. clxxv pahos or prayer-sticks from sikyatki] in a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the fetish or toward it. this is an individual method of prayer, and the pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice. when a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. here we have the ordinary prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories. frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the flute maidens,[ ] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. in the _mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their hands, as i have elsewhere described.[ ] it appears as if, in all these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic offering of corn or meal. the constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the nahua sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. the idea of animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, was not an unknown conception among the pueblos. while it is possible that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[ ] i believe the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people. marine shells and other objects the excavations at sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient pueblos were found. there were several fragments of _pectunculus_ cut into the form of wristlets, like those from the ruins on the little colorado which i have described. two beautiful specimens of _oliva angulata_, truncated at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few conical rattles, made of the spires of _conus_, were taken from the graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _haliotis_. all of the above genera are common to the pacific, and no doubt were obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to tusayan from the far south. one of the most interesting objects in sikyatki food basins from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a rattlesnake. the walpi snake chief, who was employed by me when this was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, declared that, according to the legends, there were no snake people living at sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation may be suggested to account for this discovery. there are evidences that the ancient hopi, like certain yuman tribes, wore a snake's rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in the sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in no way connected with ceremonial symbolism. among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly suggestive. this specimen represented in plate clxix, _e_, is made of unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with foreign objects. the hopi who were at work for me declared that this incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. they identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a similar object is now used in the _powamu_, _lalakonti_, and certain other ceremonies. i have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of the last-mentioned ceremony. these corn mountains (_ká-ü-tü'-kwi_) are made in the november ceremony called the _n[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, as described in my account of those rites from which i quote[ ]-- "the _tá-tau-kya-mû_ were very busy in their kib-va. every member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a wager. each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or five inches across the base. some of these were in the form of two mammæ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full as possible with the kernels. each man brought down his own _pó-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and set his _ká-ü-tü'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. he also placed ears of corn on the tray." these corn mountains were carried by the _tá-tau-kya-mû_ priesthood during an interesting ceremony which i have thus described:[ ] "the whole line then passed slowly along the front of the village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and the ears of corn borne by the _tá-tau-kya-mû_, bestowing many thanks upon the priests." the fragment of polished stone shown in plate clxix, _d_, is perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a pendant. with this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. small round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, although sometimes present. they are identified as parts of primitive drills. no object made of metal was found at sikyatki, nor is there any evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the spaniards or used any implement of their manufacture. while negative evidence can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern arizona, may have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. i can hardly believe, however, that the tusayan indians were familiar with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not brought from the far south. no glazed pottery showing spanish influence was found at sikyatki, but there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was practiced by the ancestors of the tusayan people. the modern potters of the east mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed ware was obtained from the necropolis of sikyatki. perishable contents of mortuary food bowls it is the habit of the modern tusayan indians to deposit food of various kinds on the graves of their dead. the basins used for that purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies for the breath-body of the deceased. naturally from its exposed position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in other ways. there appears excellent evidence, however, that the mortuary food offerings of the ancient sikyatkians were deposited with the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones. the lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. thin films of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole inner surface of the bowl. certain of the contents of these basins in the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have been submitted. a considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose examination is set forth in the accompanying letter: u. s. department of agriculture, division of botony, _washington, d. c., march , ._ dear dr fewkes: having made a cursory examination of the samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day before yesterday, collected at sikyatki, arizona, in supposed prehistoric burial places, i have the following preliminary report to make: no. . a green resinous substance. i am unable to say whether or not this is of vegetable origin. no. . a mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of the hair of some animal. no. . this consists of a mixture of seed with a small amount of sand present. the seeds are, in about the relative order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _parosela_ (usually known as _dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently belonging to the family _malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat, nearly black achenia, possibly of a _coreopsis_, bordered with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular utricles of a _carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _polygonaceae_, probably an _eriogonum_. the majority of these seeds have a coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight resemblance to a seed. no. . this bottle contains the same material as no. , except that no larvæ are found, but a large, plump, brownish, lenticular seed mm. in diameter, doubtless the seed of a _croton_. no. . a thin fragment of matter consisting of minute roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with sand. no. . this consists almost wholly of plant rootlets and contains a very slight amount of sand. no. . this consists of pieces of rotten wood through which had grown the rootlets of plants. the wood, upon a microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. the plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the greater part of the space. no. . the mass contained in this bottle is made up of (_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some grass, probably _oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical fungus. the spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and exhibiting an interior white shell. within this is a very large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets. no. . the material in this bottle is similar to that in except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting. no. . the material in this bottle is similar to that in no. , containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob. no. . this consists almost entirely of plant rootlets and sand. no. . this consists chiefly of the leaves of some coniferous tree, either an _abies_ or a _pseudotsuga_. all the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. the leguminous seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination test.[ ] for a specific and positive identification of these seeds it will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete collection of the plants of the vicinity. under such conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than would be required in their identification by other means. very sincerely yours, frederick v. coville, _botanist._ footnotes: [footnote : see "the prehistoric culture of tusayan," _american anthropologist_, may, . "two ruins recently discovered in the red rock country, arizona," ibid., august, . "the cliff villages of the red rock country, and the tusayan ruins, sikyatki and awatobi, arizona," smithsonian report for .] [footnote : the reader's attention is called to the fact that this report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. the ruins on the little colorado, near winslow, arizona, will be considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a report on the field work in . if a series of monographs somewhat of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during many years in several different sections, were available, we would have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern archeology.] [footnote : it may be borne in mind that several other clans besides the patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from modern tusayan. among these may be mentioned the patuñ (squash) and the tawa (sun) people who played an important part in the early colonization of middle mesa.] [footnote : report upon the indian tribes, pacific railroad survey, vol. iii, pt. iii, p. , washington, . the cavate dwellings of the rio verde were first described by dr e. a. mearns. although it has sometimes been supposed that coronado followed the trail along verde valley, and then over the mogollones to rio colorado chiquito, bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.] [footnote : see mention of cliff houses in walnut canyon in the fifth annual report of the bureau of ethnology.] [footnote : the kinship of cliff dwellers and pueblos was long ago recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each class of dwellings. it is only in later years, however, that the argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing to an increase of our knowledge of this side of pueblo life. see bessels, bull. u. s. geological and geographical survey of the territories, vol. ii, ; hoffman, report on chaco cranium, ibid., , p. . holmes, in , says: "the ancient peoples of the san juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present pueblo tribes of new mexico and arizona." see, likewise, cushing, nordenskiöld, and later writers regarding the kinship of cliff villagers and pueblos.] [footnote : report of the director of the bureau of american ethnology for the year ending june , ; smithsonian report, .] [footnote : the ruins in chaves pass, miles south of oraibi, will be considered in the report of the expedition of , when extensive excavations were made at this point. about midway between the chaves pass ruins and those of beaver creek, in verde valley, there are other ruins, as at rattlesnake tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by these former habitations and connects the verde series with those of chaves pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed this course. there is also a trail from homolobi and the colorado chiquito ruins through chaves pass into tonto basin.] [footnote : smithsonian report, ; report of major powell, director of the bureau of ethnology, p. et seq. explorations in the southwest, ibid., , p. et seq.] [footnote : report of an expedition down the zuñi and colorado rivers; washington, .] [footnote : smithsonian report, , report of the director of the bureau of ethnology, p. : "pending the arrival of goods at moki, mr cushing returned across the country to zuñi for the purpose of observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun ceremonials. en route he discovered two ruins, apparently before unvisited. one of these was the outlying structure of k'n'-i-k'él, called by the navajos zïnni-jin'ne and by the zuñis he'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to zuñi tradition, belonging to the thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern migration of the bear, crane, frog, deer, yellow-wood, and other gentes of the ancestral pueblos."] [footnote : the reduplicated syllable recalls hopi methods of forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word totonteac has a hopi sound. the supposed derivation of tonto from spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. the so-called tonto apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the "basin" by the housebuilders. the question whether totonteac is the same as tusayan or tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. the map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, and notwithstanding totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the seventeenth century. it is always on or near a river flowing into the gulf of california.] [footnote : thirteenth annual report of the bureau of ethnology.] [footnote : mr mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the more southern section of them, not considering, if i understand him, the northern row here described. i had also made extensive studies of the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir i have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not described in his report.] [footnote : _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. ii, no. . all the tusayan kivas with which i am familiar have this raised spectator's part at one end. the altars are always erected at the opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor called the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. banquettes exist in some tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. the raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. a small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark granary below the floor. in no instance, however, are there more than one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a partition.] [footnote : counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate xci_a_. the positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of entrances.] [footnote : it was from this region that the individual chambers, described by mindeleff, were chosen.] [footnote : mr mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely described the cavate dwellings of the rio grande and san juan regions that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.] [footnote : see mindeleff, cliff ruins of canyon de chelly, _american anthropologist_, april, . the suggestion that cliff outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, but i should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for security. in times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he must camp among them.] [footnote : ancient dwellings of the rio verde valley, dr e. a. mearns; _popular science monthly_, vol. xxvii. mindeleff, aboriginal remains in verde valley; thirteenth annual report of the bureau of ethnology.] [footnote : since the above lines were written mr c. f. lummis, who has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology of the pueblo area, has published in _land of sunshine_ (los angeles, ), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.] [footnote : miscellaneous ethnographic observations on indians inhabiting nevada, california, and arizona, tenth annual report of the hayden survey, p. ; washington, .] [footnote : the cliff houses of bloody basin i have not examined, but i suspect they are of the same type as the so-called montezuma castle, or casa montezuma, on the right bank of beaver creek. the latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the red-rocks, on account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure ).] [footnote : fortified hilltops occur in many places in arizona and are likewise found in the mexican states of sonora and chihuahua, where they are known as _trincheras_. they are regarded as places of refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.] [footnote : this pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.] [footnote : in certain cavate houses on oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. in one of these we find the entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a t-shape doorway and a small window. this chamber shows a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.] [footnote : the absence of kivas in the ruins of the verde has been commented on by mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries of gila and salado rivers. the round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of san juan valley.] [footnote : see "tusayan totemic signatures," _american anthropologist_, washington, january, .] [footnote : an exhaustive report on the ruins near winslow, at the sunset crossing of the little colorado, will later be published. these ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of , and from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. the report will consider also the ruins at chaves pass, on the trail of migration used by the hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for barter and other purposes, to the gila-salado watershed.] [footnote : possibly the shoshonean elements in hopi linguistics are due to the snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with paiute or other divisions of the shoshonean stock. the consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the shoshonean tribes, as that of the patki was to the piman, or the asa to the tanoan. the present hopi are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.] [footnote : a study of pueblo architecture: tusayan and cibola; eighth annual report of the bureau of ethnology, - .] [footnote : this account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, a. f. bandelier, for the archives of the hemenway expedition, now at the peabody museum, in cambridge, massachusetts.] [footnote : hano or "tewa."] [footnote : sichomovi. in the manuscript report by don josé cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of mexico, where he lived in , sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between tanos (hano) and gualpi (walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. one of the first references to this village by name was in a report by indian agent calhoun ( ), where it is called chemovi.] [footnote : mishoñinovi.] [footnote : shipaulovi.] [footnote : shuñopovi.] [footnote : in i collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.] [footnote : there lived in walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the payüpki people pass along the valley under walpi when they returned to the rio grande. her story is quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.] [footnote : "la mission de n. sra. de las dolores de zandia de indios teguas á moqui."] [footnote : see j. f. meline, two thousand miles on horseback, . sandia, according to bancroft, is not mentioned by menchero in , but bonilla gave it a population of indians in . in two friars visited tusayan, and, it is said, brought out apostate tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of sandia. considering, then, that sandia was resettled in , six years after this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that payüpki, in tusayan, was abandoned about . it is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere between and ; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.] [footnote : mindeleff mentions two other sites of old walpi--a mound near _wala_, and one in the plain between mishoñinovi and walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the early clans which later built the town on the terrace of east mesa below walpi. i have regarded küchaptüvela as the ancient walpi, but have no doubt that the hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings before they settled there.] [footnote : sometimes called nüsaki, a corruption of "missa ki," mass house, mission. one of the beams of the old mission at nüsaki or kisakobi is in the roof of pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms of walpi. this beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. there are also large planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has stated that they are. pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.] [footnote : proceedings of the boston society of natural history, january , , p. .] [footnote : thus in castañeda's account we are told: "farther off [near cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one arroba. they seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destruction of the village." it is needless for me to say that i find no knowledge of such a machine in tusayan!] [footnote : the ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the eagle shrine at tukinobi.] [footnote : recent archeologic find in arizona, _american anthropologist_, washington, july, .] [footnote : for a previous description see the preliminary account, smithsonian report for ; also "awatobi: an archeological verification of a tusayan legend," _american anthropologist_, washington, october, .] [footnote : this important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.] [footnote : pacheco-cardenas, colleccion de documentos inéditos, xv, , .] [footnote : voyages, iii, pp. , , ; reprint .] [footnote : pacheco-cardenas, documentos inéditos, op. cit., xvi, .] [footnote : menologio franciscano, ; teatro mexicano, iii, .] [footnote : san bernardino de ahuatobi (vetancurt, ); san bernardo de aguatuvi (vargas, ). i find that the mission at walpi was also mentioned by vargas as dedicated to san bernardino. the church at oraibi was san francisco de oraybe and san miguel. the mission at shuñopovi was called san bartolomé, san bernardo, and san bernabe.] [footnote : this article was in type too early for a review of dellenbaugh's identification of cibola with a more southeasterly locality. his arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.] [footnote : an exact translation by winship of the copy of castañeda in the lenox library was published in the fourteenth annual report of the bureau.] [footnote : "at evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the principal trails. at daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." ("naacnaiya," _journal of american folk-lore_, vol. v, p. .) this appears to be the same way in which the awatobians "closed" the trail to tobar.] [footnote : when the flute people approach walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn across the trail stood winuta and hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. after these flute people are challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along the line of meal, and winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "walpi flute observance," _journal of american folk-lore_, vol. vii, p. .] [footnote : this custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the tusayan ritual. the gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the awatobians regarded the horses of espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which personators of the gods approach the villages.] [footnote : according to the reprint of . in the reprint of it appears as "ahuato." i would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the spaniards and hopi to understand each other. if you ask a hopi indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.] [footnote : this was possibly the expedition which p. fr. antonio (alonzo?) made among the hopi in ; however that may be, there is good evidence that porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in .] [footnote : _segunda relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el nuevo mexico. embiada por el padre estev[=a] de perea_, etc., .] [footnote : an earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.] [footnote : as vargas appears not to have entered oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. whether frasquillo had yet arrived with his tanos people and their booty is doubtful. the story of the migration to tusayan of the tanos under frasquillo, the assassin of fray simón de jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in tusayan history. many tanos people arrived in several bands among the hopi about , but which of them were led by frasquillo is not known to me.] [footnote : "el templo acabo en llamas." at this time awatobi was said to have inhabitants.] [footnote : at the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the hopi have against the spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.] [footnote : _naacnaiya_ and _wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and abbreviated new-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as the _tataukyamû_, _wüwütcimtû_, _aaltû_ and _kwakwantû_. both of these ceremonials, as now observed at walpi, have elsewhere been described.] [footnote : obiit . shimo was chief of the flute society and "governor" of walpi.] [footnote : oldest woman of the snake clan; mother of kopeli, the snake chief of walpi; chief priestess of the mamzráuti ceremony.] [footnote : vetancurt, chronica, says that aguatobi (awatobi) had inhabitants and was converted by padre francisco de porras. in benavides speaks of the mokis as being rapidly converted. it would appear, if we rely on vetancurt's figures, that awatobi was not one of the largest villages of tusayan in early times, for he ascribes , to walpi and , to oraibi. the estimate of the population of awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and i greatly doubt if oraibi ever had , people. probably , would be more nearly correct.] [footnote : architecture of cibola and tusayan, p. .] [footnote : there are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in mexico or in spain. the smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a walpi indian priest.] [footnote : see his final report, p. .] [footnote : the only awatobi name i know is that of a chief, tapolo, which is not borne by any hopi of my acquaintance (see page ).] [footnote : this explains the fact that the ruins in tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the little colorado and the verde, in tonto basin, and other more southerly regions.] [footnote : see journal of american ethnology and archæology, vol. ii.] [footnote : "las casas son de tres altos"--_segunda relacion_, p. .] [footnote : so far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. the settlement at the early site of walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family--the snake. the fragments of pottery which i have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of tusayan as that of sikyatki or awatobi. it is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.] [footnote : journal of american folk-lore, vol. v, no. xviii, .] [footnote : there is a rude sketch of these two idols of _alosaka_ in the archives of the hemenway expedition. they represent figurines about feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the tewan clowns or gluttons called paiakyamû. as so little is known of the mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.] [footnote : see the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate cviii, of the fifteenth annual report.] [footnote : similar "spouts" were found by mindeleff at awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.] [footnote : the keresan people are called by the same name, kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern pueblo of laguna.] [footnote : the asa people who came to tusayan from the rio grande claim to have lived for a few generations in tubka or tségi (chelly) canyon.] [footnote : the pottery of ancient cibola is practically identical with that of the ruined pueblos of the colorado chiquito, near winslow, arizona.] [footnote : the specimens labeled "new mexico" and "arizona" are too vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. it is suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in relation to the skeletons.] [footnote : i am informed by mr f. w. hodge that similar fragments were found by the hemenway expedition in in the prehistoric ruins of the salado.] [footnote : the head is round, with lateral appendages. the face is divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. in the left hand the figure holds a rattle. the body is wanting, but the breast is decorated with rectangles.] [footnote : a single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at awatobi. this object must have had a long journey before it reached the village, since none of the material from which it was made is found within many miles of the ruin.] [footnote : there are many fine pictographs, some of which are evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the awatobi mesa. these are in no respect characteristic, and among them i have seen the _awata_ (bow), _honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). on the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with a groove or line on one side. there is likewise, not far from this point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_ symbols on thunder mountain, near zuñi.] [footnote : _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. ii, no. , p. .] [footnote : in the expedition of there were found a large number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming report of the operations during that year. see the preliminary account in the article "pacific coast shells in tusayan ruins," _american anthropologist_, december, .] [footnote : one of these bells was found in a grave at chaves pass during the field work of .] [footnote : bells made of clay are not rare in modern tusayan villages, and while their form is different from that of the awatobi specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of antelope mesa.] [footnote : many of the specimens in the well-known keam collection, now in the tusayan room of the peabody museum at cambridge, are undoubtedly from sikyatki, and still more are from awatobi. since the beginning of my excavations at sikyatki it has come to be a custom for the hopi potters to dispose of, as sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. these fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.] [footnote : architecture of tusayan and cibola, op. cit., pp. , .] [footnote : these rooms i failed to find. one of the rocky knolls may be that called by me the "acropolis." the second knoll i cannot identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side toward the east. possibly he confounded the ruin of küküchomo with that of sikyatki.] [footnote : the legends of the origin of oraibi are imperfectly known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people from old shuñopovi. it seems much more likely, however, that our knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more extended observations. the composition of the present inhabitants indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins should be studied with this thought in mind.] [footnote : it is distinctly stated that the tanoan families whose descendants now inhabit hano were not in tusayan when awatobi fell. to be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to east mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the hopi against northern nomads. much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the rio grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after the great rebellion of .] [footnote : the succession of priests is through the clan of the mother, so that commonly, as in the case of katci, the nephew takes the place of the uncle at his death. some instances, however, have come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. the kokop people at walpi are vigorous, numbering members if we include the coyote and wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be descendants of the former inhabitants of küküchomo, the twin ruins on the mesa above sikyatki.] [footnote : in this census i have used also the apparently conservative statement of vetancurt that there were people in awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.] [footnote : _kanel_ = spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, spring.] [footnote : wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a government school. it is sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the neighborhood.] [footnote : the boy who brought our drinking water from kanelba could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt to the east in , on the ground that no one not a member of the society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. this is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in which the snake hunts occur, when the snake priests are engaged in capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."] [footnote : tcino lives at sichomovi, and in the snake dance at walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "_awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about the plaza. these words are keresan, and tcino performed this part on account of his kinship. he owns the grove of peach trees because they are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that the people of sikyatki came from the rio grande.] [footnote : nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the prayer-stick to masauwûh, the fire or death god. this he did as one of the senior members of the kokop or firewood people, otherwise known as the fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. on his death his place in the kiva was taken by katci. nasyuñweve was intiwa's chief assistant in the walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of eototo in the ceremonials of the _niman_. all this is significant, and coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the tusayan ritual, that eototo is their form of masauwûh, and that he is a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.] [footnote : the hano people call the hopi _koco_ or _koso_; the santa clara (also tewa) people call them _khoso_, according to hodge.] [footnote : the replastering of kivas at walpi takes place during the _powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. i have noticed that in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.] [footnote : i was aided in making this plan by the late j. g. owens, my former assistant in the field work of the hemenway expedition. it was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not claimed to be accurate in all particulars.] [footnote : the existence of these peach trees near sikyatki suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in historic times, but i hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs of antiquity.] [footnote : the position of the cemeteries in ancient tusayan ruins is by no means uniform. they are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. while the dead were seldom carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen and a grave excavated a few feet deep. usually a few stones were placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently to protect the remains from prowling beasts.] [footnote : the excavations at homolobi in revealed two beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are twisted.] [footnote : the modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. the knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also sometimes chosen for this purpose. the heads of various animals are likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less so.] [footnote : the clay ladles with perforated handles with which the modern hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in tusayan.] [footnote : the oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important exceptions. in this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the zuñi, the hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. this the priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go is confirmed by archeological evidence. the bowl with a basket-form handle is not found either in ancient or modern tusayan.] [footnote : symbolism rather than realism was the controlling element of archaic decoration. thus, while objects of beauty, like flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.] [footnote : certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a lizard or bird. the freshness and absence of wear of many of the specimens of sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether they were ever in domestic use. many evidently were thus employed, as the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the decease of a relative or at an earlier period.] [footnote : the figure shown in plate cxxix, _a_, was probably intended to represent the corn-maid, or an earth goddess of the sikyatki pantheon. although it differs widely in drawing from figures of calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to the figure of the germ goddess which appears on certain tusayan altars.] [footnote : hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially those of tanoan origin, lived in tségi canyon and intermarried with the navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot their own language. from this source may have sprung the numerous so-called navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the navaho cults was even greater.] [footnote : these priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are tied. for an extended description see _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. ii, no. , page .] [footnote : the rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that decorations of this kind were a late development. no specimen of black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has yet been figured. the sequence of evolution in designs is believed to be ( ) geometrical figures, ( ) birds, ( ) other animals, ( ) human beings.] [footnote : in some of the figurines used in connection with modern hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.] [footnote : the natives of cibola, according to castañeda, "gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress." the tusayan pueblo maidens are the only indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at zuñi. the country women in salamanca, spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on each side of the forehead, a custom which castañeda may have had in mind when he compared the pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned headdress."] [footnote : _american anthropologist_, april, .] [footnote : troano and cortesiano codices.] [footnote : a _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. these prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every tusayan ceremony.] [footnote : the evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show that the cult of the corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual of sikyatki. the elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so prominent in representations of the corn-maid on modern plaques, bowls, and dolls, are not found in the sikyatki picture.] [footnote : the reason for my belief that this is a breath feather will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.] [footnote : for the outline of this legend see _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. iv. the maid is there called the tcüa-mana or snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the germ goddess. the same personage is alluded to under many different names, depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the same mythic concept.] [footnote : the attitude of the male and female here depicted was not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient sikyatki mind the picture had a deep religious meaning. in hopi ideas the male is a symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, and representations of these two form essential elements of the ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.] [footnote : the doll of kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and an enormous penis. it is a phallic deity, and appears in certain ceremonials which need not here be described. during the excavations at sikyatki one of the indians called my attention to a large dipteran insect which he called "kokopeli."] [footnote : the practice still exists at zuñi, i am told, and there is no sign of its becoming extinct. it is said that old naiutci, the chief of the priesthood of the bow, was permanently injured during one of these performances. (since the above lines were written i have excavated from one of the ruins on the little colorado a specimen of one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. it is made of bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar with the practices of oraibi and other villagers. it is my intention to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the explorations of .)] [footnote : "tusayan katcinas," fifteenth annual report of the bureau of ethnology, - , washington, . hewüqti is also called soyokmana, a keresan-hopi name meaning the natacka-maid. the keresan (sia) skoyo are cannibal giants, according to mrs stevenson, an admirable definition of the hopi natackas.] [footnote : the celebration occurs in the modern tusayan pueblos in the _powamû_ where the representative of calako flogs the children. calako's picture is found on the _powamû_ altars of several of the villages of the hopi.] [footnote : figures of the human hand have been found on the walls of cliff houses. these were apparently made in somewhat the same way as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and pigment spattered about it. see "the cliff ruins of canyon de chelly," by cosmos mindeleff; sixteenth annual report, - .] [footnote : mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. there maybe some hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus far it has eluded my studies, and i can at present do no more than call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological coincidence.] [footnote : this form of mouth i have found in pictures of quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be conventionalized. of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of the _natacka_ monsters which appear in the walpi _powamû_ ceremony. see the memoir on "tusayan katcinas," in the fifteenth annual report.] [footnote : figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on modern medicine bowls in tusayan. the snake, so common on zuñi ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of earthenware in use in modern hopi ritual.] [footnote : _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. iv.] [footnote : although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case with larger vases and jars.] [footnote : one of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the snake dance at oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the antelope priesthood of that pueblo.] [footnote : one of the best of these is that of the humis-katcina, but good examples occur on the dolls of the calakomanas. the lakone maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was introduced by the southern clans or the patki people.] [footnote : in the evolution of ornament among the hopi, as among most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. consequently we are forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. if, for instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. so when the prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. the comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols to which the modern hopi priest can furnish no clue.] [footnote : in an examination of many figures of ancient vessels where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird is not to be found. the same may also be said of the design which represents the tail-feathers. this way of representing feathers is not without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.] [footnote : at the present time the circle is the totemic signature of the earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise various other meanings. with certain appendages it is the disk of the sun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed on sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple ring. the meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative methods. a ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at present only fanciful.] [footnote : the _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.] [footnote : _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. iv. these water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the tusayan ritual. the two girls personating the corn-maids carry them in the flute observance, and each of the antelope priests at oraibi bears one of these in the antelope or corn dance.] [footnote : "a few tusayan pictographs;" _american anthropologist_, washington, january, .] [footnote : a beautiful example of this kind was found at homolobi in the summer of .] [footnote : in this connection the reader is referred to the story, already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the hopi the seeds of corn. it may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the tataukyamû priests carry a shield with tunwup (calako-taka) upon it in the soyaluña. these priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are associated with the sun. in the sun drama, or calako ceremony, in july, calako-takas are personated, and at zuñi the shalako is a great winter sun ceremony.] [footnote : _american anthropologist_, april, , p. . as these cross-shape pahos which are now made in tusayan are attributed to the kawaika or keres group of indians, and as they were seen at the keresan pueblo of acoma in , it is probable that they are derivative among the hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient pottery were probably autochthonous.] [footnote : in dolls of the corn-maids this germinative symbol is often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet representing rain-clouds.] [footnote : many similarities might be mentioned between the terraced figures used in decoration in old mexico and in ancient tusayan pottery, but i will refer to but a single instance, that of the stuccoed walls of mitla, oaxaca, and teotitlan del valle. many designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative purposes by that eminent mexicanist, dr e. seler, in his beautiful memoir on mitla (_wandmalereien von mitla_, plate x). in this plate exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on sikyatki pottery appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. there are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of central america identical with the figures on pottery from sikyatki.] [footnote : this pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of walpi, is commonly called the snake rock.] [footnote : _american anthropologist_, april, .] [footnote : i failed to find out how the hopi regard fossils.] [footnote : these objects were eagerly sought by the hopi women who visited the camps at awatobi and sikyatki.] [footnote : the tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the pueblo area, and i have deposited in the national museum pipes of this kind from several ruins in the rio grande valley.] [footnote : _journal of american ethnology and archæology_, vol. iv, pp. , , .] [footnote : this form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.] [footnote : ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.] [footnote : the so-called "implements of wood" figured by nordenskiöld ("the cliff dwellers of the mesa verde," plate xlii) are identical with some of the pahos from sikyatki, and are undoubtedly prayer-sticks.] [footnote : primitive culture, vol. ii, p. .] [footnote : journal of american ethnology and archæology, vol. _ii_, p. .] [footnote : _american anthropologist_, july, .] [footnote : as stated in former pages, there is some paleographic evidence looking in that direction.] [footnote : _journal of american folk-lore_, vol. v, no. xviii, p. .] [footnote : op. cit., p. .] [footnote : they failed to germinate.] appendix the following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the united states national museum. each specimen is also marked with a field catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of the collector: plate cxi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, . cxiii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, . cxiv. _a_-_g_, ; _h_, ; _i_, ; _j_, . cxix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxx. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, . cxxii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, . cxxiii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, . cxxiv. _a_, ; _b_, . cxxv. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxvi. _a_, ; _b_, . cxxvii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, . cxxviii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, ; _g_, . cxxix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxx. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_ . cxxxii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxiii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxiv. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxv. _a_, ; _b_, . cxxxvi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, . cxxxvii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxviii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxxxix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxl. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxli. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxlii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, . cxliii. _a_, _b_, . cxliv. _a_, _b_, . cxlv. _a_, ; _b_, . cxlvi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxlvii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxlviii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cxlix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cl. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cli. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . cliii. _a_, ; _b_, . cliv. _a_, ; _b_, . clv. _a_, ; _b_, . clvi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clvii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clviii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clx. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxiii. _a_, ; _b_, . clxiv. _a_, ; _b_, . clxv. _a_, ; _b_, . clxvi. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxvii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxviii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxix. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxx. _a_, _b_, . clxxi. _a_, ; _b_, _c_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxxii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, ; _f_, . clxxiii. _a_, ; _b_, ; _c_, ; _d_, ; _e_, _f_, ? ; _g_, ; _h-l_, . clxxiv. _a_, ; _b_, _c_, ; _d_, ; _e-g_, ; _h-j_, ; _k_, ; _l_, _m_, ; _n_, . clxxv. _o_, ; _p_, ; _q_, ; _r_, ; _s_, ; _t_, ; _u_, ; _v_, ; _w_, . index acropolis of sikyatki , , - adobe plastering in cavate houses [adobe], _see_ masonry, plastering. agave fiber used in tusayan , aguato, an awatobi synonym aguatobi, an awatobi synonym aguatuvÍ, an awatobi synonym aguatuya, an awatobi synonym aguatuybÁ, an awatobi synonym aguitobi, an awatobi synonym ahuato, an awatobi synonym ahuatobi, an awatobi synonym ahuatu, an awatobi synonym ahuatuyba, an awatobi synonym ah-wat-tenna an awatobi synonym alosaka idols in awatobi shrine anawita, traditional information given by ancestor worship at sikyatki antelope valley, _see_ jeditoh valley. apache depredation in tusayan [apache], late appearance of, at tusayan [apache] occupancy of verde ruins , , [apache] pictographs in verde valley , , , aquatasi, an awatobi synonym aquatubi, an awatobi synonym archeological expedition to arizona, - arizona, archeological expedition to, - [arizona], _see_ navaho. arrowhead kilt worn by man-eagle - arrowheads from awatobi , [arrowheads] in sikyatki graves , arrowshaft polishers from awatobi , [ arrowshaft polishers] in sikyatki graves art remains in palatki and honanki asa people join the hopi [asa people], migration of [asa people] settle at sichomovi ash-heap pueblo, former site of walpi atabi-hogandi, an awatobi synonym aua-tu-ui, an awatobi synonym a-wa-te-u, an awatobi synonym awatobi and sikyatki pottery compared [awatobi], arrowshaft polishers from , [awatobi], etymology of [awatobi], legend of destruction of [awatobi], population of [awatobi], reasons for excavating [awatobi] ruin discussed - [awatobi] ruin examined [awatobi], settlement of sikyatki people at [awatobi] settled by küküchomo and sikyatki people [awatobi] visited in awatÛbi, an awatobi synonym Á-wat-u-i, an awatobi synonym awls, bone, from awatobi axes, stone, in sikyatki graves , [axes] from awatobi badger people settle sichomovi baer, erwin, with archeological expedition in bancroft, h. h., on destruction of awatobi bandelier, a. f., cibola identified by [bandelier, a. f.], on record of awatobi destruction baptism opposed by the hopi basins, _see_ pottery. basketry found in honanki [basketry] not found at sikyatki bat-house, ruin of the beads from awatobi [beads] in sikyatki graves beams of mission in walpi houses [beams] of palatki ruin bean-planting ceremony of the hopi bear clans, early arrival of, at tusayan bell, clay, from awatobi [bell], copper fragments of, from awatobi , [bell] used in hopi ceremony berries in sikyatki graves bessels, emil, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos bickford, f. d., on cliff houses in walnut canyon bird figures on hopi pottery [bird] figures on sikyatki pottery , - , [bird] ornaments from awatobi [bird] ornaments in sikyatki graves [bird] vessels from awatobi bloody basin, cliff houses of bodkins, bone, from awatobi bone beads from honanki [bone beads] in sikyatki graves bone objects from awatobi , [bone objects], from honanki bonilla, --, on sandia population in bourke, j. g., identifies tally-hogan with awatobi bowls, sikyatki, decorations on [bowls], _see_ pottery. boxes, earthenware, from sikyatki bracelets from awatobi butterfly figures on sikyatki pottery. - , [butterfly] symbol on hopi pottery calako in hopi mythology [calako] katcina, origin of campbell, geo., cliff houses discovered by camp verde, ruins near cardenas, g. l., visits tusayan in cardinal points in hopi ceremony , , casa grande ascribed to the hopi casa montezuma, _see_ montezuma castle. casas grandes, pottery from casteÑeda, p. de, account of tusayan [casteÑeda, p. de] on cibola hair-dressing [casteÑeda, p. de] on early pueblo warfare [casteÑeda, p. de] on hopi fabrics [casteÑeda, p. de] on pueblo kivas in [casteÑeda, p. de] on visit to tusayan in , cavate dwellings, function of [cavate dwellings] in verde valley discussed , - cemeteries of sikyatki - cemetery of awatobi , ceremonial circuit of the hopi chairs tabooed in hopi kivas charm stones from sikyatki chavero, a., on nahuatl water symbol chaves pass, ruins at , chelly canyon, cliff houses in [chelly canyon], _see_ tsÉgi. chimneys, absence of, at sikyatki chukubi, ruin of, discussed cibola, identification of [cibola], _see_ zuÑi. cigarettes of reeds in sacrificial caves [cigarettes] in hopi ceremony cinder cones, ruins in circular ruins absent in southern pueblo area cist in awatobi kiva [cist] in cavate lodges [cist] near cavate houses clans formerly occupying sikyatki [clans] of awatobi [clans] of küküchomo and sikyatki , cliff dwellers defined cliff houses, age of, in red-rocks [cliff houses] and pueblos similar [cliff houses] formerly occupied by hopi [cliff houses], human hand figures on [cliff houses] in walnut canyon [cliff houses] of the red-rocks , [cliff houses] of verde valley classified cliff palace and honanki compared cliff's ranch, pictographs near cloud, _see_ raincloud. clown-priest figures on hopi pottery colander fragments from tusayan ruins comupavÍ identified with shuñopovi concepcion, cristoval de la, at founding of awatobi mission copper found in awatobi , , [copper] bells in arizona ruins , [copper] unknown to ancient tusayan corn attached to prayer-sticks [corn] found in awatobi , [corn] found in honanki [corn], hopi symbolism of [corn] in hopi ceremony [corn], sweet, introduced in mishoñinovi corn-maid dolls of the hopi [corn-maid] figures of the hopi [corn-maid] figures on hopi pottery , , corn mound, symbolic corn pollen in hopi ceremony cornado, f. v. de, route of cosmogony of the hopi , , cotton cultivated by the hopi , [cotton] fabrics in verde ruins [cotton] garments of the hopi coville, f. v., on identification of ancient food remains - cremation not practiced at sikyatki crooks in tusayan ritual [crooks] on sikyatki pottery - , , cross figure allied to sun symbol [cross] on sikyatki pottery crystal, _see_ quartz crystal. cuanrabi mentioned by oñate cups from sikyatki described [cups], _see_ pottery. cushing, f. h., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos [cushing, f. h.], on southern origin of zuñi clans [cushing, f. h.], ruins visited by decoration of awatobi pottery , - [decoration] of honanki pottery , [decoration] of ladle handles [decoration] of pottery by spattering , , , [decoration] of sikyatki pottery , , , - dellenbaugh, f. s., on identification of cibola dippers from awatobi described [dippers], _see_ pottery. dolls, corn-maid, of the hopi domestic animals of the hopi doorways of cavate houses , dragonfly symbolic of rain [dragonfly] symbol on pottery , - drill balances from sikyatki graves eagle plumes in hopi rites eagle shrine at tukinobi eagles kept by the hopi east mesa, ruins at , espejo, antonio, awatobi referred to by , [espejo, antonio], awatobi visited by [espejo, antonio], on hopi fabrics [espejo, antonio], visits tusayan in espeleta, an oraibi chief [espeleta], visits santa fé , espeleta, josÉ, killed at oraibi esperiez mentioned by oñate estufa, _see_ kiva. fabrics, _see_ textile. feather fabrics from sikyatki [feather] symbols on hopi pottery [feather] symbols on sikyatki pottery , - , , , feathered strings represented on pottery feathers on prayer-sticks fetish, mountain lion, from awatobi [fetish], mountain lion, from sikyatki [fetish], personal, from sikyatki fewkes, j. w., on archeological expedition to arizona, - figueroa, josÉ, killed at awatobi fire, hopi purification by [fire], _see_ new-fire ceremony. fire-house, ancient occupancy of [fire-house] ruin of tusayan , fireplaces in cavate dwellings firewood people at sikyatki , , , [firewood people] of tusayan flagstaff, cliff houses near flower figure on hopi pottery [flower figure] on sikyatki pottery , flowers, _see_ vegetal designs. flute ceremony not performed in kiva , [flute ceremony], trails closed during flute-like objects from awatobi [flute-like objects] from sikyatki flute society, prayer-sticks of the food remains in mortuary vessels fossils used in hopi ceremony frasquillo, flight of tanoan refugees under , frog figures on sikyatki pottery [frog] figures on tusayan bowls garaycoechea, juan, awatobi visited by [garaycoechea, juan], missionary labors of gardens, modern, at sikyatki genesis, _see_ cosmogony. geometric figures on sikyatki pottery - germinative symbol on sikyatki pottery goddard, s., with archeological expedition in god of death of the hopi goode, g. brown, acknowledgments to gorgets in sikyatki graves gutierrez, andres, at founding of awatobi mission hair, human, woven by the hopi hairdressing of the hopi , hance's ranch, pictograph bowlder near hand figures on sikyatki pottery - , hano compared with walpi [hano] in [hano], when established havasupai, cliff dwellings occupied by heart represented in animal figures hematite fetish from sikyatki hemenway, mary, kawaika pottery purchased by hÉ-shÓta-pathl-tÂ[)i]e, zuñi name of kintiel hodge, f. w., acknowledgments to [hodge, f. w.] on colander fragments from salado ruins [hodge, f. w.] on recent advent of the navaho [hodge, f. w.], sikyatki excavation aided by hodge, _mrs_ m. w., acknowledgments to hoffman, w. j., on ruins at montezuma well holbrook, ruins near holguin, _capt_., payüpki attacked by holmes, w. h., on evolution of pottery designs , , homolobi, location of honanki, art remains found at [honanki], origin of name , [honanki], discovery of ruin of , [honanki] ruin discussed - hopi, abandonment of villages by [hopi] and verde ruins compared [hopi], early migrations of clans of [hopi] knowledge of montezuma well [hopi] pictographic score [hopi] pueblos in [hopi] request removal to tonto basin [hopi] ruins, distribution of [hopi], southern origin of part of horn clans at sikyatki horn-house, ruin of horses, how regarded by ancient hopi , hough, w., pottery figure interpreted by howell, e., cliff houses discovered by human figures on sikyatki pottery human remains in awatobi ruins , , [human remains], _see_ cemeteries. idol, _see_ alosaka, doll, fetish. insect figures on sikyatki pottery irrigation represented in pictography [irrigation] ditches in verde valley jacob's well described jakwaina, farm of, at sikyatki jaramillo, juan, on "tucayan" jars, _see_ pottery. jeditoh valley, ruins in , , judd, james s., acknowledgments to kachinba ruin described katci, a hopi folklorist [katci], farm of, at sikyatki katcina cult in tusayan , [katcina] defined , [katcina] figures on hopi pottery , , kawaika, application of name [kawaika], pottery from [kawaika], ruins at keam, t. v., excavations by, at kawaika [keam, t. v.], idols removed and returned by keam's canyon, ruins in kinnazinde, ruin of kintiel ascribed to the zuñi , [kintiel], location of kisakobi, former site of walpi [kisakobi] ruins described [kisakobi], settlement of kishyuba, a hopi ruin kisi and cavate house compared kiva-like remains at honanki kivas, absence of, in sikyatki [kivas], absence of, in southern cliff houses [kivas], ceremonial replastering of [kivas], distribution of , [kivas] of awatobi [kivas], platforms characteristic of [kivas], round, evolution of k'n'-i-k'Él, _see_ kintiel. kokopeli, a hopi deity kopeli, services of, at sikyatki , kÓyimse of the hopi kÜchaptÜvela, former site of walpi [kÜchaptÜvela] ruin described kÜkÜchomo ruins described kwataka, a hopi monster ladles from awatobi described [ladles] from sikyatki described [ladles], _see_ pottery. langley, s. p., acknowledgments to lelo, farm of, at sikyatki leroux, a., verde ruins discovered by lightning symbol on hopi pottery lignite deposits near sikyatki [lignite] gorgets in sikyatki graves lines, broken, on sikyatki pottery lummis, c. f., on montezuma well ruins mamzrÁuti ceremony introduced at walpi man-eagle, a hopi monster [man-eagle] on sikyatki pottery marie, aug. sta., an awatobi missionary masauwÛh in hopi mythology [masauwÛh], _see_ god of death. masiumptiwa, awatobi legend repeated by masonry of awatobi [masonry] of honanki [masonry] of palatki - [masonry] of sikyatki meal, sacred, trail closed with , [meal] sacrifice by the hopi mearns, e. a., on verde valley ruins , , medicine bowls of the hopi [medicine bowls] of the zuñi and hopi meline, j. f., on settlement of sandia mescal in verde valley caves metal not found at honanki [metal] not found at sikyatki , metates found in awatobi , [metates] found in honanki [metates] found in sikyatki graves mica, _see_ selenite. middle mesa, ruins at , migration of hopi clans miller, _dr_, pottery collected by mindeleff, cosmos, homolobi ruins examined by [mindeleff, cosmos], on absence of kivas in verde ruins [mindeleff, cosmos], on cavate houses [mindeleff, cosmos], on function of cavate lodges [mindeleff, cosmos], on origin of circular kivas [mindeleff, cosmos], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos [mindeleff, cosmos], on verde valley ruins mindeleff, victor, awatobi described by [mindeleff, victor], groundplan of chukubi by [mindeleff, victor], groundplan of mishiptonga by [mindeleff, victor], on awatobi kivas [mindeleff, victor], on distribution of tusayan ruins [mindeleff, victor], on former sites of walpi [mindeleff, victor], on horn-house and bat-house [mindeleff, victor], on origin of circular kivas [mindeleff, victor], shitaimovi mentioned by [mindeleff, victor], sikyatki described by mishiptonga, ruin of mishoÑinovi in mishoÑinovi, old, discussed mission, ruins of, at awatobi [mission], when established at awatobi missions among the hopi moki, _see_ hopi. montezuma castle and honanki compared [montezuma castle] on beaver creek montezuma well, ruins at , - mooney, james, cited on kawaika pottery morfi, juan a., on hopi pueblos in [morfi, juan a.], on settlement of sandia mortars found in awatobi mortuary customs of the hopi , mortuary objects in sikyatki graves , mortuary remains in awatobi mortuary slabs from sikyatki mortuary vessels, food remains in moth figures on sikyatki pottery - mountain-lion fetish from sikyatki [mountain-lion] figure on pottery [mountain-lion] in hopi mythology mountain-sheep figure on pottery , mÜyinwÛ, a hopi deity , myth, _see_ cosmogony; genesis. mythic origin of kanelba - [mythic] personages on pottery nahuatl and hopi pictographs compared naiutci injured by stick swallowing nakwÁkwoci defined nampÉo, a hopi potter nasyuÑweve, a hopi folklorist , navaho and hopi intermarriage [navaho] ceremonial circuit [navaho] depredations in tusayan [navaho] in antelope valley , [navaho] katcinas on hopi pottery [navaho], late appearance of, in tusayan [navaho] name of awatobi [navaho], recent advent of, in new mexico [navaho], shrine robbed by naybi identified with oraibi necklaces in sikyatki graves needles, bone, from awatobi new-fire ceremonies of the hopi , new mexico, _see_ navaho. niel, j. a., on tanoan migration to tusayan , nimankatcina of the hopi niza, marcos de, on totonteac fabrics nomenclature of awatobi [nomenclature] of sikyatki nordenskiÖld, g., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos [nordenskiÖld, g.], on evolution of pottery design , [nordenskiÖld, g.], cited on mesa verde villages , , [nordenskiÖld, g.], on origin of round kivas [nordenskiÖld, g.], on platforms in mesa verde kivas [nordenskiÖld, g.], prayer-sticks found by nÜshaki, etymology of , oak creek, ruins on , obsidian objects from sikyatki offerings by indian excavators oÑate, juan de, awatobi visited by , openings in honanki walls [openings], _see_ doorway. oraibi, age of [oraibi] in [oraibi] legendary origin of [oraibi], site of orientation of awatobi mission ornaments in sikyatki graves otermin, ant., attempted reconquest by owens, j. g., acknowledgments to padilla, juan, visits tusayan in paho, _see_ prayer-stick. paiakyamu figures on hopi pottery paint, _see_ pigment. palatki, art remains found at [palatki], population of [palatki] ruins discovered , [palatki] ruins described - palatkwabi, a traditional land of the hopi , , , paleography, _see_ decoration. passageways in cavate dwellings [passageways] in honanki patki people, early migrations of the [patki people], southern origin of the , patuÑ phratry, southern origin of payÜpki, a ruin in tusayan , [payÜpki], possible origin of peaches cultivated near sikyatki [peaches] introduced in oraibi [peaches] of the hopi phallic representations among the hopi pictographs at honanki , [pictographs] at palatki ruin [pictographs] in verde valley [pictographs] near montezuma well [pictographs] near schürmann's ranch [pictographs] of awatobi totems [pictographs] on awatobi cliffs [pictographs], _see_ decoration. pigment found at awatobi [pigment] found at sikyatki , [pigment] how applied by the hopi [pigment] used on prayer-sticks pipes in sikyatki graves plastering on awatobi walls [plastering] of honanki ruin [plastering] of palatki ruin [plastering] of sikyatki rooms , platforms in cavate dwellings [platforms] in honanki plumed snake cult in tusayan , [plumed snake] figures on hopi kilts [plumed snake] figure on pottery , [plumed snake] in hopi mythology polishing stones from sikyatki population of awatobi [population] of honanki porcupine figure on pottery porras, _padre_, missionary labors of , , , pottery decoration of the hopi [pottery] from ancient walpi [pottery] from awatobi - [pottery] from honanki classified [pottery] from payüpki [pottery] from shuñopovi and mishoñinovi [pottery] from sikyatki discussed - [pottery] from verde and colorado chiquito compared [pottery], mortuary, from awatobi [pottery], mortuary, from kawaika [pottery], mortuary, from sikyatki [pottery] of ancient tusayan powamÛ ceremony of the hopi powell, j. w., ruins found by prayer-sticks, cross-shape, of keres origin [prayer-sticks] from awatobi , , - [prayer-sticks] from honanki [prayer-sticks] from sikyatki , - [prayer-sticks] in hopi ceremony [prayer-sticks], prescribed length of [prayer-sticks], significance of , prayer-strings of the hopi priests, hopi, succession of pueblo grande, _see_ kintiel. pueblo indians descended from cliff dwellers , [pueblo indians] ruins, of verde valley classified [pueblo indians] and cliff dwellings similar quadruped figures on sikyatki pottery - quartz crystal from sikyatki rabbit figure on sikyatki pottery , rabbit-skin robes of tusayan rain symbol on bird ornaments rainbow symbols on sikyatki pottery raincloud symbol of the hopi [raincloud symbol] on awatobi cist [raincloud symbol] on gravestones [raincloud symbol] on hopi pottery [raincloud symbol] on sikyatki pottery , rattlesnake tanks, ruins at red rocks, cliff houses of the - reptile figures on pottery , - ruins of east mesa discussed [ruins] of tusayan [ruins], _see_ awatobi, honanki, palatki, sikyatki, _etc._ sacrifice among the hopi [sacrifice], _see_ offering. saint johns, ruins near saliko, awatobi legend repeated by [saliko] on the awatobi mamzráutu san bernabe, mission name of shuñopovi san bernardo, mission name of awatobi , , sandals found in honanki sandia, hopi name for [sandia] settled by tanoan people from tusayan san juan, headdress from schÜrmann, --, acknowledgments to [schÜrmann], ruins near ranch of - seats, stone, in awatobi ruins seeds in mortuary vessels selenite deposits near sikyatki [selenite] in sikyatki graves , seler, e., mexican designs gathered by serpent, plumed, of the hopi , shalako, _see_ calako. shell beads from honanki [shell] bracelet from honanki [shell] from sikyatki graves [shell] ornaments from awatobi [shell] ornaments in sikyatki graves shimo, awatobi legend repeated by shipaulovi in shitaimovi, ruin of shrines at awatobi described - [shrines] at walpi [shrines] near tukinobi [shrines] robbed by navaho [shrines] unearthed at awatobi [shrines] of the hopi shuÑopovi in [shuÑopovi], old, discussed sichomovi compared with walpi [sichomovi], tewa name for [sichomovi], when established , sikyatki and awatobi pottery compared , [sikyatki] and modern hopi pottery compared [sikyatki], destruction of [sikyatki], etymology of [sikyatki] inhabitants settle at awatobi [sikyatki] people harrassed by walpians [sikyatki], prehistoric character of , [sikyatki] ruins described - [sikyatki], reasons for excavating [sikyatki] ruins examined sites of tusayan pueblos sitgreaves, l., on ruins near san francisco mountains , [sitgreaves, l.], cited on selenite deposits slipper-form vessels from sikyatki smoking in hopi ceremony snake represented on pottery , [snake], _see_ plumed snake. snake hunt, taboo of work during snake people, absence of, at sikyatki [snake people], early arrival of, at tusayan [snake people], northern origin of [snake people] settle at walpi snake-rattle in sikyatki grave [snake-rattle] used for ornament sorcery, awatobi men accused of spanish objects found at awatobi , , [spanish objects] unknown to early tusayan spattering, pottery decorated by , , , spoons from sikyatki described [spoons], _see_ pottery. squash indigenous to the southwest [squash] flower, symbolism of the squaw mountain, cavate dwellings near stalactites in sikyatki graves star figures on sikyatki pottery , [star] symbol on hopi pottery [star] symbols on sikyatki pottery , stephen, a. m., on awatobi kivas [stephen, a. m.], on horn-house and bat-house [stephen, a. m.], on mishiptonga ruin [stephen, a. m.], on occupancy of küküchomo [stephen, a. m.], on origin of certain katcina stevenson, james, ruins discovered by stevenson, m. c., on keresan cannibal giants stick swallowing by the hopi stone implements from awatobi - [stone implements] from honanki [stone implements] from sikyatki sun figure in powamû ceremony sunflower symbols on sikyatki pottery sun symbol, cross allied to [sun symbol] on sikyatki pottery - sun worship of the hopi supela, awatobi legend repeated by swastika figures on sikyatki pottery taboo of work during snake hunt tadpole figures on sikyatki pottery , talla-hogan, meaning of [talla-hogan], navaho name of awatobi tanoan migration to tusayan , , tapolo, an awatobi chief , tataukyamÛ, a hopi priesthood tatcukti, a hopi clown-priest tawa (sun) phratry, southern origin of tcino, garden of, at sikyatki , , terraced figures of mexico and tusayan [terraced figures] on sikyatki pottery , tewa people occupy payüpki [tewa people], progressiveness of, in tusayan textile fabrics from awatobi - [textile fabrics], absence of, at sikyatki [textile fabrics] found in honanki , [textile fabrics], sikyatki dead wrapped with tinder tube from honanki , tobacco, _see_ smoking. tobacco phratry in awatobi tobar, pedro, visits tusayan in , , , tonto, origin of term tonto basin, ruins in totonaka, a hopi deity totonteac identified with tusayan [totonteac], suggested origin of toys of pottery from sikyatki trails ceremonially closed - trincheras defined [trincheras] in red-rock country , trujillo, josÉ, probably killed at shuñopovi tsÊgi canyon and tusayan pottery compared [tsÊgi canyon] formerly occupied by hopi clans [tsÊgi canyon], _see_ chelly canyon. tubes, bone, from awatobi tucano, name applied to tusayan tucayan, name applied to tusayan tukinobi, ruin of, described turquois beads found at honanki [turquois] mosaics of the hopi [turquois] objects in sikyatki graves , tusayan, application of term [tusayan] identified with hopi villages [tusayan] ruins discussed - [tusayan] towns in [tusayan], _see_ hopi. tuzan, name applied to tusayan tylor, e. b., cited on primitive sacrifice ute depredations in tusayan [ute], late appearance of, at tusayan vargas, diego de, awatobi visited by [vargas, diego de], tusayan conquered by vases, _see_ pottery. vegetal designs on hopi pottery - verde valley and tusayan ruins compared [verde valley], archeology of [verde valley] ruins discussed , vetancurt, a. de, awatobi mentioned by [vetancurt, a. de], on destruction of awatobi mission voth, h. r., decorated bowl collected by [voth, h. r.], on ancient pottery found at oraibi walls of honanki described [walls] of palatki ruin [walls], _see_ masonry. walnut canyon, cliff houses in walpi, ancient, pottery of [walpi] compared with other villages [walpi], former sites of , [walpi], gradual desertion of [walpi] in [walpi] in [walpi], origin of name [walpi], southern origin of clans of walther, henry, pottery repaired by war god symbolism on hopi pottery water used in hopi ceremony water-house people of tusayan [water-house people], _see_ patki. water supply of sikyatki , weapons of ancient tusayan , whistles, bone, from awatobi [whistles] used in hopi ceremonies winship, g. p., acknowledgments to [winship, g. p.], castañeda's narrative translated by wipo spring in tusayan wood in palatki ruin [wood], method of working, at honanki [wood], remains of, at honanki , [wood], objects of, from honanki wood's ranch, pictograph bowlder near xumupamÍ identified with shuñopovi yucca fiber anciently used zagnato, an awatobi synonym zaguate, an awatobi synonym zaguato, an awatobi synonym zÏnni-jinne, _see_ kinnazinde. zuÑi and other pottery compared [zuÑi] origin of kintiel , [zuÑi], shalako ceremony of [zuÑi], snake figures on pottery of [zuÑi], southern origin of clans of [zuÑi], stick-swallowing at * * * * * transcriber's notes: some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up the text. page numbers in the list of illustrations refer to the original printed report. the index has been edited to list only the topics contained in this report. the original book contains some diacriticals that are represented in this e-text as follows: the [)i] represents a breve (u-shaped) above the i. (he'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e,) the [=a] represents a macron (straight-line) above the a. (_n[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, and estev[=a]) page , table of contents: ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page ) in original report changed to necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments to match the actual section heading. page , list of illustrations: cxxxv, _a_ in original report changed to cxxxv, _b_ to match the actual caption. (fig. . outline of plate cxxxv, _a_) page , list of illustrations: triangles in original report changed to triangle to match the actual captions. (fig. . double triangles) and (fig. . double triangles and feathers) page : attemps in original report changed to attempts. (the first attemps at ornamentation) page , footnote in original report, now footnote : annulets in original report changed to amulets. (ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures) page : respresented in original report changed to represented. (a large number of crosses are respresented in plate) page : sityatki in original report changed to sikyatki. (animal figures are unknown in this position in sityatki pottery;) page in original report, now page : lines in original report changed to line. (fig. --single lines with triangles) page : to-day in original report changed to today for consistency. (tethering in use today.) page : offerigs in original report changed to offerings. (ancient prayer offerigs) page : accompaning in original report changed to accompanying. (is set forth in the accompaning letter) page : in appendix, plate clxxiii, _f_, the th digit of number is missing in original report; represented by a question mark. (_f_, ;) plate cxl: sityatki in original report changed to sikyatki. (figures of birds from sityatki) all other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have not been changed from the original document, except for minor punctuation corrections.